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ASSESSORIA DE IMPRENSA DO GABINETE

Seleção Diária de Notícias Internacionais


Segunda-feira, 1º de julho de 2013

MANIFESTAÇÕES NO BRASIL 3
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Struggling hospitals a symptom of all that ails Brazil 3
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Rousseff gains respite in Brazil's Confederations Cup victory 4
BBC (Reino Unido) – Protesters question Brazil leaders' credibility 5
Reuters (Reino Unido) – Party outweighs protest after Brazil Confederations Cup victory 7
The New York Times (EUA) – Brazilian Police Break Up a Protest 8
The Wall Street Journal (EUA) – Brazil Leader's Support Drops Dramatically, Poll Shows 9
Clarín (Argentina) – Para evitar insultos, Dilma no fue a la final en el Maracaná 11
Libération (França) – Rio, Istanbul et le convivialisme 12
Project Syndicate (EUA) – Exhausted Brazil (Opinião/Luiz Felipe Lampreia) 14

ORIENTE MÉDIO E NORTE DA ÁFRICA 15


Wahington Post (EUA) – U.S. working to help guarantee Israel’s security to restart peace talks, officials
say 15
The Guardian (Reino Unido) – John Kerry reports progress on Middle East talks after fifth visit since
March 16
Le Figaro (França) – L’Autorité palestinienne en question 18
Libération (França) – L'armée semble sur le qui-vive» (Entrevista/Youssef el-Chazli) 19
The Times (Reino Unido) – Return to Tahrir Square (Editorial) 20

SÍRIA 21
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Syrian regime attacks rebel-held areas of Homs 21
Reuters (Reino Unido) – Saudi Arabia calls on EU to arm Syrian rebels 22

IRÃ 23
Le Figaro (França) – Iran : que change l’élection du président Hassan Rohani? 23

TPI 25
El País (Espanha) – La Haya se cubre de sombras 25

MERCOSUL 27
El Heraldo (Colômbia) – La importancia de la alianza con Mercosur (Editorial) 27

AMÉRICA LATINA E CARIBE 28


El País (Espanha) – Michelle Bachelet: “Esta es una noche de triunfo de nuestras ideas” 28
El País (Espanha) – Maduro afianza el liderazgo venezolano en el Caribe a través del petróleo 29
ABC Color (Paraguai) – Correa “recurre a mismas banderas” de la dictadura 30

ESTADOS UNIDOS 31
La Tribune (França) – Obama appelle l'Afrique à la prudence vis-à-vis des investissements chinois 31

ESPIONAGEM 32
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Obama: no ‘wheeling and dealing' in exchange for Edward Snowden 32
Al Jazeera (Catar) – Kerry reacts to EU claims of US bugging 33
The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Assange stands by Edward Snowden as Ecuador's Correa reprimands
consul 34
La Tribune (França) – Les Européens, Allemands en tête, réclament des comptes aux États-Unis 35

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Clarín (Argentina) – Fidel apoya a Correa por el caso Snowden 36
El País (Espanha) – EE UU espió también a 38 embajadas de países aliados 37
El País (Espanha) – El Kremlin ignora a Snowden 38

EUROPA 39
Les Echos (França) – François Hollande ménage sans conviction la Commission européenne 39
Les Echos (França) – Malgré la crise, l’élargissement de l’Union se poursuit en direction des Balkans 40
RT (Rússia) – ‘France is plagued by bankruptcy and mass immigration’ - Marine Le Pen 40
The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Croatia joins EU amid celebrations and uncertainty about future 43
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Welcome to Croatia (Editorial) 44

ÁSIA 44
Reuters (Reino Unido) – Kerry presses China, Southeast Asia to ease sea tensions 44
Reuters (Reino Unido) – Rioters renew violence in Myanmar's Rakhine State 46
The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Kazakhstan: strategically valuable but democracy is 'work in progress' 46

CHINA 47
China Daily (China) – Promoting regional cooperation 48
Reuters (Reino Unido) – China state media blames Syria rebels for Xinjiang violence 49

AUSTRÁLIA 51
BBC (Reino Unido) – New Australia PM Kevin Rudd unveils cabinet line-up 51

ÁFRICA 52
Le Figaro (França) – Au Mali, les forces des Nations unies prennent le relais 52

ENERGIA 53
Global Post (EUA) – Brazil's hydro dams could make its greenhouse gas emissions soar 53

TEMAS ECONÔMICOS, FINANCEIROS E COMERCIAIS 55


Wall Street Journal (EUA) – Brazil Extends Its Sway Into Other (Growing) Fields 55
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Wary of the peso, Argentines try a new form of payment 57
Clarín (Argentina) – Em meio a tensão, Dilma Rousseff envia ministro linha dura para negociar com
Argentina 58
Clarín (Argentina) – Para Cristina, la inflación no es responsabilidad del Gobierno 60
El Tiempo (Colômbia) – La Alianza del Pacífico ya desgravó el 92% de su comercio 60

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MANIFESTAÇÕES NO BRASIL

Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Struggling hospitals a symptom


of all that ails Brazil
Joe Leahy

Leonardo Endrius Carvalho arrives limping at the hospital near the Complexo do Alemão,
one of Rio de Janeiro's largest slums.

In spite of working as a manual labourer in a supermarket, he delayed coming to the


Pronto Socorro Del Castilho to treat a sprained foot for two weeks because of past bad
experiences with Brazil's state-run hospitals.

Through gritted teeth, he tells how he lost his mother recently when she had a stroke. She
needed to be moved to another, better hospital by a specially equipped ambulance within
12 hours to stand a chance but no such vehicle was available until 36 hours later.

"To be attended here, you literally have to be knocking on Saint Peter's door," he says,
waiting for hours in the heat outside the outpatients' entrance and switching to his other
leg to alleviate the pain. "Compare how much the country is spending on the World Cup
with how little we are investing here."

Indeed, just a few hours at the hospital provides an idea of the daily frustrations that
prompted Brazilians to hold their biggest street protests in more than two decades this
month. On the stools outside the outpatients' door, people wait for hours in the heat to try
to get a consultation, most resigned to the fact it probably will not happen today. Some
people come in who have already been to other hospitals that day without any luck.

Aside from corruption, rising public transport prices and spending on the World Cup and its
warm-up tournament, the Confederations Cup, which ends this Sunday, high on the
protesters' list is poor public health services. The sense of anger over spending on the
World Cup versus healthcare was fuelled by Ronaldo, the former footballer, who defended
expenditure on the tournament by saying you cannot play football with hospitals.

So acute is the healthcare problem that President Dilma Rousseff this week promised to
import thousands of doctors from abroad to staff struggling hospitals and clinics in poor
and remote neighbourhoods.

"The system has improved a lot since the Sixties, Seventies and Eighties until now but we
still are confronting long queues, difficulty in making consultations and a very severe
shortage of doctors," said Professor Denise Cyrillo at the University of São Paulo.

Brazil's public health services are a microcosm of the wider situation in the country, in
which economic growth over the past decade has lifted millions from poverty into the lower
middle class. Conditions have improved enough to raise people's expectations but not fast
enough to satisfy their needs.

Brazil's post military dictatorship constitution in 1988 envisaged universal healthcare,


giving rise to the country's Sistema Único de Saúde, or unified health system.

This reform has vastly improved Brazilians' access to primary and emergency care,
vaccinations and prenatal healthcare, according to ‘The Brazilian health system: history,
advances, and challenges' , a 2011 study published in The Lancet journal.

Brazil's infant mortality rate, for instance, has fallen from about 45 per 1,000 live births in
1990 to 27.4 in 2000 and 19 in 2007. The number of people seeking healthcare in clinics

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jumped 450 per cent between 1981 and 2008 thanks to a huge increase in the size of the
network. Life expectancy has risen by more than 10 years since 1980 to 72.8.

In spite of these improvements, the system is struggling. In-patient hospital beds have
declined from 3.3 beds per 1,000 population in 1993 to 1.9 in 2009 – lower than all
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries other than Mexico (with
1.7 in 2007).

Hospital admissions financed by the public sector have fallen. Nearly a quarter of the poor
have never visited a dentist compared with under 4 per cent for the wealthy. Quality is low.

Federal spending on the system has declined since 2003 when adjusted for inflation, the
study found. Brazil's health system as a whole is overly dependent on private financing.
Public spending accounted for only 41 per cent in 2011 compared with the UK at 82 per
cent and 45.5 per cent in the US.

"The greatest challenge facing the SUS is political," the study said, adding that financing
needed to be restructured to redress the public-private balance.

Congress has responded to the protests by promising to allocate funds from oil and gas
royalties to health. But, in a sign that change will be difficult, medical associations have
attacked Ms Rousseff's plan to import expatriate doctors from places as far afield as Cuba.

"This is a high-risk strategy and a national shame," said the Federal Board of Medicine,
which called for an overhaul of public health spending instead.

Yet while the politicians and professionals argue, the daily family tragedies taking place at
the doors of hospitals such as Pronto Socorro Del Castilho will continue – and so will the
seething sense of popular anger.

Joaquim Pereira da Silva said he suspected he was suffering from hypertension so he asked
for a blood test. The hospital took two months to tell him the exam had drawn a blank –
they had thrown out the results because the doctor's handwriting was illegible.

"I went home and told everyone that nobody can get sick, it's not allowed," he said.

Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Rousseff gains respite in


Brazil's Confederations Cup victory
Joe Leahy

The Confederations Cup, the warm-up tournament for the World Cup next year, ended
Sunday night with police dispersing protesters outside the Maracanã stadium in Rio de
Janeiro with tear gas while inside Brazil thrashed Spain.

The 3-0 victory by the home team over the world champions was a rare piece of good
news for President Dilma Rousseff, whose approval ratings have fallen 27 percentage
points since early June when Brazil's nationwide political protests started, according to a
new poll by Datafolha.

"This is the most dramatic change ever detected by Datafolha in such a short three-week
period since March 1990, when President Collor imposed his economic plan that confiscated
Brazilians' savings," said David Fleischer, referring to a former president, Fernando Collor,
who resigned in 1992 after being impeached.

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The sudden swing in the opinion polls represents the end of a long honeymoon for Ms
Rousseff as slowing economic growth, rising prices, perceived corruption and poor public
services have led to a once quiescent electorate becoming more restive.

The mass protest movement surprised politicians at all levels of government with its
ferocity when it kicked off in June following a brutal police response to demonstrations
against increases in public transport fares in São Paulo.

Ms Rousseff and the Confederations Cup were not the original targets of the
demonstrators but they were quickly included after she was booed at the opening match in
Brasília and protesters began decrying the cost of holding the World Cup.

On Sunday, she opted not to attend the closing match, sending a brief message of
congratulation instead.

Other Brazilian figures, such as footballing great, Pelé, who angered demonstrators when
he urged people to "forget" the protests and support the football also skipped the closing
ceremony.

"The champion has returned," the crowd sang in the stadium as Brazil showed signs of the
old flair that has made it five times world champion.

Outside, a block away from the stadium, protesters chanted slogans to the police blocking
entrance to the area. "You're on the wrong side, come fight with people who earn the same
salary," they sang to the officers, who gathered in lines three deep to prevent any
protesters getting near the game.

"Fifa go home," read a placard held by the protesters Sunday night, referring to organiser
of the World Cup.

"The politicians really don't look to the interest of the people," said Maycon Freitas of a
group called the Brazilian Movement Against Corruption, who was standing with about 10
other people holding a 20-metre long banner with all the official political parties' symbols
shown with a cross over them.

The protest started off peacefully but were dispersed after demonstrators began throwing
rocks and one threw a Molotov cocktail.

For Ms Rousseff, the sharp fall in her approval rating means she is unlikely to win a
presidential election next year in the first round of voting and probably will have to contest
a second round.

But while the number of people who believe her government is doing a good or excellent
job has fallen, those who believe she is doing a regular job rose to 43 per cent from 33 per
cent. The number who believe her government is doing a bad job increased from 9 to 25
per cent.

BBC (Reino Unido) – Protesters question Brazil leaders'


credibility
By Gary Duffy

Brazil has emerged from the Confederations Cup victorious on the pitch but shaken by
demonstrations and conflict on the streets.

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The tournament, which was meant be a dress rehearsal for the World Cup, continued with
South America's largest country making headlines around the world for reasons it never
expected.

The cost of hosting the Confederations Cup, the 2014 World Cup and the Olympics were
key issues for many protesters, but the demonstrations began for other reasons and there
were other concerns.

Corruption, the state of Brazil's education and health systems, police violence and crime,
fares on public transport, gay rights and constitutional change were all raised on the
streets.

The scale of the protests has shaken Brazil's political elite, which took days to work out
how to respond and is still working on its answers.

Once again the actions of the police are a subject of widespread concern.

'Humiliating'

The newspaper Estado de Sao Paulo estimated that protests have been taking place at
least once an hour and affected as many as 353 Brazilian cities.

Six people were reported to have died in incidents related to protests and dozens were
injured, while the image of tear gas hanging in the air, and rubber bullets flying, filled
national TV bulletins.

Even at the final in Rio's landmark Maracana stadium, where the national team won a
stunning victory over Spain, the gas from nearby clashes managed to reach some watching
in the stands.

Fifa will certainly have some searching questions over security for the Brazilian authorities
in advance of next year's World cup.

That will be a worry for the government, but faced with an election in 2014, President
Dilma Rousseff has many pressing concerns on her mind.

In a personally humiliating moment, having been booed at the opening ceremony of the
tournament, she decided not to attend Sunday's final.

It was left to her Sports Minister, Aldo Rebelo, to hand over the trophy instead.

A poll published on Saturday suggested that 30% of Brazilians currently consider Ms


Rousseff's administration "good or excellent", a fall from 57% just three weeks ago.

The polling agency Datafolha described it as "the biggest drop between one poll and
another since 1990".

Ms Rousseff's presidency has had record approval rates until recently.

She will draw some comfort from the fact that a majority of the population still supports
her government, with a total of 73% rating it either average or excellent.
Failed expectations

But few politicians in Brazil are in doubt that their very credibility has been called into
question by the events of the last few weeks.

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The government and the National Congress have been rushing to approve or change
measures to meet the protesters' demands.

More money has been pledged to go towards transport while foreign doctors are to be
brought to Brazil to help tackle a shortfall in the public health system.

A controversial constitutional amendment which critics said would weaken the power of
federal prosecutors to investigate corruption was defeated.

Several local authorities have reversed increases in fares on public transport which was a
key issue at the start of the protests.

President Rousseff has also proposed a plebiscite on political reform but the measure
needed to be refined within hours of being announced, and remains at the centre of a
heated debate.

Brazilians did not take to the streets because of some suppressed opposition to sporting
tournaments they had cunningly concealed from the rest of the world.

Brazil's growing prominence in recent years has lifted millions out of poverty and raised
expectations that in many aspects of life were not being met.

Why is the public education for my child not adequate? Why is my local hospital so poor,
and why are my roads so bad, and my taxes so high? Why is there so much crime in our
cities?

These are just some of the questions being raised, and a high-profile sporting tournament
provided the platform to raise them on an international stage, energised by social media
campaigns.

How these doubts are answered is now in the hands of Brazil's political leaders and as
they wrestle with that they are under scrutiny from their own people as never before.

Reuters (Reino Unido) – Party outweighs protest after Brazil


Confederations Cup victory
By Pedro Fonseca

Small skirmishes between police and protesters did little to disrupt the festive atmosphere
around the close of a major international soccer tournament that has been the backdrop
for the biggest mass demonstrations to sweep Brazil in 20 years.

Police clashed with a few belligerent protesters during a small demonstration outside Rio de
Janeiro's Maracanã stadium late Sunday. Inside, Brazil's national team, cheered on by a
thunderous hometown crowd, shut out world champions Spain 3-0.

The surprise victory marked a celebratory end to the Confederations Cup, a two-week
tournament that has otherwise been overshadowed by the rapid and unexpected wave of
recent discontent in Latin America's biggest country. The Confederations Cup is considered
a warmup to the much-bigger World Cup, which Brazil will host next year.

Authorities deployed about 10,000 police and other security forces for the game after big
demonstrations disrupted some matches during the tournament. Though uneventful
marches proceeded peacefully earlier in the day, police officers fired teargas Sunday
evening to disperse a small group of protesters.

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At least two police officers were injured, one burned by a Molotov cocktail in the leg, the
other by a blow to the head. Six protesters also suffered minor injuries, local media
reported.

Sunday's tensions were the latest in a series of protests unfolding as Brazil confronts
problems following a near decade-long economic boom. Brazilians have taken to the
streets in recent weeks to protest poor public services, inflation, rising crime and a host of
other ills.

The marches, which drew over 1 million protesters in more than 100 cities at their peak
this month, have used the ongoing soccer tournament as a stage from which to vent their
grievances. Many Brazilians are outraged that the country is spending about $14 billion to
host the World Cup at a time when schools, hospitals, roads and public security are in dire
need of investment.

President Dilma Rousseff, whose approval ratings have plunged since the protests began,
was initially expected to attend Sunday's game - a major event in soccer-crazed Brazil.
But, taking note of the discontent of voters, she decided not to attend after she was booed
at the tournament opener in Brasilia.

On Saturday, polling firm Datafolha said Rousseff's approval rating sank by 27 percentage
points in the last three weeks. Though the numbers fell from what had been consistently
high ratings, the precipitous drop suggested that the demonstrations could pose a serious
threat to her re-election bid next year.

The New York Times (EUA) – Brazilian Police Break Up a Protest


By SIMON ROMERO

Security forces on Sunday night fired rubber bullets and tear gas into a crowd of protesters
to break up a demonstration near the Maracanã stadium, even as spectators inside the
77,000-seat arena watched Brazil’s national soccer team play against Spain.

The tumult starkly pointed out the festering tension here around public spending on lavish
stadium projects. It also marred the opening of the championship game of the
Confederations Cup, a soccer tournament viewed as a dress rehearsal for the World Cup,
which Brazil is set to host in 2014. Several times during the game, fans cheered Brazil’s
3-0 rout of Spain even as the odor of tear gas wafted into the stadium.

Protests venting rage against Brazil’s political establishment have rattled the nation in
recent weeks, with many demonstrators lashing out at corruption, deplorable schools and
hospitals and costly World Cup preparations.

“The investment for the World Cup is absurd,” said João Pinheiro, 38, a pharmacy manager
who was on hand to watch the game. “The complaint of the protesters is not Brazilian
soccer, but the expenditures. I support them.”

Thousands of demonstrators gathered peacefully near the stadium on Sunday afternoon in


a first wave of protest, holding signs reflecting an array of political and social grievances.

“Maré resists,” read one placard, referring to a favela, or slum, here that was the site of a
gun battle in June involving the police in which at least nine people died. Another sign,
“Get out, Eike,” expressed anger at Eike Batista, a billionaire with a stake in the venture
that obtained the concession to operate Maracanã over the next three decades.

“We just want the people to be seen and heard,” said Gustavo Bueno, 47, a publicist who
was among a group of protesters who stood with their backs to the police to ask other
demonstrators to respect a security cordon and avoid conflict.

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Later, however, a small group of protesters threw rocks in the direction of police officers,
and at least six people were wounded in the fracas, according to Brazilian news media
reports.

Although the protests here on Sunday were much smaller than they had been earlier in
June, Brazil’s political leaders remained on alert. President Dilma Rousseff, whose
approval ratings have fallen sharply in recent weeks, opted not to attend the game. She
and Joseph S. Blatter, the president of FIFA, soccer’s governing body, were booed at
another game earlier in the month.

Taylor Barnes contributed reporting.

The Wall Street Journal (EUA) – Brazil Leader's Support Drops


Dramatically, Poll Shows
Poor Poll Raises Questions About Ms. Rousseff's Ability to Push Through Her Political
Agenda
By JOHN LYONS

In a deepening of Brazil's political crisis, President Dilma Rousseff's approval rating has
plunged, weakening her ability to push the reform measures her administration sees as an
antidote to weeks of middle-class unrest against Brazil's political elites.

Ms. Rousseff's approval rating fell 27 percentage points to 30% in the three weeks since
mass protests against everything from poor bus services to the high cost of stadiums built
for next year's World Cup soccer championship spread across the nation.

Administration officials said Ms. Rousseff's decline reflects the mood toward politicians in
general, not Ms. Rousseff in particular, and that perhaps her fall in the polls was more
dramatic since her earlier approval ratings were high, whereas approval of Congress
wasn't.

Still, showing her precarious position, Ms. Rousseff skipped Sunday's Brazil-Spain
Confederation Cup soccer final in Rio de Janeiro, after being booed loudly at an earlier
match here. The tournament has served as a dry run for next year's World Cup and has
been both a backdrop and a flash point for the protest movement.

Protests timed for the Brazil-Spain final continued outside Maracana stadium in Rio de
Janeiro Sunday night. At least one police officer was injured by a Molotov cocktail hurled by
a protester during clashes, police said.

An early test for how Ms. Rousseff's declining approval rating will impact her ability to
govern comes as soon as Monday, as the one-time Marxist guerrilla starts lobbying
emboldened opposition parties in congress to support her plan for a national referendum
on reforms to the political system. Government officials want to hold the vote as soon as
next month.

Ms. Rousseff relies on a broad coalition of allied parties to maintain her majority in
Congress. Her popularity declines could make it harder to keep the coalition in line,
analysts said.

Rousseff administration officials say a referendum is the best way to channel the
frustration on the streets into concrete results. Protester grievances are diverse, but almost
all can be traced back to complaints that elected officials aren't held accountable under the
current system. Indeed, elected officials are immune from most criminal prosecutions
under existing law.

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But opposition leaders have accused Ms. Rousseff of grandstanding to exploit Brazil's
precarious political environment to push changes to campaign finance law and other
measures that would strengthen her leftist Workers Party's decadelong grip on the
presidency.

"She's giving us a one-note samba, plebiscite for a political reform," said Carlos Sampaio,
who leads the opposition Social Democrat party in Congress.

Before the protests, Ms. Rousseff was considered almost sure to win a second term as
Brazil's president in elections next year and to extend her party's hold on the federal
government for four more years. Recent events put that outcome up in the air.

The Datafolha poll shows the popularity of third-party candidates rising. Marina Silva, an
evangelical Christian and Amazon activist, has surged the most. Ms. Silva garnered 20
million votes as a Green Party candidate in 2010.

Her image as an unassailably honest political outsider appeals to the protesters, who
stridently oppose political parties. Her new political organization isn't even called a party. It
is the Sustainability Network.

Analysts have long considered whether former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who
founded the Workers Party and is Ms. Rousseff's mentor, might run again in 2014. That
possibility has now gained currency. Mr. da Silva picked Ms. Rousseff to succeed him. But
Brazil experts said the charismatic former union leader would potentially come back if Ms.
Rousseff's government lands in crisis. Mr. da Silva has said in the past that Ms. Rousseff
is the party's candidate in 2014.

Meantime, leaders across Latin America are scrutinizing the outcome in Brazil. Like Brazil,
countries such as Chile, Colombia and Peru produced a bigger middle class during the
recent economic boom years.

That is a demographic group now showing its willingness to take to the streets to demand
change. Moreover, leaders of all political stripes have claimed to emulate Brazil's political
model as a way to reduce economic inequality, while maintaining a sound economy.

"Leaders of other nations would be foolish not to watch Brazil closely," said Michael
Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue think-tank in Washington, D.C. "For all its
success, we're seeing now that the political institutions are not up to the task. They're not
delivering what people are demanding."

Even if protester ire is directed at government in general and not at Ms. Rousseff, the
protest movement has exposed one of her weaknesses. A longtime bureaucrat, Ms.
Rousseff was helped into office by the popularity of Mr. da Silva. But she lacks his
charisma, timing and popular touch. For example, Ms. Rousseff didn't make a public
statement for two days while the recent protests swelled, giving the impression that the
country was leaderless.

Last week, she called for the referendum and more spending on health and education
during a speech before key Brazilian governors and mayors.

Still, Ms. Rousseff, the country's first female president, has sought to empathize with the
protest movement, calling it legitimate and describing herself as an agent of change. That
argument is a tricky one, since her party has led Brazil for a decade.

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Clarín (Argentina) – Para evitar insultos, Dilma no fue a la final
en el Maracaná
POR ELEONORA GOSMAN

La presidenta, que había sido abucheada en la inauguración de la Copa, enfrenta una caída
en los sondeos por las protestas. En las afueras, un inmenso operativo no pudo evitar los
enfrentamientos.

El clima era de fuerte tensión en la capital carioca. No sólo porque en su flamante estadio
Maracaná la selección local jugaba la final con el campeón del Mundo. También por los
millares de manifestantes que se enfrentaron con la policía en los alrededores.

Por consejo de sus ministros, Dilma Rousseff decidió cancelar su presencia en los festejos
donde debía entregar la copa al ganador. Según dijeron fuentes del gobierno brasileño, fue
para evitar los abucheos, que ya habían ocurrido en la inauguración. Se busca proteger a la
presidenta de un mayor desgaste en las encuestas.

A las 18 horas, adentro del estadio era todo fiesta, con hinchas que llegaron a pagar hasta
300 dólares por entradas de reventa, pese a la prohibición impuesta por la FIFA. Afuera, a
esa hora comenzaban a llover los gases lacrimógenos y las balas de goma.
Las tropas policiales, compuestas por el batallón de choque y el batallón de perros, primero
se dedicaron a dispersar a los miles de jóvenes que se habían aproximado a 2 kilómetros
del estadio. La mayoría protestaba contra la privatización del Maracaná, cuya gestión fue
licitada entre grandes grupos económicos brasileños. Otros recordaban los gastos
realizados en esta Copa de Confederaciones cuyo “legado” popular todavía no se logra
divisar. “Jódase el fútbol. Queremos pase libre”, rezaba un cartel enarbolado por
manifestantes que también se habían dado cita en el estadio Fonte Nova de Salvador,
donde Uruguay perdió el tercer puesto frente a Italia.

En Río nada parecía anticipar que habría nuevamente escenas de guerrilla callejera. Las
manifestaciones habían partido a las 15 y desfilado durante tres horas sin inconvenientes.

El fuerte esquema de seguridad involucró a más de 10.000 hombres, muchos de ellos


infiltrados entre los propios hinchas que estaban en la cancha. Al principio, semejante
dispositivo aparecía como una atracción turística, aprovechada para sacarse fotos. Pero a
las 6 de la tarde, cuando el juego estaba por comenzar en el Maracaná, el ambiente
cambió. Manifestantes enojados con el brillo de los festejos puertas adentro, empezaron a
tirar bombas incendiarias y piedras contra el objeto de su odio. El batallón de perros entró
entonces en acción con gases lacrimógenos y spray de gas pimienta. La ferocidad policial
fue en aumento y llegaron luego a perseguir a los manifestantes por calles alejadas del
estadio, con balas de goma.

Dilma ayer prefirió seguir en Brasilia antes que exponerse a una silbatina, especialmente
de un público poco amigable con su gobierno. No quiso pasar por la misma experiencia del
partido de apertura. Ocupó su tiempo de ayer en una reunión con sus ministros próximos.
Estaban con ella Aloizio Mercadante, de Educación; el de Justicia, José Eduardo Cardozo; el
de Salud, Alexandre Padilha; el de Comunicación, Paulo Bernardo; el de Industria,
Fernando Pimentel y la ministra de Comunicación Social, Helena Chagas. Con ellos se
dedicó a analizar la crisis de las últimas semanas y los términos del mensaje que debe
enviar al Congreso nacional para solicitar la realización de un plebiscito con la reforma
política.

En verdad, le cabe al Congreso asumir la responsabilidad sobre la convocatoria del


referendo, que además debe ser resumida en unos pocos puntos y que en lo esencial debe
abordar el modelo de financiación de campaña. Para conseguir su objetivo de imponer el
plebiscito, Dilma contó con la ayuda de una encuesta realizada por Datafolha, que reveló

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que ese proyecto tiene una aprobación de 73% entre los ciudadanos brasileños. Es la
misma consulta que le dio a la jefa de Estado una caída vertical en su popularidad: pasó de
57% hace 3 semanas a 30% el viernes último.

En el entorno político de la jefa de Estado hablan del efecto “solidaridad” que despertó la
baja abrupta en la evaluación de su gobierno. Con todo, Dilma continúa como segura
vencedora en un ballotage presidencial.

“Hay un sentimiento de no endosar a la figura de Dilma el deterioro de la imagen


gubernamental”, decía el titular del bloque del Partido de los Trabajadores en Diputados.
“También hay conciencia de que debemos hacer los grandes deberes”, completó. Como
otros legisladores y funcionarios consideró, también, que la caída en las intenciones de
voto (está en 30%) “refleja un cierto momento” que focaliza la protesta en el Poder
Ejecutivo. “Si hubieran hecho una encuesta sobre la popularidad del gobernador de San
Pablo Geraldo Alckmin, o el de Río, Sergio Cabral, habría dado un resultado similar al de
Dilma”, concluyó el legislador.

Libération (França) – Rio, Istanbul et le convivialisme


Par Alain Caillé, directeur de La Revue du MAUSS, Christophe Fourel président de
l’Association des lecteurs d’Alternatives Economiques, Ahmet Insel professeur émérite à
l’université de Galatasaray (Istanbul), Paulo Henrique Martins (Recife, Brésil) président de
l’Association latino-américaine de sociologie, Gus Massiah Economiste altermondialiste,
cofondateur des forums sociaux mondiauxet Patrick Viveret Essayiste. Tous signataires du
Manifeste convivialiste.

Le plus étonnant mais aussi le plus révélateur dans les énormes manifestations qui
secouent le Brésil ou la Turquie actuellement, c'est l'étonnement des pouvoirs en place,
qu'ils soient de droite ou de gauche. Comme l'avoue Gilberto Carvalho, le chef de cabinet
de la présidente du Brésil, Dilma Roussef, «le gouvernement n'arrive pas à comprendre
ce qui se passe». De même, en Turquie, Recep Tayyip Erdogan ne sait pas voir ou ne veut
pas voir dans les soulèvements de la jeunesse urbaine, autre chose que le résultat d'un
complot de l'étranger. Que se passe-t-il? Vers quoi tendent ces mouvements? Pour
esquisser une réponse à cette question, il faut à la fois les mettre en relation avec les
mouvements similaires qui les ont précédés, expliquer pourquoi ils ne sont guère
intelligibles dans le cadre des catégories politiques héritées, et commencer à dégager la
perspective dans laquelle ils peuvent commencer à faire sens, non seulement dans une
logique de contestation ou de désespoir, mais comme annonciateurs d'alternatives
politiques souhaitables et plausibles. De toute évidence, même si le contexte politique,
économique et culturel est à chaque fois différent, il y a plus qu'un air de famille entre les
mouvements des Indignados ou Occupy Wall-Street, les printemps arabes, et ceux qui font
l'actualité au Brésil ou en Turquie. Selon les cas, l'accent est plus ou moins mis sur la
misère et la dégradation des conditions matérielles d'existence, ou sur la question des
libertés. Mais dans tous les cas, ce qui est dénoncé et stigmatisé c'est l'écart de plus en
plus abyssal qui sépare les dirigeants et les dirigés, les plus riches et les plus pauvres.

Cet écart qui donne à l'immense majorité le sentiment de ne pas être compris, et qui
explique, réciproquement, que ceux qui se retrouvent au sommet du pouvoir et de la
richesse, ne comprennent à peu près rien à ce qui se passe. Plus spécifiquement, la
passion mobilisatrice, celle qui pousse à descendre dans la rue, parfois au péril de sa vie,
c'est un profond sentiment d'injustice, une colère contre l'arrogance du pouvoir, et
l'indignation face à une corruption endémique.

En tant que tels, ces mouvements protéiformes ne sont ni de droite ni de gauche. Ils ne se
réclament ni du libéralisme, ni du socialisme, ni du communisme ni de l'anarchisme. Ou
alors d'un peu de tout cela à la fois, avec des ingrédients, également, de christianisme ou
d'islam, par exemple. C'est ce qui fait leur force, mais aussi leur faiblesse. Leur force
puisque, au début, ce polythéisme doctrinal leur permet de rassembler très largement.

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Leur faiblesse, puisque leur indétermination politique et idéologique semble les rendre
incapables de s'organiser de manière cohérente, d'espérer accéder au pouvoir et, plus
encore, de le conserver.

Il est donc tentant de ranger toutes ces révoltes sous l'étiquette paresseuse et censément
infamante du populisme, et d'estimer que les aspirations dont elles sont porteuses fondront
comme neige au soleil une fois qu'elles auront à se confronter au réel.

Il y a pourtant une autre manière de raisonner. Et d'espérer. Elle consiste à faire le pari
que ces multiples mouvements d'indignations et de colères ne partagent pas seulement, en
négatif, un sentiment d'exaspération, mais qu'ils sont également potentiellement porteurs,
en positif, d'un projet de société possible. Celui qu'il devient de plus en plus urgent de
définir si nous voulons réellement bâtir une alternative aux politiques néolibérales (ou
néocommunistes, en Chine, par exemple) qui ravagent le monde.

Ce qui fait la force du néolibéralisme, c'est avant tout l'éparpillement de ses adversaires.
Or, ce ne sont pas les projets d'un autre monde qui manquent. Ils se présentent sous des
noms, sous des formes ou à des échelles infiniment variées : la défense des droits de
l'homme, du citoyen, du travailleur, du chômeur, de la femme ou des enfants; l'économie
sociale et solidaire avec toutes ses composantes : les coopératives de production ou de
consommation, le mutualisme, le commerce équitable, les monnaies parallèles ou
complémentaires, les systèmes d'échange local, les multiples associations d'entraide;
l'économie de la contribution numérique (cf.

Linux, Wikipedia, etc.) ; la décroissance et le post-développement ; les mouvements slow


food, slow town, slow science; la revendication du buen vivir, l'affirmation des droits de la
nature et l'éloge de la Pachamama; l'altermondialisme, l'écologie politique et la démocratie
radicale, les indignados, Occupy Wall Street; la recherche d'indicateurs de richesse
alternatifs, les mouvements de la transformation personnelle, de la sobriété volontaire, de
l'abondance frugale, du dialogue des civilisations, les théories du care, les nouvelles
pensées des communs, etc. Ce qui fait défaut à tous ces mouvements c'est la claire
perception de ce qu'ils ont en commun et de leur cohérence possible. C'est pour tenter de
formuler et de rendre visible leur plus grand dénominateur commun qu'une soixantaine
d'intellectuels, français et étrangers, représentatifs de ces différents courants, ont pris
l'initiative de rédiger un Manifeste convivialiste (1). Le seul fait qu'ils soient parvenus à
s'entendre malgré des différences idéologiques de départ importantes, montre que l'espoir
d'expliciter un fonds doctrinal commun, partageable par une partie de ceux qui descendent
dans les rues, à Istanbul, Rio, Tunis, Madrid, Le Caire ou ailleurs, n'est pas nécessairement
voué à l'échec.

On ne saurait résumer en quelques lignes les nombreux points d'accord, significatifs, qui
ont été trouvés. Peut-être, en écho à l'actualité turque, et plus encore brésilienne, sont-ce
les trois idées suivantes, qu'il importe de mettre plus particulièrement en lumière :

1. Si les idéologies politiques modernes héritées - libéralisme, socialisme, communisme ou


anarchisme - se révèlent désormais largement incapables d'éclairer l'avenir, c'est parce
qu'elles reposaient sur l'idée que le problème principal de l'humanité réside dans la rareté
matérielle et qu'en conséquence la condition sine qua non de tout progrès politique, de
toute émancipation, c'est la croissance indéfinie de la prospérité matérielle. Or la
croissance du PIB n'est plus là dans les pays développés (et ne reviendra guère), elle
s'essouffle déjà dans les pays dits émergents (et notamment le Brésil) et, en tout état de
cause, une forte croissance serait catastrophique pour la survie écologique de la planète. Il
nous faut donc, de toute urgence, commencer à dessiner les contours d'une démocratie
post-croissantiste. D'une société de prospérité même sans croissance.

2. On l'a vu, les révoltes contemporaines sont des révoltes contre la misère. Mais elles sont
aussi, et sans doute plus encore, des révoltes contre l'injustice et contre la corruption. Ce

13
qu'elles mettent en cause et condamnent, c'est ce que les anciens Grecs appelaient 1'
hubris, la démesure, l'illimitation, 1' aspiration à la toute puissance, ce désir fou de
s'affranchir des bornes de la commune humanité, de la commune socialité et de la
commune décence. C'est à cette lutte potentiellement mondiale contre 1'hubris qu'il faut
donner des moyens d'expression politique.

3. La traduction la plus visible del' hubris c'est l'ahurissante explosion des inégalités depuis
une quarantaine d'années. Au sein des pays et entre les pays. A de nombreux égards, la
crise écologique dramatique qui s'annonce, en est une résultante. Très prochainement,
plus aucune politique économique et sociale ne sera crédible et audible si elle ne s'attaque
pas frontalement à l'hubris et ne se bat pas résolument contre l'injustice et la corruption en
instaurant une politique, simultanément, de re-venu minimum - contre l'abjection de la
misère -, et de richesse maximale - contre l'abjection de l'extrême richesse. A ce combat,
même les riches, ceux qui créent et entreprennent, non les rentiers, peuvent se joindre
(Cf.par exemple l'appel récent intitulé «Nous sommes les 1%,»).

Ces principes politiques sont assez simples à énoncer, comme en attestent la rédaction du
Manifeste convivialiste et l'écho international qu'il reçoit dès sa parution. Le plus difficile
sera de faire porter ces idées par des hommes et des femmes qui ne basculent pas eux-
mêmes dans l'hubris. Mais ce n'est pas nécessairement mission impossible.

Project Syndicate (EUA) – Exhausted Brazil (Opinião/Luiz Felipe


Lampreia)
The demonstrations that are shaking Brazil’s normally laid-back society are channeling a
widespread sentiment: enough is enough! But, with the exception of professional agitators,
there is no hatred in the street protests. Instead, there is a kind of impatient fatigue.

Brazilians are tired of being brutalized by public transport in the country’s metropolitan
areas; tired of ghastly hospitals; tired of corruption scandals; and tired, especially, of
inflation, which has returned like a dreaded disease, once again eroding people’s
purchasing power and threatening to return millions to the poverty from which they only
recently escaped.

It is difficult to disagree with the protesters. Nevertheless, there are many economic
reasons to worry about the effect of the demonstrations.

Since the Plano Real was put in place in 1994, which brought inflation down to manageable
levels, Brazil has achieved remarkable economic and social progress. Presidents Fernando
Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, both serving eight years in office, managed
to ensure rapid economic growth while maintaining price stability and a sound fiscal
position. Their success lifted a significant share of poor Brazilians into the middle class and
made Brazil an attractive destination for foreign investors.

Yet the current situation is shifting expectations into reverse. To dampen the protests,
President Dilma Rousseff’s government has launched various ruses – subsidizing fuel
prices and reducing taxes on electric power, automobiles, and household appliances – and
has attempted to conceal them in ways that allow the authorities to claim that inflation
remains under control. Yet all of Brazil is feeling the impact on prices. If the official
inflation target loses credibility, price growth will accelerate further.

The underlying problem is that Brazil’s growth model, which allowed 35 million people to
enter the middle class in the last decade, is itself at the brink of exhaustion. The maximum
benefit from reducing unemployment, increasing the real minimum wage, and expanding
credit – creating a strong rise in consumption, owing to rapid gains in real (inflation-
adjusted) income for much of the population – has already been reaped.

14
Indeed, consumption is now decreasing, with a recent poll by the Brazilian Confederation of
Trade and Business Associations indicating a 6.2% annual decline this year. In March,
household-debt levels reached a record high of 44% of income. Slower growth and more
modest real wage increases are likely, which will reverse households’ optimistic
expectations.

Meanwhile, for Brazil’s new middle class, higher incomes have meant higher tax payments
– and thus a growing sense of entitlement to improvements in living standards. Many are
especially resolved to fight for more and better public goods in view of the government’s
misplaced spending priorities, which include soccer stadiums and other pharaonic
construction projects.

In fact, Brazilians’ purchasing power could shrink further, owing to the depreciation of the
real against the dollar. If Brazil’s government does not tighten fiscal policy, the exchange
rate will generate more inflationary pressure from the rise in prices of imported goods. The
alternative – an increase in interest rates – would undermine both consumption and
productive investment.

What went wrong? Until recently, Brazilians enjoyed rapid GDP growth, full employment,
rising incomes, a range of social-welfare benefits, and international praise. The
government swore that the global crisis would not reach the country. Now GDP growth is
slowing, investment is falling, the budget deficit is widening, and the external accounts are
weakening.

One problem is that the inadequacy of Brazil’s infrastructure, which largely reflects poor
official decision-making in the last ten years, directly impedes further growth in production
and trade. For example, the authorities placed a high priority on a high-speed rail project
that has already surpassed several cost estimates and has not yet left the planning stage.
Meanwhile, the existing rail system is so precarious that it is impossible to travel by train
from Rio de Janeiro to São Paulo or Belo Horizonte or Brasília. The public health-care
system is a horror show. With rare exceptions, primary and secondary schools leave
students badly prepared for university.

Rousseff’s administration faces a dismal outlook. Slow growth has been accompanied by a
loss of competitiveness, leading to massive imports of Chinese goods, for example – and to
a self-defeating protectionist reaction. Ambitious public-investment projects are advancing
slowly, if at all – or are the wrong projects. And now Brazilians are in the streets
demanding change.

As the economist and former president of the Brazilian Central Bank Afonso Celso Pastore
put it, “Rousseff and her ministers simply do not believe in orthodox prescriptions.” The
trouble is that they do not seem to have a viable alternative.

Luiz Felipe Lampreia, a former foreign minister of Brazil (1995-2001), is now Vice
Chairman of the Brazilian Center for International Relations (CEBRI) and Chairman of the
Council on International Affairs of the Federation of Industries of Rio de Janeiro (FIRJAN).

ORIENTE MÉDIO E NORTE DA ÁFRICA

Wahington Post (EUA) – U.S. working to help guarantee Israel’s


security to restart peace talks, officials say
By Anne Gearan

15
A top American adviser has been working to establish new ways for the United States to
guarantee Israel’s security in the event it no longer occupies the West Bank — part of the
effort by Secretary of State John F. Kerry to restart peace talks, according to officials
familiar with the strategy.

Retired Marine Gen. John R. Allen, who is serving as a special adviser to both Kerry and
Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, has been seeking to identify Israel’s potential security
gaps and remedy what Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had complained were outdated
or incomplete assurances of cooperation and equipment from the United States, the
officials said. The goal is to remove potential deal-breakers at the outset of the push for
new talks before they can spoil what Kerry calls a last chance for peace between Israel and
the Palestinians.

Allen, the former top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, has visited Israel twice for
discussions about ways that the United States could update agreements reached with
Israel during the last major push for a peace deal, in 2007 and 2008. He also held
meetings with Israeli security officials this month in Stuttgart, Germany, where some of
the U.S. military staff assigned to Allen is headquartered.

Allen and his Israeli counterparts are seeking “effective, innovative and feasible options
that could be proposed to political leaders,” said a senior Obama administration official,
who spoke on the condition of anonymity to provide the first detailed account of Allen’s
mandate and progress.

The Obama administration has been publicly mum about the scope and intent of Allen’s
work since he was appointed to the job in May, saying only that it is part of wider effort to
improve the chances for peace. Kerry is trying simultaneously to stimulate the Palestinian
economy with new private-sector investment and dust off a dormant offer from Arab
nations for a blanket peace agreement that would settle most disputes with Israel.

Netanyahu has agreed to resume peace talks so long as the Palestinians drop preconditions
for the negotiations. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is under heavy U.S.
pressure to drop or soften those demands and return to talks that have been moribund for
most of the past five years.

Kerry met separately with Netanyahu and Abbas during several days of shuttle diplomacy
over the past week, before departing Sunday.

“The purpose is not to take issues off the table, but to drive a deeper examination of a
range of issues so all parties can see what options might exist and to see if common
ground can be found,” the U.S. official said.

But addressing Israel’s concerns about security threats coming from an independent
Palestinian state next door at the front end of negotiations is the underlying premise of
Allen’s work, others briefed on his efforts said.

An account of meetings Allen has held with Israeli officials, provided anonymously by a
participant, shows that he is addressing some of the biggest potential obstacles to Israeli
approval of the comprehensive peace deal Kerry wants to broker.

The Guardian (Reino Unido) – John Kerry reports progress on


Middle East talks after fifth visit since March
Harriet Sherwood

16
The US secretary of state, John Kerry, left Israel on Sunday at the end of his fifth visit
since March without securing the prize of a face-to-face meeting between Israeli and
Palestinian leaders, which would have been the first in almost three years.

After three days of intensive shuttle diplomacy between Jerusalem, Ramallah and the
Jordanian capital, Amman, Kerry said some progress had been made but there was more
work to be done.

He had reportedly hoped to convene a four-way summit – talks about talks – between
Israel, Palestine, Jordan and the US for later this week, but made no mention of it at a
press conference shortly before taking off for Brunei.

"I'm pleased to tell you that we have made real progress on this trip," he said. "And I
believe that with a little more work, the start of final-status negotiations could be within
reach."

He added: "We started out with very wide gaps, and we have narrowed those considerably.

"We have some specific details and work to pursue but I am absolutely confident that we
are on the right track and all of the parties are working in very good faith in order to get to
the right place."

Both sides had requested that he make a return trip to the region soon, he said. "I believe
their request … is a sign that they share cautious optimism."

Most observers are sceptical about the chances of serious talks resuming, and many
politicians are also dismissive. However, both the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin
Netanyahu, and the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, have publicly declared that
they are ready to sit down with one another.

The Palestinians want Israel to halt settlement construction as a sign of good faith that it is
willing to negotiate a border based on the pre-1967 Green Line. They argue that as long as
Israel continues to expand its presence in territory that is expected to constitute a future
Palestinian state, border negotiations would be meaningless.

They also want the release of about 100 Palestinian prisoners who have been in jail since
before the Oslo accords were signed almost 20 years ago.

Israel says it is willing to negotiate without preconditions, but has so far refused to meet
Palestinian demands.

Previously Netanyahu has said that the Palestinians must recognise Israel as a Jewish
state. On Sunday he said Israel would stand firm on security issues and put any future
agreement to the Israeli public in a referendum.

Both sides are considered to be positioning themselves in order to blame the other in the
event of the failure of Kerry's mission.

The US secretary of state has now set a new time frame to achieve tangible progress. He
wants to see significant movement by the time the United Nations general assembly meets
in New York in September. On each of Kerry's visits the time frame has been extended as a
breakthrough eludes him.

Kerry extended his scheduled visit this time, cancelling a trip to Abu Dhabi in order to hold
further meetings. One session with Netanyahu ended close to 4am on Sunday, after which
Kerry walked through the deserted Jerusalem streets before driving to Ramallah to see
Abbas, according to Reuters, who quoted an unnamed US state department official.

17
Kerry has left a team of aides in the region to continue to press both sides. There have
been no substantial peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians since 2008, and no
face-to-face meetings between the two leaders since 2010.

Le Figaro (França) – L’Autorité palestinienne en question


Après la tournée de John Kerry au Proche-Orient pour tenter de relancer le processus de
paix, les deux experts de l’International Crisis Group* s’interrogent sur l’avenir de cette
instance, qui fait face au mécontentement des Palestiniens.
Blecher, Robert Nathan Thrall

Les tentatives du secrétaire d’État américain John Kerry de relancer les pourparlers entre
Israéliens et Palestiniens ont fait couler beaucoup d’encre. La question de l’avenir si les
négociations reprennent puis échouent à nouveau est loin d’avoir reçu une telle attention.
2012 a été une année agitée en politique palestinienne et la violence s’est accrue en
Cisjordanie depuis la guerre de novembre entre Israël et Gaza, alimentant les prédictions
d’une troisième intifada. Sur fond de crise financière d’une Autorité palestinienne incapable
de verser les salaires ou de combattre le déclin économique, dont le Fatah s’est servi pour
attiser les manifestations contre le premier ministre Salam Fayyad, ce dernier a présenté
sa démission.

Les manifestations ont alimenté les craintes d’une nouvelle guerre, voire de la disparition
de l’Autorité palestinienne. Mais ces peurs ont été exagérées. Il semble peu probable que
les Palestiniens précipitent leur système politique dans l’abîme ou se lancent dans un
nouvel affrontement avec Israël. Pour sa part, Jérusalem tente d’éviter un tel scénario en
maintenant l’économie palestinienne tout juste en vie et en limitant le nombre de
Palestiniens tombés sous ses balles. L’idée d’un soulèvement populaire recueille peu de
soutien en raison de l’absence de stratégie et d’unité palestinienne et de la lassitude de la
population.

Il est révélateur que deux thèmes consensuels et dépassant les clivages partisans aient
nourri cette contestation : la débâcle financière de l’Autorité palestinienne et la grève de la
faim des prisonniers. Ces questions secondaires, quoique importantes dans la vie nationale
palestinienne, mobilisent la population précisément parce que les différentes factions
l’autorisent et qu’elle pense que cela peut aboutir. Si certains Palestiniens souhaiteraient
s’en servir pour provoquer un changement plus radical, peu semblent prêts à se lancer
vers l’inconnu. Les partisans de la « fin d’Oslo » n’ont pas réussi à convaincre, notamment
en raison de l’incertitude autour des conséquences d’une telle évolution et de l’absence de
garantie qu’elle résoudra quoi que ce soit. L’arrêt de mort de l’Autorité palestinienne ne
semble donc pas encore avoir été signé. Les dirigeants israéliens considèrent que son
existence, voire sa prospérité, sert ses intérêts. Par ailleurs, les divisions entre Hamas et
Fatah poussent ce dernier à préserver l’Autorité palestinienne, la plus puissante de ses
institutions. Les diplomates occidentaux et de nombreux Palestiniens considèrent que les
sommes d’argent qui continueront à être versées seront suffisantes pour maintenir
l’Autorité palestinienne en vie, et que le président Abbas va redoubler d’efforts pour
retarder la confrontation avec Israël. L’aide internationale permet ainsi de gagner du
temps.

Pourtant, une page se tourne. La vie politique palestinienne et l’Autorité palestinienne se


transforment. La succession n’est plus un sujet tabou. Lorsqu’Abbas, âgé de 78 ans, se
retirera, ce sera bel et bien la fin d’une ère : le président est en effet le dernier dirigeant
d’envergure nationale toujours favorable à une solution négociée sur le modèle souhaité
par la communauté internationale. La « dissolution » de l’Autorité palestinienne sera
probablement moins une décision qu’un processus d’érosion de la légitimité des institutions
palestiniennes, aujourd’hui la plus grande menace pour la Cisjordanie. Des mesures
palliatives, comme l’investissement ou le développement économique, permettront peut-

18
être de retarder l’effondrement du gouvernement, mais ne résoudront pas les problèmes
de fond. Empêcher ainsi le conflit d’éclater revient à colmater les brèches les unes après
les autres sans jamais réparer la fuite.

La reprise des négociations pourrait elle aussi retarder l’éclatement d’une crise. Bien que
les Palestiniens n’aient que peu d’espoir de les voir aboutir, les pourparlers donneraient à
leurs dirigeants une raison - ou un prétexte, selon certains - de différer toute décision
susceptible de faire monter la tension, comme par exemple une saisine de la Cour pénale
internationale. Les négociations pourraient également convaincre certains membres des
forces de sécurité que l’heure de l’Autorité palestinienne n’a pas encore sonné. En
revanche, l’échec de ce nouveau dialogue risquerait de précipiter les évolutions qu’il est
censé empêcher. « Négocier par amour de la négociation » pourrait faire plus de mal que
de bien.

L’Autorité palestinienne ne résistera pas à l’épreuve du temps et à la pression exercée par


une rue de plus en plus mécontente. Frustration politique, désespoir, fragilité économique,
violence accrue, et sentiment que la coopération en matière de sécurité profite aux
Israéliens et non aux Palestiniens : autant de conditions réunies pour un soulèvement. Les
Palestiniens pourraient ainsi décider, peut-être à la suite d’un événement perturbateur, que
sur le long terme l’instabilité leur permettra de parvenir à leurs fins. En l’absence de
mesures pour renforcer la légitimité des institutions palestiniennes et favoriser la
perspective d’une paix globale, la déstabilisation sera inévitable. L’aide internationale ne
permet qu’un gain de temps limité.

ROBERT BLECHER ET NATHAN THRALL


Respectivement directeur adjoint du programme Moyen-Orient et Afrique du Nord et
spécialiste du Moyen-Orient.

Libération (França) – L'armée semble sur le qui-vive»


(Entrevista/Youssef el-Chazli)
Par MARWAN CHAHINE (au Caire)

Opposants, Frères musulmans, militaires... le politologue Youssef el-Chazli analyse la


situation du pays :

Youssef el-Chazli est chercheur au Centre de recherche sur l'action politique de l'Université
de Lausanne (1).

Qui sont ceux qui manifestent actuellement contre le pouvoir?

Il y a de tout dans ces manifestations, et c'est bien là tout l'intérêt de la mobilisation.


L'appel à manifester a été lancé par une campagne du nom de Tamarod («rébellion»). Si
les porte -parole ont eu tendance à la présenter comme une initiative d'individus sans
appartenance politique, les premiers cercles d'activistes concernés sont issus des
principaux groupes révolutionnaires. Mais la campagne a réussi à brasser très large avec
un discours fédérateur visant un ennemi principal, une communication sur les réseaux
sociaux virtuels et des actions de rue. Le groupe revendique plus de 22 millions de
signataires à la pétition appelant à destituer Mohamed Morsi. Ce n'est pas vérifiable, mais
l'annonce est en soi un coup politique. Tamarod n'a pas de commandement central, mais
fonctionne plutôt selon une logique décentralisée. C'est sans doute là une des forces de ce
mouvement capable de véhiculer un discours accessible au plus grand nombre tout en se
greffant sur des logiques locales.

Quelles sont leurs revendications?

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Dans les grandes lignes, les organisateurs du «30 Juin» appellent à faire chuter le régime
des Frères musulmans pour continuer la révolution, dont les objectifs («Pain, liberté,
justice sociale, dignité hu-maine»), selon eux, n'ont pas été atteints. Même si l'on admet
que les manifestants s'accordent sur une solution commune, les raisons de leur
mobilisation, leurs justifications et ce qu'ils préconisent pour l'avenir seront toujours très
divers. C'est ce qui s'est passé en 2011: des Frères musulmans, des groupes d'extrême
gauche, des mouvements centristes ou des syndicats se sont retrouvés contre Hosni
Moubarak. Deux mois plus tard, chacun prenait une direction différente.

N'y a-t-il pas un risque de récupération par les forces de l'ancien régime ?

Cette question est au centre des débats internes des milieux politiques. D'un côté, il y a
une résurgence des figures de l'ancien régime, prenant de plus en plus part au débat
public, et tentant, parfois avec succès, de se glisser sous la bannière de Tamarod. De
l'autre, des gens pas totale - ment enthousiasmés par le soulèvement de 2011 peuvent
souhaiter aujourd'hui un retour à l'ordre qui pourrait s'incarner dans un régime autoritaire
éventuellement militaire. Enfin, des personnes qui défendaient Moubarak ont pu, en deux
ans, changer de position et devenir acquis à la cause des révolutionnaires. Pour autant, on
continuera de les taxer d'ancien régime. Du côté des organisateurs, le mot d'ordre est
clair: non aux Frères, non à l'ancien régime, non aux militaires.

Beaucoup redoutent ou espèrent un coup d'Etat militaire. Cela vous paraît-il crédible ?

En janvier 2011, de nombreux observateurs avaient jugé improbable que l'armée laisse
tomber Moubarak. C'est pourtant ce qu'elle a fait. Une des propriétés des crises politiques
est de modifier les préférences et les lignes d'action. Nous nous re-trouvons aujourd'hui
face à une même situation d'incertitude. Les acteurs s'observent, évaluent leurs coups et
tentent d'agir en conséquence; l'armée ne fait pas exception. Elle semble sur le qui-vive et,
dans ses déclarations, on perçoit clairement qu'elle définit sa ligne rouge dans l'émergence
d'une situation que l'on pourrait qualifier de début de guerre civile.

Quelle est aujourd'hui la marge de manoeuvre de Mohamed Morsi?

Elle est probablement très ténue. Le diagnostic des Frères musulmans est en partie justifié
à mon sens. Ils font face à des résistances de l'appareil d'Etat qui les empêchent
d'avancer. Le problème est que cela prend chez eux la forme d'un discours paranoïaque
disqualifiant toute opposition. C'est un cercle vicieux : les Frères sont de plus renfermés
sur eux-mêmes, ce qui, en retour, permet à de plus en plus d'acteurs de se coaliser contre
eux. La situation de Mohamed Morsi, en tant qu'individu, est encore plus compliquée. Dans
les mi-lieux politiques, on dit souvent qu'il est chargé du «dossier» de la présidence au sein
du conseil de guidance de la confrérie. S'il apparaît comme le point de conver-gence des
critiques et des revendications, il ne semble pas disposer de ressources pour résoudre la
crise en cours.

Recueilli par M.Ch. (au Caire) (1) Il a collaboré au livre, «Au coeur des révoltes arabes»,
Armand Colin (2013).

The Times (Reino Unido) – Return to Tahrir Square (Editorial)


Egypt's opposition is hopelessly divided on most things, but it agrees on one. The tens of
thousands who gathered yesterday in searing heat in central Cairo and the 15 million who
have signed an online petition organised by an umbrella group called "Rebel" all believe
that President Mohamed Morsi has been a grievous disappointment in his first year in
power. They are right. But that does not necessarily mean that the time has come for him
to go.

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Mr Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood are "simply not qualified to govern", Mohamed
ElBaradei, a former presidential candidate, wrote recently. The same is true of many ruling
parties in the democratic world, and few have faced challenges as tough as those
confronting Mr Morsi.

He arrived in office a year after the start of the Arab Spring with Egypt's economy on life-
support, half of Cairo's 20 million people living in poverty and Islamists and opposition
groups alike hoping for miracles after 30 years of oppression under Hosni Mubarak.

A year on, Mr Morsi's problem is that he has failed to deliver the basics, never mind
miracles. The worst aspects of Mubarak's police state have been dismantled and the Army
has, for now, withdrawn from politics. But it has left a security vacuum. Murder rates have
more than doubled. Petty crime is up nearly four-fold. As a result, the slump in foreign
tourism that started in 2011 has continued. Foreign investment has failed to recover and
last week's voluntary evacuation of nonessential US Embassy staff will not help Egypt's
image as an investment opportunity.

In a vain attempt to keep a lid on social unrest, Mr Morsi has kept up long-standing
subsidies of fuel and basic foodstuffs. But he is paying for them by eating into precious
foreign exchange reserves faster than they are being replenished by the stagnant state-
dominated cotton industry, which used to account for a third of Egypt's industrial output.
He has failed to establish a good working relationship with the IMF, despite Egypt's urgent
need for its help, and has lost what trust he enjoyed in the judiciary and privately-owned
media.

This is partly a matter of style, partly of substance. He has been slow to acquire the
language and instincts of democracy, preferring to hector opponents from the lectern and
take decisions behind closed doors. One of those decisions, to hand 17 regional
governorships to fellow Islamists, seemed to confirm liberals' worst fears about the
creeping installation of a new theocracy. One governor has since resigned but the fears
remain; Mr Morsi's approval ratings have slumped by 50 points since he took over.

In a speech intended to pre-empt yesterday's protests, Mr Morsi admitted making mistakes


but lashed out at enemies of the state, journalists among them. It was hardly the brave
and uplifting State of the Nation address that history needed.

The world is looking to Mr Morsi, as to Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan, for plausible
templates for Islamic democracy. He has not come close to providing one yet, but he
deserves credit on three counts. He was legally elected. He has allowed a raucous
opposition to grow where once it would have been crushed, and he has asked with some
justification to be judged at the ballot box, not in the street. Wherever his fate is decided,
he must embrace Egyptian pluralism, not just his Muslim brothers.

SÍRIA

Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Syrian regime attacks rebel-held


areas of Homs
Abigail Fielding-Smith

Warplanes attacked the central Syrian city of Homs for a second day on Sunday, an activist
group said, as the government sought to rout rebels from what was once their stronghold.

Government forces have been consolidating their hold on central Syria in recent weeks,
and at the beginning of June they retook the strategic border town of Qusair with the help

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of the Lebanese militant group Hizbollah. A few days ago rebels also lost Tel Kalakh,
another town in the Homs province bordering Lebanon.

While much of Homs city is under the government's control, several episodes of
bombardment have failed to prevent the rebels from having a presence in some
neighbourhoods.

William Hague, the UK foreign secretary, on Sunday urged the Assad regime to stop the
assault on the city. "It is clear that Assad is not interested in peace for Syria but rather is
prepared to kill tens of thousands of innocent people and deprive millions more of
humanitarian aid rather than work for a resolution of this conflict which has already killed
too many," he said in a statement.

On Saturday, the regime launched what looked like a new offensive, reportedly pounding
rebel-held areas with mortars and jets.

The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a pro-opposition monitoring group,
said that aerial attacks on the Old City and Khaldiyeh neighbourhoods continued in to
Sunday, though less heavily.

The state news agency said that the army had made "major advances" in the Khaldiyeh
neighbourhood, killing a number of its opponents and destroying their weapons. The
Observatory said, however, that troops had yet to take new territory in Khaldiyeh.

Fighting also raged in the north of the country over the weekend. On Saturday Robert
Ford, the US ambassador to Syria, said that he was "appalled" at reports that extremist
rebels had killed a Christian priest in the northern province of Idlib.

Details of the incident have yet to be confirmed, but initial reports are likely to fuel
concerns about what extremism in the rebel ranks means for minorities in Syria.

An official from the Franciscan order told the Vatican news service that François Mourad
was killed during an attack on the Franciscan monastery of St Anthony of Padua in the Idlib
village of Ghassaniyeh on June 26.

Abuses by the rebels have come under particular scrutiny since the Obama administration
announced a few weeks ago that it was preparing to offer direct military support to select
groups.

Mr Ford's statement, posted on the US embassy's Facebook page, called on Syrians to


protect civilians "regardless of ethnicity, gender and religion".

Reuters (Reino Unido) – Saudi Arabia calls on EU to arm Syrian


rebels
Saudi Arabia, a foe of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, has urged the European Union to
arm Syrian rebels without delay, following similar action by the United States.

The European Union lifted restrictions on arming the rebels in May when it failed to renew a
weapons arms embargo before it expired on June 1. But Britain and France, which had
advocated lifting the ban, said they would not send weapons before August 1.

"The Syrian opposition is not only fighting an illegitimate regime, but also fighting a foreign
occupier," Saudi state news agency SPA quoted Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal as
telling an EU-GCC ministerial meeting in Bahrain on Sunday.

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He was referring to Iranian-backed Lebanese Hezbollah forces that have joined in recent
fighting alongside Assad's military, notably spearheading the capture of the border town of
Qusair.

"The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia ... refers to the EU resolution to lift the ban on arming the
Syrian opposition, and calls for the implementation of this resolution in light of the grievous
realities on the ground in Syria," Prince Saud said.

Gains by Assad's forces and Hezbollah's involvement have prompted the United States to
promise the rebels military aid beyond the non-lethal equipment it had previously supplied.

The New York Times reported in June that the supplies, to be coordinated by the CIA,
might include anti-tank weapons.

Saudi Arabia and Qatar have been the most active Arab nations in backing the mostly
Sunni Muslim Syrian rebels.

(Writing by Amena Bakr; Editing by Sami Aboudi and Alistair Lyon)

IRÃ

Le Figaro (França) – Iran : que change l’élection du président


Hassan Rohani?
Hassan Rohani, qui affirme que son élection ouvre la voie à une entente « constructive »
avec l’Occident, peut-il modifier l’image et la politique internationales de l’Iran, notamment
sur le contentieux nucléaire? Les Occidentaux sauront-ils lui tendre la main? Ou va-t-il se
retrouver dans l’embarras face aux durs du régime, hostiles à tout compromis?
Georges Malbrunot

Figure consensuelle, Hassan Rohani, élu le 14 juin à la présidence de la République


islamique d’Iran, devrait apaiser les luttes au sommet de l’État iranien. Ses bonnes
relations avec le guide suprême constituent son atout principal. Mais sera-t-il l’homme de
la situation pour régler les différends internationaux, en particulier le contentieux
nucléaire?

QUELS CHANGEMENTS PEUT-ON ATTENDRE SUR LA SCÈNE IRANIENNE?

Deux semaines après la victoire du religieux modéré Hassan Rohani, « toutes les factions
politiques affichent leur satisfaction, observe un analyste à Téhéran. Des gardiens de la
révolution aux conservateurs proches du guide en passant par les réformateurs, chacun
pense pouvoir instrumentaliser ce président consensuel. Il va forcément y avoir des déçus
», prévient cet Iranien qui a ses entrées dans les cercles dirigeants. Les relations de Rohani
avec le numéro un du régime, l’ayatollah Ali Khamenei, seront moins conflictuelles que
sous son prédécesseur Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. « Le guide va considérer Rohani comme un
partenaire exigeant mais loyal, dont il n’a rien à craindre », estime François Nicoullaud,
ancien ambassadeur de France en Iran. Le fait qu’il ne soit pas impliqué dans les affaires
lui évitera des conflits avec les gardiens de la révolution, qui ont acquis une surface
financière démesurée. Ses appels à mettre fin aux sanctions ne peuvent que séduire ces
néoentrepreneurs. En revanche, le commandement des gardiens, qui avait appelé à voter
pour le conservateur Saïd Jalili, campera sur une ligne dure sur le nucléaire, qu’ils gèrent.

Rohani, qui doit faire le ménage dans les ministères où Ahmadinejad avait placé ses
hommes, veut composer un gouvernement réunissant conservateurs et réformateurs, qui
sera présenté au Parlement pour approbation le 3 août. Le conseiller diplomatique du

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guide, Ali Akbar Velayati, qui était venu secrètement négocier avec Nicolas Sarkozy en
2007, pourrait revenir aux Affaires étrangères, tout en cumulant ce poste avec celui de
négociateur nucléaire, à la place de Jalili dont Rohani a obtenu le départ auprès du guide.
Le chef de la diplomatie, Ali Akbar Salehi, connu pour son ouverture, pourrait retourner à
la tête de l’Organisation de l’énergie atomique. Une équipe qui, sur le papier, n’a rien à voir
avec la précédente. Prudent, Rohani ne devrait pas réclamer la libération de Hussein
Moussavi et Mehdi Karoubi, les deux leaders de la contestation de 2009, toujours assignés
à résidence. Pour satisfaire les jeunes et les femmes qui ont voté pour lui, il lui faudra
pourtant arracher des libérations de blogueurs, de journalistes et d’autres opposants
embastillés par dizaines ces dernières années.

QUELS ESPOIRS SUR LE DIFFÉREND NUCLÉAIRE?

Rohani fait de la solution négociée de la crise l’une des priorités de son action. Il paraît être
l’homme de la situation. C’est lui qui avait convaincu le guide d’interrompre fin 2003 le
programme clandestin d’acquisition de la bombe atomique. Il devrait disposer de marges
de manœuvre face à Ali Khamenei. « En 2003, le guide ne croyait pas du tout aux
négociations avec les Européens, se rappelle François Nicoullaud, qui était dans les
coulisses des pourparlers. À un moment de la rencontre avec Villepin, Fisher et Straw, la
négociation a coincé. Rohani a demandé une suspension de séance pour téléphoner au
guide. Son visage s’est alors tendu. Il est revenu en disant : je donne mon accord à la
suspension de l’enrichissement, mais à mes propres risques. Tout en lui répétant qu’il n’y
croyait pas, le guide l’avait laissé faire », ajoute Nicoullaud. Il relate une réunion du Conseil
suprême de sécurité nationale en 2004 où Khamenei, après avoir redit ses doutes sur des
négociations avec les Européens, se laisse une nouvelle fois convaincre : « Allez-y !
Puisque vous êtes majoritaires, mais je demande que ma position soit écrite au procès-
verbal pour qu’il en reste une trace pour l’histoire. »

Depuis, Ali Khamenei n’aurait guère changé : « Je ne crois pas à des discussions avec les
Américains, mais si c’est dans l’intérêt de l’Iran, je ne m’y oppose pas », répète-t-il depuis
six mois. Rohani ne va pas brader les intérêts de l’Iran. Dans sa première conférence de
presse, il a affirmé que son pays ne suspendra pas une seconde fois ses activités
d’enrichissement. Il l’avait fait en 2003, sans obtenir de contrepartie. Le nouveau président
souhaite voir reconnus tous ses droits en la matière, étant entendu qu’il est « prêt à se
plier à des règles maximales de transparence et de contrôle en vue de garantir la finalité
pacifique de son programme ».

Que vont répondre les Occidentaux? « Plutôt que de l’aider à surmonter ses difficultés
internes, estime un expert à Téhéran, nous avons peur que les Occidentaux, persuadés
d’être en position de force avec des sanctions qui étouffent l’Iran, lui présentent une
longue liste de ce qu’il doit faire » : l’arrêt de l’enrichissement de l’uranium à 20 %, la
fermeture du site de Fordow et des inspections poussées des autres installations
nucléaires, dont celle de Parchin, où Téhéran a procédé à des mini-explosions à partir d’un
vaste chaudron. Or l’Iran ne paraît pas disposé à fermer ce site souterrain construit à
Fordow, précisément pour éviter les effets dévastateurs de bombardements. D’où un risque
d’échec rapide. Et quand bien même Téhéran céderait-il ? En échange, la levée des
sanctions ne serait pas immédiate, surtout avec les États-Unis, où elles ont été votées par
un Congrès très hostile au régime iranien. Conscient de cette quadrature du cercle, Hassan
Rohani miserait davantage sur l’Union européenne pour avancer sur le nucléaire. L’Europe
est-elle en mesure de rejouer la même partition qu’en 2003? Pas sûr.

UNE NOUVELLE DONNE FACE AUX ÉTATS-UNIS?

Depuis six mois, sur instruction du guide, les Iraniens sont prêts à parler directement aux
Américains. Washington a envoyé, en retour, quelques signaux : un scientifique iranien
accusé de contrebande de produits à double usage a été libéré aux États-Unis. D’autre
part, Washington laisse rapatrier chaque mois, via Oman, auprès de la banque centrale

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iranienne quelques milliards de dollars gelés en Asie. Mais, de part et d’autre, le discours
belliqueux demeure fortement ancré. Les États-Unis, qui n’ont pas félicité Rohani,
continuent de mettre la pression sur l’Iran, notamment via des sanctions imposées au
secteur automobile - qui visent en fait Renault, le seul constructeur encore présent.
Négocier avec Téhéran, c’est renoncer à un changement de régime : est-ce vraiment
l’objectif des États-Unis, se demande-t-on en Iran ? Et puis il y a les surenchères
israéliennes, que Washington ne peut ignorer.

Côté iranien, les durs du régime peuvent-ils vivre sans ennemi clairement désigné? « Bien
sûr, avec Rohani le package est présentable, note un diplomate à Téhéran. Mais sur le
fond, rien n’a vraiment changé. Comment en finir avec des discours du guide qui, depuis
34 ans, se terminent systématiquement par “Mort à l’Amérique, Mort à Israël?” »Une chose
paraît certaine : il n’y aura pas de grand soir, au mieux un accord limité qui marquerait la
fin des hostilités. Au pire, pas forcément des frappes, mais la poursuite de l’endiguement
de l’Iran. « Obama a-t-il la volonté de se battre pour lever les sanctions, et en échange de
quoi? La sécurité pour Israël? Ça ne va pas être facile à obtenir des Iraniens », tempère un
diplomate.

LA FRANCE A-T-ELLE UNE CARTE À JOUER?

La relation est toujours marquée par une grande crispation. Paris reproche à l’Iran de
fabriquer la bombe à des fins militaires et d’aider le régime de Bachar el-Assad en Syrie.
Téhéran ne comprend pas l’acharnement français contre l’Iran. Le Quai d’Orsay a interdit à
son ambassadeur Bruno Foucher de voir les journalistes pendant l’élection. Et Laurent
Fabius a rejeté une demande de ce dernier de rouvrir un bureau économique en Iran, afin
de préparer une sortie de crise. Y croit-on vraiment à Paris, où il n’y a pas si longtemps
encore on pariait plutôt sur un « changement de régime » ? Pourtant, la France a
longtemps cherché à jouer un rôle d’intermédiaire. Y compris au début du mandat de
Nicolas Sarkozy lorsque, sur demande iranienne, Ali Akbar Velayati fut reçu à l’Élysée en
juin 2007 - ce dernier le confirma lors d’un récent débat télévisé de campagne. À Sarkozy,
l’Iranien répéta les demandes de son pays : laissez-nous enrichir et nous sommes prêts à
encadrer nos activités. « Mais en pleine négociation, Velayati reçut un appel téléphonique
de la présidence d’Ahmadinejad pour tout arrêter, se rappelle un témoin. On était
stupéfaits, on discutait quand même de 30 Airbus à vendre à l’Iran… »

Paris connaît bien Rohani qui est venu en mission secrète auprès de Jacques Chirac à
l’Élysée en 2005, alors qu’il était négociateur nucléaire. François Nicoullaud qui assistait à
la rencontre raconte : « Rohani dit à Chirac : laissez-nous enrichir, et vous demandez à
l’AIEA quels sont les contrôles qu’elle juge nécessaire pour qu’on ne puisse plus être
accusés de détourner de la technologie à des fins militaires. Chirac dit oui. Hélas, nous
n’avons jamais entrepris de démarche auprès de l’AIEA. » Aujourd’hui, nul ne prévoit que
Paris reprenne le flambeau européen dans des négociations avec l’Iran.

À QUOI JOUE L’IRAN EN SYRIE?

C’est le dossier sur lequel il y a le moins de surprises à attendre. La guerre en Syrie est
gérée par les gardiens de la révolution, de plus en plus impliqués dans la défense de
Bachar el-Assad. L’Iran ne veut pas voir s’installer à Damas un prochain régime hostile,
instrumentalisé par ses rivaux sunnites saoudiens, avec lesquels Rohani compte améliorer
les relations.

TPI

El País (Espanha) – La Haya se cubre de sombras


ISABEL FERRER

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Un juez del Tribunal para la exYugoslavia denuncia que su presidente presionó para
absolver a presuntos criminales de guerra.

La recta final del Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (TPIY), que
cerrará en 2016, se ha llenado de sombras. Tras 20 años de labor en los que ha
conseguido la detención de los 161 principales sospechosos de los crímenes de la guerra de
los Balcanes (1991-2001), las dudas sobre la actuación de su presidente, Theodor Meron,
abarcan ahora todos los rincones. Polaco de nacimiento, de nacionalidad estadounidense y
exasesor de la diplomacia israelí, Meron, de 83 años, habría presionado a sus colegas para
que absolvieran a los altos cargos militares acusados por la fiscalía, ya fueran serbios o
croatas. La denuncia es terrible, porque merma la credibilidad de un tribunal dedicado por
Naciones Unidas a una región azotada por la limpieza étnica. Pero sobre todo porque
proviene de uno de sus propios jueces, el danés Frederik Harhoff, en activo desde 2007.

En una carta remitida por correo electrónico a 56 personas, y divulgada por el rotativo
danés BT, el jurista llega a preguntarse “si Estados Unidos o bien Israel han influido al
presidente del tribunal para que cambiara de rumbo”. “No lo sabremos, pero la tenaz
presión ejercida [por Meron] en los casos de Gotovina [exgeneral croata] y Perisic
[exgeneral serbio] hace pensar que estaba resuelto a conseguir sendas absoluciones”,
señala Harhoff. Ambos oficiales fueron condenados en primera instancia a largas penas de
cárcel. Ante Gotovina, a 24 años, en 2011, por perseguir y aniquilar a civiles serbios.
Momcilo Perisic, a 27 años, también en 2011, por prestar ayuda financiera y logística a los
serbios que mataron a bosnios y croatas.

“Hasta el otoño de 2012, los jefes militares eran considerados responsables de los delitos
de sus subordinados en la guerra de la antigua Yugoslavia. Ello alcanzaba a políticos y
policías que hubieran apoyado el objetivo general de erradicar a otras etnias de ciertos
territorios. Es lo que se llama formar una empresa criminal conjunta”, sigue el juez danés.
En su opinión, las cosas empezaron a cambiar con Gotovina. La sala de apelación señaló en
2012 que el exgeneral “no había ordenado o aprobado los crímenes perpetrados por sus
hombres”. Lo liberó, y el listón de la responsabilidad subió de grado. En febrero de este
año, ocurrió lo mismo con Perisic. Cuando otros dos oficiales serbios, Jovica Stanisic,
antiguo jefe de seguridad del Estado serbio, y Franko Simatovic, responsable de las
operaciones especiales, fueron exonerados en mayo pasado de haber contribuido a la
limpieza étnica en Bosnia y Croacia, el jurista ya no pudo más. La fiscalía, por su parte,
apeló este último fallo el viernes pasado.

“La sentencia de Stanisic y Simatovic dice que los acusados ignoraban que su ayuda
serviría para cometer crímenes. ¡Pero si les pagan para eso! Para asegurarse de que nadie
a sus órdenes delinquirá. Uno puede pensar que los oficiales en países como Estados
Unidos o Israel sentían que el TPIY se acercaba demasiado”, afirma Harhoff. “Hemos
pasado de tener que probar la contribución de un acusado en un crimen a exigir su
intención específica y directa. Un retroceso que me turba. ¿Cómo explicarlo a millares de
víctimas? Borrar al otro de una zona considerada propia contradice el orden esencial de la
vida. Estas últimas sentencias platean un dilema moral y profesional desconocido para mí.
Y lo peor es la sospecha de presión política por parte de algunos colegas. Algo que cambia
las premisas de mi servicio a la ley”, concluye la misiva.

Si bien el diario danés BT no explica cómo obtuvo la carta, y nadie quiere hablar
abiertamente en el TPIY, el malestar de su fiscal jefe, Serge Brammertz, es conocido. “En
general, una absolución demuestra que la justicia funciona, aunque no estamos
satisfechos. Mi mayor frustración es que los crímenes se cometieron, nadie lo duda, pero
las víctimas quedan sin justicia”, dijo en mayo. Ante la tormenta desatada por Harhoff, el
fiscal ha sido cauto y firme. “Nuestro objetivo es terminar el trabajo y que el TPIY
demuestre su legitimidad”, afirma en un comunicado oficial. Y añade: “Mi oficina comparte
el descontento de las víctimas. Por eso presentaré el viernes [de la semana pasada] una

26
petición de apelación contra la puesta en libertad de Stanisic y Simatovic. La de Perisic
merma el respeto por las leyes humanitarias internacionales. En cuanto a Gotovina,
estudiamos la posibilidad de pedir una revisión de la apelación”.

La denuncia del juez danés no puede llegar en peor momento. El TPIY cerrará en 2016 y
los procesos contra los serbobosnios Radovan Karadzic y Ratko Mladic, acusados del
genocidio de Srebrenica, están en marcha y precisan claridad jurídica. Lo mismo ocurre con
el serbocroata Goran Hadzic. Pero la mayor duda radica en la repercusión de las
absoluciones sobre la protección de los civiles allí donde las fuerzas enfrentadas sean más
poderosas que en la antigua Yugoslavia.

MERCOSUL

El Heraldo (Colômbia) – La importancia de la alianza con


Mercosur (Editorial)
Un vigoroso impulso en la búsqueda de nuevas inversiones a la ciudad y el Departamento
resultó ser la reunión del Comité Mercosur Colombia que se efectuó en días recientes en
Barranquilla, fortaleciendo con esto sus condiciones de infraestructura para convertirse en
una plataforma logística ideal para unir comercialmente a Colombia con el mundo.

Durante estas reuniones, los empresarios reconocieron que uno de los objetivos por los
cuales fijaron su atención en Barranquilla y el Atlántico es la infraestructura portuaria y la
ubicación geográfica, que permiten enlazar a los países del bloque con Centroamérica. La
importancia de esta alianza estratégica con el Mercado Común del Sur estriba en que
ofrece un mercado potencial de 216 millones de habitantes ubicados en los países del
bloque subregional conformado por Argentina, Brasil, Uruguay, Chile, Perú, Ecuador,
Venezuela y Bolivia.

Actualmente se considera a Mercosur como el área económica y la plataforma industrial


más dinámica, competitiva y desarrollada de todo el Hemisferio Sur, siendo catalogado
como el cuarto bloque económico del mundo, en importancia y volumen de negocios. La
Cámara de Comercio de Mercosur tiene 1.700 empresas asociadas, desde grandes y
medianas hasta pymes.

El objetivo de Mercosur es permitir la libre circulación de bienes, servicios y factores


productivos, el establecimiento de un arancel externo común y la adopción de una política
comercial común entre los países socios, la coordinación de políticas macroeconómicas y
sectoriales entre los Estados partes y la armonización de las legislaciones para lograr el
fortalecimiento del proceso de integración.

Es un privilegio que nuestra ciudad haya sido escogida como sede oficial de este evento
que contó con la asistencia de importantes ejecutivos como el presidente de la Cámara de
Industria y Comercio de Mercosur de las Américas, Miguel Luján Paletta; el secretario
general, Eduardo Gallardo, así como destacados representantes de los gabinetes distrital y
departamental, entre otros. Durante el desarrollo de la agenda de trabajo hubo la
oportunidad de que representantes del Comité Mercosur Colombia se reunieran por aparte
con el gobernador del Atlántico, José Antonio Segebre, y con la alcaldesa de Barranquilla
Elsa Noguera De la Espriella con fines de Intercambiar información para recibir proyectos e
identificar oportunidades de negocios y de alianzas estratégicas entre lo público y lo
privado.

Uno de los logros concretos de esta reunión de Mercosur en la ciudad fue la de que cuatro
empresas aliadas a este bloque de países expresaron su interés en invertir y radicarse en
Barranquilla. Se trata de empresas brasileras dedicadas, la una, a petróleo y gas; la

27
segunda, a salud; la tercera, a seguridad, y la cuarta, a la comercialización y fabricación de
alimentos.

Algo trascendental de esta alianza es que Barranquilla y el departamento del Atlántico


refuerzan su papel protagónico como eje central de los diferentes Tratados de Libre
Comercio firmados por Colombia, generando nuevos mercados y nuevos productos
posibles de exportar hacia los países afiliados a Mercosur. A su vez se busca motivar al
sector productivo local para que realicen inversiones en los distintos países que integran
este bloque económico.

Definitivamente, bienvenidos sean este tipo de alianzas que nos jalonan hacia un positivo
progreso de nuestra región generando un mayor desarrollo económico y social de nuestra
población.

AMÉRICA LATINA E CARIBE

El País (Espanha) – Michelle Bachelet: “Esta es una noche de


triunfo de nuestras ideas”
RODRIGO CEA

Michelle Bachelet aseguró que los chilenos han votado por una nueva Constitución, una
reforma tributaria profunda y la educación gratuita universal.

“Hoy los chilenos han votado una reforma tributaria que permita avanzar y construir más
en nuestro país. Los chilenos han votado por una nueva Constitución”, dijo Bachelet en un
discurso de 10 minutos marcado por la defensa de sus propuestas de reformas profundas,
que podrá realizar sin mayores contratiempos considerando su alta votación.

Entre gritos de “¡Se siente, se siente, Michelle Presidente!”, la expresidenta Michelle


Bachelet (2006-2010) apareció pasadas las 22:00 h. en un salón dispuesto para 200
colaboradores cercanos, invitados especiales y prensa, en el primer piso del Hotel Plaza
San Francisco, en el centro de la capital de Chile. Con 1.559.818 votos –los que
representan el 73% de las preferencias de los votantes de la coalición de centroizquierda–,
la candidata del partido socialista confirmó que es la gran favorita para ganar las
elecciones presidenciales del próximo 17 de noviembre.

En su discurso, la médico de 61 años reafirmó sus compromisos de reformas estructurales,


aseguró que los chilenos habían votado por una nueva Constitución y anunció su intención
de ganar en primera vuelta y así evitar una segunda ronda en diciembre. Antes de salir a la
Alameda, la principal avenida de Santiago donde –pese a los 5 grados de temperatura la
esperaba un millar de simpatizantes- la exdirectora ejecutiva de ONU Mujeres dijo: “Esta
es una noche de triunfo de nuestras ideas”.

Bachelet llegó pasada las 18:00 horas al hotel, justo a la hora en que comenzaban los
primeros escrutinios de votos, y esperó en una habitación del tercer piso junto a su familia
los resultados que comenzaron a favorecerla ampliamente desde el primer cómputo.
Mientras, en el primer piso –donde había medida docena de pantallas de televisión para
seguir los resultados– deambulaban una veintena de actores de televisión, directores de
cine y cantantes históricamente ligados a la Concertación, la coalición de partidos de
centroizquierda que gobernó Chile entre 1990 y 2010. Además, llegaron algunos de los
más destacados políticos del bloque y actuales senadores y presidentes de partidos que –
en medio de un ambiente distendido y triunfalista– desde muy temprano comenzaron a
destacar la aplastante victoria de Bachelet y la escasa votación de los candidatos del
oficialismo.

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A las 20:45 Bachelet apareció por primera vez, solo por tres minutos, junto a Claudio
Orrego, el gran derrotado de la jornada. El candidato de la Democracia Cristiana, partido
históricamente ligado al centro político chileno, apostó por convertirse en el rostro de la
renovación política, pero solo obtuvo el tercer lugar con el 8,87% de los votos. Tal como lo
había anunciado, Orrego fue el primero de los candidatos del pacto en reconocer el triunfo
de la expresidente y dijo que desde mañana se pondrá a trabajar como un “soldado más
en pos de la causa comunitaria que es recuperar el Gobierno”.

Bachelet agradeció la disposición de la Democracia Cristiana, partido que –pese a sus


diferencias históricas– deberá comenzar a trabajar junto al Partido Comunista (PC) en la
conformación de una lista parlamentaria y un programa de gobierno común. A finales de
mayo, la inédita decisión de los comunistas de apoyar a Bachelet marcó un hito en la
historia del PC, partido que no ha integrado ningún Gobierno desde la Administración de
Salvador Allende (1970-1973).

Una de las grandes ausentes de la jornada fue Camila Vallejo. Actual candidata a diputada
por el PC, Vallejo –quien será madre de una niña en octubre– es la principal figura del
movimiento estudiantil que explotó en Chile en 2011. Pese a que a comienzos de 2012
señaló que jamás haría campaña por Bachelet, la decisión de su partido la obligó a darle su
respaldo y se le ha visto en diferentes actividades de campaña.

La candidatura de la Nueva Mayoría de Bachelet deberá conquistar al 13% de los votos que
conquistó del independiente y exministro de Hacienda de Bachelet, Andrés Velasco, quien
antes de saludar a su antigua jefa había anunciado su intención de no participar en un
eventual gobierno de la socialista. Sin embargo, tras su respaldo de esta noche –“ella
cuenta con mi respeto y mi voto, y trabajaré porque tenga una buena victoria”, dijo
Velasco–, se espera un alto porcentaje de traspaso de sus votos y que solo una porción
marginal se vaya a la candidatura del vencedor del oficialismo Pablo Longueira.

El triunfo del abanderado de la Unión Demócrata Independiente fue bien recibido entre los
colaboradores de Bachelet, pues calculan que, de haber ganado Andrés Allamand –
militante de Renovación Nacional, el partido del presidente Sebastián Piñera–, un mayor
número de electores de centro, hubieran optado por el candidato de derecha en
noviembre.

Tras la aplastante victoria de esta noche, lo primero que deberá comenzar a definir
mañana el equipo de Bachelet es su estructura. La tarea, según el portavoz de la
expresidenta Álvaro Elizalde, debe caracterizarse por ser “inclusiva e incluyente” y estar
lista durante la semana para así ser anunciada dentro de los próximos diez días.

El País (Espanha) – Maduro afianza el liderazgo venezolano en el


Caribe a través del petróleo
CARLOS SALINAS

El presidente venezolano y representantes de otros 17 países acuerdan crear una zona


económica especial.

El presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro aterrizó en la cumbre de Petrocaribe, realizada en


Managua, con el firme propósito de afianzar la influencia política –comprada con petróleo–
de Venezuela en la región y hallar una solución al problema de desabastecimiento que
sufre su país. Durante la reunión, que duró todo el sábado en la capital de Nicaragua,
Maduro y representantes de otros 17 países que conforman Petrocaribe acordaron crear
una zona económica especial cuyo principal objetivo es “desarrollar la capacidad para
producir alimentos, vencer el hambre”, avanzar en las comunicaciones y luchar contra el
analfabetismo.

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El presidente de Venezuela, que cargaba crucifijos con la imagen de Hugo Chávez que
entregó a los demás asistentes a la reunión, dijo que “Petrocaribe ha sido una gran fuerza
económica estabilizadora de toda nuestra región, el gran escudo protector de la estabilidad
económica y por ende la estabilidad social de nuestros países”, que han recibido de
Venezuela 232 millones de barriles de petróleo entre 2005 y 2012, a través de empresas
mixtas en parte financiadas por el Gobierno venezolano, que son las encargadas de
administrar la ingente cooperación petrolera.

Venezuela creó Petrocaribe, por iniciativa propia, en 2005 como un proyecto regional que
le permitía aumentar su influencia en el Caribe a través de suministrar petróleo a los
miembros del organismo con sistemas favorables de pago, que incluyen tasas de interés
muy bajas y amplios plazos para saldar el crudo recibido. Petrocaribe está integrado,
además de Venezuela, por Cuba, Nicaragua, Honduras, Jamaica, Santa Lucía, República
Dominicana, Surinam, San Cristóbal y Nieves, San Vicente y las Granadinas, Antigua y
Barbuda, Granada, Guatemala, Haití, Guyana, Belice, Bahamas y Dominica.

En Nicaragua la empresa encargada de administrar esa cooperación es Alba de Nicaragua


S.A. (Albanisa), que se ha convertido en un gigante económico que en 2009 manejaba
activos por más de 290 millones de dólares y ventas anuales de más de 400 millones de
dólares. Albanisa se creó gracias al convenio de cooperación petrolera entre Venezuela y
Nicaragua, que establece que el 50% de la factura petrolera debe pagarse a un plazo de 90
días, mientras que el otro 50% es un crédito a 23 años de plazo, con dos años de gracia y
dos por ciento de interés anual. Bajo el paraguas de esa cooperación, y de manera
discrecional, se han creado al menos siete empresas ligadas a Albanisa, entre ellas Alba
Alimentos de Nicaragua S.A. (Albalinisa), que controla las exportaciones a Venezuela de
alimentos como carne, lácteos y frijoles, por montos que en 2010 superaban los 250
millones de dólares.

Con el acuerdo alcanzado el sábado en Managua, el presidente Maduro espera consolidar


este esquema comercial garantizando el abastecimiento de comida a su país a cambio de
entregar el petróleo venezolano de forma ventajosa a sus socios del Caribe. Hasta ahora,
este tipo de intercambio ha permitido a Venezuela recibir 1.4 millones de toneladas de
alimentos, dijo Maduro.

Los miembros del Petrocaribe acordaron el sábado crear una comisión compuesta por
funcionarios de alto nivel que se encargarán de diseñar en los próximos meses una
estrategia para la implementación de los programas acordados en el encuentro,
relacionados al abastecimiento de alimentos, innovación, intercambio comercial, lucha
contra el analfabetismo, desarrollo científico y transporte y comunicaciones. En este último
caso, Venezuela propuso que la línea aérea estatal, Conviasa, conecte a Caracas con el
Caribe. Se discutió, además, la posibilidad de integrar al Mercosur en el esquema de
cooperación de Petrocaribe.

La reunión de Petrocaribe se desarrolló bajo la sombra del fallecido mandatario Hugo


Chávez. Rosario Murillo, vocera del Gobierno nicaragüense, jefa de hecho del Gabinete y
organizadora de los eventos oficiales, dispuso una mesa de trabajo recargada de flores de
distintos colores, murales pintados con su ya característico color fucsia y, detrás de Maduro
y Ortega, una imagen de Chávez. Daniel Ortega –que bautizó a Hugo Chávez como
“Comandante Eterno” –, hizo eco del misticismo de su esposa y dijo que “Chávez el
elegido, el elegido por su pueblo, el elegido por los pueblos, hoy está aquí con nosotros”.

ABC Color (Paraguai) – Correa “recurre a mismas banderas” de


la dictadura
EFE

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El excandidato presidencial ecuatoriano Guillermo Lasso dijo en Panamá que en su país el
gobierno del presidente Rafael Correa “se autodefine como revolucionario y nacionalista”,
similar a lo que enarbolaba la dictadura que gobernó su país en los años 70.

Destacó a periodistas que la expansión del Canal de Panamá es una “oportunidad” de


crecimiento para las exportaciones ecuatorianas, pero lamentó que Correa esté cerrando su
país al “renunciar unilateralmente” a las exoneraciones arancelarias que le daba Estados
Unidos a sus exportaciones a través del acuerdo Atpdea.

“La estructura económica de Ecuador lastimosamente no va en esa dirección (de apertura),


acabo de leer en los periódicos que el presidente Rafael Correa renunció unilateralmente al
Atpdea, en Estados Unidos, eso es lamentable”, afirmó.

Describió el modelo de desarrollo del Ecuador de hoy como “similar al implementado en la


década de los años 70 con un Gobierno dictatorial autocalificado como nacionalista y
revolucionario”.

“Ya vimos lo que pasó en la década de los 70 y 80, una gran crisis, cayeron los precios del
petróleo y se secaron los mercados de financiación internacionales”, advirtió.

ESTADOS UNIDOS

La Tribune (França) – Obama appelle l'Afrique à la prudence vis-


à-vis des investissements chinois
Le président américain dit observer avec bienveillance "l'attention" portée à l'Afrique par
les pays émergents comme "la Chine, le Brésil, l'Inde et la Turquie" (...) mais "il est
important que les Africains s'assurent que ces interactions sont bonnes pour l'Afrique". Il
demande aux Africains de regarder si les investissements se traduisent par de l'emplois en
Afrique, ou par le maintien sur le continent des ressources africaines. Il propose au
contraire un partenariat plus équitable avec les Etats-Unis, dans l'intérêt même des Etats-
Unis

Il n'y a pas de « guerre froide » en cours sur le continent africain. C'est ainsi que le
président américain Barack Obama, en tournée en Afrique pour une semaine, a minimisé
vendredi les rivalités entre investisseurs étrangers en Afrique. "C'est une bonne chose que
la Chine, l'Inde, la Turquie et d'autres pays, comme le Brésil, prêtent de plus en plus
attention à l'Afrique", a-t-il déclaré vendredi à bord de l'avion présidentiel Air Force One,
qui le conduisait de Dakar à Pretoria. "Ce n'est pas un jeu à somme nulle. Ce n'est pas une
Guerre froide. Il y a un marché mondial et, si les pays qui sont en train de devenir des
pays à revenus moyens considèrent qu'il y a des opportunités pour eux en Afrique, cela
peut potentiellement aider l'Afrique." Mais il a appelé à la prudence vis-à-vis de la Chine,
qui à l'occasion de la venue du nouveau président Xi Jinping en Afrique, a signé un grand
nombre de contrats commerciaux ou dans le domaine de l'énergie.

Accéder aux ressources naturelles africaines

Pour rappel, les échanges entre la Chine et l'Afrique ont dépassé les 200 milliards de
dollars (150 milliards d'euros) l'an dernier. "Au cours de mes discussions, beaucoup de
gens m'ont dit être ravis que la Chine s'implique en Afrique", a expliqué Barack Obama.
"Mais ils reconnaissent que l'intérêt central de la Chine est d'accéder aux ressources
naturelles d'Afrique pour nourrir ses industries." "Du coup, a-t-il relevé, l'Afrique se
retrouve souvent dans la position d'un simple exportateur de matières premières, sans
valeur ajoutée, ce qui ne crée pas beaucoup d'emplois en Afrique et ne soutient pas un

31
développement à long-terme." Une pique pour promouvoir les sociétés américaines, alors
que des chefs d'entreprise américains ont regretté que le continent ne soit pas dans le
viseur diplomatique de la Maison-Blanche. "Nous voulons que les entreprises américaines
voient que l'Afrique est prête à faire des affaires et qu'il y a un grand potentiel ici", a
commenté Barack Obama. "Ce que les pays africains ont à faire (...) c'est assurer la
stabilité et une bonne gouvernance".

Rebelotte à Pretoria

Ce samedi, à Pretoria, en Afrique du Sud, le président américain en a remis une couche. A


l'occasion d'une d'une conférence de presse avec son homologue sud-africain Jacob Zuma.
Il a encouragé les Africains à poser davantage de questions aux investisseurs étrangers
pour s'assurer que les contrats profitent bien au continent. "Nous regardons ce que les
autres pays font en Afrique et notre seul conseil est le suivant: assurez-vous que ça profite
bien à l'Afrique", a-t-il déclaré. Observant avec bienveillance "l'attention" portée à l'Afrique
par les pays émergents comme "la Chine, le Brésil, l'Inde et la Turquie" (...) "il est
important que les Africains s'assurent que ces interactions sont bonnes pour l'Afrique", a-t-
il souligné.

Barack Obama a suggéré de poser des questions: "Des gens veulent construire quelque
chose ici: est-ce qu'ils emploient des ouvriers africains? D'autres veulent vous aider à
développer vos ressources naturelles: quelles sommes resteront en Afrique?"

Partenariat plus équitable

Rappelant que l'Afrique souffre d'une "longue histoire d'extraction de ses ressources"
naturelles, le président a mis en garde contre ce modèle économique: "Les matières
premières sont envoyées ailleurs, parfois transformées et elles sont revendues à l'Afrique."
Mais "les profits et les emplois restent là-bas et quasi rien ne reste en Afrique".

Barack Obama a assuré qu'il proposait un partenariat plus équitable, dans l'intérêt même
des Etats-Unis qui "pourraient vendre des iPods, des avions et pleins de biens", à des pays
qui seraient plus riches. "Franchement, nous n'avons pas besoin des ressources
énergétiques de l'Afrique", a-t-il ajouté, en soulignant l'existence de grands projets dans
les domaines du gaz, des énergies vertes et du pétrole aux Etats-Unis.

ESPIONAGEM

Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Obama: no ‘wheeling and


dealing' in exchange for Edward Snowden
Geoff Dyer

The US will not engage in "wheeling and dealing" to secure the return of National Security
Agency leaker Edward Snowden, President Barack Obama said on Wednesday, as new
details about US surveillance activities emerged.

Adopting a more conciliatory tone than other US officials have used this week, Mr Obama
urged Russia to hand over Mr Snowden but said that the US still had "a whole lot of
business that we do with China and Russia" which should not be jeopardised by one
extradition case.

Mr Snowden, the 30-year-old former NSA contractor who has been the source for a series
of leaked documents about phone and email surveillance programmes, is believed to be in
the transit facilities at Moscow airport after having arrived there from Hong Kong on
Sunday.

32
Reports suggested he would then travel to Cuba and then Ecuador, leading to speculation
that the US would try to divert his plane as it passed through American airspace. However,
Mr Obama said: "I'm not going to be scrambling jets to get a hacker".

Speaking in Senegal at the start of a week-long Africa trip, Mr Obama said: "I'm not going
to have one case of a suspect who we're trying to extradite suddenly being elevated to the
point where I've got to start doing wheeling and dealing and trading on a whole host of
other issues simply to get a guy extradited."

Hours after Mr Obama said he was "concerned" about further revelations by Mr Snowden,
the Guardian newspaper published on Thursday new details of a US programme to collect
email "metadata" which operated from 2001 to 2011 – two years into the Obama
administration.

The report said that the NSA received information about the names on emails and the IP
addresses of the sender, but not the content of the emails. Initially aimed at people outside
the US, the documents showed that from 2007 the NSA could also view the information
about emails between Americans.

Mr Snowden has applied for asylum in Ecuador, but the government has not said whether it
will accept his request. Ecuador's foreign minister, Ricardo Patiño, tweeted on Wednesday
afternoon "that the decision about asylum could be settled in a day, a week, or, as with
Assange, it could take 2 months".

Betty Tola, Ecuador's secretary of political affairs, clarified on Thursday at a press


conference in Quito that Mr Snowden's asylum request "has not yet been processed
because the petitioner is not in Ecuadorean territory as is established by the law."

She also said that "the government of Ecuador has not authorised the issuance of any safe
pass or refugee documents that allow Mr Snowden to travel to our country". WikiLeaks
founder Julian Assange earlier this week said the Andean country had given him a "refugee
document of passage".

The US has continued to criticise Hong Kong for allowing Mr Snowden to leave the territory
on Sunday. Hong Kong officials have said they could not obey a US arrest warrant because
of confusion over Mr Snowden's middle name in the US legal submission. A US justice
department spokesperson dismissed this explanation, saying that Mr Snowden's photo had
been widely reported.

"That Hong Kong would ask for more information about his identity demonstrates that it
was simply trying to create a pretext for not acting on the provisional arrest request," the
spokesperson said.

Al Jazeera (Catar) – Kerry reacts to EU claims of US bugging


Secretary of state says he is not clear about details but insists nations undertake activities
to protect interests.

US Secretary of State John Kerry has said that while he does not know the particulars
about allegations that the US bugged European Union offices, countries involved in
international affairs undertake different activities to protect their national interests.

Kerry made the comments after Catherine Ashton, the EU foreign policy chief, raised the
issue with him on Monday during a meeting on the sidelines of a security conference in
Brunei.

33
"All I know is that that it is not unusual for lots of nations, but beyond that I'm not going to
comment any further until I have all of the facts and find out precisely what the situation
is," Kerry said.

The latest revelations from US intelligence whistleblower, Edward Snowden, published in a


German magazine Der Spiegel showed that the National Security Agency lists 38
embassies and missions and describes them as "targets".

The list includes the French, Italian and Greek embassies, as well as a other US allies
including Japan.

Surveillance methods included planting bugs into encrypted fax machines and other
communications equipment.

Der Spiegel quoted from a September 2010 "top secret" NSA document that it said
Snowden had taken with him, and the magazine's journalists had seen in part.

The document outlines how the NSA spied on EU internal computer networks in
Washington and at the United Nations, not only listening to conversations and phone calls,
but also gaining access to documents and emails.

A German government spokesman said Chancellor Angela Merkel wants to discuss the
allegations with US President Barack Obama.

The Obama administration is facing a breakdown in confidence from key allies over secret
surveillance programmes that reportedly installed the covert listening devices in EU offices.

Al Jazeera's Jacky Rowland, reporting from Paris, said that several European governments
had called for more clarification and information.

She added that if the allegations were proven to be true, they could hurt the ongoing EU
trade deal negotiations with the US and the trans-Atlantic alliance.

The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Assange stands by Edward


Snowden as Ecuador's Correa reprimands consul
Ed Pilkington

Julian Assange, the WikiLeaks founder, has warned the US government that no matter
what it does to try and apprehend Edward Snowden, the revelations he has unearthed on
secret digital surveillance of American citizens will see the light of day.

Assange stated pointedly that steps had been taken to foil any US attempt to block
publication. "There is no stopping the publishing process at this stage," he said.

Speaking to This Week on ABC news from the Ecuadorean embassy in London, where he is
fighting extradition to Sweden to face sexual assault allegations, Assange would not go into
details. But he added: "Great care has been taken to make sure Mr Snowden cannot be
pressured by any state to stop the publishing process."

Snowden is believed to be holed up in the transit area of a Moscow airport, as he seeks


asylum in another country, possibly Ecuador. The former contractor for the National
Security Agency has been charged under the 1917 Espionage Act, having leaked classified
information on the US government's digital surveillance of phone records, emails and
internet communications to the Guardian and the Washington Post.

34
WikiLeaks has been assisting Snowden in his attempt to avoid capture, providing the 30-
year-old with travel expenses and legal counsel and sending advisers to accompany him on
his journey from Hong Kong to Moscow earlier this month. Assange said he had offered to
help because "we've had some experience in the past with dealing with attacks from the
US, with asylum and so on, and I have some personal sympathy for Mr Snowden".

But WikiLeaks has come under criticism from Snowden's father, Lonnie Snowden, who
through his lawyer has accused the anti-secrecy organization of using his son to raise
money for itself and to prevent Edward Snowden "from doing the right thing" by returning
to the US to face charges. Assange told This Week that he had contacted the lawyer to try
to "put some of his concerns to rest".

Snowden's predicament, trapped in a legal no man's land between countries, shows no sign
of any early resolution. The US government has revoked his passport, making it almost
impossible for him to travel on from Russia to any possible final destination. Countries such
as Iceland, which Snowden has mentioned as a desired potential safe haven, have made
clear that he has to be on their soil before he can claim asylum, creating a legal Catch-22.

The Ecuadorean president, Rafael Correa, told the Associated Press on Sunday that
Snowden was "in the care of the Russian authorities" and would not be able to leave
Moscow's international airport without his US passport. In a comment that indicated the
cautious response of Ecuador to the case, Correa reprimanded Ecuador's consul for issuing
Snowden with a letter of safe passage that he is believed to have used to travel from Hong
Kong to Russia.

To have done that without consulting the central Ecuadorean government was a "serious
error", Correa said. In comments that will not encourage Snowden or his supporters, the
Ecuadorean leader added that if Snowden had broken US laws he would have to assume
responsibility, adding that the case was "not in Ecuador's hands".

Correa's ambivalent remarks might reflect the fact that he has come under heavy
diplomatic pressure from the US to reject Snowden's appeal. On Saturday, Correa said Joe
Biden, the US vice president, had contacted him personally by telephone to ask him to
dismiss any asylum claim.

The Obama administration shows no sign of wanting to help Snowden find a way out of
international limbo. Last week, Barack Obama said: "I'm not going to be scrambling jets to
get a 29-year-old hacker." Snowden turned 30 last week.

On Sunday, Nancy Pelosi, leader of the Democratic group in the House of Representatives,
told Meet the Press on NBC that in her view "it's pretty good that he's stuck in Moscow
airport. That's OK with me – he can stay there."

La Tribune (França) – Les Européens, Allemands en tête,


réclament des comptes aux États-Unis
Les révélations du Spiegel ont suscité un tollé sur le continent européen.
Georges Malbrunot

Berlin demande des explications

« Il faut que du côté américain, on nous explique immédiatement et en détail si ces


informations de presse à propos des écoutes clandestines totalement disproportionnées par
les États-Unis dans l’Union européenne sont exactes ou non », a déclaré la ministre de la
Justice allemande, Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger. L’Allemagne, qui héberge des
bases américaines, est le pays de l’Union européenne (UE) le plus surveillé par les espions

35
américains, à un niveau comparable à la Chine, l’Irak ou l’Arabie saoudite. En moyenne, la
National Security Agency (NSA) surveille 20 millions d’appels téléphoniques par jour en
Allemagne et 10 millions d’échanges de données Internet, mais ce chiffre peut s’élever
jusqu’à 60 millions d’appels les jours les plus chargés.

Paris veut des explications

La France a demandé des « explications aux autorités américaines », a déclaré Laurent


Fabius dans un communiqué. Les « faits, s’ils étaient confirmés, seraient tout à fait
inacceptables », estime le chef de la diplomatie française. Avec deux millions de
connexions surveillées chaque jour, la France est beaucoup moins dans la ligne de mire de
la NSA que l’Allemagne.

Harlem Désir, premier secrétaire du Parti socialiste, a toutefois qualifié d’« inacceptable »
tout espionnage américain des institutions européennes. « Ça montre que l’Europe ne doit
pas être naïve sur ses relations » avec Washington, a ajouté Harlem Désir sur Radio J.
Dans un communiqué, le député Jean-Christophe Cambadélis, secrétaire national du PS en
charge de l’Europe et de l’international, va plus loin : « Si ces révélations (….) s’avéraient
exactes, alors il faudrait a minima suspendre les négociations du traité de libre-échange
transatlantique. » « L’Europe se déconsidérerait si elle passait l’éponge », prévient
Cambadélis.

De son côté, Jean-Luc Mélenchon réclame « l’arrêt immédiat (de ces) négociations » entre
l’UE et les États-Unis, tout en demandant que « la France accorde l’asile politique » à
Edward Snowden « qui a dévoilé ce complot », selon le dirigeant du Parti de gauche.

L’ancienne présidente du Medef, Laurence Parisot, a appelé sur Europe 1 à « une réaction
forte » de l’UE, « sans pour autant casser toutes les négociations, y compris la préparation
de la négociation d’un nouveau traité de libre-échange entre l’Europe et les États-Unis ».

L’Union européenne craint « un impact sérieux »

Dès samedi, le président du Parlement européen, Martin Schulz, a prévenu que s’il était
confirmé que la NSA avait bien espionné des bureaux de l’UE, cela aurait un « impact
sérieux » sur les relations entre Bruxelles et Washington. Si « c’est vrai, c’est écœurant »,
a renchéri le ministre luxembourgeois des Affaires étrangères, Jean Asselborn. « Les États-
Unis feraient mieux, selon lui, de surveiller leurs propres services secrets que d’espionner
leurs alliés. »

Le député européen écologiste, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, a appelé à une rupture immédiate des
négociations sur le traité de libre-échange, tant qu’un accord n’a pas été signé avec les
États-Unis sur la protection des données.

Principale victime de la NSA, l’Union européenne a « immédiatement pris contact avec les
autorités américaines à Washington, qui nous ont dit qu’elles vérifiaient l’exactitude des
informations publiées et qu’elles reviendraient vers nous », précise-t-ell dans un
communiqué dimanche. Mais à ce stade, ajoute la Commission européenne, « on ne fera
pas plus de commentaires ».

G. M.

Clarín (Argentina) – Fidel apoya a Correa por el caso Snowden


El líder cubano Fidel Castro manifestó sus simpatías por el presidente de Ecuador, Rafael
Correa, por considerar que rechazó con energía las amenazas del presidente del comité de
relaciones exteriores del senado estadounidense al gobierno ecuatoriano si concedía asilo a
Edward Snowden, que filtró información secreta de EE.UU. Castro hizo mención a Correa y

36
al caso Snowden en su columna “Reflexiones’’, que estuvo centrada en la cumbre de
PetroCaribe y que fue publicada en la portada del diario oficial Juventud Rebelde. El ex
gobernante cubano felicitó al presidente de Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega, por la organización
de la cumbre, recordó al fallecido mandatario venezolano Hugo Chávez, al que calificó de
“inolvidable’’, y elogió a Nicolás Maduro, quien “ha demostrado el talento, integridad y
energía que el gran líder supuso en él’’. “No puedo concluir estas palabras sin expresar mis
simpatías por Rafael Correa, que rechazó enérgicamente las amenazas del Presidente del
Comité de Relaciones Exteriores del Senado, si se le concedía el asilo político solicitado a
Ecuador por Edward Snowden’’, expresó Castro.

Correa, en tanto, dijo que “en principio Snowden sigue en Moscú... es decisión de las
autoridades rusas, no tiene pasaporte, desconozco las leyes rusas, no sé si puede salir del
aeropuerto. Tengo entendido que no’’. Además, aseguró que Snowden “al menos merece
que se considere el asilo muy seriamente. Si bien pudo haber roto leyes norteamericanas,
soy muy respetuoso con otro país y con sus leyes y creo que alguien que rompe la ley tiene
que asumir sus responsabilidades, pero también creemos en los derechos humanos y su
debido proceso y en la legitimidad de la acción’’.

El País (Espanha) – EE UU espió también a 38 embajadas de


países aliados
WALTER OPPENHEIMER

Japón, México, Corea del Sur, India y Turquía se unen a Alemania, la UE o la ONU
EE UU indigna a Europa por un espionaje propio “de enemigos”.

Nuevas revelaciones del diario The Guardian sobre el espionaje de Estados Unidos indican
que al menos 38 embajadas o misiones extranjeras en ese país fueron sometidas a
espionaje. El diario se basa en documentos de 2007 y 2010 que le hizo llegar Edward
Snowden. Entre las misiones espiadas están las oficinas de la Comisión Europea en
Washington y de la representación de la UE en Naciones Unidas y las embajadas de aliados
tradicionales como Francia, Italia, Grecia, México, Japón, India, Corea del Sur y Turquía.

Estas revelaciones vienen a confirmar las informaciones publicadas este fin de semana por
la revista alemana Der Spiegel sobre las actividades del espionaje estadounidense sobre
sus aliados europeos - en particular Alemania - y la sede del consejo de ministros de la
Unión Europea, que han provocado una agria reacción en Berlín, París y Bruselas.

Según The Guardian, en los documentos a los que ha tenido acceso no se cita a más países
de la UE que los mencionados Francia, Italia y Grecia. El diario detalla en particular la
manera en que los servicios secretos estadounidenses han realizado sus tareas de control
sobre las oficinas europeas en Washington y en Nueva York. Uno de los sistemas, conocido
con el nombre de Dropmire, consistió en el implante de un artilugio en la máquina para
enviar faxes cifrados en los locales de la representación europea en Washington.

Un documento de la Agencia Nacional de Seguridad (NSA) fechado en 2010 precisa que ese
fax se utiliza para enviar cables a los ministerios europeos de Asuntos Exteriores en las
diferentes capitales europeas. Y sugiere que el objetivo perseguido al interceptar esas
comunicaciones es tener información sobre desacuerdos en cuestiones globales y de otro
tipo entre los socios de la Unión Europea.

Otros sistemas utilizados es el pinchado de cables o el recurso a poderosas antenas para


interceptar las comunicaciones a distancia. El diario londinense subraya que está claro si
estas actividades de espionaje han sido realizadas exclusivamente por la NSA o algunas
han sido ejecutadas por la CIA o por el FBI o mediante acciones combinadas entre estas
agencias.

37
El País (Espanha) – El Kremlin ignora a Snowden
PILAR BONET

El presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, llega el lunes a Rusia de visita oficial y ha


ofrecido asilo al joven informático.

El Kremlin pretende ignorar a Edward Snowden, el exempleado de los servicios de


seguridad estadounidenses que aterrizó en el aeropuerto de Sheremétevo de Moscú hace
una semana. Así lo indican, por lo menos, las declaraciones de Dmitri Peskov, el secretario
de prensa del presidente Vladímir Putin, el domingo a la emisora El Eco de Moscú.

"Como este no es asunto nuestro, no sé qué posibles opciones de evolución del caso
existen ni qué aspectos jurídicos y de otro tipo tiene este tema. No puedo ni contar ni
explicar ni valorar nada", manifestó el alto funcionario.

Remitiéndose a su jefe, Peskov recordó que el presidente Putin dijo en Finlandia que
Snowden no estaba de iure en la Federación Rusa y no había cruzado la frontera rusa.
"Además, el presidente señaló que no se ocupa de este asunto y que prefiere que se
ocupen de él los correspondientes servicios. En consecuencia, este asunto no está en el
orden del día del Kremlin", sentenció el secretario de prensa. El Kremlin observa que sobre
este asunto "existe un amplio espectro de puntos de vista expresados por diferentes
expertos y representantes de organizaciones de derechos humanos", añadió.

Antes, el presidente de Ecuador, Rafael Correa, había dicho que la resolución del caso
Snowden está manos de las autoridades rusas. El joven norteamericano que ha denunciado
el espionaje total practicado por Washington en el Internet parece haberse convertido en
una patata caliente tanto para Ecuador como para Rusia, presuntamente por los problemas
que comporta en la relación de Quito y Moscú con EE UU.

Si Ecuador parece haberse enfriado hacia Snowden tras la conversación de Correa con el
vicepresidente de EE UU, habrá que ver cómo evoluciona Venezuela, cuyo presidente
Nicolás Maduro ofreció asilo al norteamericano en caso de que éste lo solicitara. El lunes,
Maduro participa en un foro de países exportadores de gas en el Kremlin e inicia una visita
de dos días a Moscú en el transcurso de la cual se entrevistará con el presidente ruso
Vladímir Putin. Esta visita, la primera que Maduro efectúa en su condición de presidente,
será seguida de otra a Bielorrusia y medios periodísticos en Moscú especulaban con la
posibilidad de que hubiera un asiento reservado para Snowden en el avión de Maduro a su
regreso a Venezuela.

La inhibición del Kremlin sobre el destino del norteamericano es de carácter político y no


tiene que ver con la legislación, señala Yelena Riabínina, una activista de derechos
humanos con gran experiencia en ayuda legal a personas que llegan a Rusia huyendo de
regímenes represivos, especialmente de países centroasiáticos. Señala Riabínina que desde
agosto de 2011, por lo menos nueve personas bajo la protección explícita del reglamento
del Tribunal de Derechos Humanos de Estrasburgo han sido forzosa e ilegalmente
trasladadas desde Rusia a países donde corrían peligro de ser perseguidos. "Sin la
participación o la aquiescencia del Servicio de Guardafronteras de la Federación Rusa, los
secuestros y deportaciones no hubieran sido posibles", señala Riabínina y subraya que en
dos ocasiones, una en 2012 y otra en 2013, el Tribunal de Estrasburgo ha fallado en contra
de Rusia por secuestros y deportaciones ilegales de personas perseguidas. "Cuando
quieren resolver un problema, nuestras autoridades hacen lo que consideran necesario,
pero Occidente acepta como si fuera verdad la hipocresía y el doble rasero", dijo Riabínina.
Para marcar el contraste con el tratamiento que Rusia está dando al caso Snowden, la
activista dijo estar ocupándose de un ciudadano uzbeco que este mismo lunes puede ser
enviado sin ningún procedimiento legal de extradición a su país, pese al peligro de
represión que corre allí.

38
EUROPA

Les Echos (França) – François Hollande ménage sans conviction


la Commission européenne
Anne Bauer, Catherine Chatignoux

Le président évoque le nécessaire respect des institutions mais se garde de soutenir José
Manuel Barroso.

Le dialogue sur le renforcement de l’Union économique et monétaire se poursuit au ralenti.

La France devait jouer l’apaisement vis-à-vis de la Commission européenne ; mais en dépit


d’un sommet considéré par tous les participants comme « très constructif », le contentieux
n’a pas été clarifié. Alors que la ministre du Commerce extérieur, Nicole Bricq, décochait
une nouvelle flèche empoisonnée contre José Manuel Barroso qui n’aurait « rien fait » de
son mandat , le président de la République n’a démenti vendredi aucune des attaques de
ses ministres ou des élus de son parti à l’égard du président de l’exécutif européen. Tout
juste a-t-il déclaré en conférence de presse que ce n’était « pas le moment » d’entrer dans
la campagne électorale des élections européennes de mai 2014. «Je travaille avec les
institutions communautaires, celles qui ont été choisies par les Etats, les gouvernements et
le Parlement européen, et je les respecte, parce que ce sont des institutions légitimes», a-
t-il précisé, en rappelant qu’il acceptait le débat politique, mais pas les querelles de
personnes. A aucun moment toutefois, il n’a exprimé le moindre mot pour défendre José
Manuel Barroso ou son bilan, laissant ainsi supposer que pour défendre la candidature d’un
socialiste à la Commission, le débat de fond sur la politique et les orientations de la
Commission seront à l’ordre du jour, le moment venu, des élections européennes de 2014.

François Hollande a aussi cultivé l’ambiguïté sur ce qu’il ferait en cas de dérapage
budgétaire. Tout juste a-t-il répété sa promesse de «maîtriser» les dépenses publiques et
de ne pas voter de nouveaux impôts cette année. Mais il ne s’est pas étendu sur les
moyens qu’il mettrait en œuvre si la récession persistait et que les recettes fiscales
continuaient de baisser. La Commission européenne et ses partenaires de l’Union ont
demandé de ne pas aller au-delà de 3,9 % cette année, la France avait promis 3,7 %. Il a
aussi rejeté les suggestions de la Cour des comptes de faire des économies dans la
fonction publique, les fonctionnaires n’étant pas, selon lui, une «variable d’ajustement»
pour assainir les comptes de la France. Avec le gel du point d’indice, les fonctionnaires ne
sont pas exonérés d’efforts : «C’estsans doute la catégorie qui a eu le moins de retours en
terme de pouvoir d’achat ces dernières années.»

Aller «Plus loin et plus vite»


En revanche,François Hollande s’est montré prêt à aller «plus loin et plus vite» dans
l’intégration de la zone euro. Vendredi, les dirigeants ont eu une nouvelle discussion sur les
moyens de renforcer l’Union économique et monétaire. A cet égard, un participant
racontait vendredi que les Allemands restent clairement ceux qui ont le plus réfléchi à ce
que cela signifie. La chancelière Angela Merkel s’est félicitée de la programmation d’une
discussion approfondie à l’automne sur ce que chacun entend par «compétitivité», afin de
trouver quelques bons indicateurs clés, acceptés par tous, qui serviraient de base à des
contrats, et les mécanismes de solidarité qui les accompagneraient. François Hollande a
aussi annoncé que le débat sur l’Union économique et monétaire comporterait aussi un
volet social. Les Vingt-sept se sont d’ailleurs mis d’accord pour ajouter des critères sociaux
dans les variables macro-économiques à surveiller.

La France et l’Allemagne ont enfin confirmé que les idées d’un «budget pour la zone euro »
n’ont pas disparu de la table. «Avec Mme Merkel nous sommes convenus [...] d’un fonds
qui serait dédié à la zone euro avec des recettes propres qui lui seraient affectées», a

39
déclaré François Hollande. Son utilisation n’est pas arrêtée : «Nous en discuterons», a
éludé le président. D’ici les élections allemandes, personne à Bruxelles n’attend de grandes
avancées, mais un observateur se déclare confiant dans la capacité de la France et de
l’Allemagne à progresser plus vite par la suite.

Les Echos (França) – Malgré la crise, l’élargissement de l’Union


se poursuit en direction des Balkans
Après la Slovénie et la Croatie, les Vingt-sept ouvrent les pourparlers pour accueillir la
Serbie. La procédure sera longue.

Difficile de faire plus minimaliste. Aucune festivité particulière n’a été organisée à Bruxelles
pour saluer l’entrée de la Croatie dans l’Union européenne, effective aujourd’hui. Les vingt-
sept chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement se sont contentés, vendredi, de signer l’un après
l’autre, au rythme hésitant de leur arrivée au Conseil européen, une photo de famille des –
désormais – 28 dirigeants de l’Union. «Je voudrais adresser un salut spécial à la Croatie»,
a sobrement lancé le président du Conseil européen, Herman Van Rompuy en souhaitant la
bienvenue au Premier ministre du pays, Zoran Milanovic, provoquant quelques
applaudissements… On a connu accueils plus enthousiastes. Il est vrai que l’élargissement
de la famille européenne – le premier depuis 2007 et l’entrée de la Roumanie et de la
Bulgarie – au moment où celle-ci traverse elle-même une profonde crise économique et
s’interroge sur son avenir, tombe mal.

Pourtant les Vingt-sept ne renoncent pas à poursuivre le processus d’élargissement. Ils ont
décidé vendredi d’ouvrir les négociations d’adhésion avec la Serbie, au plus tard en janvier
2014. Le 1 mars 2012, Belgrade avait reçu le statut de candidat après l’arrestation du
criminel de guerre, Ratko Mladic. Cette fois, ils veulent récompenser les efforts de
normalisation de la Serbie vis-à-vis du Kosovo dont elle refuse de reconnaître
l’indépendance proclamée en 2008. Ils veulent aussi ancrer la paix dans cette région où
1.000 soldats allemands sont toujours présents, comme l’a rappelé la chancelière Angela
Merkel. Les Vingt-Sept ont aussi lancé des discussions sur un «accord d’association» avec
le Kosovo, étape préalable à une possible adhésion.

La semaine dernière, les ministres des Affaires européennes avaient décidé de reprendre le
fil des négociations d’adhésion avec la Turquie, en acceptant d’ouvrir, à l’automne, un
nouveau volet, celui de la politique régionale. Il s’agissait d’une décision surtout tactique
afin de «laisser la porte ouverte» à la Turquie, pour qu’elle ne dérive pas trop loin des
valeurs européennes à un moment particulièrement critique de son histoire. Interrogé sur
une possible fuite en avant dans l’élargissement, le président François Hollande a répondu
vendredi que la solution passait pour lui clairement par une Europe à deux vitesses.
«L’Union va connaître de nouveaux élargissements; la zone euro, elle, doit s’approfondir,
s’intégrer davantage et se structurer démocratiquement. Il est clair désormais que la zone
euro doit avancer plus vite.» La révision des traités viendra le plus tard possible: «Une fois
qu’on aura choisi un mode de construction européen clarifié», a-t-il ajouté.

C. C ET A. B.

RT (Rússia) – ‘France is plagued by bankruptcy and mass


immigration’ - Marine Le Pen
French far-right leader Marine Le Pen believes her National Front party is going to come to
power later in the decade and vows to overcome the burden of EU unity. Immigration,
economic problems, the military, and gay rights all shape her agenda.

“We are hunted down in all circumstances because we express an opinion that is different
from the one-way track of thinking developed by the European Union,” Le Pen said on RT's

40
SophieCo, believing the institution itself to be deeply undemocratic, and noting a surge in
the popularity of patriotic parties across the disillusioned continent.

Le Pen heads up the National Front, France’s third-largest party, and has been making
concerted efforts to grab France back from European unity which she argued has not done
the country any favors.

‘Undemocratic EU’
“All peoples are starting to reject the European Union, which is a deeply undemocratic
system that has failed,” she said. “We submit to the demands of Germany,” she stated,
shedding light on her trajectory as party leader.

“I’m not here as a bystander, I’m here to come into power and apply the ideas that are
mine and that I can see are already being applied in other countries around the world,” she
said.

Le Pen was adamant that it wasn’t necessary to stay committed to either the Euro or
Europe. “Defending the European Union and the Euro, the single currency that was
imposed on us, almost feels like defending a religion. Meaning there’s no exchange of
arguments, and to be against the Euro is a sort of blasphemy. So I’m asking for a
referendum,” she said, lauding the French national interest as her top priority.

“If I hold a referendum and the people don’t follow me, then of course I will submit to the
people’s decision, but I would try to defend France’s interests within the EU,” she added.

Still from RT video

Le Pen believes that a number of the National Front predictions have come true, and a lot
of French people have been beginning to recognize the party’s accuracy on a wealth of
issues. Of particular note to Le Pen was their anticipation of risks with immigration, and on
the economic model.

She said the ‘ultra-liberal model’ had been “imported from and imposed by the United
States…which destroys economies and denies the people the riches that they themselves
have created, and denies nations their sovereignty,” firmly believing it is not in France’s
interests to pursue it.

“Things are getting worse and worse, and these two movements managed to turn one of
the world’s richest countries, France, into a bankrupt country with a rocketing
unemployment rate, with poverty that continues to rise, with a real feeling of despair, and
with a culture that is collapsing,” she said.

‘Freedom for a people comes from control over its borders’


Le Pen proposed tighter border controls on the country, which she described as “bankrupt”
and “with a rocketing unemployment rate” – something she has partially ascribed to
immigration risks and an economic model imported from the United States. Le Pen said
that border controls were important not just in terms of human traffic, but in terms of
capital flow and products too.

However, the human element retains special importance for Le Pen. She believes that
stricter measures need to be taken to ensure France’s success as a nation as it strikes a
balance between manual and intellectual work.

Illegal immigrants eat on February 28, 2013 meals distributed by the "La Belle Etoile"
(Pretty Star) association in the port of the northwestern French city of Calais. (AFP Photo /
Philippe Huguen)

41
She says some deterrents are in order so that from the moment immigrants have no
further interest in coming to France, they’ll stop.

“Today there are even illegal immigrants who benefit from larger social aid that some
French citizens can’t obtain,” she pointed out.

Her immigration proposals and ideas on religion, culture and customs have seen her
branded racist by critics.

‘When in France, live like the French’


“I’m being hunted down for saying I think it’s not normal that prayers should be allowed to
take place right in the middle of the street, blocking traffic… it was a territorial occupation
that is unacceptable,” she said. “Instead of telling them ‘when in Rome, do as the Romans
do ’our government has told them ‘stay as you are, it’s your right.’”

Le Pen has outlined a system she names the “national priority policy,” which will give
preferential treatment to French nationals who possess the same skill to housing and job
placements. “This is what I call a small deterrent” she commented, believing more
stringent controls to be of economic benefit to French nationals.

‘Austerity measures are a remedy that actually kills the patient’


However austerity measures being imposed by Europe are also having a detrimental
impact on France’s economy, Le Pen said, calling them “a remedy that actually kills the
patient.” Raising taxes and lowering earnings does nothing but slow down the economy,
according to her. “More taxes constrict the economy and so there is less development,” she
said, mentioning that their imposition results in a vicious cycle.

The co-president of the Left Party Jean Luc Melenchon marches on June 2, 2013 against
austerity in the southwestern city of Perpignan. (AFP Photo / Raymond Roig)

‘Sexuality belongs in the sphere of intimacy’


The economic model ‘imported’ from the USA has been accompanied by gender theory and
the introduction of books such as “Dad wears a dress” – a move Le Pen believes should be
backtracked upon. “People are free to do what they want morally as long as it doesn’t
contradict the law. But to publicize it in schools, as is the case in France?” she questioned.

“Let us review everything that pertains to the freedom of morals, sexuality and therefore
the private life. It’s none of the public’s concern.” She mentioned that she worked
alongside several gay politicians who kept their private lives out of politics.

‘French leaders are under the influence of Qatar and Saudi Arabia’
Le Pen went on to compare French intervention into the affairs of Mali, Libya and Syria,
unconvinced that there wasn’t some inherent contradiction in the action.

“What is incoherent in the behavior of French leaders,” said Le Pen, “is that they fight the
Islamists in Mali, but support them in Libya, and in Syria!”

The causes of the seemingly contradictory interventions run much deeper than France, she
argued. “I think that French leaders are under the influence of Qatar and Saudi Arabia,
who are pulling the strings far behind the scenes, and who are providing weapons and
assisting Islamic fundamentalists across the world.”

“We must denounce that, which is what I’m trying to do in my own country,” she said,
denouncing the forms of totalitarianism that are rampant in the 21st century. “There’s
Islamism and globalism,” she said

42
“That’s the totalitarianism of religion on one hand, and of trade on the other. And so I fight
it. But I fight it everywhere. In Mali, in Libya, in Syria,” Le Pen stated.

The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Croatia joins EU amid celebrations


and uncertainty about future
Thousands of people joined celebrations across Croatia on Sunday night to mark the
country's entry into the European Union, 20 years after it won its independence in a bloody
civil war that shook the continent.

Croatia became the 28th EU member on Monday, the bloc's first addition since Bulgaria
and Romania joined in 2007. It marked a historic turning point for the country, which went
through carnage after declaring independence from the former Yugoslavia in 1991.

A decade ago, when Croatia started negotiating entry, it was overjoyed at the prospect of
becoming a member of the European elite. But with the EU in financial turmoil and
Croatia's own economy in recession for five consecutive years, the excitement has
dimmed.

A large turnout was expected for celebrations across the country, including in the main
square of the capital, Zagreb, where artists were due to perform for dozens of EU and
regional leaders until midnight, when fireworks and the singing of Beethoven's Ode to Joy –
the EU's anthem – were set to mark the official entry into the bloc.

Customs posts will be removed from Croatia's borders with EU neighbours Slovenia and
Hungary, while EU signs and flags will be put on its borders with non-EU states Bosnia,
Serbia and Montenegro.

But overall, the festivities were to be more modest and less jubilant than when Bulgaria
and Romania – currently the EU's poorest states – became members. Croatia, with a
population of 4.2 million, will be the third poorest country in the EU.

"There are not too many festivities because the general situation is not brilliant," the
president, Ivo Josipovic told the Associated Press in a recent interview. "We have to
develop our economy, take care of those people who are jobless now, and there is no time
and money for big celebrations."

With an unemployment rate hovering at around 20%, plunging living standards, endemic
corruption among its political elite and its international credit rating reduced to junk, many
Croats are not in the mood to celebrate.

Some economists have warned that Croatia could seek an EU financial bailout as soon as it
becomes a member. Croatia's foreign minister, Vesna Pusic, has rejected those claims,
saying that the country would qualify for bailouts only if it is a member of the eurozone.

The president of the European parliament, Martin Schulz, described Croatia's accession as
a historic day. "EU membership will offer no magic solution to the crisis," he said in a
statement. "But it will help to lift many people out of poverty and modernise the economy."

The protest movement Occupy Croatia was planning an anti-EU march on Sunday evening,
saying in a statement that "the European Union is not a solution to our problems".

"The entry into the European Union is an economic genocide over the people living in our
country," the group said in a statement, blasting the EU as a "union tailored for rich
corporations and their politicians".

43
Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Welcome to Croatia (Editorial)
Croatia joins the EU today as its 28th member state. Its accession will prompt some to
question why, in the middle of economic crisis, the EU has opened its doors to another
country plagued by recession and rising debt. Yet Croatia's promotion is a welcome sign
that Europe's founding principles are as relevant today as they were 50 years ago.

Over the past century, nationalist and political tensions in the Balkans have been exported
to the rest of Europe with devastating effect. Croatia's arrival into the European fold,
following Slovenia in 2004, will entrench the forces of stability that emerged after the
brutal wars sparked by Yugoslavia's disintegration. This is as important for the security of
Europe's own borders as it is for the citizens of these former communist countries.

Fears that the EU is letting another Greece into its ranks are exaggerated. Croatia will not
be joining the euro, which means the eurozone's rescue mechanisms will not apply in case
of emergency. And though Croatia is likely to fall foul of Europe's deficit target, EU
procedures should curb bad habits before they become hazardous.

The real concerns are institutional and political. Enlargement has shown that accession
does not guarantee continued progress towards the market-based democratic government
that underpins the EU. In Romania and Bulgaria, reform has been inconsistent. Croatia
may have had to accept tougher accession conditions, but it still faces challenges on
corruption and the judicial system.

Yet Europe is ill-equipped to deal with potential backsliding. Its arsenal is limited to the soft
power of public criticism or the nuclear option of withdrawing voting rights. The first can be
effective, but can also be manipulated to fuel anti-EU sentiment. The second is so
controversial that it has only been used once – to little effect.

With new aspirants waiting in the wings, such as Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia-
Herzegovina, there is a need to reflect on how Europe enforces its values. The commission
needs a greater range of powers to sanction members when democratic reforms are stalled
or at risk of being reversed, as in Hungary. This should be a priority when Brussels
presents proposals for treaty reform next year.

Europe will only succeed in promoting peace and stability if everyone is committed to the
same values. Otherwise no country has much to gain from enlargement.

ÁSIA

Reuters (Reino Unido) – Kerry presses China, Southeast Asia to


ease sea tensions
By Lesley Wroughton and Stuart Grudgings

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry pressed China and Southeast Asian nations on Monday
to make progress on a plan to ease tensions in the South China Sea, reminding the region
that Washington had national interests at stake in the disputes.

Kerry, who made the comments as he arrived in Brunei for a regional security meeting,
was speaking a day after China said it would hold formal discussions with Southeast Asian
nations over the maritime disputes later this year.

While marking a move forward, the talks are not seen as a major breakthrough in
protracted efforts to bring China into a binding agreement over the energy-rich ocean,
where Beijing's assertive claims have sparked rising tensions.

44
"We have a strong interest in the manner in which the disputes of the South China Sea are
addressed, and in the conduct of the parties," Kerry said in opening remarks at the
conference in the oil-rich sultanate.

"We very much hope to see progress soon on a substantive code of conduct in order to
help ensure stability in this vital region."

China said in a joint statement with the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) on Sunday that it agreed to hold "official consultations" on a proposed Code of
Conduct (CoC) governing naval actions at a meeting with ASEAN senior officials in China in
September. Thailand's foreign minister hailed the step as "very significant".

China, accused by the Philippines on Sunday of causing "increasing militarization" of the


sea, stopped short of saying that the meeting would mark the start of actual negotiations.

China has shown little urgency in initiating substantial talks over the proposed code.

CHINESE NAVAL STRENGTH

Critics say it is intent on cementing its claims over the sea through its superior naval might
over ASEAN nations. Four members of the group have claims that compete with Chinese
assertions.

Ian Storey, a senior fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, said
the talks were an encouraging sign that China was finally willing to talk about the code with
ASEAN. But it was not, he said, a very significant step forward.

"Given China's obvious lack of enthusiasm for a formal and effective code, Chinese officials
are likely to draw out the talks for as long as possible," he said.

He said China was also likely to work to ensure the final agreement does not prevent it
from asserting its territorial claims.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi stressed that any progress on agreeing the new
framework would depend on countries following a confidence-building "declaration of
conduct" agreed in 2002. Beijing and the Philippines accuse each other of violating that
declaration.

Philippine Foreign Minister Albert del Rosario gave a lukewarm response late on Sunday
when asked about the significance of the proposed talks.

"The agreement was that there will be a process that will be started with a meeting in
China...I'd like to believe that China is in earnest in terms of moving forward in this
process."

Naval standoffs and clashes between the Philippines, Vietnam and China since last year
have sharply raised tensions over the sea at a time when the United States is shifting its
military attention and resources back to Asia.

In his opening remarks, Kerry attempted to ease concerns in Beijing that the U.S.
rebalancing of forces to Asia was aimed at countering China's rising power.

"We have many goals. We have economic and security interests. But I want to emphasize,
importantly, our actions are not intended to contain or to counterbalance any one country,"
Kerry said.

45
(Additional reporting by Manuel Mogato; writing by Stuart Grudgings; Editing by Ron
Popeski)

Reuters (Reino Unido) – Rioters renew violence in Myanmar's


Rakhine State
Rioters torched two houses in a coastal town in Myanmar's Rakhine State in the latest
violence between Buddhists and minority Muslims, a government spokesman said, but a
resident said security forces had restored order on Monday.

At least 237 people have been killed in Myanmar in religious violence over the past year
and about 150,000 people have been displaced. Most of the victims were Muslim and the
most deadly incidents happened in Rakhine State, where about 800,000 Rohingya Muslims
live, according to the United Nations.

In the latest flare-up, about 50 people gathered outside a police station in Thandwe on the
west coast on Sunday after hearing a woman had been raped by "a man of another
religion", government spokesman Ye Htut said on his Facebook page.

While the Thandwe riot was relatively minor, similar incidents in the past have led to larger
and more deadly confrontations.

The rioters set two homes on fire at about 7 p.m. (1230 GMT) after police asked the crowd
to disperse.

"The Myanmar police force is working to reveal the offenders and take action according to
the law," Ye Htut said.

Three Muslims were injured in the fire, Ye Oo, a police deputy corporal in Thandwe, told
Reuters by telephone.

Ye Htut said police had blocked roads into and out of the town, which has the closest
airport to Ngapali beach, one of Myanmar's most popular beaches for tourists.

The United Nations said 140,000 people remain displaced in the state after clashes in June
and October last year.

Two displaced people were killed and six wounded on June 27 when security forces used
gunfire to disperse a crowd that had gathered at a military base in Kyein Ni Pyin, a camp
for displaced persons in the Pauktaw area of Rakhine State.

Muslims make up about 5 percent of the 60 million people in Buddhist-majority Myanmar.

The Guardian (Reino Unido) – Kazakhstan: strategically valuable


but democracy is 'work in progress'
Joanna Lillis

Central Asian republic has amenable attitude towards co-operation with west but a poor
human rights record

Britain is not the only western nation cosying up to Kazakhstan, one of the world's biggest
20 oil producers. The country is of strategic value, for energy and security reasons, as it
sits on formidable hydrocarbon reserves, and also along a transportation route that is vital
for Britain to ship military kit home from Afghanistan as it withdraws troops by 2015.

46
But as David Cameron woos the Kazakh president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, on the first trip
by a serving British prime minister to the sprawling state the size of western Europe
sandwiched between Russia and China, he may find the 72-year-old leader an uneasy
bedfellow.

Nazarbayev is a seasoned autocrat who has been in power for more than 20 years and who
likes to win elections with 95% of the vote or more. He brooks no dissent or opposition and
muzzles media outlets that dare question the wisdom of his rule.

Cameron must be aware that Kazakhstan is a country where "dishonest elections have
become the norm, opposition parties are not registered, independent media are shut down,
and inconvenient politicians are convicted by tame courts and jailed", says opposition
politician Amirzhan Kosanov. The British prime minister should press Nazarbayev on this,
"but unfortunately oil always outweighs ideals and democratic values on the scales".

Astana denies abusing political freedoms and human rights, and Nazarbayev recently
opined that his country's glass of democracy is half or three-quarters full. His
administration is fond of chanting the mantra that democracy is a work in progress.

Yet Kazakhstan's beleaguered opposition tells a different story: as Cameron strokes


Nazarbayev's ego, one prominent opposition leader, Vladimir Kozlov, is languishing behind
bars serving a seven-and-a-half year term for fomenting violence and plotting
Nazarbayev's overthrow.

The charges stem from fatal unrest in Kazakhstan's oil-rich west in 2011, when an energy
workers' strike turned violent and 15 demonstrators died in a hail of police gunfire. Astana
reacted with a political crackdown, closing Kozlov's political party and banning many
independent media outlets.

Kozlov's wife, Aliya Turusbekova, considers it naïve to believe Cameron will press
Nazarbayev over human rights or her husband's imprisonment, because Britain sees
Kazakhstan as a place to "open new markets for itself, or obtain cheap raw materials".
Nevertheless, she says, international contacts are a plus for Kazakhstan and her jailed
husband, forcing Astana to restrain some of its more authoritarian impulses.

Kazakhstan's human rights record may look woeful, but Nazarbayev has good spin doctors.
Chief among them is Tony Blair, who has a multimillion-pound contract with Astana to
advise on governance.

Nazarbayev likes to strut the world stage posing as an elder statesman, and he has won
kudos from the international community over his nuclear non-proliferation efforts
(Kazakhstan voluntarily gave up nuclear weapons at independence) and his amenable
attitude towards security co-operation with the west over Afghanistan.

As Cameron poses for a photo with Nazarbayev, human rights activists are urging him not
to turn a blind eye to Kazakhstan's record.

"Cameron has a real opportunity to confirm that human rights are a central focus of UK
foreign policy during his upcoming visit to Kazakhstan – he can, and should, raise concern
about ongoing and serious human rights violations in Kazakhstan with President
Nazarbayev and other government officials," said Mihra Rittmann of Human Rights Watch.

CHINA

47
China Daily (China) – Promoting regional cooperation
By Qi Jianguo

At present, the security situation in the Asia-Pacific region is generally stable while there
remain challenges and risks. In the face of common threats to regional security and a
variety of risks and challenges, cooperation is gradually becoming a consensus among
Asia-Pacific countries. To be precise, a scenario characterized by promoting development,
seeking peace and guaranteeing security through cooperation is gradually taking shape in
this region. I'd like to take this opportunity to propose the following initiatives:

First, we should strengthen strategic mutual trust to lay the foundation for security
cooperation. The interests of Asia-Pacific countries have not only converged, but also their
fears and safety provisions have become common. Based on that, we should consider each
other's development as an opportunity rather than a threat, and abandon the zero-sum
game mentality, characterized by "if you gain, I lose; if you win, I fail; and if you prosper, I
decline".

Only with a broad vision can cooperation be carried out in a sincere way. If we focus on the
interests of three to five years, our differences may outweigh commonalities. But if we set
our eyes on the interests of next 10 to 20 years, what we have in common will belittle our
differences.

Confronted with the complicated and diversified regional security issues, no state can stand
aloof, paying attention to only its own interests without a thought for others. Therefore,
the countries in the region should come together in times of trouble, strengthen
cooperation and jointly explore ways to dissolve contradictions and differences and deal
with risks and challenges.

Second, we should give due consideration to the concerns of all parties to strengthen the
agreement on security cooperation. Only by respecting rather than confronting each other,
and reducing rather than creating more problems can the region's countries enhance
mutual understanding, seek common ground and resolve differences to coexist
harmoniously.

We should respect the existence of diverse societies in the Asia-Pacific region, seek more
common ground while mitigating differences, follow inclusive policies, and refrain from
creating imaginary adversaries. We should also respect the diversity in the development
paths of other countries, and learn from each other and draw on each other's strengths to
offset our shortcomings, instead of assuming an air of arrogance and imposing our opinions
on others. Besides, we should respect the norms of international relations and adhere to
the five principles of peaceful coexistence, instead of making indiscreet remarks and
resorting to indiscriminate use of force.

Efforts should be made to promote bilateral and multilateral security cooperation in the
Asia-Pacific region and accord priority to more pragmatic collaborations in non-traditional
security areas such as counter-terrorism and stability maintenance, international
peacekeeping, disaster prevention and relief, anti-piracy exercises and humanitarian aid.

Third, we should manage and control crises and strengthen channels for security
cooperation. Permanent peace can be maintained only when all crises are resolved
properly. Given that the region has a number of hotspot issues and challenges, Asia-Pacific
countries should deepen their cooperation and pool their wisdom and strength together to
resolve crises and handle challenges in order to seize the opportunities that emerge and
jointly safeguard regional peace and stability.

More efforts should be made to maintain peace and encourage negotiations instead of
adding fuel to the fire.

48
Countries should employ more strategic wisdom to find new answers to old issues, and
mutually beneficial answers to new issues, and seek breakthroughs in disputes. It must be
emphasized that we advocate peace, but not out of fear of war. If someone provokes a
war, we will respond calmly and fight to the last. We do advocate negotiations, but we will
not compromise unconditionally.

If someone challenges our core national interests, we will respond suitably without giving
up an inch of our land or sea territory. We advocate flexibility, but we will not compromise
with our principles. And if someone should challenge the norms of international relations,
we will oppose unequivocally and determinedly.

Fourth, we should perfect the regional security architecture and strengthen the platform for
security cooperation. Efficient security cooperation mechanisms with smooth
communication facilities serve as the ballast and stabilizer to safeguard regional peace. In
fact, security cooperation mechanisms at different levels with varying emphases have
already been established in the Asia-Pacific region.

We can strengthen communication, resolve disputes and deepen cooperation through


regional cooperative organizations by giving full play to the existing mechanisms such as
the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, ASEAN 10+1, ASEAN 10+3, ASEAN 10+8 and the
ASEAN Regional Forum.

Military alliances in the region should not go beyond the scope of bilateral relations, let
alone targeting at a third party. The region's countries should adapt to the general trend of
peaceful development and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific by contributing more to regional
peace and stability and not interfering in the internal affairs of other countries.

Efforts should be made to deepen bilateral defense relations based on the principles of
non-alignment, such as giving further play to multilateral platforms such as the Jakarta
International Defense Dialogue and the Shangri-La Dialogue, and to jointly promote the
building of a regional structure for security cooperation characterized by co-existence,
interactions and complementary advantages.

To pursue its "dream", China will join hands with the Asia-Pacific countries in committing
itself to maintaining peace and promoting common development in the region. As an active
communicator of the Asia-Pacific security concept, China is committed to following the path
of peaceful development and advocating the establishment of a new type of partnership
with comprehensive security, common security and cooperative security being at its core.
This significant concept has been appreciated and echoed by an increasing number of Asia-
Pacific countries.

China is sincere in its hope of handling issues properly through cooperation, but it remains
firm in its determination to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Reuters (Reino Unido) – China state media blames Syria rebels


for Xinjiang violence
Chinese state media on Monday blamed Syrian opposition forces in unusually specific finger
pointing for training Muslim extremists responsible for the deadliest unrest in four years in
China's far-western region of Xinjiang.

China has traditionally blamed violence in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Uighurs, on Islamic
separatists who want to establish an independent state of "East Turkestan".

49
This appears to mark the first time Beijing has blamed a group in Syria and fits a common
narrative of the government portraying Xinjiang's violence as coming from abroad, such as
Pakistan, and not due to homegrown anger.

Chinese President Xi Jinping presided over a forum in Beijing last Saturday on maintaining
stability in Xinjiang. Paramilitary police have flooded the streets of the regional capital
Urumqi after 35 people were killed in two attacks last week, which China has blamed on a
gang engaged in "religious extremist activities".

Many Uighurs in Xinjiang resent what they call Chinese government restrictions on their
culture, language and religion.

The Global Times, a tabloid owned by the Communist Party mouthpiece, the People's Daily,
said that some members of the East Turkestan faction had moved from Turkey into Syria.

"This Global Times reporter has recently exclusively learned from the Chinese anti-
terrorism authorities that since 2012, some members of the 'East Turkestan' faction have
entered Syria from Turkey, participated in extremist, religious and terrorist organizations
within the Syrian opposition forces and fought against the Syrian army," the newspaper
said.

"At the same time, these elements from 'East Turkestan' have identified candidates to
sneak into Chinese territory to plan and execute terrorist attacks."

Authorities had arrested a 23-year-old "terrorist", known in Chinese as Maimaiti Aili,


belonging to the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), the report said, adding that he
had taken part in the Syrian war.

Dilxat Raxit, the Sweden-based spokesman for the exiled World Uyghur Congress, called
the report unrealistic.

"Uighurs already find it very difficult to get passports, how can they run off to Syria?" Raxit
told Reuters by telephone.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying declined to directly answer questions
on whether Syrian rebels had joined forces with the East Turkestan movement.

Hua only said at a regular briefing that China has "also noted that in recent years East
Turkestan terrorist forces and international terrorist organizations have been uniting, not
only threatening China's national security but also the peace and stability of relevant
countries and regions."

Officials in Xinjiang and China's ministry of public security were not immediately available
for comment.

Pan Zhiping, a retired expert on Central Asia at Xinjiang's Academy of Social Science, said
it was possible that the attackers in Xinjiang were involved in the Syrian war, citing
members of the East Turkestan movement who had taken part in the Chechnya war, and
were extradited by Russia to go on trial in China.

"They are definitely more dangerous, these people, we can call them desperados. They are
highly trained and not ordinary citizens," Pan said.

The report by the Global Times follows attempts by China to take a more proactive role in
solving the crisis in Syria. China, a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, has
been keen to show it is not taking sides and has urged the Syrian government to talk to
the opposition.

50
Police in Xinjiang have detained 19 people for spreading online rumors that triggered
Wednesday's attack in northern Shanshan county, state media said on Monday.

The increased security comes four days before the fourth anniversary of the July 2009 riots
in Xinjiang that pitted Uighurs against ethnic Chinese, resulting in nearly 200 people being
killed.

Two days after the deadly attack, more than 100 people riding motorbikes and wielding
knives attacked a police station in Xinjiang, state media reported.

(Reporting by Sui-Lee Wee, Michael Martina and Li Hui; Editing by Nick Macfie)

AUSTRÁLIA

BBC (Reino Unido) – New Australia PM Kevin Rudd unveils


cabinet line-up
Australia's new prime minister, Kevin Rudd, has unveiled his cabinet, five days after
ousting Julia Gillard as Labor Party leader.

The cabinet contains a record number of women and many Rudd backers, who replace
Gillard loyalists who stepped down after the leadership change.

The foreign affairs, defence and home affairs ministers remained unchanged.

The new cabinet was sworn in on Monday and was to hold its first meeting shortly
afterwards.

Kevin Rudd ousted Ms Gillard amid poll figures showing she was on course for a crushing
defeat in a general election that is currently set for 14 September.

A poll on Sunday showed the return of Mr Rudd - who Ms Gillard ousted as prime minister
just over three years ago - had, as expected, given Labor a boost.

The Galaxy Research poll found support for Labor - if the two main parties were compared
- had jumped by four percentage points to 49%, with the Liberals on 51%.

Mr Rudd was significantly ahead of opposition leader Tony Abbott as preferred prime
minister, the poll showed, with 51% to Mr Abbott's 34%.

'Strong team'

It is still not clear whether the election will take place as scheduled. Mr Rudd can move the
date and Mr Abbott has called on him to make an announcement to "end the uncertainty".

Unveiling his cabinet, Mr Rudd described it as a "strong team" that he was "proud to lead",
and said his government's "core task" would be to keep the economy strong.

Mr Abbott, however, described the line-up as "not even the B team, it's the C team".

Several of Ms Gillard's ministers resigned after last week's leadership vote, including
Treasurer Wayne Swan and Trade Minister Craig Emerson.

They have been replaced by Chris Bowen and Richard Marles respectively.

51
Bill Shorten, the key power-broker who switched his backing to Mr Rudd shortly before last
week's vote, was given the education portfolio.

Deputy Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will also take on the communications portfolio,
making him responsible for the high-profile National Broadband Network roll-out.

Defence Minister Stephen Smith says he will resign after the next election but will remain
in his post until then.

ÁFRICA

Le Figaro (França) – Au Mali, les forces des Nations unies


prennent le relais
Les forces ouest-africaines qui interviennent dans le pays depuis le mois de janvier passent
lundi sous mandat onusien.
David Baché

Le transfert d’autorité doit être officialisé ce lundi matin à Bamako. Au cours d’une
cérémonie très symbolique, les soldats ouest-africains qui interviennent au Mali depuis le
mois de janvier troqueront leurs bérets contre les traditionnels couvre-chefs bleus des
Nations unies. La Misma (Mission internationale de soutien pour le Mali) devient donc la
Minusma (Mission des Nations unies au Mali). « Nous avons déjà reçu une certaine quantité
de matériel de l’ONU, explique le colonel Gabriel, commandant du bataillon nigérien
positionné à Gao, dans le nord du Mali. Nous avons les bérets, les insignes, nous sommes
prêts à arborer les signes d’appartenance à l’ONU dans la foulée de la transition officielle. »

Les troupes ouest-africaines ne se contentent pas d’adopter le casque bleu des missions de
maintien de la paix onusiennes : elles sont renforcées par d’autres troupes internationales.
Ainsi, les soldats tchadiens, nigériens, sénégalais ou encore togolais seront rejoints, d’ici à
la fin de l’année, par des contingents envoyés notamment par le Burundi, le Bangladesh, la
Chine ou encore le Honduras, la Suède et la Norvège. L’effectif total des troupes passera
ainsi, d’ici à quelques mois, de plus de 6 000 à plus de 12 000 hommes. « On espère
quand même qu’ils arriveront d’ici à trois mois, confie le général Dembélé, chef d’état-
major des armées du Mali. Initialement, notre souhait était que la Minusma se déploie au
moment de l’élection présidentielle de juillet, mais c’est impossible actuellement. »

Le quartier général reste à Bamako, mais les villes de Gao et de Tombouctou, dans le
Nord, deviennent des bases de commandement. Les postes stratégiques sont changés : la
direction militaire de la Minusma a été confiée au général rwandais Jean-Bosco Kazura,
choisi pour son expérience au sein de la Mission de l’Union africaine au Soudan, dont il a
été le commandant adjoint entre 2005 et 2007. Son chef d’état-major, le général Pillet, est
français.
Sur le plan opérationnel, la Minusma se voit chargée de plusieurs objectifs très délicats.
C’est elle qui devra superviser le cantonnement des combattants touaregs du MNLA
(Mouvement national de libération de l’Azawad), dans la ville de Kidal. Un prélude à leur
désarmement aussi technique, sur le plan logistique, que politique, tant le sujet est
sensible au Mali.

Ce cantonnement est la première phase du désarmement des combattants des groupes


armés, qui doit rendre possible la tenue de l’élection présidentielle, toujours prévue pour le
28 juillet. Samedi, la Cour constitutionnelle a annoncé que trente-six personnes, dont
quatre anciens premiers ministres et deux femmes, se sont portées candidates. Là encore,
les forces onusiennes sont sollicitées, puisqu’elles se voient confier la sécurisation du

52
scrutin. Un scrutin à haut risque, dont les djihadistes chassés du nord du Mali pourraient
profiter pour lancer de nouvelles attaques terroristes.

La Minusma pourra cependant encore compter sur le soutien de la force française « Serval
», toujours présente au Mali et dont la vocation est de conduire des opérations plus
offensives. Les Français ont décidé de ralentir leur désengagement du territoire malien et
de maintenir entre 3000 et 3500 soldats dans le pays pour participer à la sécurisation de
l’élection présidentielle et superviser le redéploiement des troupes maliennes à Kidal, aux
côtés des forces onusiennes de la Minusma.

ENERGIA

Global Post (EUA) – Brazil's hydro dams could make its


greenhouse gas emissions soar
Already a top emitter, Brazil could spew hundreds of millions more tons of gases blamed
for climate change, such as CO2 and methane, as it floods Amazon forest for hydro power,
new research suggests.

Officials here frequently claim that the huge hydroelectric dams that increasingly dot the
Brazilian Amazon are a source of “clean energy.”

The dams often involve flooding vast areas of rain forest, leading to a major loss of
biodiversity and the devastating displacement of indigenous communities from their
ancestral lands.

That is justified, President Dilma Rousseff claims, because they help fight climate change.

“[Hydroelectric power] does not emit greenhouse gases, and that means we have a
renewable energy project,” she said when recently inaugurating one Amazonian dam.

Yet, according to independent scientists, that claim does not stand up to scrutiny.

In fact, the dams may even be causing Brazil’s carbon footprint, already among the
world's largest, to expand significantly, dumping hundreds of millions of additional tons of
the gases blamed for climate change into the atmosphere.

For example, one Amazonian dam, Tucurui, was once calculated to have greater emissions
than Sao Paulo, Brazil’s largest city — and among the 10 most populous in the world.

The reason for that is very simple. The huge stretches of rain forest flooded to create dam
reservoirs, often running into hundreds of square miles, rot in the water, emitting
greenhouse gases.

The stumps of trees protruding from the water give off carbon dioxide. But the worst
impact comes from below the surface.

Vegetation decomposing at the bottom of the reservoir, where there’s little or no oxygen in
the water, release methane, a gas whose greenhouse effect is 25 times stronger than that
of carbon dioxide.

The science is complex but much of that gas is released as the water passes, at a lower
pressure through the dam’s turbines, emitting bubbles in a similar chemical process to the
hiss of carbon dioxide as a bottle of soda is opened.

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For some dams that means a huge carbon emissions spike that lasts years and even
decades after they first begin operations before eventually tailing off.

But for others, where the level of the reservoir periodically rises and falls dozens of feet,
repeatedly allowing vegetation to flourish on its edges and then re-flooding that new
growth, the methane emissions never stop.

Philip Fearnside, an American professor at Brazil’s National Institute for Amazon Research
(INPA) who studies the issue, warns that the dams’ emissions spikes could not come at a
worse time.

He singled out Belo Monte, an enormous, highly controversial $22 billion dam planned for
the Xingu river in the northeastern Amazon. It’s projected to generate enough electricity to
power 18 million households, making it the third most powerful in the world.

Yet Fearnside says the Belo Monte complex, including another dam upriver to regulate
flow, will give off 11.2 million tons of carbon per year for its first decade in operation — the
equivalent annual emissions of 2.3 million cars.

Worse still, it will take Belo Monte 41 years before its greenhouse gas emissions break
even with those of a fossil fuel plant generating the same amount of power.

“The hydro industry likes to make its calculations based on a 100-year lifespan but that
ignores the fundamental fact that if you build dozens of dams in the Amazon now, exactly
as the world needs to reduce emissions quickly before the effects of global warming
become even more serious, the spike is happening right in that critical period,” he said.

Indeed, Eletrobras, the state energy company with a 15 percent stake in Belo Monte, is
even applying for carbon credits potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars from the
World Bank for some of its Amazonian dams based on the fact that, supposedly, they
release fewer greenhouse gases than fossil fuels.

But neither the Brazilian government nor the companies behind the dams appear
interested in publicly discussing the issue.

Brazil’s energy ministry did not respond to GlobalPost’s requests for comment.

Meanwhile, Eletrobras referred our questions to Norte Energia, the consortium running the
project. But Norte Energia sent GlobalPost back to Eletrobras.

However, Norte Energia did respond — sort of — to one of Fearnside’s research papers,
forwarded to it by GlobalPost, on the issue of carbon emitted by hydroelectric dams in
tropical rainforest. By email, the company replied: “We do not comment on academic
studies.”

That brought a withering response from Brent Millikan, the Amazon program director of
International Rivers, a US NGO that campaigns against large dams in the developing world.

"This is an extraordinary admission,” he said. “They are effectively saying they are not
interested in the latest science and by implication that they don't even care about the
carbon emissions that independent scientists are warning the dam will generate, through
both reservoirs and deforestation in the vicinity of the project.”

Belo Monte is one of a total 60 dams the Brazilian government wants to build in the
Amazon, and whose reservoirs will flood roughly 3 percent of the world’s largest tropical
rain forest — an area equivalent to Michigan.

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Environmental and human rights campaigners have long railed against the plans because
of the huge loss of biodiversity warehoused in the tropical rain forest — the world’s most
complex ecosystem — and the impacts on local communities, including indigenous peoples.

Paulo Barreto, a forester at Imazon, a Brazilian nonprofit think tank that specializes in
Amazonian conservation, has calculated that Belo Monte will lead to indirect deforestation,
also excluded from official carbon footprint calculations.

That forest loss, totaling 2,052 square miles, will be caused by an influx of people settling
near the dam, and will result in 267 million tons of carbon emissions, he has calculated.

“They completely disregard the social issues, and the most serious is regarding indigenous
communities,” Barreto said. “They say they are not building dams on indigenous land, but
they are drying up rivers that, downriver, indigenous communities depend on for fishing.”

“They simply don’t estimate the full costs such as indirect deforestation. What they [the
government and dam consortia] present is very partial.”

TEMAS ECONÔMICOS, FINANCEIROS E COMERCIAIS

Wall Street Journal (EUA) – Brazil Extends Its Sway Into Other
(Growing) Fields
LESLIE JOSEPHS

Brazil is throwing its weight around commodity markets.

The South American country has long been a force in coffee, sugar and orange juice,
markets in which it is the world's No. 1 supplier.

Now, its heft is reaching other, bigger markets for agricultural commodities, such as
soybeans and corn. Brazil's expanding influence is contributing to a decline in prices and
dimming the outlook for the entire sector.

"Brazil is the world's farm," said James Cordier, president of Tampa, Fla.-based brokerage
Liberty Trading Group, who has placed bets that coffee prices will fall through March.
"They're dominating supply pressure in just about every market."

Coffee prices shed 13% in the second quarter, nearing a four-year low. Brazilian growers
have begun picking what the government forecasts will be a record "off-cycle" crop. Coffee
trees produce fruit in two-year cycles, with one harvest larger and the following year's crop
smaller. The current harvest comes as farmers still have beans from the previous, the
largest on record, yet to sell.

Sugar prices were down 7.3% in the period and are close to a three-year low. Again, the
culprit is Brazil, which is forecast to produce a record amount of sugar cane. The
International Sugar Organization, an industry group, expects global supplies to outpace
demand by a record 10 million tons this year, largely because of Brazil.

"When [arabica coffee] prices hit $3 in 2011, farmers got very excited. They took care of
their plantations," said Henrique Sloper de Araújo, president of the Brazil Specialty Coffee
Association. "You're seeing the effect of that right now."

Investors such as hedge funds have soured on both markets. As of June 25, money
managers' net bets that prices would fall was $2.2 billion for these two commodities,
according to data from the Commodity Futures Trading Commission.

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While Brazil's output has long swayed prices of coffee and sugar, its impact on other
agricultural markets is becoming more pronounced.

Indeed, recent price booms that encouraged Brazilian farmers to rev up investment ended
up pushing prices lower. That is occurring against a backdrop of slower economic growth,
most notably in China, the biggest importer of many commodities, including soybeans and
cotton.

Another headwind pressuring prices has been Brazil's weaker real. In June, the currency
fell to the lowest point against the U.S. dollar in more than four years. That encourages
Brazilian growers to export more of their crops because they receive more reais back for
products sold abroad in U.S. dollars.

Brazil's soybean crop is expected to reach a record 85 million metric tons in the 2013-
2014 crop season, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The country's soybean
output in the 2012-13 season rose 34% compared with five seasons ago, an increase
largely fueled by China's more protein-focused diet.

Brazil's corn output increased 36% in the past five seasons, and it harvested its biggest
crop on record last harvest, according to the USDA.

Higher prices have encouraged Brazilian growers to plant more. "In the last five years,
we've increased our area about 40%. We still have some more growing to do," said Holt
Shoaf, who farms soybeans and corn in the northeastern state of Piauí.

As Brazil was reaping large corn and soybean crops last year, the U.S. was mired in
drought, and yields of corn and soybeans tumbled to the lowest point in five and six years,
respectively. That sent prices in late 2012 for these crops to records. But drought
conditions in the U.S. have eased, removing a major supply risk.

Soybean prices hit a 10-month low early in the second quarter. But while they ended the
quarter 11% higher, prices will likely drop in the second half of the year, analysts said, as
the U.S. harvest starts to add to global supplies of the oilseed.

"Now it's the time of the grain and soybeans to see a big drop in prices," said Kona Haque,
head of agricultural research at Macquarie Bank MQG.AU -3.27% . "We are quite bearish
from fourth quarter onwards."

To be sure, the supply gluts may not last.

To counter the sugar surplus, Brazilian mills are already dedicating more of their cane to
produce ethanol. Since the sugar-cane harvest began in April, mills in the main center-
south growing region have dedicated 41.9% of their cane to produce sugar, and 58.1% to
make ethanol, the Brazilian Sugarcane Industry Association, or UNICA, said this past week.
That compares with a mix of 45.6% for sugar and 54.4% for ethanol at the same point last
year.

Coffee growers are expected to cut back on fertilizer and other expenses that could spur
output. "They're not going to invest in treating their farms," said the coffee association's
Mr. Sloper. That means a "lower amount of coffee in the market in 2015, 2016."

Additionally, prices could bounce back because demand for food is expected to be more
resilient than industrial commodities like copper.

"China has to eat, and their own production they're expanding as fast as consumption.
They're running into land limits, water-resource limits," said Michael McDougall, a senior

56
vice president at brokerage Newedge, who worked in the futures market in Brazil for 14
years.

Financial Times (Reino Unido) – Wary of the peso, Argentines try


a new form of payment
By Jude Webber

Argentina gets a new payment method on Monday that, unlike the peso, can be swapped
for much coveted dollars in a country where greenbacks are like gold.

Though designed for real estate purchases, officials say the new Certificate of Deposit for
Investment, or Cedin, could also be used to buy anything from washing machines to
holidays, provided buyer and seller agree.

Argentina has a history of resorting to funny money or emergency bonds as a substitute


for cash in times of financial crisis, such as Patacones and Lecops.

Those bonds, issued by the province of Buenos Aires and the national government
respectively during the country’s 2001-02 economic crash, when it defaulted on nearly
$100bn of foreign debt, were used among other things to pay salaries.

The Cedin is different: the cash-strapped government, which introduced a strict clamp on
legal access to dollars in October 2011 but has still seen central bank reserves decline at
an alarming rate, is offering the bonds to people in exchange for dollars that have been
held abroad or under the mattress without being declared.

The catch is that, to be cashed for dollars by the central bank, they must be used in a real
estate or construction transaction. The government hopes, however, that they can then
circulate freely and be used for other purchases. “People will be able to buy white goods or
any other product, pay for foreign holidays or pay off debts,” says Miguel Angel Pesce,
deputy governor of Argentina’s central bank.

Idesa, a consultancy, says Cedins “will operate like a national currency, convertible into
dollars . . . The government is forced to seek alternatives because the Argentine peso has
stopped serving as a savings instrument and has many limitations as a transaction
instrument”.

Argentines have a long-held love affair with the dollar, stemming from decades of painful
experience of high or runaway inflation, currency crashes and economic turbulence –
indeed the peso was pegged to the dollar during the so-called convertibility regime in the
1990s, though that experience collapsed in the 2001-02 crash.

The greenback remains the preferred currency for savers and real estate transactions
traditionally conducted in dollars have screeched to a halt amid the government’s currency
restrictions.

Since the government, in a bid to stem a haemorrhage of dollars flowing abroad, clamped
down on accessing dollars, the black-market dollar rate has soared, virtually doubling the
official rate in early May, sparking the announcement of the Cedin plan.

The official dollar rate is now some 5.39 pesos while the parallel rate – dubbed the “blue
rate” – has eased to around 8.04 pesos.

The government dismisses the blue dollar as a tiny, illegal and illiquid market that has little
relevance for most of the 40m population, but the “blue” has become a closely watched
economic variable beside the overvalued peso.

57
The problem for the government is that, even with the clamp on dollars, central bank
reserves in Latin America’s third-biggest economy have tumbled to a six-year low – now
less than $37.2bn.

As such, the government sees the invitation to “launder” dollars for Cedins – and experts
admit that the no-questions-asked attitude of the authorities could invite dirty money – as
a way to boost reserves. Mr Pesce says it is credible to imagine $4bn being declared.

“The Cedin has two opposing goals – to reactivate house sales and accumulate reserves,”
says Eduardo Levy Yeyati, head of Elypsis, a consultancy, who sees the scheme as a
“Venezuela-style” attempt to intervene in the parallel dollar market.

But since house-sellers want to get their hands on dollars and are likely to swap the Cedin
into dollars, the increase in reserves is unlikely to be lasting.

“The Cedin are short-term sales of reserves,” he says. “The risk is that they will issue them
against the declining reserves thinking that people will hold on to them for a while. That
will compromise reserves in the future,” he added.

Miguel Kiguel, an economist, said he struggled to see people using Cedins instead of pesos
or credit-card purchases in instalments, which are very popular in Argentina.

“People who want dollars will want dollars, not Cedins,” he says. “This is obviously a
backwards step.”

Clarín (Argentina) – Em meio a tensão, Dilma Rousseff envia


ministro linha dura para negociar com Argentina
A presidente brasileira apressa a chegada a Buenos Aires do ministro do Desenvolvimento,
Indústria e Comércio Exterior, Fernando Pimentel, representante da ala dura do governo
quanto à visão de como lidar com os problemas na relação bilateral. O envio do seu antigo
companheiro de luta armada demonstra o grau de irritação da presidente Dilma Rousseff
com as últimas medidas do governo argentino. Pimentel é um dos poucos a contar com a
confiança da presidente do Brasil.
Por MARCIO RESENDE

A Embaixada brasileira em Buenos Aires começou ainda na sexta-feira a preparar às


pressas a agenda do ministro. A intenção era que Pimentel chegasse a Buenos Aires já na
segunda-feira, dia 10, mas a chegada foi adiada em dois dias para coincidir com o começo
da missão do novo embaixador brasileiro na Argentina, Everton Vargas, quem só assume o
posto nesta quarta-feira. No entanto, dificuldades para agendar as reuniões de Pimentel
com membros do governo argentino tornaram a viagem sem data certa.

A decisão de enviar o ministro Pimentel o mais rápido possível à Argentina foi tomada pela
própria presidente Dilma Rousseff na quinta-feira passada como reflexo imediato à
decisão do governo da presidente Cristina Kirchner de retirar as concessões ferroviárias da
empresa brasileira América Latina Logística (ALL) na Argentina.

O anúncio que punha fim às operações ferroviárias da ALL tinha impactado em Brasília 48
horas antes.

Foi a gota d'água para uma reação enérgica de Dilma Rousseff, quem convive com a
pressão diária de empresários brasileiros com interesses afetados na Argentina.

58
Os mais recentes episódios incluem a decisão da companhia Vale de suspender um mega
projeto de 6 bilhões de dólares, a saída da fabricante de louças e sanitários Deca Piazza, o
encolhimento ao mínimo da operação de frigoríficos brasileiros na Argentina e os
constantes entraves às importações.

Os empresários brasileiros questionam a passividade do governo perante as medidas


argentinas.

Segundo fontes ligadas ao Ministério do Desenvolvimento e ao Itamaraty, a vinda do


ministro Pimentel não teria o mesmo caráter conciliatório de vezes anteriores.

O Brasil convive internamente com uma queda no superávit comercial e com uma
desaceleração econômica.

Economistas atribuem como boa parte da causa o protecionismo argentino.

A Argentina é o terceiro parceiro comercial do Brasil, sendo o País que mais importa
manufaturas brasileiras.

As restrições às importações brasileiras, as proibições de repatriar dividendos, as restrições


à compra de moeda estrangeira e as constantes intervenções do Estado nos mercados
afetam o clima de negócios, fazem com que as empresas congelem investimentos, queiram
abandonar o país e sintam que o Mercosul, em vez de propiciar o fluxo de investimentos e
incrementar o comércio, seja uma âncora na pretensão brasileira de projetar-se ao mundo.

Na sua última visita a Buenos Aires, Dilma Rousseff teria chegado a oferecer a Cristina
Kirchner a disposição do Brasil de ajudar, com fundos, a Argentina a retornar ao mercado
internacional de capitais como forma de liberar o comércio exterior, pelo menos aos países
do Mercosul numa primeira etapa, fontes de Brasília.

A reintegração da Argentina ao mundo do mercado financeiro seria também uma forma de


induzir o país a guiar-se pelas regras internacionais de jogo.

Cristina Kirchner teria descartado esse saída.

Sem poder captar dólares no mercado financeiro por ainda estar com parte da dívida em
default, a Argentina só conta com a possibilidade de captar dólares pelo lado comercial.

As restrições às importações buscam melhorar o saldo da balança comercial argentina num


contexto de perda constante das reservas internacionais do Banco Central.

O efeito colateral é que os investimentos também se reduzem, diminuindo a produção


interna e dificultando a Argentina a captar dólares pelo lado comercial, via exportações.

Embora a viagem do ministro Pimentel já estivesse prevista para antes de julho, quando
vence o atual acordo automotivo, a estratégia de incluir novos assuntos espinhosos na
mesa de negociação e de acelerar a chegada de Pimentel a Buenos Aires foi uma decisão
da presidente Dilma Rousseff.

Fernando Pimentel é filiado ao PT de Rousseff. Os dois foram militantes juntos e apoiavam


a luta armada contra a ditadura militar no final dos anos 60.

No próximo dia 1 de julho, vence o atual acordo e o mercado automotivo deveria passar a
ser livre.

A Argentina, no entanto, estaria propensa a pedir uma extensão das regras do atual
acordo.

59
O Brasil prefere a livre circulação de automóveis a partir de julho, mas não teria nenhum
inconveniente de conceder mais tempo à Argentina, segundo declarações recentes de
autoridades brasileiras à imprensa.

Na visão brasileira, enquanto a Argentina é superavitária em relação ao Brasil em


automóveis, o Brasil é superavitário em relação à Argentina em autopeças. Ou seja: o
Brasil compra mais carros da Argentina, mas compra carros com autopeças brasileiras.

Na soma global, a balança favorece ao Brasil.

O ministro Fernando Pimentel é favorável a conceder uma extensão do atual acordo à


Argentina desde que o governo argentino remova barreiras ao investimento e ao comércio.

Por isso, todos os assuntos que afetam os interesses brasileiros devem ser postos sobre a
mesa de negociação como um pacote num “toma-lá-da-cá” no qual o Brasil aceita ceder
com uma contrapartida real do lado argentino, como afirmaram fontes do governo
brasileiro.

Essa é a missão do ministro do desenvolvimento, Indústria e Comércio Exterior, Fernando


Pimentel. E também o primeiro trabalho do novo embaixador, Everton Vargas, quem
assume nesta quarta-feira já sob tempestade nas relações bilaterais.

Clarín (Argentina) – Para Cristina, la inflación no es


responsabilidad del Gobierno
En la serie de declaraciones por la red social Twitter que suele hacer los domingos por la
tarde, la Presidenta Cristina Kirchner aseguró que “la inflación no es un fenómeno de la
naturaleza o del Gobierno”.

En su comunicación, la Presidenta consideró además que “solamente a un tonto o a alguno


demasiado vivo se le puede ocurrir que los precios los pone o los aumenta el Gobierno”.

Cristina citó además una nota a un joven empleado de una compañía que denunció en el
diario oficialista Tiempo Argentino que fue despedido de su trabajo cuando afirmó que sus
jefes aumentaban los precios.

La Presidenta afirmó que a ese joven “lo despidieron por haber dicho: ‘El empresariado
nacional está ganando mucho dinero’”.

El sábado, en la presentación de los candidatos del Frente Para la Victoria, Cristina había se
preguntó “si van a decir que la inflación es culpa de los salarios o de lo que piden los que
trabajan”.

El Tiempo (Colômbia) – La Alianza del Pacífico ya desgravó el


92% de su comercio
Cancilleres y ministros de comercio logran avances claves en Villa de Leyva.

“Hemos avanzado tan rápido que los derroteros están casi todos cumplidos”, dijo la
canciller colombiana, María Ángela Holguín, al culminar la reunión de los cancilleres y
ministros de comercio de la Alianza del Pacífico, que sesionó este fin de semana en Villa de
Leyva. Durante la reunión se concretó el 92 por ciento de la desgravación arancelaria para
el comercio de bienes y servicios entre los cuatro países: Colombia, Chile, México y Perú.

60
El restante 8 por ciento se terminaría de negociar entre los viceministros de los cuatro
países miembros que se reunirán la próxima semana en Santiago de Chile.

“Antes del 30 de julio ya concluiríamos la negociación de manera que ya procederemos a


los trámites internos de cada país”, afirmó el ministro de Comercio Exterior, Sergio Díaz -
Granados.

La negociación arancelaria está formada por 20 capítulos que comprenden el comercio de


bienes y servicios, inversiones, compras gubernamentales, propiedad intelectual y solución
de controversias, entre otros.

Además de la integración comercial, lo planteado en esta alianza comprende también otros


aspectos como la migración y libre circulación de personas, lo mismo que la promoción
conjunta y la cooperación.

También, la apertura de oficinas comerciales o embajadas conjuntas, el fortalecimiento de


la educación y de las pequeñas y medianas empresas, entre otros.

Estos temas los tratarán los presidentes de los cuatro países, quienes asistirán, en
septiembre, a un seminario para inversores que se celebrará en Nueva York con ocasión de
la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas; allí se presentarán los resultados de la
Alianza.

Además de los cuatro países que la conforman, la Canciller anotó que han recibido
solicitudes de membresía de Estados Unidos, China, Corea del Sur y Turquía.

La funcionaria agregó que la bolsa de México se integrará al Mila, que reúne las bolsas de
valores de Lima, Santiago y Bogotá. La Alianza, cuyos países suman 210 millones de
habitantes, equivalentes al 35 por ciento de América Latina y el Caribe, representan el 33
por ciento del comercio de la región. Colombia ocupa la presidencia pro témpore.

La promoción se haría en bloque

Además del comercio subregional entre los países miembros, las agencias de promoción de
estos países están trabajando en proyectos conjuntos que les permitan negociar ‘en
bloque’ el comercio de productos y servicios, lo mismo que la participación en futuras
ruedas de negocios. Los destinos a los que apuntarán están en países como India, Japón,
Corea del Sur y China.

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