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CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS LEGALES Y SOCIALES
migrantes
CENTER FOR LEGAL AND SOCIAL STUDIES
migration
/ migration
migrantes
El presente material ha sido elaborado por las áreas
Migrantes / Mariela Baladrón ... [et.al.]. de Comunicación y de Derechos Económicos,
- 1a ed. - Buenos Aires : Centro de Estudios Sociales y Culturales del CELS. Agradecemos
Legales y Sociales - CELS, 2013. especialmente la colaboración de Mariela Baladron,
80 p. ; 19x19 cm. - (Experiencias; 4) Aluminé Cabrera, Ezequiel María y Diego Morales en
su producción. También queremos agradecer la lectu-
ISBN 978-987-29080-0-3 ra atenta y los valiosos comentarios de Gastón Chillier,
Paula Litvachky, Carolina Varsky y Victoria Wigodzky.
1. Derechos Humanos. I. Baladrón, Mariela
CDD 323 Este documento fue realizado con el apoyo de la
Queda hecho el depósito que fundación National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
establece la ley 11.723
Diseño: Mariana Migueles
contents índice
ENG ESP
07 Presentation 05 Presentación
10 Introduction 08 Introducción
presentation
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ducción
con el objetivo de recibir a personas
procedentes de Europa que se extendió
desde finales del siglo XIX hasta mediados
de la década de 1960. A partir de entonces
la composición de la población extranjera
empezó a modificarse, tanto por su origen
como por su afluencia, y también la política
pública al respecto. Por un lado, la cantidad
de extranjeros que habitan el país se
mantuvo estable pero su proporción con
respecto a la población total disminuyó de
casi el 30% en 1894 hasta el 4,5% en 2010.
Si bien desde fines del siglo XIX ingresaron
flujos migratorios de países limítrofes como
Bolivia, Chile o Paraguay, a partir de la déca-
da de 1960 se redujo la inmigración europea
y las personas sudamericanas comenzaron
a constituirse en el grupo de extranjeros
más importante del país. En consonancia
con muchos de los países de la región,
Argentina también aplicó una perspectiva
inmigratoria limitada a una función de control
de las fronteras, con énfasis en la seguridad
nacional a través de una legislación
restrictiva de los derechos de los migrantes.
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duction
toward European immigration that extended
from the late nineteenth century to the mid
1960s. Since then, the composition of
the foreign population began to change,
both in terms of origin and affluence, as
well as public policies. On the one hand,
the number of foreign people living in the
country remained the same, while their
proportion compared to the total population
decreased from nearly 30% in 1894 to
4.5% in 2010. Since the late XIX century,
there had been immigration from bordering
countries such as Bolivia, Chile or Paraguay.
However, as of 1960, European immigration
decreased and South American immigrants
became the main foreign group in the
country. As a result, Argentina’s response
to immigration from many countries in the
region was to increase border control,
while focusing on national security through
legislation that restricted migrant rights.
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human right to migrate, requiring the State of work to include the protection of and
to establish mechanisms for regulating demand for economic, social, and cultural
migration, ensuring access to justice in rights. In addition, the organization began to
any deportation or detention procedure, identify and address the vulnerable situation
while eliminating distinctions between of migrant populations in the country.
nationals and foreigners in terms of access
to rights. This paradigm shift was the result The first section of this paper describes
of an open and participatory process the main characteristics of immigration
driven by civil society organizations. in Argentina and the restrictive migration
policies implemented since the last military
This paper seeks to share Argentina’s dictatorship, and which also spanned
experience around migration issues in order the 20 years of democratic governments
to promote the exchange of experiences that followed between 1983 and 2003.
among different countries, as well as to Next, we describe CELS’ work on this
share local strategies and tools that can be issue, which included identifying the issue
redesigned and adapted in other contexts. and placing it on its agenda, as well as
The Center for Legal and Social Studies defining and implementing advocacy
(CELS) was one of the organizations that strategies. Finally, we evaluate both these
actively participated in this process. It is a interventions as well as pending challenges.
non-governmental organization that was
established in 1979 to promote and protect
human rights and strengthen the democratic
system in Argentina. Initially, it researched
and documented severe human rights
violations perpetrated during the last military
dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983). Since
the mid 1990s, CELS broadened its scope
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1.
La inmigración
en Argentina
Entre fines del siglo XIX y comienzos del siglo 2010. A partir de la década de 1960 se
XX la Argentina recibió una gran afluencia de redujo la inmigración europea y las personas
inmigrantes, en su mayoría de origen europeo. sudamericanas comenzaron a constituirse en
El 29,9% de la población del país entre 1894 el grupo extranjero más importante del país.
y 1914 era extranjera. Una segunda corriente En décadas más recientes se han incorporado
inmigratoria tuvo lugar después de la Segunda grupos migratorios provenientes de otros
Guerra Mundial y se extendió hasta finales países latinoamericanos y de otras regiones del
de la década de 1950. Mientras que el total mundo como Europa del Este, Asia y África.
de los extranjeros continuaba estable con
alrededor de 2 millones de personas, la
proporción sobre el total de la población se Proporción de población extranjera sobre la
redujo a casi la mitad en 1947, con un 15,3%. población total en Argentina (1869-2010)
El porcentaje de población extranjera continuó fuente: elaboración propia en base a censos nacionales
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incluso con los plazos procesales vencidos. un obstáculo casi ineludible para acceder a
derechos fundamentales a pesar de que la
Frente a esta situación, el CELS junto a la Constitución Nacional y los tratados interna-
Defensoría del Pueblo de la Ciudad de Buenos cionales suscriptos reconocen esos derechos
Aires presentó una acción de amparo en 2001 por el mero hecho de ser habitante del país.
que planteó la inconstitucionalidad del pago
de tasas migratorias para la presentación de Por otra parte, se establecieron fuertes
recursos administrativos. Recién en diciembre limitaciones en el acceso a las pensiones no
de 2003 la justicia emitió su sentencia y contributivas (por discapacidad y vejez, entre
resolvió a favor del pedido del CELS y la otras). En 1997 el decreto 432 estableció
Defensoría. Luego de la presentación de la que los extranjeros debían contar con un
acción de amparo, la DNM estableció excep- mínimo de 20 años de residencia legal en el
ciones al pago de tasas para la interposición de país para recibir una pensión por discapa-
recursos legales. La nueva Ley de Migraciones, cidad. En el caso de la pensión por vejez, el
en esta cuestión, también incorporó criterios decreto 582 de agosto de 2003 aumentó
de excepción ante la falta de pago de tasas esa exigencia a 40 años de residencia.
administrativas para impugnar, cuestionar
o recurrir decisiones administrativas.
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2.
Nueva ley de migraciones:
un cambio de rumbo
El modelo de gestión policial de las políticas junio de 2008, el Poder Ejecutivo decidió
migratorias, implementado a través de la conformar una Comisión Asesora para la
“Ley Videla” que se mantuvo vigente durante reglamentación de la Ley de Migraciones,
veinte años de democracia, fue la causa que integrada por organizaciones de derechos
generó las condiciones para que un número humanos (entre ellas, el CELS), de Naciones
relevante de migrantes viviese en condiciones Unidas (el Alto Comisionado de las Naciones
de irregularidad migratoria. Este modelo fue Unidas para los Refugiados –ACNUR– y
modificado de forma sustancial en 2004 con la la Organización Internacional para las
sanción de la Ley de Migraciones 25.871. Migraciones –OIM–) y religiosas (Centro de
Esta nueva norma estableció un modelo Estudios Migratorios Latinoamericanos). La
de gestión que reconoce la migración Comisión elaboró un texto que finalmente
como derecho humano y que, además, fue aprobado en mayo de 2010 por la
obliga al Estado a establecer mecanismos de presidente Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
regularización migratoria, garantizar el acceso
a la justicia en todo trámite de expulsión o Entre otras medidas, el decreto 616/2010,
detención y a eliminar distinciones en el acceso reglamentario de la Ley de Migraciones, redujo
a derechos entre nacionales y extranjeros. el margen de discrecionalidad administrativa
para rechazar en la frontera el ingreso de per-
Entre 2004 y 2008, la Dirección Nacional de sonas; agregó y precisó criterios migratorios
Migraciones elaboró propuestas reglamenta- que no estaban previstos en la ley, al incorporar
rias de la ley. Todas ellas fueron impugnadas u la Convención de Trabajadores Migratorios y
observadas por organizaciones de derechos sus Familias; reiteró la necesidad de garantizar
humanos y asociaciones de migrantes. En que la retención judicial de migrantes fuese
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3.
El CELS y la problemática migratoria
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en villas -barrios carenciados- y asentamientos más concreto. Ese año se logró la difusión de
mediante el patrocinio de causas jurídicas diagnósticos sobre la situación de los inmi-
individuales, la divulgación periodística, la parti- grantes en la Argentina producidos en ámbitos
cipación en debates y la denuncia sobre allana- académicos que inspiraron a los ámbitos jurídi-
mientos irregulares, entre diversas acciones. co, social y político a articularse en un proceso
de reclamo por la vigencia de los derechos de
los migrantes. Estos importantes precedentes
Diagnóstico y difusión no surgieron en forma conjunta por casualidad
pública como punto de partida
sino que fueron una respuesta al crecimiento
La visibilización cada vez más clara de las del discurso xenófobo y a la sanción del nuevo
violaciones a derechos humanos causadas Reglamento de Migraciones (decreto 1023/94).
por la legislación migratoria y las prácticas
Los investigadores Enrique Oteiza (en ese
implementadas por diversos organismos
momento, miembro de la Comisión Directiva
públicos (Dirección Nacional de Migraciones,
del CELS), Susana Novick y Roberto Aruj,
Registro Nacional de las Personas, fuerzas de
integrantes del Instituto Investigaciones
seguridad, hospitales, escuelas, etc.), contri-
Gino Germani de la Facultad de Ciencias
buyó a que la cuestión migratoria comenzara a
Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires,
ocupar algunos espacios en el debate público.
desarrollaron un documento de trabajo titulado
La gravedad de la situación radicaba en que la
“Inmigración y discriminación. Políticas y
mayoría de los inmigrantes sin residencia legal
discursos”. Esta investigación sirvió como
estaban en esa condición como consecuencia
de las irregularidades cometidas por la propia punto de partida para la inclusión, por primera
DNM, exigencias infundadas o indebidas, cos- vez, de un capítulo sobre la situación de los
tos y trabas burocráticas, o por la aplicación inmigrantes en el Informe Anual 1995 del CELS.
de normas ilegítimas (como ciertos criterios de Estos textos aportaron diagnósticos serios
impedimentos para acceder a la radicación). y, al mismo tiempo, denunciaron la violación
sistemática de los derechos fundamentales
La recopilación de experiencias académicas, de los migrantes. También reclamaban
jurídicas, políticas y sociales en materia una política acorde a los flujos migratorios
migratoria comenzó en la década de 1990. Sin del país, de tendencia sub-regional. Estas
embargo, a partir de 1995 se produjeron cier- publicaciones destacaron el aporte pobla-
tos hitos que marcaron la huella de un camino cional y socioeconómico de la inmigración
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por los Derechos de Inmigrantes y Refugiados. residencia irregular no eran atendidos en razón
Las tres instituciones firmaron un convenio y de su falta de DNI argentino, lo que redundaba
la Clínica comenzó a funcionar en el mes de en una privación de acceder a la justicia.
agosto como parte de una nueva cátedra del
Curso de Práctica Profesional, materia anual Por otra parte, a diferencia de otros países
que deben cursar todos los alumnos de la con flujos importantes de inmigración, los
carrera de abogacía en su último año. Este Colegios de Abogados o Sindicatos (con la
espacio estuvo dedicado a la protección y la única excepción de la Central de Trabajadores
exigibilidad de los derechos de las personas de Argentina –CTA-), no tenían servicio jurídico
migrantes, solicitantes de asilo y refugiadas en alguno dirigido a atender las necesidades de
Argentina. En el proceso de conformación de la la población migrante o refugiada. En igual
Clínica fue de gran utilidad el asesoramiento y sentido, en la currícula de las facultades
colaboración de Barbara Hines, coordinadora de derecho la cuestión de la extranjería o
de la Immigration Law Clinic de la Universidad la inmigración era un tema prácticamente
de Austin, Texas, en Estados Unidos. inexistente, lo que repercutía en la falta de
conocimiento e interés de los abogados.
Los reclamos que presentaba la población
migrante en ese entonces en las diferentes En definitiva, la labor desarrollada por la
instituciones (entre ellas, CAREF y CELS) con- Clínica hasta el presente es una muestra de las
tinuaban en aumento y ese factor fue esencial fortalezas y ventajas que brinda la realización
para tomar la decisión de crear una clínica de proyectos articulados y complementarios
jurídica especializada en el trabajo migratorio. entre diversas instituciones preocupadas
En aquel momento ya se encontraba en por temas o conflictos en común. También
funcionamiento la Clínica Jurídica de Derechos representa una buena oportunidad para que
Humanos UBA-CELS, que había sido creada las universidades tengan inserción social me-
en 1994 por otro convenio con la misma diante el aporte de los conocimientos de sus
casa de estudios. Esta clínica recibía una profesores y estudiantes al terreno concreto,
cantidad muy alta de denuncias vinculadas a la en este caso, de los conflictos socio-jurídicos.
problemática de la población migrante. A esta De esta manera, los estudiantes adquieren
circunstancia se le sumaba el hecho de que herramientas prácticas para el futuro ejercicio
en casi todos los servicios jurídicos gratuitos de la profesión, se adentran en los conflictos
existentes, los inmigrantes en situación de sociales (sus causas y consecuencias),
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La batalla cultural
contra la xenofobia
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ha sido su característica más valiosa, ya que problemática. A los embates lanzados desde
permitió aunar esfuerzos y convertirse en un el gobierno y algunos medios, en especial du-
interlocutor fuerte, válido y representativo de rante los últimos años de la gestión de Carlos
la sociedad civil. Luego de los primeros años Menem, las instituciones sociales y religiosas
en los que estuvo integrada por distintas se vieron obligadas a salir constantemente
organizaciones, la Mesa quedó conformada a desmentir las acusaciones xenófobas que
por 9 instituciones: el Servicio de Apoyo se efectuaban contra la población migrante,
y Orientación Ecuménica a Inmigrantes y dando información fehaciente y concreta que
Refugiados (CAREF), la Fundación de la demostraba la falsedad de esas imputaciones.
Comisión Católica de Migraciones (FCCAM),
el Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales En una segunda etapa, una vez constituida
(CELS), la Asamblea Permanente por los formalmente en 2000, la Mesa se
Derechos Humanos (APDH), el Departamento fijó líneas concretas de acción:
de Migraciones de la Central de Trabajadores • Favorecer los procesos de integración
Argentinos (CTA), el Centro de Estudios de los inmigrantes en la Argentina;
Migratorios Latinoamericanos (CEMLA), el • Mantener la atención sobre el
Departamento de Migraciones del Arzobispado respeto de sus derechos;
de Buenos Aires, la Red de Investigadores • Constituirse como un canal para sus reclamos;
de Migraciones Contemporáneas (RIMCA) • Mantener informados a grupos y
y el Servicio de Paz y Justicia (SERPAJ). organizaciones de migrantes;
• Promover una correcta información en la
En un primer momento, a finales de la década prensa sobre la problemática de los inmigrantes.
de 1990, la interacción entre instituciones se
daba a través de casos concretos, mediante Es importante destacar que antes de la
consultas y pedidos de colaboración mutuos conformación de la Mesa, los organismos
entre organizaciones sociales que intervenían desarrollaban estrategias según las prioridades
en la atención (social, jurídica, etc.) de la de sus agendas. Así, para algunos un tema
población migrante. Estos contactos se fueron medular era la derogación o modificación de la
intensificando a partir del aumento de esas ley y/o su reglamento, para otros la protección
demandas. A su vez, el avance de la xenofobia de los refugiados, la mejora en el trato a los
en esos años constituyó otro factor de unión inmigrantes por parte de la Dirección Nacional
de los sectores sociales involucrados en la de Migraciones, el desarrollo de políticas de
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integración social y laboral, etc. En tanto ese ser debatido entre los integrantes de la
trabajo se centraba en acciones más reducidas Mesa, fue distribuido a diversos funcionarios
y dispersas, ello no permitía la maximización de públicos y representantes de partidos políticos
los esfuerzos de cada una en torno a temas de (diputados, senadores, autoridades de la
preocupación común. Por ello, la Mesa se pro- DNM y del Ministerio del Interior, entre otros),
puso aunar y potenciar las capacidades y las con el objetivo de comenzar a sensibilizar
acciones de todas ellas a través de un trabajo sobre el tema, demandar la modificación de
coordinado, para alcanzar un mayor impacto sus políticas o bien incidir en la generación
en aquellos objetivos prioritarios consensua- de espacios de participación y debates
dos entres sus integrantes, más allá de que públicos que conlleven a la elaboración y
cada una continuara con su propia agenda. sanción de una nueva normativa migratoria.
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consecuentes cambios continuos de ministros, El año más intenso fue sin duda 2003, cuando
directores de la DNM, o incluso presidentes de el trabajo y los esfuerzos de tantas personas
la Nación, la diversidad de las organizaciones y organizaciones durante años obtuvieron
de la Mesa constituyó una herramienta de el resultado esperado en diciembre, con
incidencia esencial, ya que las distintas la derogación de la ley de migraciones y la
instituciones tenían tantas puertas abiertas sanción de una nueva normativa. Para alcanzar
como cerradas en los ámbitos representativos, este objetivo la Mesa mantuvo, en los meses
según los intereses partidarios, políticos e anteriores a la sanción de la nueva ley, diversas
ideológicos de cada legislador o funcionario. reuniones y discusiones con legisladores y
funcionarios del Poder Ejecutivo, algunos a
En 1999 la Mesa se opuso férreamente a
favor del cambio demandado por la sociedad
los intentos del Poder Ejecutivo de que se
civil y otros que pretendían perpetuar políticas
sancione un proyecto de ley dirigido en contra
contrarias a la inmigración. En cada una de
de la inmigración y los años siguientes también
esas instancias, se presentaban en forma oral
requirieron un esfuerzo constante y atento
y escrita los argumentos jurídicos, éticos y
para evitar que se concretaran medidas aún
sociales que indicaban la imperiosa necesidad
más restrictivas que las vigentes. En 2002
de derogar la ley entonces vigente. En paralelo
se empezaron a dar ciertas condiciones
a dichas acciones, la Mesa participó junto a
mínimas en el ámbito legislativo para debatir
las colectividades de migrantes en diversas
sobre la necesidad y el deber de modificar la
manifestaciones públicas en demanda de
política migratoria del país. Las reuniones en el
la derogación de la ley y la implementación
Congreso se hicieron con mayor periodicidad
de planes de regularización migratoria.
y se realizó una audiencia pública convocada
por la Comisión de Población de la Cámara
de Diputados en septiembre de ese año. Esa El activismo estratégico
instancia permitió que un gran número de en el plano internacional
como herramienta de incidencia
colectividades, organizaciones sociales, religio-
en la política nacional
sas, de derechos humanos y sindicatos, entre
otras, demostrara su voluntad, interés y reivin- Durante los años de trabajo dedicados a la
dicación común en torno a la derogación de la derogación de la ley, los integrantes de la
“Ley Videla”, una de las deudas del Congreso Mesa también recurrieron a estrategias en el
argentino desde el retorno de la democracia. plano internacional para denunciar en distintas
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Toma del Parque Indoamericano, diciembre de 2010, ciudad de Buenos Aires. Foto: Sub Cooperativa de Fotógrafos
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4.
Desafíos pendientes en la
implementación de una política
migratoria de derechos humanos
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no puedan afrontar el pago de este impuesto. Sin embargo, para el caso de extranjeros la
reglamentación exige, además de la acredita-
ción de una situación de extrema vulnerabilidad
Dificultades en el acceso
a la seguridad social social, el requisito de contar con un mínimo
tiempo de residencia en el país. Así, para el
En los últimos años, el Estado nacional estable-
otorgamiento de una pensión a la vejez se
ció un régimen de pensiones no contributivas o
requiere un mínimo de residencia continuada
pensiones asistenciales, es decir, aquellas que
de cuarenta años; para una pensión por inva-
no requieren de aportes para su concesión. En
lidez, un mínimo de veinte años, y para el caso
la actualidad existen tres tipos de pensiones
de las pensiones para madres de siete o más
asistenciales a nivel nacional, que son gestio-
hijos, un mínimo de quince años. Si se tiene en
nadas por el Ministerio de Desarrollo Social de
cuenta que las pensiones se fundamentan en
la Nación: a la vejez, por invalidez y a madres
las condiciones especiales de vulnerabilidad
de siete o más hijos. Estas pensiones están
de la persona, la exigencia de una determinada
destinadas a personas que se encuentren cantidad de años de residencia en el país
en estado de extrema vulnerabilidad social. resulta injustificada y, en consecuencia,
discriminatoria en razón de la nacionalidad.
En 2007, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de
la Nación, en su fallo sobre el caso Reyes A pesar de este importantísimo fallo judicial
Aguilera (ver recuadro página 50) consideró del más alto tribunal de Justicia, el artículo
que estas pensiones asistenciales forman del decreto reglamentario que exige a los
parte del derecho a la seguridad social y no extranjeros veinte años de residencia para
deben aplicarse como un favor discrecional acceder a una pensión por discapacidad sigue
del Estado. La sentencia enfatizó que sumar vigente y es aún utilizado por la Administración
a los requerimientos un lapso de residencia para rechazar pedidos de pensiones. Las
implica un liso y llano desconocimiento del acciones judiciales que se han presentado
derecho a la seguridad social consagrado desde 2003 sólo sirvieron para dar respuestas
en los diversos instrumentos internacionales individuales, pero no lograron modificar
y en la Constitución Nacional, en grado tal las normas reglamentarias que establecen
que compromete el fundamental derecho años de residencia para que extranjeros y
a la vida y el acceso a las condiciones extranjeras accedan a este tipo de pensiones
que le garanticen una existencia digna. ante contingencias sociales extremas.
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Los padres de Daniela Reyes jeros un mínimo de veinte años Estado a otorgarle una pensión
Aguilera, una menor de edad de residencia legal en Argentina por invalidez a Reyes Aguilera.
de origen boliviano con pará- para percibirlas. La Clínica de En su fallo, la Corte sostuvo que
lisis cerebral, solicitaron una Derechos de Inmigrantes y frente a situaciones de extrema
pensión por discapacidad Refugiados CAREF-CELS-UBA necesidad que ponen en juego la
para garantizarle condiciones denunció la inconstitucionali- subsistencia de las personas “el
mínimas de subsistencia. La dad de ese requisito en marzo Estado está obligado a adoptar
Comisión Nacional de Pensiones de 2003 y solicitó que se le medidas positivas que aseguren
otorgara la pensión.
Asistenciales rechazó en 2003 condiciones mínimas de una vida
esa solicitud sobre la base del El caso llegó a la Corte Suprema digna” y que esta obligación rige
decreto reglamentario de estas de Justicia de la Nación y en con independencia del origen
pensiones que exige a los extran- septiembre de 2007 condenó al nacional de las personas.
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Foto: Sub Cooperativa de Fotógrafos
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MIGRANTES MIGRATION
Palabras
finales
Esta publicación propone difundir los sociedad civil argentina en la derogación de
avances y desafíos del proceso de sanción la ley anterior, en la participación y discusión
e implementación de la nueva Ley de sobre su contenido, en la demanda de
Migraciones en Argentina y de su impacto nuevas miradas sobre la inmigración y los
concreto en los derechos de los migrantes frenos a proyectos represivos o restrictivos,
para alentar un proceso de intercambio de entre otras intervenciones, han sido notables
experiencias entre países de la región en y no tienen precedentes en esta temática
materia de políticas migratorias. En 2008, en la región latinoamericana. Asimismo,
Uruguay sancionó una nueva legislación que constituyen un avance muy importante en las
incorporó los principios, reglas y criterios políticas migratorias desde una perspectiva
de gestión migratoria y reconocimiento de integración y defensa de los derechos hu-
de derechos inscriptos en la ley argentina. manos. La experiencia argentina y su exitoso
Esto es importante si se tiene en cuenta recorrido en materia migratoria durante los
que la mayoría de los Estados de la región últimos años le han dado la posibilidad de
gestionan las migraciones de acuerdo al transferir las estrategias de la sociedad civil a
modelo de seguridad aduanero o policial a otros países de Sudamérica y, junto a organi-
través de permisos de ingresos y residencias, zaciones de países vecinos, permitió trabajar
y sin estas autorizaciones administrativas en la conformación o consolidación de redes
la entrada y permanencia dentro de estos regionales dedicadas al reconocimiento y la
países deviene irregular o fuera de la ley. defensa de los derechos de la población mi-
Los logros y aportes de organizaciones de la grante y de la integración social de la región.
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english version
migration
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1
Main characteristics
of migratory policies
Changes in the composition of migrant
populations coincided with certain policy
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MIGRANTES MIGRATION
late 2003 when, as a result of the incessant Residencia] issued in 1902, aimed at containing
struggle of migrant associations, human rights social conflict through the expedited deportation
organizations and civil society representatives, of foreigners accused of carrying out activities
Congress repealed the “Videla Act” and that threatened the public order.
approved Migrations Law No. 25,871.
As of 1981, the mechanism for detention and
The section below describes the main problems deportation based on migration-related issues
faced by migrant communities over the last three was under the sole supervision of the Executive,
decades in Argentina, as well as the positive and through the National Migrations Department
negative aspects of legislative changes from a [Departamento Nacional de Migraciones,
human rights perspective. DNM], as well as law enforcement forces, and
the Ministry of the Interior. Consistent with
Intervention of the Military the illegality that characterized the military
Dictatorship in Migration Policies dictatorship in other matters, the Judiciary had
no power of authority. First, Law No. 22,439
The last military dictatorship that governed
established a migration control system that
Argentina between 1976 and 1983 based its
involved requiring all high-ranking functionaries
policies on the national security doctrine, in
tune with other dictatorships in the region at and public workers (including judges, public
the time. The military government persecuted, defenders, doctors, and teachers) as well as
tortured, and deported thousands of foreign civilians (notary publics, landlords, employers,
residents. Many foreigners were victims of private doctors and teachers) to report any illegal
political persecution, abductions, and forced immigrant, thus generating an overwhelming
disappearances. Similarly, a great number number of potential and multiple migration
of immigrants were detained and deported control agents. Second, this norm posed serious
back to their countries of origin with no legal difficulties for exercising basic social rights, such
proceedings, in the context of projects aimed at as education and health, for those individuals
eradicating poverty. At the same time, the threat who were not legal residents.
of being affected by such measures forced these
immigrants to accept precarious employment Measures Adopted by
and deplorable living conditions. Democratic Governments
On March 26, 1981, the incumbent de facto Both the “Videla Act” itself, as well as its serious
government issued executive decree No. 22,439 effects over the rights of immigrants, remained
establishing a regime for the detention and in full force, and were regulated even more
deportation of foreigners. This system was even restrictively, during subsequent democratic
more pernicious than the “Residency Act” [Ley de governments between 1983 and 2003.
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In terms of the legalization of foreigners, a served to legitimize the existing law and enabled
migration amnesty law was passed at the legalization rules that failed to acknowledge rights
beginning of Raúl Alfonsín’s 1983-1989 and instead rendered migrants’ problems even
administration, which massively regularized more complex.
undocumented immigrants. Although this
In 1994, another decree established a new
process enabled the legal residency of thousands
Migrations Regulation that sustained the
of people, the adoption of this sort of emergency
policies initiated by the military dictatorship.
measure revealed the lack of an inclusive
For example, in accordance with Decree No.
migratory policy. Decree No. 1437 was issued in
1987, regulating the “Videla Act,” thus constituting 1023/94, among other discriminatory criteria,
another setback, as it contained measures that people with disabilities (whether physical or
were even more detrimental to immigrants. mental) were unable to obtain legal residency, as
The norm furthered the existing legal trend and were prostitutes and individuals deemed useless
delegated criteria for admitting foreigners to the because they had no profession or career. Other
National Migrations Department, resulting in criteria for granting residency in the country, such
numerous arbitrary practices by this government as ties to the country or family unity, were not
body over subsequent years. acknowledged by Argentine law.
Regressive measures intensified during the Indeed, disability became one of the main
1990s under two consecutive administrations criteria for deporting individuals. Such examples
of Carlos Menem (1989-1999). Decree No. not only reveal discrimination against people
1032/92 strengthened controls for granting with disabilities, which is contrary to the
residency, while decree No. 277/93 authorized Constitution and human rights treaties, but also
the Population and Interior Security Secretariats violates migration norms themselves. In 1994,
[Secretarías de Población y de Seguridad shortly after the regulations were dictated, Law
Interior] to carry out operations aimed at No. 24,393 was issued, stipulating that people
controlling the migrant situation throughout with physical or mental disabilities had to be
the country. During that time, two amnesties awarded the same entry criteria as their parents,
were granted for undocumented residents children, spouse, or legal representatives if
in 1992 and 1994. Although these measures these relatives were foreign. In addition, it
made it possible to legalize many immigrants, established permanent residency when any
they were inefficiently implemented. Some of of these relatives had Argentine citizenship
the issues that limited their effectiveness in either by birth or naturalization. However, the
managing migration included corruption, the DNM systematically and unlawfully ignored this
emergence of “middlemen” agents, and elevated reform, and instead enforced the ban stipulated
procedural costs. In short, these initiatives in the above regulation.
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Finally, Decree No. 1117/98 banned the possibility sent notifications of deportation for which the
of changing migratory status from transitional to term for challenging the order had expired.
temporary, thus harming immigrants who entered In such cases, the only strategies available
the country as tourists and later sought work or for admissible motions consisted of trying to
enrolled in high school, college or university. find any grounds for the procedure itself or
the administration decision to be rendered
To some extent, all these measures served to
absolutely null (for example, for violating the
legitimize the “Videla Act,” established criteria
right to family unity, because the DNM failed
that were even more restrictive and discriminatory
to contemplate that deported individuals may
for granting residency, and enhanced the
have had children or a spouse in the country).
discretionary power of the Executive branch to
implement migration policies. To confront this situation, CELS and the
Ombudsman of the City of Buenos Aires filed
a writ of amparo in 2001 that challenged the
Elevated Administrative Costs and New
Bureaucratic Obstacles in the 1990s constitutionality of the fee for filing administration
motions. It was not until December 2003 that
At the same time, other kinds of measures the courts ruled in favor of the motion submitted
affected migrants’ social rights and their by CELS and the Ombudsman. After the writ
access to justice to avoid deportation. of amparo was filed, the DNM established fee
At the request of the National Migrations exemption criteria. Similarly, the new Migrations
Department, in 1995 the Executive Power Law also incorporated fee exemption criteria
established a decree setting a $300 ARG fee for filing motions and for challenging or seeking
(which was equal to $300 USD until January remedy for administrative decisions.
2002) as a prerequisite to file any motion
for reconsideration of deportation orders.
Through this measure, this fee for filing motions Violation of Social Rights
became an essential condition for anyone The exercise of social rights, particularly the right
trying to exercise their right to challenge an to health and education, was highly restricted
administrative decision. As a result, individuals for immigrants for legal and bureaucratic
who did not have that amount of money reasons, as well as due to the fact that hospital
available had great difficulty challenging a and school personnel were obligated to report
deportation order. In some cases, individuals undocumented individuals. At the same time,
who were being summoned chose not to file because these people were undocumented,
any motions, therefore, making the decision either lacking an Argentine National Identity
final and not appealable in the future. CELS Card [Documento Nacional de Identidad,
received numerous requests for legal DNI] or a certain residency permit, they were
counseling from individuals who had been almost inevitably hindered from accessing their
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fundamental rights, despite what is stipulated in eliminating distinctions between the rights of
the Constitution and international treaties, which Argentine nationsl and those foreign born.
grant such rights to anyone inhabiting the country.
Between 2004 and 2008, the National Migrations
On the other hand, harsh limitations were Department established regulatory proposals for
established for accessing non-contributory the law. They were all challenged or questioned
pensions (by reason of disability and age, among by human rights organizations and migrant
others). In 1997, Decree No. 432 was issued, associations. In June 2008, the Executive
stipulating that foreigners had to have lived in the decided to create an Advisory Committee for
country legally for at least 20 years to be eligible regulating the Migrations Law. The Committee
for disability pension. In the case of retirement, consisted of human rights organizations
Decree No. 582 of August 2003 increased that (including, CELS), United Nations bodies (United
number to 40 years of legal residence. Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
UNHCR, and the International Organization
for Migration, IOM), as well as religious
2
organizations (Centro de Estudios Migratorios
Latinoamericanos). The Committee drafted a text
ultimately approved in May 2010 by President
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
Among other measures, Decree No. 616/2010,
New Migrations Law: which regulated the Migrations Law, reduced
New Directions
the margin of administrative discretion for
rejecting individuals entering the country at the
border. It also added and defined migratory
The “Videla Act’s” police-like model of criteria that were not contemplated in the law, by
immigration policy implemented during the incorporating the Convention on Migrant Workers
dictatorship and effective during twenty and their Families. In addition, it confirmed
consecutive years of democratic rule resulted the need to ensure that the judicial retention
in a significant number of undocumented of migrants in migratory proceedings was
immigrants. This was substantially modified in exceptional and established that the legalization
2004 through the enactment of Migrations Law of a child or teen can be established through
No. 25,871. This new norm established a model either parent, without express authorization from
that recognized the human right to migrate and the other parent. The ratification of the Convention
required the State to establish mechanisms for and the regulation of the law completed the
regulating immigration, ensuring access to justice normative framework for ensuring better and
in any deportation or detention procedure, while greater protection of the rights of migrants.
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3
human rights of that population. This situation led
to the emergence of a broad and heterogeneous
movement consisting of immigrant organizations,
human rights bodies, churches, research
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that status because of the irregular actions that were consistent with the flow of migrants
of the DNM itself, including its unfounded or in the country, primarily sub-regional in nature.
inappropriate demands, costs, bureaucratic These publications highlighted the population
obstacles, or its usage of illegitimate norms and socio-economic contributions of cross-
(such as certain criteria established for hindering border migration, as well as its impact in the
access to residency). development and enrichment of the country’s
cultural dynamics and regional integration.
The compilation of academic, legal, political, and
social experiences in migration matters began At the same time, through statistics that were
in the 1990s. However, as of 1995, there were developed by prestigious institutions, certain
certain milestones that would mark the way for socially set myths —that existed even on
more concrete paths. That year, the academic an academic level and were detrimental to
community disseminated a diagnosis of the immigration— came into question. These myths
situation of immigrants in Argentina that inspired included the false belief that migrants were
legal, social, and political actors to come together “taking over social services” and “stealing jobs.”
to demand the respect of the rights of migrants. These stereotypes attributed to immigrants
It was not fortuitous that these significant were being deconstructed by different studies.
precedents occurred simultaneously. Rather, they The stereotypes increased dramatically with
were a response to an increasingly xenophobic the crisis of the late 1990s and became a very
discourse and the sanction of the Migrations powerful tool for political propaganda and a
Guidelines (Decree No. 1023/94). new accusation against migrants: that they
were responsible for the country’s insecurity.
Researchers Enrique Oteiza (a CELS board
This research also reported the existence of
member at the time), Susana Novick, and
a stereotypical and discriminatory discourse,
Roberto Aruj, members of the Gino Germani
and differences in the way in which immigrants
Research Institute of the School of Social
were treated depending on their country of
Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires,
origin. Immigrants from European countries
produced a document called: “Inmigración were idealized while descendants of native
y discriminación. Políticas y discursos” Latin American communities were rejected
[Immigration and Discrimination: Policies and contradicting the integration goals already
Discourse]. This work served as a starting point proposed at the time by the Southern Common
for the inclusion of a chapter on the situation of Market (Mercosur).
immigrants in the 1995 CELS Annual Report.
These texts provided a serious diagnosis of
the situation while, at the same time, exposing Creation of New Institutional
Venues within the State
systematic violations of the fundamental rights of
migrants. They also served to demand policies Also in 1995, the Institute against Discrimination,
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Racism and Xenophobia (INADI) was created substantially, thus impacting both the form and
and placed the issue of discrimination in the intensity with which the institution approached
national agenda, although the institution did not the matter. However, before incorporating this
specialize in migration. That same year, the Gino issue into its agenda and regular work, CELS
Germani Institute (UBA) launched its Permanent needed to implement certain institutional
Seminar on Migration, which consisted of a changes and gain more knowledge of the issue.
monthly meeting where researchers from various
The creation of the International Human Rights
fields presented their findings, maintaining the Law Program at CELS in 1994 enabled more
migration issue on the academic agenda. On systematic development of strategies and
an international level, the first Latin American actions aimed at the defense of human rights,
conference on Migration was held in 1996 in the acknowledged both in the National Constitution
City of Puebla, Mexico. as well as international treaties which later
Meanwhile, 1995 marked the first anniversary of the proved highly useful for addressing migration
new Constitution that had been reformed the year issues. Similarly, the establishment in 1996
before, which incorporated —with constitutional of the Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
hierarchy— several international human rights Area (ESCR) also proved of great value, as that
instruments, thus confirming the open spirit of the program gathered all the organization’s work in
Argentina magna carta, highlighting that it was terms of the human rights of both the migrant
individuals (as inhabitants) and not as citizens or and refugee population. The different litigation
Argentineans who had rights. strategies implemented by each CELS program
since the mid-1990s constituted the theoretical
foundation and practical backbone for future
The Origins of CELS’ Multiple and work on immigration issues.
Diversified Approach
This path included intensive field work,
The situation of immigrants began to gain particularly in villa 1.11.14 of Bajo Flores, located
importance early on in cases taken on by CELS in the area of Pompeya in the City of Buenos
shortly after the return of democracy, especially Aires, which enabled a closer relationship with
through legal work in poor neighborhoods home the migrant population and the identification of
to a high percentage of foreigners. Gradually, the most severe hardships they faced in terms of
and in the context of the migration “amnesty” human rights. The experiences described thus
of 1992-1994, CELS produced a report on the far, both from an academic and a territorial point
necessary legal requirements to be eligible of view, enabled the development of diverse and
for the amnesty plan, which was distributed in numerous arguments based on constitutional
neighborhoods with a high number of migrants. and international law for repealing the existing
Since then, queries and denunciations increased migrations law in Argentina and reporting the
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Unions, CTA), lacked any form of legal service to an increase in immigration from neighboring
aimed at migrants or refugees. Similarly, the countries. The article provided incorrect and
issue of rights of foreigners and immigrants was fraudulent data that promoted the stigmatization
practically nonexistent in law school curricula, and generalization of prejudice toward
which resulted in limited knowledge and interest immigrants from other Latin American countries.
on behalf of lawyers. In short, the work of the While no government authority spoke out against
Clinic has, to date, revealed the strengths and this article, it was massively rejected by migrant
advantages of joint and complementary projects communities and social institutions concerned
among several institutions who are concerned about these sorts of xenophobic attacks.
about common issues or conflicts. It is also a
CELS filed a discrimination claim before the
good opportunity for universities to be inserted
Institute for Discrimination, Racism, and
into the social fabric through the contribution of
Xenophobia (INADI) and remitted a letter to
professors and students to concrete problems in
the editor of the magazine requesting that he
the field such as socio-legal conflicts. As a result,
correct the false and inexact information that
students acquire practical tools for the future
had been published. One year later, these facts
exercise of the profession, focusing on social
were reported on an international level before the
conflicts (in terms of causes and consequences),
United Nations Committee against Discrimination.
understanding the actual implications of the
Although these actions did not engender a
implementation of a particular legal framework,
favorable response, the goal was to repudiate
seeing the gap that can arise between the letter
and discuss the erroneous and discriminatory
of the law reality, gaining awareness of the social
information that was being promoted.
importance of the law, and –of course– providing
a service to particularly vulnerable social sectors.
Attacks against Members of the Bolivian
Community in Escobar
The Cultural Battle against Xenophobia
In April 2000, members of the Bolivian
The Case of “La Primera” Magazine community living in Escobar, province of Buenos
Another type of CELS intervention dealt Aires, were violently attacked. The victims, known
with reporting discriminatory speech toward as “quinteros” [farm workers] due to their work in
migrants, which was circulating in the media small farms in the area, were assaulted on several
and statements of public officials. The April occasions by a group of individuals. The attacks
2000 publication of an article in “La Primera” involved different forms of violence and even
Magazine, whose editor was Daniel Hadad, torture through the use of an electric prod that
became a paradigmatic case of dissemination of released electrical charges throughout the bodies
a xenophobic message. Its cover issue read “La of the victims –a method that had been used
Invasión Silenciosa” [The Silent Invasion], alluding in clandestine detention centers during the last
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intervention was relevant for questioning the actions Aires, Red de Investigadores de Migraciones
of public officials and promoting a debate on the Contemporáneas (RIMCA), and Servicio de Paz y
role of the State before migrants, in a restrictive Justicia (SERPAJ).
context that failed to recognize their rights.
In its early stages, toward the late 1990s,
institutions began to interact through concrete
cases, requests for counsel, and requests for
3.3 Joint work among mutual cooperation among participating migrant
organizations toward the organizations (social, legal, etc.) of migrants. This
sanctioning of a new law contact intensified as a result of an increase in
demand. At the same time, the advancement
The July 2000 creation of the Consortium of of xenophobia during those years constituted
Organizations for the Defense of Migrant Rights, another factor for uniting involved social sectors.
which had been meeting since 1996, constituted Government and media attacks were carried
a great step forward in engaging the legislative out especially during the later years of the
and executive powers around the migration administration of Carlos Menem, while social
issue. Its varied membership (churches, human and religious institutions were constantly forced
to speak out against xenophobic accusations
rights bodies, unions, and academic research
made against the migrant population, as well as
centers) is its most valuable asset, as it has
to provide accurate and concrete information
enabled joining efforts and gaining strength, proving the falseness of these accusations.
validity, and power of representation before
During a second phase, once it was formally
civil society. After an initial phase, in which it
established in 2000, the Consortium established
was composed of different organizations, the
the following concrete lines of action:
Consortium has come to consist of 9 institutions:
Servicio de Apoyo y Orientación Ecuménica a • To support immigrant integration
Inmigrantes y Refugiados (CAREF), Fundación plans in Argentina
de la Comisión Católica de Migraciones • To create awareness regarding migrant rights
(FCCAM), Centro de Estudios Legales y • To constitute a channel for their claims
Sociales (CELS), Asamblea Permanente por • To keep migrant groups
los Derechos Humanos (APDH), Departamento and organizations informed
de Migraciones de la Central de Trabajadores • To promote correct information among the
Argentinos (CTA), Centro de Estudios Migratorios media regarding the immigration issue
Latinoamericanos (CEMLA), Departamento It is important to highlight that before the
de Migraciones del Arzobispado de Buenos Consortium was created, organizations developed
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strategies based on the priorities established in document was distributed to several public
their agendas. Therefore, for some, repealing officials representing various political parties
or amending the law and/or its regulations was (senators, house deputies, DNM authorities,
key, while for others, the priority was to protect Ministry of the Interior representatives, among
refugees, to improve the way the National others) for the purpose of creating awareness
Migrations Department treated immigrants, and on the issue, demanding changes in policies,
to develop social and employment integration and fostering public participation and debates
policies. Insofar as the work focused on more aimed at the development and issuance of a
limited or disperse actions, it failed to maximize new migrations law.
the efforts of each entity around common
Since then, members of the Population
concerns. To that effect, the Consortium set
Commission of the House of Representatives
out to unite and strengthen the capacities and
became key spokespersons, as that was the
actions of each group through coordinated efforts
venue for initiating any projects for reforming
aimed at increasing their impact around the main
or repealing the migrations law. As of the late
consensual goals of members, regardless of the
1990s, several meetings were held between
fact that each organization could continue to
House deputies and Consortium representatives
promote its own agenda.
resulting in a statement against the existing law
and demanding change. Other achievements
A Key Objective: The Repeal included categorical opposition to draft resolutions
of the “Videla Act” that were even more regressive than the “Videla
Act” (as was the case in January 1999), opinions
Deliberation on common goals and interests
regarding other reform initiatives, and participation
led to the identification of the repeal of Law No.
in public hearings on the issue, etc.
22,439 of 1981 as a priority. There was absolute
consensus on this issue and all Consortium The diversity of organizations involved was
participants categorized the “Videla Act” as an essential advocacy tool toward this effort,
a main source of human rights violations of which was challenged by political instability in
migrants, which was contrary to the rights and Argentina at the time and subsequent continuous
principles stipulated in the National Constitution changes in Ministers, DNM directors, and even
and international human rights treaties of which Presidents. Different institutions enjoyed various
Argentina is a state-party. levels of openness for accessing representatives,
according to the party, political and ideological
To that effect, CELS developed an analytical
interests of each legislator or official.
document on the Migrations Law in light of the
Constitution and treaties. After a discussion In 1999, the Consortium fiercely opposed attempts
among members of the Consortium, this by the Executive to issue a draft resolution against
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immigration; over the subsequent years, the Strategic Activism at the International
Consortium also made a constant and thorough Level as a Political Advocacy Tool
effort to prevent the sanction of even more During the years of dedicated work toward
restrictive norms. In 2002, certain minimum repealing the law, Consortium members
legislative conditions were met for debating the also resorted to international strategies for
need and duty to change the country’s migration exposing the various detrimental effects of
policies. Meetings in Congress were held more the Videla Act on the migrant population in
periodically and a public hearing was convened Argentina. In different regional and international
by the Population Commission of the House of summits, members sought to expose what
Representatives in September of that year. This was happening in the country, while requesting
initiative enabled a great number of groups, as support from organizations in other countries
well as social, religious, human rights, and union to demand that the Argentine state issue a new
organizations, among others, to express their migrations law. To that effect, Argentine social
common will and interests in repealing the “Videla organizations actively participated in migration
Act” –which was long overdue in Congress since discussions at the Regional Conference of
the reinstatement of democracy. the Americas held in Santiago de Chile on
December 5 and 7, 2000, particularly focusing
The year 2003 was undoubtedly the most on the issue from a human rights perspective.
intense, as many actions and efforts of individuals At the same time, the World Conference
and organizations over the years achieved their against Racism and regional migration
expected outcome that December: i.e. the repeal conferences played a key role in consolidating
of the migrations law and sanction of a new law. the Consortium and generating international
For that purpose, the Consortium held several pressure for the Argentine government to adopt
meetings and discussions with legislators and migration policies consistent with constitutional
Executive officials in the months preceding the and human rights principles.
new law, some of whom supported civil society’s On the other hand, the Consortium presented
demands, while others expected to perpetuate numerous requests before the National Congress
anti-immigration policies. In each of these meetings and the Executive, mainly, the Ministry of Foreign
and discussions, oral and written legal, ethical, Affairs, soliciting the signature and ratification of
and social-based arguments were presented, the International Convention on the Protection
which indicated the pressing need to repeal the of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and their
then-effective law. Parallel to that, the Consortium Families. This was the only human rights
–and other migrant groups– participated in several instrument established within the framework of the
public events demanding the repeal of the law and UN that was deemed relevant and that Argentina
implementation of migrant legalization plans. had not signed. In 2004, Argentina signed the
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Convention and the following year, the Senate amidst a growing socio-economic crisis and
gave preliminary approval to the draft resolution. increasingly xenophobic official discourse.
It was ratified two years later, in February 2007.
The filing of the habeas corpus motion was
In addition, the Consortium made some rejected by the First Instance Court and Court of
presentations at a regional level urging Mercosur Appeals and was ultimately deemed inadmissible
member and associated countries to approve by the Supreme Court in 1998. The Supreme
and ratify migration-related treaties adopted in Court deemed the case abstract because the
2002. That year, the Agreement on Residency DNM had already enforced the measure that was
for Nationals from Mercosur State-Parties was being challenged, i.e. De la Torre’s deportation.
signed, recognizing the rights of nationals from The Supreme Court considered that no
these States to live within the territory of the other guarantees were affected even though his right to
countries in the block. The agreement did not come liberty was restricted when the DNM banned him
into effect until 2009, when it was ratified by the last from ever reentering the country.
country, Paraguay. Since then, these countries, in
due time, have adopted measures for its internal Before the decision of the Court, CELS brought
implementation. For example, while Argentina the case before the Inter-American Commission
unilaterally implemented the agreement through the of Human Rights (IACHR) in 1999, alleging that
new migrations law in 2004, Bolivia is still adjusting his right to personal liberty, due process, family
its legislation and migration processes. unity and access to justice had been violated.
In 2003, four years after the petition was filed,
an amicable settlement process between the
parties was initiated, which decidedly contributed
The “De la Torre” Case to the repeal of the then valid “Videla Law”,
Before the IACHR replaced by the New Migration Law, No. 25,871
Juan Carlos De la Torre, a Uruguayan national, in 2004. In addition, other advancements were
had entered Argentina in 1974 where he lived achieved such as a mechanism of consultation
with his father and four children, all of whom of social organizations about the new normative
were Argentine citizens. In 1996, under orders regulation, the approval and later ratification of the
of the National Migrations Department (DNM, International Convention on the Rights of Migrant
for its Spanish acronym), he was detained and Workers and Their Families, and the suspension
deported. This case established a precedent of migratory inspections that culminated in
for being the only habeas corpus motion filed detentions and deportations, among other
challenging and discussing the Migration Law measures. Meanwhile, on October 13, 2005, the
at every judicial level in the context of numerous DNM lifted the existing ban against reentering the
administrative deportations in the mid-1990s, country for Juan Carlos De la Torre.
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3.4. Regulating and implementing –among them CELS and APDH–, as well as
the new norm United Nations Bodies –such as the UNHCR and
the International Migrations Organization– and
Once the new law was approved, part of the religious institutions –such as Centro de Estudios
work of the Consortium of Organizations for Migratorios Latinoamericanos. The Advisory
the Defense of Immigrant Rights turned to the Committee worked for five months, debating
development and presentation of arguments to with the DNM some of the most sensitive
be taken into account when drafting regulations. aspects of the new Migrations Law, as well as
The previous norm was not only severe due to residency proceedings, deportation procedures,
the content of the Videla Act, but also in terms and mandatory legal assistance in all migration
of its regulations, which contributed to and processes, etc.
worsened a restrictive and unconstitutional
In those debates, CELS represented many of
spirit in democratic times. In that context, the
the social organizations that were part of the
Consortium made several presentations before
Consortium and focused its work
the National Migrations Department and other
on five key aspects:
public bodies, for the purpose of preventing
the new law from being regulated in such a way • Reducing the margin of administrative
that could hinder or restrict the rights contained discretion for rejecting residency requests
therein. The decree was not only important • Adjusting the work of the National Migrations
for enforcing some legal stipulations, but also Department to the rules and principles
because it represented an opportunity to correct established in the Law
some loopholes in the legal text. • Incorporating migration criteria that were
Between 2004 and 2008, the DNM developed not contemplated in the law
some proposals for regulating the law, which • Clarifying the process for rejection at the border
the Consortium challenged or repealed. At the and the procedure for ordering deportations
same time, as a result of the litigation in the “De • Reiterating the need to ensure that the
la Torre” case (see text box on page 73) before detention of migrants would be done under
the Inter-American Commission, a temporary exceptional conditions in the framework of
agreement was signed with the Argentine State migration procedures
in which it pledged to ensure that the regulating
The document developed by the Advisory
decree respect certain basic standards.
Committee was accepted as a permanent draft
In June 2008, the Executive, through the Ministry by the Ministry of the Interior, and on May 5, 2010,
of the Interior, decided to form an Advisory President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner signed
Committee for regulating the law and invited Decree No. 616/2010 as the regulation of the
Consortium member organizations to participate Migrations Law.
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Migration Legalization Programs were still pending and granted residency in all
cases that were not deemed unlawful.
The new Migrations Law, No. 25,871, was issued
in a context high numbers of undocumented
individuals in the country, mainly from bordering “Patria Grande”: Mercosur and
countries and Peru, constituting one of the main Associated Country Nationals
challenges ahead. Statistics developed by the The norm incorporated a new useful category
National Migrations Department reveal significant for accessing migrant legalization and obtaining
progress around migrant legalization procedures residency in the country. Residency on the
since the sanction of the new law and regulating grounds of being a national of a Mercosur or
decree. From 2004 to December 2011, a total of associated country was added to traditional
1,383,855 legalization motions have been filed residency criteria such as employment, family ties
and the migrations authorities have resolved or schooling. In this context, the “Patria Grande”
1,198,280 cases. program served the purpose of documenting
migrants from Mercosur and associated
This process was carried out through two
countries that did not qualify for legal residency in
migration legalization plans. The first plan aimed
the country under the “Videla Act.” The plan was
at migrants from South American countries,
aimed at legalizing individuals who had entered
was called “Patria Grande.” The second plan
the country before April 17, 2006 and extended
was aimed at migrants from other regions.
to those that had entered the country before May
The first program to be implemented was for
31, 2008. The state estimated the legalization of
extra-Mercosur migrants, since the process
approximately 750,000 migrants.
was simpler due to a reduced number of
potential beneficiaries. Starting in October Despite some progress, in August 2010, more
2004, an initiative targeting undocumented than four years after the implementation of “Patria
immigrants in Argentina from non-Mercosur Grande,” the National Migrations Department
and associated countries was launched for 180 reported that out of 423,697 people that had
days. According to information gathered by the enrolled in the program, 98,539 were granted
National Migrations Department, approximately permanent residency, while 126,385 were
14,000 people, mainly Asian, African, non- granted temporary residency, and 187,759 did not
Mercosur Latin American, and Eastern European, meet criteria for residency. Some of the reasons
requested residency and over 11,000 cases that affected the low number of approved
resulted in favorable decisions. One of the main residencies were: lack of information on how to
reasons why some procedures had never been proceed for the renovation of precarious and
completed was the difficulties in obtaining the temporary residency certificates in order to obtain
required documents. Therefore, in early 2007, the permanent residency; difficult requirements
DNM reviewed the files submitted in 2004 that to meet, such as a certificate of entry into the
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country during the residency renovation phase DNIs for “operational” reasons. As a result of
for obtaining permanent residency or a stable motions filed by social organizations, including
address; processing fees; closing of legalization CELS, the national Executive signed Decree
files without effective notification, and requesting No. 1501/09 through which it resolved to
data updates without enough advance notice. issue DNIs to persons who had settled in the
country with the same residency accreditation
In addition, during 2011, CELS analyzed several
previously required by, and within the offices
administrative proceedings and found that
of, the National Migrations Department. The
migration authorities believed that those who
decision meant a significant advancement in
did not complete their legalization procedure
terms of access to DNIs for foreigners who
under “Patria Grande” simply lacked the will
were in the process of legalization.
to do so and, therefore, should be deported,
contradicting both the letter and spirit of the
law. In addition to violating the Migrations Law Precarious Residency Certificates
and its regulations, this administrative decision Until September 2011, when processing
can increase the number of undocumented administrative or legal motions for challenging a
migrants that are subject to deportation. To that decision declaring the unlawfulness of an individual
effect, the Committee on the Rights of Migrant migrant worker’s permanence in Argentina or the
Workers recommended that Argentina facilitate illegality of his/her status, migration authorities
access of migrants to legalization plans, including would reject renewals of precarious residency or
extending deadlines for these requests, reducing pending procedures certificates. In these cases,
administrative fees, and creating more flexible the authorities considered that the administrative
documentation criteria. decision was final and lawful. In other words,
when challenging an adverse decision from
Measures that Facilitated Access migration authorities, migrants lost the necessary
to the National Identity Card paperwork for existing migration procedures,
enhancing their vulnerability.
In 2009, the State solved what until then had
been an additional challenge in the migration The cancellation of residency certificates or
legalization process: a lack of National Identity of open files caused severe harm to migrants
Cards (DNI). Once residency in the country who had decided to challenge an adverse
was granted, especially in cases in which it administrative decision. Because they were no
had been granted in the framework of the longer in possession of the needed certificates,
new law, the National Registry of Persons they lost the means to prove before public
(RENAPER) either demanded certain legalized officials, law enforcement agents, or others (such
documentation that had not been required for as hotels, housing establishments, etc.) that they
obtaining residency, or delayed submission of were legally residing in Argentina.
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In May 2011, the UBA-CAREF-CELS Legal toward the end of 2010, the Government of the
Clinic issued a request for information regarding City of Buenos Aires, at the head of Mauricio
the lack of residency renewal certificates in Macri, stated that drug-trafficking groups were
such situations. In September of that year, behind the occupation of Parque Indoamericano
administrative authorities modified their (the violent eviction of this park led to the murder
procedures. That joint action led to a change in of Rossemary Chura Puña, a 28 year-old Bolivian
the regular administrative conduct that consisted woman, and Bernardo Salgueiro, a 24 year-old
of denying certificate renewals when migrant Paraguayan man). He then proceeded to tie
procedures were unfinished, or deportation that problem with the national migrations policy:
orders were not final or authorized by the courts. “One or two hundred people move to the City
of Buenos Aires every day; we don’t know who
The Education Law and Incorporation
they are or why they enter the country illegally,
of the Rights of Migrants at the hands of drug trafficking and delinquency
[…]. The situation we are facing is absolutely
The Migrations Law established equality among out of control, and it seems the City of Buenos
nationals and foreigners in their access to social Aires has to solve the housing problems of every
rights. This stipulation involved reviewing current bordering country.”
norms and policies for eliminating or reforming any
distinctions or denials based on migratory status. At Indeed, another representative of the City of
the same time, it required the adoption of measures Buenos Aires had made a similar statement. José
for different State bodies to ensure legal equality. Casas, judge of the Higher Court of Justice of
the City of Buenos Aires, underscored that the
To that effect, National Education Law No. health system had collapsed, in a decision on the
26,206, issued in 2006, stipulated that the constitutionality of the homeless aid program:
provinces and the City of Buenos Aires had the “Not because of the aid provided to residents
obligation to ensure access, permanence, and of Buenos Aires, or patients from neighboring
exit to migrants without DNIs at every level of the provinces, but rather because of foreign non-
educational system by simply presenting an ID residents that come to Argentina and travel to
from their country of origin, thus ensuring access Buenos Aires for the sole purpose of undergoing
to education at every level, without differentiating surgery or medical treatment, as has been
between nationals and foreigners. repeatedly stated by the media.”
These statements not only reveal a stereotypical
New Xenophobic Statements
by Public Officials vision of migration similar to that of the 1990s,
but also call for reflection on the development
Contrary to progress made at the national level and consolidation of norms and practices that
through the sanction of the new Migrations Law, can ultimately defeat such discourse. In 2011,
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4
identified alternatives for such goals.
Senegal
In the case of people from Senegal, migration
Rights Perspective
entry into the country-- proves the illegality of their
migratory status and allows for their deportation
from Argentine territory, without initiating any
CELS, CAREF and the Human Rights of the mandatory legal proceedings required
Center of the National University of Lanús by law. In that sense, throughout different legal
(CDHUNLa) submitted an alternative report procedures, migration authorities have ruled in
on the implementation of the UN International favor of deportation, without corresponding legal
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All interventions for analyzing the lawfulness of these
administrative measures, thus failing to abide by
Migrant Workers and Members of their Families
applicable entry and permanence procedures.
on the fifteenth session held on September
2011. This document analyzed the achievements
and pending challenges on migration policies Dominican Republic
in Argentina. The main issues highlighted in the In the case of people from the Dominican
shadow report are outlined next. Republic, it became evident that their residency
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MIGRANTES MIGRATION
procedures involved more requirements and before the difficulties and obstacles that these
additional administrative procedures than those migrants were facing when they were trying to
applicable to nationals of other countries. For apply for Argentinean documents. In order to
example, cases submitted before the UBA- finish their paperwork, they will have to prove tax
CELS-CAREF Legal Clinic for the Protection payments, such as the simplified fiscal regime
and Promotion of Rights of Migrants and [monotributo], during a 2 year period. That is,
Refugees have shown that individuals from the the recognition of a self-employed worker status
Dominican Republic requesting permanent to get a migrant regularization. In any case, the
residency based on marriage with an Argentine question that lies beneath is what the State
national were forced to go to the National response will be for those migrants that won´t be
Migrations Department with their spouse to able to afford this tax.
undergo separate interrogations. The citations
did not specify nor justify the reasons for
Difficulty Accessing Social Security
these interrogations, and failed to mention that
individuals would be asked about their private Over the last few years, the national State
lives. Results from these interrogations have established a system for non-contributory or
been taken as factual basis for ruling against aid-based pensions, i.e. pensions for which
legal permanence in Argentina, thus denying the contributions are not required. There are
validity of a public document. currently three criteria for aid-based pensions at
the national level, administered by the National
This procedure is not contemplated under the Ministry for Social Development: age, disability,
new law. In any case, if administrative authorities and being a mother with seven or more children.
had grounds for suspicion or reasonable doubt These pensions are aimed at individuals in
about the validity of a marriage, they could extreme cases of social vulnerability.
establish a protocol or administrative mechanism
indicating the purposes, cases, and procedures In its 2007 decision in the “Reyes Aguilera” case
that must be followed for acting on these (see text box on page 80), the Supreme Court
suspicions or doubts. found that aid-based pensions constituted a social
security right and must not be granted by the
Against this backdrop, and after working jointly State as a discretionary favor. The ruling stressed
with various social organizations, the National that adding a minimum residency requirement
Direction of Migrations issued resolutions constituted a blatant violation of the right to social
001/2013 and 002/2013 in January 2013 to put security ensured under several international
into practice a special regularization regime instruments and the National Constitution, even
for migrants from Senegal and Dominican threatening the fundamental rights to life and
Republic. These resolutions recognize the State access to decent living conditions.
responsibility to ensure effective responses
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access to high-quality films as part of the situation before the Buenos Aires city mayoral
cultural agenda of Argentina, with over 5000 elections that took place July of that year. The
participants at each screening. initiative involved a group of migrant community
The first screening of Cine Migrante was in organizations, as well as social, human rights,
2010 and coincided with the enactment of the cultural and student organizations, including
new Migration Law in Argentina. This norm CELS. Part of the campaign consisted of
was considered a model law at regional and filing a writ of amparo in April 2011 to demand
international levels as it opposed the repressive new voter registration sites and to promote
tendencies characteristic of legislation in migrants’ right to vote. However, the justice
other countries. The international nature of the system denied this motion.
Festival makes it possible to share the realities, On April 13, 2011, a Massive Voter Registration
differences, and challenges surrounding Day was held during which 189 people were
migrant rights in different parts of the world and registered to vote, a number higher than the
to promote the exchange of experiences and yearly total for 2001, 2002, 2004, 2006, and
collaboration among 2008. The event highlighted the need for an
organizations, artists, and public officials. active policy for promoting and disseminating
For more information visit: rights. However, because having a national
www.cinemigrante.org identification card was deemed insufficient, 139
people (43% of participants) were prevented from
registering because they did not have a power,
“This is Where I Live, gas, or phone bill in their name or own property
This is Where I Vote” Campaign registered in their name. Many people who
inhabit the city lack basic services or a precise
The Constitution of the City of Buenos Aires
postal address, which hinders their enrollment.
acknowledges the political right of all its
inhabitants to vote. However, Law No. 334 Given the challenges posed by the voluntary
stipulates that foreigners must previously register registration system, “This is Where I Live, This is
on the voter registration rolls. In 2011, only 3% Where I Vote” proposed amending Law 334. A
of the 340,960 foreign inhabitants in the city had working group was created with legislators from
registered to vote. Misinformation, lack of flexible different political blocks and consensus was
enrollment channels, and pre-requisites are some reached around one of the proposed bills.
of the reasons for this limited participation. For more information visit:
The “This is Where I live, This is Where I Vote” http://aquivivoaquivoto.blogspot.com.ar
[Aquí Vivo, Aquí Voto] campaign was launched
in March 2011 to create awareness of this
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Final last few years has allowed for the sharing of civil
society strategies with counterparts from other
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