CMDPDH Rostros de La Dignidad 40 Voces en Defensa de Los Derechos Humanos

ROSTROS
DE LA
DIGNIDAD
VOCES EN DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN MXICO

VOICES IN DEFENSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MEXICO
ROSTROS DE LA DIGNIDAD
Crditos | Credits
Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos, a.c.

Coordinacin | Coordination
Graciela Martnez Gonzlez
Axel Garca Carballar
Editor | Editor
Jos Antonio Guevara Bermdez
Cuidado y correccin de texto |
Copyediting and Proofreading
Isabella Mulholland
Mariana Gurrola Yez
Texto | Text
Ilallal Hernndez Rodrguez
Traductor | Translator
Dave Olliphant
Fotografas | Photo credits

Fernando Cortiglia Bosch
Prometeo Rodrguez Lucero
(Fotografa | Photo Fernando Ocegueda)
isbn:
978-607-95528-8-6
Direccin | Address
Tehuantepec #142, Col. Roma Sur,
Del. Cuauhtmoc, c.p. 06760, Mxico, d.f.
Telfono/Phone: +52(55) 5564 2582
Correo Electrnico | Email: info@cmdpdh.org
www.cmdpdh.org
Redes sociales | Social media
@cmdpdh
/cmdpdh
/cmdpdh
Edicin y diseo | Design and edition

El Recipiente
Noviembre | November, 2015
Algunos derechos Reservados | Some rights reserved
Impreso en Mxico | Printed in Mexico
El libro se puede consultar y descargar en | This book can be viewed and downloaded at
http://www.cmdpdh.org/publicaciones-pdf/cmdpdh_rostros_de_la_dignidad_40_voces_en_defensa_de_los_
derechos_humanos.pdf
Se autoriza la reproduccin total o parcial de la presente publicacin siempre y cuando se cite la fuente.
Total or partial reproduction of this publication is authorized, provided the source is acknowledged.
Esta publicacin se ha realizado con la ayuda financiera de la Unin Europea. El contenido de esta publicacin es
responsabilidad exclusiva de la Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos, a.c., y en
modo alguno debe considerarse que refleja la posicin de la Unin Europea.
This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this
publication are the sole responsibility of the Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocion de los Derechos
Humanos, a.c., and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union.
ROSTROS
DE LA
DIGNIDAD
VOCES EN DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN MXICO

VOICES IN DEFENSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MEXICO
La verdadera poltica se
True politics takes
construye en la calle
place on the streets
PRESENTACIN
as y los defensores de derechos humanos son los hroes annimos de nuestros tiempos.
Impulsan el cambio y alertan sobre arbitrariedades e injusticias. Sin embargo, en Mxico,
su coraje se recompensa con intimidaciones, hostigamiento, ataques e incluso la muerte.
En los ltimos aos, hemos sido testigos de cmo el riesgo ha aumentado para aquellas personas que defienden sus territorios ante la imposicin de grandes proyectos de inversin; para quienes apoyan y defienden a personas migrantes en trnsito por Mxico; para aquellas
personas que denuncian desastres ecolgicos; quienes acompaan a personas desplazadas;
para las personas que buscan a sus familiares vctimas de desaparicin; para quienes luchan por
los derechos de las mujeres, o para aquellas y aquellos que defienden la libertad de expresin.
En este contexto, en Mxico, el perfil de las personas defensoras de derechos humanos es
diverso. Son ciudadanos y ciudadanas de todo tipo: estudiantes, jvenes, prrocos, abogadas,
jubiladas, monjas, periodistas, hijas, madres, padres, hermanos y hermanas, gente comn que
se indigna ante los abusos, que denuncia y busca justicia. Personas que no se quedan calladas,
a pesar de los riesgos que implica decir la verdad.
Es por esto que, en el marco del proyecto La proteccin a personas defensoras de derechos humanos a travs de su capacitacin y visibilidad de la Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y
Promocin de los Derechos Humanos (cmdpdh), Peace Brigades International Reino Unido (pbi
uk) y Conexx-Europe, financiado por la Unin Europea (ue), publicamos este libro, Rostros de
la Dignidad: 40 Voces en Defensa de los Derechos Humanos en Mxico, con el objetivo de dar
a conocer la importante labor de las personas defensoras de derechos humanos en Mxico, a
partir de una pequea pero significativa muestra de esta realidad.
En la publicacin, podrn encontrar cuarenta voces que persiguen un cambio en nuestra
sociedad y que luchan por una vida ms digna para todos y todas. Cuarenta historias que reflejan
lo que ha sucedido en las ltimas dcadas en Mxico en materia de derechos humanos. Cada
historia busca acercar al lector, en pocas palabras, a la realidad que viven las y los defensores,
acompaada de un retrato y una obra con la que se pretende abstraer visualmente su lucha y
su historia.
Agradecemos a las y los defensores de derechos humanos que nos han compartido su
testimonio, su vida y su imagen para la preparacin de esta publicacin.
Confiamos en que esta obra contribuir a que la defensa de los derechos humanos sea
reconocida como una loable labor, indispensable para cualquier Estado de Derecho, pero adems para que se fortalezcan las instituciones democrticas del pas y los derechos fundamentales sean garantizados.
Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos
PRESENTATION
uman rights defenders are the unsung heroes of our time. By highlighting arbitrary
acts and injustices, these individuals help to initiate change. In Mexico, however, such
courage is met with intimidation, harassment, attacks and even death. In recent years,
we have witnessed the increased risk for those who safeguard our society. These individuals are punished for defending their land against the interests of large investment projects;
aiding and defending migrants travelling through Mexico; denouncing ecological disasters; accompanying people who have been displaced; searching for relatives who were victims of forced
disappearances; fighting for womens rights, or dedicating their life to defending the freedom of
expression.
As a result, the profiles of Mexican human rights defenders are especially diverse. They
encompass a variety of citizens: students, young people, priests, lawyers, pensioners, nuns, journalists, daughters, mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters. They are ordinary people who choose
to denounce crimes and seek justice. Abuse does not deter them. They refuse to keep silent
despite the risks that come with telling the truth.
In order to keep their stories alive we have published this book, Faces of Dignity: 40
Voices in Defense of Human Rights in Mexico. It forms part of the project titled The Protection
of Human Rights Defenders Through Training and Visibility created by the Comisin Mexicana
de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos (cmdpdh), Peace Brigades International United Kingdom (pbi uk) and Conexx-Europe, funded by the European Union (eu). The aim of this
publication is to highlight the important work being done throughout Mexico by human rights
defenders. We have chosen a small but representative sample in order to portray their reality.
In this book you will find forty voices seeking a change in our society and fighting for a
dignified life for all. Forty stories that reflect the history of human rights in Mexico over the last
few decades. Each story seeks, in very few words, to bring the reader closer to the reality that
human rights defenders are faced with on a daily basis. Portraits and works of art accompany the
memoirs to visually present their story and their struggle.
We thank the human rights defenders that have shared their testimonies, their lives and
their faces to the making of this publication.
We hope that this work will encourage the unwavering protection of those who work
tirelessly to promote and defend human rights. Such commendable work is essential to any
democratic nation. Not only that, we also hope it will help to strengthen the nations democratic
institutions and to guarantee fundamental rights.
Mexican Commission for the Defence and Promotion of Human Rights (cmdpdh)
PRLOGO
a defensa de los derechos humanos est plagada de gestos y habitada de vidas, como
este libro de rostros. Personas normales, con vidas propias, a las que un episodio
las marc, las hizo almas inquietas. Ya no fueron las mismas. Fueron tocadas por una
experiencia. Se convirtieron en testigos. La injusticia les despert la indignacin al ver la
voracidad de unos encima de otros, la amputacin de derechos, las leyes de los ms fuertes.
Decidieron intervenir. Cuidar a otros. Y casi sin saberlo, y siempre sin planearlo, se estrenaron
como defensoras y defensores de derechos humanos. En cuidadores de los dems.
La conciencia ya nunca les dej de punzar. Su voz tan preada de verdades se hizo incmoda. Para otros se convirtieron en enemigos (su causa les result intolerable). Todas, todos,
recibieron amenazas. Podan haberse escondido en casas tapiadas, tras cercas y barrotes, poner
varios pases de por medio, sacrificar la voz, o quedarse en el cmodo lugar de la indiferencia.
Pero decidieron seguir. En el clculo que nunca se hace de la lucha por la dignidad de todos
vala la pena arriesgar el propio pellejo.
Cada uno, cada una, representa un derecho negado, prohibido, pisoteado. Encarna esa
peligrosa labor de quitarle espacio a la muerte. Estn reunidos en este libro, y sus miradas
nos interpelan desde sus retratos. Tienen nombre. Se llaman Alejandra, Alberto, Irina, Jess,
Maricarmen, Mariano, Tere, Miguel ngel, Silvia, Hermelinda, Julio, Nadin, Armando, Nlida,
Ral, Apolonia, Elsa, Juan Carlos y Mara, Tita, Ysica, Meritxell, Alejandro, Claudia, Antonio,
Leticia, Jorge, Eliseo, Altagracia, Silvia, Sara, Fernando, Bettina, Toms, Isabel, Mara Luisa, Sal,
Jorge, Norma, Zuzana. No son solos, representan a muchos, a muchas ms.
Somos ciudadanos comunes y corrientes. Queremos felicidad para todos, se les escucha decir cuando un entrevistador les pregunta de qu madera estn hechos, qu hilos
los tejieron. Son cualquiera, pero distintos a todos. Personas despiertas, atentas, transformadas por la experiencia de los otros en quienes se reconocieron. Su vida est guiada por esa
lucha por la dignidad, siguiendo las leyes de su corazn y desafiando el mandato del miedo.
La vida en peligro les cobra un precio.
Si la voz de alguno se apaga todos perdemos algo de vida, un modo de ver, un color,
la manera de estar en la tierra. Se extingue un ro. Se pone en juego la risa de las mujeres, la
inocencia de los nios. La posibilidad de escribir sin ser asesinado. Migrantes pierden la vida.
Obreras terminan esclavizadas. Despojan territorios. Se pierden derechos a casarse, a cambiarse de sexo, a hacer el amor sin miedo. Se deja de escuchar el lamento de la gente. Caducan
las libertades. Si ellas y ellos son silenciados se extingue del horizonte lo posible. No quedara
quien denuncie lo que pasa y anuncie cmo la realidad puede ser cambiada. Si ellos y ellas no
estn la vida pierde terreno. Porque son ese antdoto contra el veneno que va invadiendo la
sangre de este pas. A nosotros nos toca cuidar a estas personas que nos cuidan. Cuidndolos a
ellos, a ellas, defendemos nuestra felicidad. Y vamos avanzando en el camino de la construccin
de dignidad. Ellas y ellos estn tambin en nosotros. Sus historias no son de vidas ejemplares,
sino ejemplos de conciencia. Que cundan.
Marcela Turati
PROLOGUE
he world of human rights defenders is peopled by a colorful array of characters, like

those portrayed in this book. They are ordinary people with normal lives, but marked
by an event that subsequently turned them into restless souls, never to be the same
again. They had become witnesses. Injustice ignited their anger after seeing people
fight one another, observing the disintegration of rights; the reality of the survival of the fittest.
They decided to intervene, to take care of others. And almost without realizing it, and without
planning on it, they became human rights activists; the caretakers of the world.
Their conscience would forever remind them of the harsh realities that surrounded
them. Their voices, laced with the truth, caused discomfort. They became enemies to those
that found their cause intolerable. Women and men were all threatened. They could have easily hidden themselves away in safe houses, behind fences, placed several countries in between
them and the problem, sacrificed their voice, or remained in comfortable indifference. But
instead, they decided to carry on. It was worth sacrificing ones own self for the dignity of the
whole, of which the cost was never weighed up.
Each person in this book represents a right denied. They embody the dangerous task
of denying death an opportunity to control this space we all share. Together they are gathered
in this book, confronting us from its pages. These voices have names of their own: Alejandra,
Alberto, Irina, Jess, Maricarmen, Mariano, Tere, Miguel ngel, Silvia, Hermelinda, Julio, Nadin, Armando, Nlida, Ral, Apolonia, Elsa, Juan Carlos y Mara, Tita, Ysica, Meritxell, Alejandro, Claudia, Antonio, Leticia, Jorge, Eliseo, Altagracia, Silvia, Sara, Fernando, Bettina, Toms,
Isabel, Mara Luisa, Sal, Jorge, Norma, Zuzana. They are not alone, they represent many more.
When an interviewer asked them if they were carved from different wood, if they were
woven from different thread, they responded: We are ordinary citizens. We want happiness
for everyone. Yet they are different from the rest. Awake, alert, transformed by the experience
of others in whom they recognize themselves. Their lives are guided by a struggle for dignity.
They follow their hearts and defy the power of fear. A life in danger comes at a price.
If one persons voice dies out we all lose a tiny part of life. What is lost may be a view of
the world; a way of being on this earth. A river is extinguished. A park disappears. The laughter
of women is harder to hear, a childs innocence harder to find. The possibility of writing without
being assassinated becomes a far-fetched dream. Migrants lose their lives. Workers end up
enslaved. Lands are taken. The rights to marry, to change gender, to make love without fear,
are lost. Peoples cries are no longer heard. Freedom expires. If these people are silenced,
the possibility of change is eradicated. There would be nobody left to condemn injustices
and to demonstrate the changes that can be made. If these people cease to exist, life loses its
purpose. Why? Because these individuals are the antidote to the poison that is invading this
countrys bloodstream. Now, it is our turn to take care of the people who take care of us. By
taking care of them, we are able to defend our happiness. We will be able to advance towards
the construction of a dignified life. These women and men can be found within each one of us.
Their stories are not of exemplary lives, but examples of conscience. Let them spread.
Marcela Turati
Rostros de la Dignidad
Faces of Dignity
JUAN CARLOS
Trujillo Herrera
Fundador de Familiares
en Bsqueda Mara Herrera
Founder of Families in
Search Mara Herrera
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
En el peridico apareci la fotografa del Presidente Felipe Caldern consolando a una mujer de
pelo cano y ojos cansados, quien sostiene cuatro
fotografas. Los diarios afirmaron que Caldern se
comprometi a encontrar a quienes llam daos
colaterales de su guerra contra el narcotrfico.
Mrelos bien, stos son los rostros de sus estadsticas, tienen un nombre y una familia que los quiere
de regreso.
The newspaper published a photo of Mexican

President Felipe Caldern comforting a woman
with white hair and tired eyes, holding four photographs. The papers stated that Caldern had
committed to finding those he called the collateral
damage of his war on drugs. Look at them well,
these are the faces of your statistics, they have a
name and a family that wants them back.
12
13
ese a las promesas, las notas de peridico y el compromiso presidencial, Mara sigue
mostrando las cuatro fotografas de sus hijos de 23, 25, 27 y 28 aos. A su lado, su hijo
mayor, Juan Carlos con el cuerpo grueso y la mirada endurecida la sostiene de los
hombros.
La familia Trujillo Herrera es de Pajacuarn, Michoacn. Recorran diversos estados del
pas para comprar y vender pedacera de oro, una prspera empresa que muy pronto necesit
hasta cien empleados. En 2008, Mara vio partir rumbo a Oaxaca la camioneta con sus hijos Ral,
Salvador y cinco empleados a bordo; por la noche, Salvador llam para avisar que pasaran la
noche en Guerrero. Los crteles guerrerenses tenan en ese momento problemas con los capos
de La Familia Michoacana. Cuando aquella noche circul por su territorio una camioneta con
placas de Michoacn y siete hombres a bordo, los delincuentes la detuvieron en un retn.
La familia se traslad a Guerrero para buscarlos, llenaron formatos para realizar la denuncia, reconstruyeron los pasos de los jvenes, tocaron cada puerta que encontraron. Mostraban
las fotografas a todo aquel que se cruzaba en su camino y preguntaban si los haban visto.
Ante la ataraxia del gobierno, tomaron la investigacin en sus manos y llegaron a saber cmo se
conformaba la red criminal, quin venda la droga y dnde viva el lder.
Juan Carlos se estableci en Guerrero para seguir buscando. Las autoridades convocaron
una reunin en la que la familia entreg sus hallazgos, ah estuvieron presentes funcionarios coludidos con el crimen. Unas semanas ms tarde, secuestraron en Oaxaca a otros trabajadores de
la familia. Fueron liberados con un recado: Los queremos a ustedes por calentarnos la plaza.
Buscar desaparecidos en Mxico requiere de mucho dinero, sin embargo, la familia Herrera slo lo supo en 2010, cuando dej de alcanzarles para continuar la investigacin. Tuvieron
que hacer un alto, era momento de seguir haciendo lo que saban: vender y comprar oro. Gustavo y Luis Armando saldran a trabajar mientras que Juan Carlos y Rafael seguiran buscando.
Gustavo, Luis Armando y dos empleados partieron rumbo a Veracruz para reactivar el
negocio. El regreso iba a tomar ms tiempo, pues el huracn Karl haba devastado la carretera.
No se supo ms de ellos, era como si se los hubiera tragado la tierra. Juan Carlos, a los pocos
das, formaliz la denuncia por la desaparicin. El dolor ya no tena cabida en esa familia, eran
fantasmas de s mismos, sombras que no saban por dnde seguir.
En 2013, lleg a Morelia la Caravana por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad. Mara, su hija y su
nuera fueron a buscar a Javier Sicilia. Ese da, Mara subi por primera vez a un templete, cont
su historia frente a miles de desconocidos y, desde entonces, la ha repetido tantas veces, que la
gente con casos de desaparicin encuentra en ella la fuerza para soportar su propio dolor. As
surgi la organizacin Familiares en Bsqueda Mara Herrera, a travs de la cual acompaan a
otras familias para que el dolor de buscar a un desaparecido no sea tan profundo. No necesitan ms abrazos presidenciales, ellos cuentan su historia y honran los nombres, no son daos
colaterales.
14
Faces of Dignity
espite the promises, the newspaper articles and the presidential commitment, Mara
continues to hold the four photographs of her children, ages 23, 25, 27 and 28. Next
to her, her eldest son Juan Carlos, a stout man with a hardened expression, holds her
shoulders.
The Trujillo Herrera family comes from Pajacuarn, Michoacn. They used to travel through
different states buying and selling pieces of gold, a prosperous enterprise that soon required at
least one hundred employees. In 2008, Mara watched as her sons Ral and Salvador, along with
five other employees, left in a truck towards Oaxaca. That evening, Salvador called to let her
know they were going to spend the night in Guerrero. At that time, the cartels in Guerrero were
in dispute with La Familia Michoacana cartel. That night, they drove through this territory with
license plates from Michoacn, and seven men on board. The truck was stopped at a roadblock
set up by criminals.
The family travelled to Guerrero to search for them. They filled out forms to report the
incident, and they retraced Ral and Salvadors steps, knocking on every door they could find.
They showed pictures to everybody they came across, asking if they had seen them. Due to
the governments inaction, the family took the investigation into their own hands. From then
on, they understood how the criminal network operated, who sold the drugs and where the
leader lived.
Juan Carlos moved to Guerrero to continue searching. The authorities convened a meeting in which the family presented their investigation; however, corrupt officials were present. A
few weeks later, more of the familys workers were kidnapped in Oaxaca. They were freed with
a message: You are wanted for stirring up trouble in our territory.
In Mexico, searching for missing people requires a lot of money. Unfortunately, the
Herrera family became aware of this when they could no longer afford to investigate their family
members whereabouts. Thus, in 2010 they had to stop. It was time to do what they did best:
buying and selling gold. Gustavo and Luis Armando would go back to work while Juan Carlos
and Rafael would keep searching.
Gustavo, Luis Armando and two employees traveled to Veracruz to reactivate their business. The return trip took longer because hurricane Karl had devastated the highway. No one
has heard from them since, it was as if the earth had swallowed them whole. A few days later
Juan Carlos prepared the file to report their disappearance. The family could not endure the
pain. They were shadows of their former selves, ghosts who did not know what direction to take.
In 2013, the Caravan for Peace with Justice and Dignity passed through Morelia. Mara,
her daughter and her daughter in law went to Morelia to talk to Javier Sicilia. That day was
the first time Mara had stood on stage to tell her story in front of thousands of strangers and,
since then, she has told it so many times that other people who have suffered the pain of a
disappeared family member, use her strength to endure their own anguish. As a result of Marias
newly-discovered role, the organization Families in Search Mara Herrera was founded, an
organization ran by the Trujillo Herrera family with the aim of supporting other families in their
search for their missing loved ones. They do not need more presidential hugs, they are willing
and able to tell their own story and honor the names of those who are missing. They should not
be considered collateral damage.
15
Faces of Dignity
ALBERTO
Donis Rodrguez
Coordinador del albergue de

migrantes Hermanos en el Camino
Coordinator of the migrant shelter

Brothers on the Way
Ciudad Ixtepec, Oaxaca
Por la carretera de Guatemala a Mxico, en una

cabina oculta debajo de un triler, viajaban sesenta personas migrantes. Para acceder, suban por
un pequeo agujero al lado de la llanta donde no
tenan suficiente espacio ni para respirar. Las personas que venan de Ecuador llevaban veinte das
de viaje en balsa, estaban deshidratadas; quienes
venan de Guatemala recin comenzaban el camino. Ah estaba Alberto, en uno de sus intentos por
llegar a Estados Unidos.
On the highway from Guatemala to Mexico, sixty

migrants travelled in a cabin hidden beneath a
trailer. They climbed onto the trailer through a small
hole by the side of the wheel. There was no room
to breathe. People who were coming from Ecuador
had been traveling for twenty days in a raft and were
dehydrated, and those coming from Guatemala had
just begun their journey. Among them was Alberto,
attempting once again to enter the United States.
16
17
Faces of Dignity
lberto Donis comenz a viajar rumbo al norte desde los diecinueve aos, poco despus de haber terminado la escuela preparatoria. Naci y se cri en Santa Rosa, Guatemala, una comunidad rural, donde la gente se dedica a la agricultura y la ganadera.
Primero se fue a la Ciudad de Guatemala donde trabaj como dependiente de una
farmacutica y despus en un banco. Sin embargo, la violencia de la ciudad acecha en cada
rincn y el dinero que ganan trabajando se lo quitan a los minutos de haberlo cobrado. Alberto
dur cinco meses ah, y despus decidi buscar otra alternativa. Su familia pag al primer coyote que lo llev a Estados Unidos.
Cuatro veces consigui Alberto cruzar la frontera. En uno de los viajes, qued varado en
el desierto por cinco das y l mismo se entreg a las autoridades de migracin, cuando el sol
ya haba secado su boca y su cuerpo. Otra vez, logr llegar a Estados Unidos y encontr dos
trabajos: por la maana era jardinero y en la noche iba a un restaurante. La rutina diaria slo le
permita dormir cuatro horas; las jornadas no le daban tregua. Las autoridades de migracin lo
encontraron y lo deportaron.
El quinto viaje que emprendi Alberto hacia el norte lo hizo con una prima, un primo y un
amigo. Los cuatro jvenes salieron el 31 de agosto de 2008 a las cinco de la maana de Guatemala y a la media noche llegaron a Arriaga, Chiapas. All fueron asaltados por unos policas.
Sin dinero, se quedaron en el pueblo y pasaron la noche en un albergue donde podan estar
seguros. En ese lugar les dijeron que podan poner una denuncia, as que fueron al ministerio
pblico. Esperaron a que llegara alguien de derechos humanos, pero arrib el tren primero y
decidieron tomar rumbo a Ixtepec, Oaxaca, una parada que Alberto nunca antes haba hecho.
En Ixtepec, esperaron al nuevo tren en el albergue Hermanos en el Camino; ah comieron
y descansaron sobre cartones al ras del piso, suficientes para que los cuatro se sintieran en paz.
El Padre Solalinde habl con Alberto: Nos dijo: Miren, ustedes tienen derechos en este pas.
Cierto, no traen documentos pero pueden viajar. La autoridad no est para robarlos, est para
cuidarlos. Nos hizo estar conscientes de lo que podamos hacer y decidimos denunciar. Entonces acudieron a las oficinas de la Procuradura General de la Repblica. Con las reformas a la ley,
las autoridades migratorias ahora otorgan un permiso para permanecer en territorio mexicano
mientras se esclarecen los hechos. Ellos permanecieron como vctimas y testigos de delito por
razones humanitarias.
Alberto se qued en el albergue y, desde entonces, apoya al Padre Alejandro Solalinde en
las actividades que se organizan. El sacerdote se ha convertido en un ejemplo para l. Alberto
ha visto la transformacin del albergue; ahora ya tienen una oficina e incluso los cartones han
sido sustituidos por catres. Sin embargo, sus acompaantes de viaje decidieron seguir rumbo al
norte. Su primo fue detenido nueve veces y despus de muchos intentos logr llegar a Canad.
Su prima fue arrestada y regres al albergue sin dinero, finalmente trabaja en Los ngeles. De
su otro amigo no saben ms. Alberto decidi quedarse en el albergue: Defiendo a las personas
migrantes porque su historia es la ma. Siempre ser migrante, pero ya no quiero llegar al norte:
aqu encontr mi lugar.
lberto Donis began traveling northward at the age of nineteen, not long after finishing
high school. He was born and raised in Santa Rosa, Guatemala, a rural community
where people worked in agriculture and cattle raising. He first moved to Guatemala
City, working in a pharmacy and later in a bank. However, violence in the city lurked at
every corner and the money he earned was robbed just minutes after receiving it. Alberto lasted
five months there, and then decided to look for an alternative. His family paid the first coyote
(people paid to smuggle migrants from Mexico to the u.s.) that took him to the United States.
Alberto reached the u.s. four times. During one trip, he was stranded in the desert for five
days and turned himself in to the immigration authorities when the sun had dried his mouth and
body. He reached the u.s. again and got two jobs: in the morning he was a gardener, and at night
he worked in a restaurant. His daily routine only allowed him four hours of sleep, and during the
day he had no time to take a break. The immigration authorities found him and deported him.
The fifth time Alberto travelled north, he went with a female cousin, a male cousin, and a
friend. The four youths left Guatemala on August 31st, 2008, at five in the morning, and arrived at
midnight in Arriaga, Chiapas. There, they were robbed by police officers. They spent that night
in the town with no money. To ensure their safety, they slept in a shelter. They were told by those
who worked at the shelter that they could file a complaint, and so they went to the Public
Prosecutors Office. They waited for someone from the human rights department to arrive.
However, whilst they were waiting, the train to take them north arrived and they decided to get
on it. The train took them to Ixtepec, Oaxaca; Alberto had never stopped there before.
In Ixtepec they waited for the next train at the shelter Brothers on the Way. At the shelter
they ate, and rested on cardboard boxes flattened on the floor. This was enough for them to feel
at ease. Father Solalinde spoke with Alberto: He told us: Look, you have rights in this country. Its
true that you do not have documents, but you can travel. The authorities are supposed to protect
you, not rob you. He opened our eyes to the fact we could do something, and so we decided to
file a complaint. Then, they went to the Attorney Generals Office. Due to legal reform, migrants
are now able to remain in Mexican territory while their legal complaint is being investigated. So,
they stayed in the country as victims and witnesses of the crime.
Alberto remained in the shelter, and since then, he has been assisting Father Alejandro
Solalinde with activities in the shelter. Solalinde has become an example for Alberto to follow.
He has seen the transformation of the place; now they have an office, and even the cardboard
boxes have been substituted for basic beds. However, his companions decided to continue
north. His male cousin was arrested nine times and after many attempts he finally made it to
Canada. His female cousin was arrested and returned to the shelter without any money, and
now she lives and works in Los Angeles. They have not heard anything from their friend. Alberto
decided to stay at the shelter: I have chosen to defend migrants rights because we share the same
story. I will always be a migrant, but I no longer wish to reach the north. I have found my place
here.
18
19
Faces of Dignity
ALTAGRACIA
Tamayo Madueo
Presidenta del Consejo Binacional por la

Diversidad Sexual, Discriminacin e Igualdad y la
Defensa de los Derechos Humanos de los Grupos
Vulnerados (cobina)
President of the Binational Council

for Sexual Diversity, Discrimination and Equality
and the Defense of Human Rights of Vulnerable
Groups (cobina)
Mexicali, Baja California
El calor seca la boca; no hay agua que limpie ese sabor polvoriento que queda en la garganta. No hay
quien desee salir en la hora ms calurosa, lo cual
confiere a la calle un aspecto fantasmal. En el centro, nada ms se mete el sol, comienzan a abrir las
cantinas, sitios srdidos donde se refugian los sedientos que buscan otro lquido para mitigar la sed.
The heat leaves your mouth dry, and no amount of

water can get rid of that dusty taste in your throat.
No one wants to go outside at the hottest time of the
day, and thus, the streets have a ghostly appearance.
Downtown, when the sun sets, the cantinas start to
open; sordid places where people look for a different
type of drink to quench their thirst.
20
21
ay un lugar en el centro de Mexicali que se llama cobina, el Consejo Binacional por la

Diversidad Sexual, Discriminacin e Igualdad, se encuentra sobre la calle Lerdo. Altagracia, trabajadora social, es quien lidera ese proyecto que ayuda a tantas personas
como puede. Sera sencillo explicar que slo defiende los derechos humanos de la
comunidad lgbttti (lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, travestis, transexuales, transgnero e intersexuales), una labor que comenz en los ochenta con el Comit Orgullo. Pero Altagracia tambin se
acerca a personas de sectores muy vulnerables: sexoservidoras, gente con adicciones, personas
en situacin de pobreza extrema y migrantes que han llegado hasta la frontera para intentar
cruzar al otro lado. Muchos no lo logran y se asientan tambin all, donde es fcil ver a madres
cargando a sus hijos, madres que no encuentran ms oportunidades de trabajo que el servicio
sexual.
Altagracia supo que era diferente desde muy joven. Con el paso de los aos, comprendi
que el problema de asumir su sexualidad no resida en confesarlo a su familia y que lo aceptara,
sino en asumir ella misma quin es sin reparos. En ese momento su vida dio un vuelco. Su bsqueda no slo le permiti entender sus preferencias, sino tambin el rumbo de su quehacer.
En 1987, la vida de Altagracia dio otro giro. Estaba cenando tacos afuera de un bar con
dos compaeros activistas que haban ido a Tijuana en busca de mayor apertura. Uno de ellos le
dio en la boca un pedazo de taco a otro y la polica furiosa los jal para subirlos a la patrulla por
faltas a la moral. Altagracia increp a los policas y, tras una serie de alegatos absurdos, logr
que la situacin no pasara a mayores. A partir de ah, comenz el camino de la defensa y lucha
por los derechos de las comunidades vulnerables con las que se topaba en Mexicali.
Tamayo, como le dicen a Altagracia todas las personas que llegan al centro comunitario,
es muy sonriente, y la gente se siente alegre cuando ella est cerca. Ella nos podr ayudar, se
dicen. En el comedor comunitario, hacen fila personas de todo tipo, quienes parecen transmitir
optimismo despus del primer bocado de comida caliente. El eje de la ayuda a personas con
adicciones se centra principalmente en la asistencia mdica, mientras que las sexoservidoras y
las personas migrantes reciben, adems, atencin legal. Tamayo busca ayuda para todos, incluso debajo de las piedras.
La gente prefiere ignorar a quienes cobina apoya. S que muchos de los problemas de la
comunidad lgbttti empiezan porque no asumen su identidad y despus entran en un espacio
del que difcilmente podrn salir. Cuando Altagracia habla sobre la importancia de aceptarse a
uno mismo, brinda a otras personas la oportunidad de aprender a aceptar la diversidad. Ella es
testigo a diario de cmo la diferencia es el primer motor del odio. En cobina, intenta ofrecer un
lugar donde la heterogeneidad sea el rasgo comn y la posibilidad de que todos, pese al clima
extremo, puedan encontrar un lugar para existir.
22
Faces of Dignity
here is a place in downtown Mexicali called cobina, the Binational Council for Sexual Diversity, Discrimination and Equality, located on Lerdo Street. Altagracia, a social worker,
is the director of the Council. cobina aims to help as many people as possible. It would be
simple to say that it only defends the human rights of the lgbttti community (lesbians,
gays, bisexuals, transvestites, transsexuals, transgender, and the sexually ambiguous), work
that began in the 1980s with the foundation of the Comit Orgullo. But Altagracia also
works with the most vulnerable: sex workers, people with addictions, people in circumstances
of extreme poverty, and migrants who have reached the border trying to cross to the other side.
Many decide not to cross, and settle in Mexicali where it is common to see mothers feeding their
children, mothers who do not find other opportunities but to work in the sex industry.
From her very early youth, Altagracia knew she was different. As the years went by, she
understood that the issue of accepting her sexuality did not depend on whether her family
accepted it, but instead that Altagracia had to accept it for herself. That was the moment in which
her life took a turn. Her personal journey not only helped her understand her sexual orientation,
but also her professional path.
In 1987 Altagracias life took another turn. She was eating tacos for dinner outside a bar with
two male activist colleagues who had gone to Tijuana in search of a more open-minded society.
One of them placed a piece of taco in the others mouth and a police officer furiously grabbed
them with the intention of taking them away in the patrol car on moral charges. Altagracia
told the police officer off and, after a series of absurd accusations by the police officer, she managed to calm the situation. After that experience, she decided to begin her journey defending
the rights of the vulnerable communities that she came across in Mexicali.
Tamayo, as Altagracia is also known by those who frequent the community center, smiles
a lot and people are happy when they are in her company. She can help us, they say. A diverse
group of people form the queue in the community kitchen, and as soon as they have their first
bite to eat, the optimism is contagious. The organization provides medical help for people with
drug addictions, while sex workers and migrants, in addition, receive legal assistance. Tamayo
seeks aid for them all, in any way possible.
Some of the citys inhabitants prefer to ignore the types of people cobina supports. I know
that many of the lgbttti communitys problems begin because they do not accept their identity
and they find it hard to overcome. When Altagracia speaks about the importance of accepting
oneself, she provides people with an opportunity to learn about diversity. She witnesses how
difference sparks hatred on a daily basis. At cobina she tries to offer a place where heterogeneity
is the common trait and a possibility for each person, regardless of the inhospitable climate in
which they live, to find their place in society.
23
Faces of Dignity
MERITXELL
Caldern Vargas
Representante de la Red Iberoamericana

Pro Derechos Humanos en Mxico
Representative of the Ibero-American Network

Pro Human Rights in Mexico
Tijuana, Baja California
Meritxell Caldern creci en un lugar nico, no slo

porque lo hizo en la ciudad fronteriza de Tijuana
en la dcada de los ochenta cuando la migracin
estaba en un momento lgido y el crtel de los
hermanos Arellano Flix emerga, sino porque su
padre, psiquiatra de profesin, abri en el centro
la primera clnica de metadona de Amrica Latina
para adictos a la herona.
Meritxell Caldern grew up in a unique place.

Not only because she lived in the border town of
Tijuana in the 1980sa time when migration was
at its peak, and the cartel of the Arellano Flix
brothers had recently surfacedbut also because
her father, a psychiatrist by profession, opened the
first methadone clinic in Latin America for heroin
addicts in the center of Tijuana.
24
25
Faces of Dignity
n aquel momento, la cabeza de su padre tena un precio, porque a los narcotraficantes

locales no les convena que alguien ayudara a las personas a salir de las drogas. Adems, el tratamiento no slo se centraba en el uso de la sustancia, sino tambin en encontrar la causa de la adiccin.
Meritxell creci rodeada de personas nerviosas que llegaban puntualmente para conseguir la dosis de metadona. Hasta la fecha, la oficina que dirige, la Red Iberoamericana Pro
Derechos Humanos en Mxico, se encuentra justo al lado de la clnica. Ella defiende los derechos de la comunidad lgbttti, aunque hace un trabajo amplsimo con diferentes sectores vulnerables: mujeres con adicciones, trabajadoras sexuales y personas migrantes. Tambin ayuda
a mujeres vctimas de violencia que han denunciado ante diferentes instancias y no tienen una
respuesta. La adiccin ms peligrosa y ms econmica es la inhalacin de solventes. Con unos
pocos pesos pueden comprar unos litros de esa sustancia y una estopa y as es ms sencillo
soportar el hambre y el fro.
Comenz su activismo muy joven. Cuando Meritxell tena catorce aos, el gobierno
de California pretenda negar servicios sociales, mdicos y educacin pblica a los inmigrantes indocumentados a travs de la Proposicin 187. Estaba con mis amigas en un concierto
de la Maldita Vecindad en la Universidad de San Diego y nos dijimos: Hay que hacer algo, e
hicimos una manifestacin con banderas de Mxico y Estados Unidos con el argumento de que
ramos vecinos. Fue la primera manifestacin que hizo, con siete estudiantes de secundaria.
Las exigencias que tiene la Red Iberoamericana son tan variadas como las problemticas
que atienden, pero en todas ellas la demanda constante es que pare la violencia sistemtica del
Estado en contra de una poblacin especfica: migrantes, personas con adicciones, de diversidad sexual y personas en situacin de pobreza. El primer paso para comenzar con la defensa
es dar visibilidad a los casos, buscar espacios para que sean pblicos, porque si se quedan calladitos, dice Meritxell, se vuelven blanco fcil.
Permanecer detrs de un escritorio no es una opcin para ella. Su lucha est en la calle.
Baja California es un estado marcado por los crmenes de odio, la prostitucin, los feminicidios
y el consumo de drogas.
Hoy en da tambin busca que se acepte el matrimonio igualitario. En varias ocasiones,
ella y su novia, Nancy Bonilla, se han presentado en la alcalda de Tijuana para contraer matrimonio. En agosto de 2015, se cas en la ciudad fronteriza la primera pareja del mismo sexo despus de un largo proceso jurdico. Pero la unin matrimonial igualitaria no estaba an legislada
en Baja California, slo era posible a travs de un amparo. La lucha de Meritxell no obedece
nicamente a su propio matrimonio, sino para que el derecho se encuentre al alcance de la
ciudadana. Esta pelea no la libra sola, sino al lado de Nancy, quien la apoya activamente en esta
nueva batalla por la dignidad.
t that time, there was a price tag on her fathers head because the local drug traffickers
were not keen on the idea that somebody was helping their customers get off drugs.
Furthermore, the treatment was not only concerned with substance abuse but also
focused on discovering the causes of the addiction.
Meritxell grew up surrounded by anxious people who would arrive punctually for their
dose of methadone. To this day, the organization she directs, the Ibero-American Network Pro
Human Rights in Mexico, is located next to the clinic. The office primarily defends the rights of
the lgbttti community, even though it works with a wide variety of different vulnerable groups:
women with addiction problems, sex workers, and migrants. The organization also helps female
victims of violence who have reported different abuses but have not received a response from
the authorities. The most dangerous, and cheapest, addiction is solvent abuse. For a couple of
pesos, one can purchase several liters of the substance. It is a small price to pay to forget about
hunger and the cold.
Meritxell began her activism at a young age. When she was fourteen, the government
of the California was planning to deny social services, medical care, and public education to
undocumented immigrants through Proposition 187. I was with my friends at a Maldita Vecindad
concert in the University of San Diego, and we said to one another: We have to do something.
We organized a protest with Mexican and u.s. flags, using the argument that we are neighbors.
This was the first demonstration that she had planned, with seven students from Middle School.
The demands of the Ibero-American Network are as varied as the problems that come with
them, but the thread that unites them is their request for an end to the systematic violence by the
State against a specific section of society: migrants, people with addictions, people of diverse
sexuality, and the poor. The first step in the process of defending the victims is making their
cases known. It is important to seek spaces in which their cases may be made public, because if
they remain quiet, Meritxell argues, they become easy targets.
For Meritxell, working in an office is not an option. Her fight is on the ground. Baja California
is a state marked by hate crimes, prostitution, femicides, and drug consumption.
Currently, Meritxell is also fighting for the acceptance of same-sex marriage. On various
occasions she and her fiance, Nancy Bonilla, have gone to the mayors office in Tijuana to file for
marriage. In August 2015, the first same-sex couple was married in the border town after a long
judicial process. Nevertheless, gay marriage was still illegal in Baja California; such a union was
only possible through a court appeal. Meritxells struggle is not only about her own marriage, it
is about fighting for a universal right, extended to all citizens. She is not alone in this fight; Nancy
is by her side and actively supports her new-found struggle for dignity.
26
27
Faces of Dignity
MIGUEL NGEL
Garca Leyva
Fundador de la Asociacin Esperanza contra

la Desaparicin Forzada y la Impunidad
Founder of the Hope Association against

Enforced Disappearances and Impunity.
Una madre puede ver el dolor en otra; compartir una pena crea solidaridad, y tambin alivia sentir
que alguien ms la entiende y acompaa. Las mujeres que se encontraban en las agencias del ministerio pblico cargaban desafortunadamente con
la misma historia a cuestas: sus hijos haban desaparecido y la autoridad catalogaba los casos como
homicidios. Miguel ngel recibi a ese grupo de
madres para ayudarles a encontrar las respuestas
que el gobierno se empeaba en ocultar.
A mother can feel another mothers pain; shared

suffering creates solidarity. A mother takes comfort
in the knowledge that somebody else understands
her, and that she is not alone. The women who met
one another in the Public Prosecutor's' Offices, unlucky enough to have experienced the same pain,
knew their sons were victims of enforced disappearance but that the authorities were filing the cases
as homicides. Miguel ngel worked with the group
of mothers to help them find answers that the government insisted on hiding.
28
29
iguel ngel Garca Leyva es de Sinaloa, pero su activismo lo ha obligado a salir de

su estado natal en diferentes momentos, desde que era un estudiante universitario de derecho hasta el da de hoy, que acompaa a un grupo de familiares de vctimas de desaparicin en el estado vecino. En 2001, cuando era secretario del Frente
Contra la Impunidad, fue comisionado para acudir a Baja California para apoyar legalmente a
esas mujeres.
Ellas se conocieron a fuerza de encontrarse en los mismos lugares, en esperas ridas con
una fotografa gastada, recorriendo como fantasmas cada oficina del estado fronterizo. Cuando
decidieron estar juntas se hicieron llamar Grupo Esperanza, porque consideraron que buscaban iluminar esos espacios oscuros. Ahondando en las historias, encontraron que, en todos los
casos, la polica y el crimen organizado se presentaban de manera recurrente. Miguel ngel,
adems, hall incongruencias y abusos. Decidi ampliar su estancia en Baja California.
Entre los casos documentados, concretamente de 2005 y 2006, descubriern algunas
desapariciones colectivas, en las que estos comandos negros conocidos tambin como escuadrones de la muerte haban secuestrado a ocho o diez personas en lugares pblicos. La
primera respuesta de la autoridad era darlos por muertos. Las vctimas de desapariciones forzadas, entonces, entraban a otros lugares destinados para el olvido o el crimen. La polica no pudo
sostener por mucho tiempo la teora del homicidio, ya que no contaba con actas de defuncin,
motivos, ni siquiera indicios, de que hubieran estado en un enfrentamiento. Entonces los acusaban de narcotraficantes, sin antes permitir un juicio.
El gobierno comenz a crear instituciones para atender las desapariciones forzadas, intent matizar el trmino y llamarlas personas extraviadas, como si quisiera colocar en el mismo sitio una problemtica muy diferente. En este camino de lucha, el triunfo de un caso era
tambin un triunfo colectivo. Lo mismo suceda con la tristeza: la muerte de una de las madres,
Doa Chayito, en septiembre de 2001, los sumergi en una melancola que los hizo parar por
un tiempo.
Cuando Ral Ramrez Baena tom el cargo de titular de la Procuradura de Derechos Humanos del estado, lograron contactarlo y dieron visibilidad en los medios de comunicacin a
la desaparicin forzada. Hicieron trabajo de campo durante cinco das: Vimos que haba ms
casos, que no eran los nicos, porque al hacer las entrevistas y denuncias, hablaron por telfono
ms seoras y ellas venan de Sinaloa, algunos de sus hijos vivan aqu, otros all. Les daban los
datos de cada suceso, entre los que se incluan cruentos asesinatos. Durante esos das, contaron
hasta 29 casos de impunidad.
Miguel ngel regres por un tiempo a Sinaloa, pero con cada nueva llamada, con cada
nuevo caso, se daba cuenta que su lugar era Baja California. La Asociacin Esperanza contra la
Desaparicin Forzada y la Impunidad naci formalmente el 27 de noviembre del 2002, con todo
y su acta constitutiva. Desde entonces, la organizacin busca poder escribir y dar a conocer los
casos que la autoridad se empea en ocultar.
30
Faces of Dignity
iguel ngel Garca Leyva is from Sinaloa, but his activism has forced him to leave his
native state on different occasions; from his time as a university law student to
his current work accompanying a group of families whose relatives have been victims
of forced disappearance. In 2001, as secretary of the Frente Contra la Impunidad,
Miguel was chosen to go to Baja California to provide legal support for the mothers of the disappeared.
The women built friendships as a result of spending time together in the arid waiting
rooms with worn-out photographs, making the rounds at every legal office in the border state.
When the women decided to amalgamate their struggles into a collective battle, they called
themselves the Grupo Esperanza, since they wanted light to shine out of the darkness. After
prolonged investigations into the stories of their family members the group found that, in all the
cases, the police and organized criminal groups were involved. In addition, Miguel ngel was
struck by disparities, and signs of abuse, within the evidence. He decided to extend his stay in
Baja California.
Among the documented cases, specifically from 2005 to 2006, there had been instances
of collective disappearances, in which military death squads kidnapped eight to ten people
in public places. The first response by the authorities would be to declare them dead. Subsequently, the victims of forced disappearance were then destined to be forgotten, or used for
criminal purposes. The police could not sustain theories of homicide for very long since they
did not hold death certificates, motives for the killings, nor any indications that there had been
confrontations. Then the police would accuse the victims of being drug dealers, without providing the victims with a fair trial.
The government began to create institutions for handling forced disappearances. However, it tried to nuance the term by calling them persons gone astray, replacing the issue of
forced disappearance with a very different problem. During the mothers fight, a single victorious case was converted into a collective triumph. The same went for losses: when Doa Chayito
died, one of the mothers, in September 2001, the group was paralyzed by a shared melancholy.
Their work was put on hold for some time.
When Ral Ramrez Baena took over as the States Human Rights Ombudsman, the group
contacted him and successfully brought forced disappearance to the forefront of media attention. For five days the group investigated the prevalence of the problem: We found that our
cases were not the only ones. Through the process of interviewing people and processing legal
complaints, we were inundated with calls, and visits, from mothers whose sons who had lived
here or in Sinaloa. The group was given information on each individual case, including horrific
cases of murder. During the five days, they collected 29 cases of impunity.
Miguel ngel returned to Sinaloa, but with each new phone call came a new case. He realized he belonged in Baja California. The Hope Association against Enforced Disappearances
and Impunity was formally founded on November 27th, 2002. Since then, the organization has
sought to publicize the cases the authorities insist on concealing from the public.
31
Faces of Dignity
CLAUDIA ERIKA
Zenteno Zaldvar
Defensora del medio ambiente
Environmental activist
Xochimilco, Ciudad de Mxico
Xochimilco, Mexico City
Claudia empez a sentir temor cada vez que sus hijos salan de la casa. No era miedo a no saber a qu
hora volveran de una fiesta, sino angustia de pensar que tal vez no regresaran jams. No denuncies, qudate callada, le dicen sus familiares. Sin
embargo, ella sabe que el dao que causan las autoridades a la zona chinampera es irreversible, y sus
consecuencias son fatales para el medio ambiente.
Claudia started to worry each time her children

left the house. She was not scared about what time
they would come home from a party, rather, she
was deeply fearful they would never return. Her
relatives tell her to stop protesting, to keep quiet.
However, Claudia is conscious that the damage
being caused by the authorities in the chinampas
(floating gardens) is irreversible. The consequences
are fatal for the environment.
32
33
ochimilco es un lugar particular, las chinampas suspendidas entre los canales son una
parte fundamental del paisaje. Antes eran tierra de labranza, hasta que tambin se volvi un terreno con valor poltico. A cambio de algunos votos, la delegacin comenz
a permitir que sobre ellas se levantaran asentamientos irregulares y casas bien edificadas. Y para comunicarse con la tierra firme, utilizan relleno de cascajo que va secando el canal.
Claudia, vecina del Barrio 18, comenz a hacer visible el problema.
Los pjaros ya no llegan a esa zona, el ahuejote rbol endmico que sirve para mantener
unida la chinampa a la tierra se est acabando. Los apantles, que son los muelles de las trajineras, ya son de tierra; el lago se est perdiendo y el rumor del agua se sustituye por el ruido
de los motores de los automviles, que pasan da y noche en direccin a la nueva zona urbana.
Cllese vieja metiche!, le dicen los vecinos a Claudia cuando la ven pasar, que se calle,
que no denuncie, que no vaya a la Secretara del Medio Ambiente, que deje de acudir a la delegacin Xochimilco, a la Comisin de Recursos Naturales, al Gobierno del Distrito Federal o a
nivel federal. Que no hable del cambio de uso del suelo. Qu le importa? Cllese!.
Pero Claudia sigue hablando, intenta explicar a las personas que el dao es enorme, que
los nios no volvern a ver plantas y animales. La autoridades locales han minimizado el caso.
Cuando ella acudi a instancias federales, certificaron que, efectivamente, se trataba de un rea
natural protegida. Sin embargo, afirmaron que no era un asunto de su competencia, pues es la
delegacin la que tendra que estar velando porque ese lugar perdure.
Al poco tiempo de mudarse definitivamente a Xochimilco, Claudia iba caminando con su
hija cuando un hombre les pidi la hora. El hombre atrap a su hija y la amenaz con un cuchillo
en la garganta. Arrebat el monedero de Claudia, con poco dinero. No se trataba de un asalto,
era un mensaje para que guardara silencio. No pasaron muchos das cuando ella se acerc a tomar algunas fotografas y fue retenida. Las palabras de los hombres eran confusas, advertencias,
groseras, un odio enardecido; ella nunca los haba visto por el lugar. Cuando su familia acudi a
rescatarla, golpearon a su esposo y le dejaron un ojo herido, un ojo con el que no podr volver
a ver. A su hija la golpearon y a su hijo le abrieron la cabeza.
En noviembre de 2010, su hijo fue secuestrado. Tras nueve das, volvi a casa, toc a la
puerta y, cuando le abrieron, se desplom frente a ellos, delgado y con el cuerpo herido. l
ya no es el mismo, se torn hosco y silencioso, con la mirada ensombrecida. Esos nueve das,
ella se qued en casa esperando a que el telfono sonara, como consecuencia, la despidieron
de su trabajo.
Cllate Claudia Zenteno! Cllate!". Se repiten las voces como ruido de enjambre cuando cruza por Xochimilco. Sube a la motoneta que aprendi a conducir para poder meterse entre
los coches y circular a mayor velocidad. No se ha quedado callada, pero ella vive con el miedo
de saber que el precio de salvar las chinampas puede ser que uno de sus hijos o su esposo, tal
vez, no vuelvan a casa.
34
Faces of Dignity
ochimilco is a special place, and the chinampas, suspended between the canals, are a
fundamental part of the landscape. In the past the chinampas were farmland, however
in recent years this has changed. This land now has political value. In exchange for a
few votes, the local Council allowed the construction of informal settlements and wellbuilt houses. In order for these buildings to have solid foundations, they use gravel filling which
dries up the canals. Whilst Claudia was living in Barrio 18, she began to raise awareness about
the problem.
The birds no longer fly in the area because the ahuejotea local tree that serves to bind
together the chinampas to the groundis dying. The apantles, the piers where the trajineras are
docked, have turned into dirt; the lake is drying up, and the sound of water is replaced by the
noise of cars passing by, on their way to the new urban area.
Shut up, stop being so nosy. When the neighbors see Claudia passing by, they
tell her to keep quiet and to stop protesting. They criticize her for going to the Ministry of Environment, to the delegation of Xochimilco, to the Commission of Natural Resources, to the
Mexico City government and to the federal government. They tell her not to mention the change
in land use. What does it matter to you? Dont say anything.
But Claudia does not give up. She tries to explain how much damage the construction will
cause; children will never see plants and animals again. The local authorities do not talk much
about what is happening. When she went to the federal government, she was assured that
Xochimilco was a protected area. However they stated that, legally, this was not a federal case,
and rather the delegation was in charge of the area.
A short time after moving to Xochimilco, Claudia was walking with her daughter when a
man asked her the time. The man grabbed her daughter and held a knife to her throat, threatening her. He snatched Claudias purse with little money in it. He had no intention of robbing her;
instead this was a warning to keep quiet. A few days later she went to take some pictures nearby
and a group of men held her prisoner. Their words were confusing, menacing, and vulgar.
She had never seen these men before. When her family came to rescue her, her husband was
beaten up and left blind in one eye. They beat up her daughter and split her sons head open.
In November 2010 they kidnapped Claudias son. Nine days later he returned home. He
knocked at the door and when they opened it, he collapsed in front of them; his body was thin
and bruised. He is no longer the same. He is quiet and has a sad look in his eyes. During those
nine days she stayed at home waiting for the phone to ring, and was subsequently fired from
her job.
Shut up, Claudia Zenteno! Shut up! When she passes through Xochimilco, the voices
are constant. She gets on her scooter that she learned to drive to enable her to move between
cars and drive at a faster speed. She has not remained silent, but she lives with the fear that the
price of saving the chinampas could be that her children or her husband will not return home.
35
Faces of Dignity
IRINA
Layevska
Asesora, educadora y defensora de la igualdad

de gnero y de la diversidad sexual
Consultant, educator and gender equality

and sexual diversity activist
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Cada maana, Irina se reinventa, sta ha sido la

impronta de su vida. Para ella, ser revolucionaria
ha sido eje rector, una revolucin ms ntima que
la vida y las leyes de una nacin. Por eso, abrir los
ojos es tambin el comienzo de una nueva batalla,
de su propia batalla. Al mismo tiempo, acompaa a
un colectivo de mujeres llamado Intersindicalistas,
Trabajadoras de Taquilla stc, quienes viven hostigamiento laboral.
Each morning, Irina reinvents herself. This has been

the constant feature of her life. For Irina, being revolutionary isnt just about the life and laws of the nation. It is more intimate than that it is her guiding
principle. For that reason, upon opening her eyes a
new battle begins, a personal struggle. At the same
time, she takes part in a womens collective, called
Intersindicalistas, Workers of the Ticket Office, Subway, for those who suffer workplace harassment.
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37
u lucha en la vida comenz desde que, siendo muy pequea, le diagnosticaron una
enfermedad degenerativa que no le permitira vivir ms de veinte aos. Ah venci su
primer desafo, pues hace ya bastante tiempo que super tal expectativa. Sus padres,
miembros del Partido Comunista, consiguieron que Rumana la recibiera para uno de
sus primeros tratamientos, que dur varios meses. Su padre fue encarcelado en 1969 por haber
formado parte del movimiento estudiantil de 1968. Los fines de semana de su infancia estuvieron marcados por las visitas a la prisin de Lecumberri, una madre activista y la enfermedad que
comenzaba a manifestarse en su cuerpo y que la instal en una silla de ruedas.
En Cuba se cas por primera vez con Nlida, la segunda en Mxico y la tercera tambin
en Mxico, cuando se legaliz el matrimonio igualitario. En 2010, Irina dej atrs su atuendo de
guerrillero, la barba y el bigote; entendi que tras ese atavo se esconda quiz un gran pretexto
para no permitirse llorar. Nlida la acompa en esa decisin y as comenz el proceso de reasignacin sexogenrica. Durante ese tiempo, se dio cuenta de que estaba renunciando a lo que
ella denomina los privilegios masculinos y decidi enfocar su lucha contra una sociedad
que pareca no poder perdonar que un hombre quisiera ser mujer.
Intent denunciar las agresiones que estaba sufriendo en su propia casa por parte de
algunos vecinos, pero no contaba con los documentos legales que certificaran su nueva condicin de mujer. El complejo mecanismo de la burocracia no est acostumbrado a manejar las
excepciones. Irina se dio cuenta de esto cuando lleg a denunciar la bofetada que haba recibido de un vecino: Si no quiere que lo molesten, vstase bien, le dijo el agente del ministerio
pblico como conclusin a su queja.
Irina Layevska Echeverra Gaitn sufre esclerosis mltiple, razn por la cual su voz es apenas audible, sin embargo, eso nunca ha sido un obstculo para que sus demandas sean escuchadas. Ella, pese a la debilidad de su cuerpo, encuentra la fortaleza para explicar, incluso ante
la Cmara de Senadores, qu es la discriminacin y cmo estar sensibilizados para evitarla. Su
vista ha comenzado a fallar, pero sigue encontrando la manera de resolver los pequeos inconvenientes que van apareciendo.
Durante su juventud, Irina buscaba un proyecto poltico distinto, lo que le llev a pasar
largas temporadas en Cuba como militante. Con el tiempo, ha logrado verdaderamente que sus
propsitos sean una realidad. En 2008, impuls la ley para poder realizar actas de nacimiento
por cambio de identidad de gnero con lo que logr grandes avances. Ella contribuy a la
elaboracin de la ley y, con ayuda de una amiga abogada, elabor el dictamen y un expediente
con pruebas documentales recogidas durante diez aos. El juicio y la sentencia se llevaron a
cabo en un solo da, y tres das despus ya tena su acta de nacimiento oficial sin tachaduras.
En todos estos aos de lucha, de resistencia y de posibilidad, Irina ha sido la manifestacin
de la radical libertad de ser. Al final, logr hacer la revolucin, una muy ntima que toca cada
maana una nueva dimensin de su vida.
38
Faces of Dignity
er life struggle began when, at a very early age, doctors diagnosed her with a degenerative illness and gave her no more than twenty years to live. It was then that she overcame her first challenge, for it has been quite a few years since she surpassed that
expectation. Her parents, members of the Communist Party, succeeded in obtaining
one of her first treatments in Romania, lasting several months. In 1969, her father was imprisoned
for being part of the 1968 students movement. Her childhood weekends were marked by visits
to Mexicos Lecumberri prison, her mothers activism, and the illness that began to reveal itself,
eventually placing her in a wheelchair.
In Cuba she married her partner, Nlida, for the first time, the second time in Mexico, and
a third time also in Mexico, with the legalization of same-sex marriage. In 2010, Irina left behind
her guerrilla image, including her beard and mustache, understanding that perhaps underneath
was hidden a great pretext for not allowing herself to weep. Nlida agreed with that decision
and thus the process of changing Irinas gender began. During that time she realized that she
was renouncing what she calls masculine privileges. She decided to focus her fight against a
society that could not forgive a man who wanted to be a woman.
She intended to report attacks by her neighbors that she had been subjected to in her own
home. However, she lacked the legal documents that certified her new condition as a woman. In
Mexico, the complex mechanisms of bureaucracy are not accustomed to handling exceptional
cases. This became clear to Irina when she reported the slap in the face she had received from
a neighbor: If you do not want to be bothered, dress appropriately, the agent of the Public
Prosecutor's Office told her. With that, her complaint was considered dealt with.
Irina Layevska Echeverra Gaitn suffers from multiple sclerosis, which is why her voice
is barely audible. Nevertheless, this has never been an obstacle. Her demands continue to be
heard. In spite of being subjected to her bodys weakness, she finds the strength to explain, in
front of the Mexican senate, the definition of discrimination and how to raise awareness in order
to prevent it in the future. Her vision has begun to fail but she continues finding ways to resolve
the small inconveniences she continues to face.
During her youth, Irinas ambition for a different political agenda led her to spend long periods of time in Cuba as a militant. Over time she has managed to make this additional political
project a reality. In 2008, she made great progress by supporting a law allowing birth certificates
for those, like herself, who had faced a process of gender change. She contributed to the writing
of the law, and with the help of her friend, a professional lawyer, she prepared a legal opinion
and a dossier with documented evidence from the previous ten years. The trial and the decision
took just one day. Three days later she was given her official birth certificate.
In all these years of struggle, resistance, and possibility, Irina has personified the radical,
free being. In the end, she succeeded in creating her own revolution. Each morning, this intimate
revolution touches upon a new dimension of her life.
39
Faces of Dignity
JORGE
Andrade Galindo
Fundador del Colectivo Ustedes Somos Nosotros
Founder of the Collective You are Us
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Miles de migrantes tuvieron que caminar siguiendo

las vas del tren, despus de que las fuertes lluvias
en Veracruz hubieran arrastrado las vigas y descarrilado La Bestia. En el Estado de Mxico, la siguiente parada del viaje, ya no exista un lugar donde
pudieran guarecerse, pues el albergue San Juan
Diego haba cerrado. Esa noche, Jorge vea en la
televisin las imgenes del peregrinaje cuando
recibi la llamada de su amiga Andrea: Qu hacemos?, pregunt ella. Vmonos a trabajar en las
vas, concluy l.
Thousands of migrants had to walk along the train

tracks after the heavy rains in Veracruz had derailed the train known as La Bestia. In the State of
Mexico, the next stop on their journey, there was
nowhere for them to stay, since the San Juan Diego
shelter had closed. That night, Jorge was watching
the images of the pilgrimage on television when he
received a call from his friend Andrea: What should
we do? she asked. Lets go and work on the train
tracks, he concluded.
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41
orge Andrade es antroplogo del Instituto Mora, all conoci a Andrea, donde coincidieron por su mutuo inters en el tema migratorio. La primera reaccin al ver las consecuencias de la lluvia en 2012 fue apoyar a las personas migrantes con alimento, ropa y
medicina. De repente, comenzamos a dar seguimiento a denuncias, vimos qu suceda,
cul era esta situacin. Ms all de la ayuda asistencial, defendamos derechos humanos. As
naci el Colectivo Ustedes Somos Nosotros.
El camino puede terminar muy pronto; la presencia de la delincuencia organizada es muy
fuerte, sobre todo en el corredor que atraviesa desde Lechera, Tultitln, Huehuetoca, Tequixquiac, Apaxco, en el Estado de Mxico, hasta Bojay, en el estado de Hidalgo, en donde se teje
con las autoridades, e incluso la sociedad civil, una complicada urdimbre.
Cuando las personas migrantes suben por los tneles de Orizaba y Cumbres de Maltrata
para entrar a Tlaxcala, la temperatura desciende y, debido al contraste con el clima del que
vienen, comienzan las complicaciones de salud. Llegan al Estado de Mxico con gripa, dolor
de cabeza por la altura e incluso problemas de presin, estn hambrientas y deshidratadas. En
la zona de vas hasta Huehuetoca, deben caminar, los zapatos no bastan y varios kilmetros los
recorren descalzos. Llegan sin poder dormir, alertas a los horrores que el viaje les ha mostrado:
mujeres violadas, policas extorsionando, ancianos suplicando por sus vidas. Lluvia y sol son
constantes durante treinta kilmetros y los pies lacerados comienzan a infectarse. Pero deben
seguir en silencio, sin quejas, porque quien no sirve para el camino, muere. Las personas migrantes viven atrocidades de todo tipo, algunas se entregan a las autoridades de migracin
para regresar a su pas, otras se aferran a la idea de una vida mejor.
En el Estado de Mxico se han cerrado ya varios albergues. Para hacer un punto de descanso, el Colectivo Ustedes Somos Nosotros coloca carpas en donde dan atencin urgente. En
2014, un migrante dializado se acerc, llevaba varios das sin cambiar la sonda. Mientras Jorge
llamaba a Mdicos Sin Fronteras, escuch unos disparos y se escondi para pedir ayuda. Casi
una hora despus, cuando llegaron las patrullas, Jorge encontr a una compaera herida y al
migrante con un disparo en el pie. Desde ese da, las agresiones aumentaron rpidamente.
Adrin y Wilson, dos de sus colaboradores ms cercanos, fueron amenazados por haber
presenciado un ataque de la Mara Salvatrucha y, despus de algunas amenazas directas, los
acribillaron la tarde del 23 de noviembre. Adrin muri al instante, Wilson sobrevivi a cinco
disparos y lo trasladaron a un hospital en Zumpango. No tena familiares en Mxico era de
Honduras y Jorge se qued a cargo de l durante esas horas crticas; le dijeron que si sobreviva, el dao cerebral sera irreversible. A las tres de la madrugada su cuerpo no resisti ms.
Jorge tiene la mirada adusta, prefiere mantenerse distante de amigos y familiares, el miedo hace su parte. Lo que inici como ayuda se convirti rpidamente en compromiso. Todas las
personas migrantes saben que hay un momento en el camino en donde una pequea organizacin es capaz de ponerse en su lugar y defenderlas como si fueran ellas mismas.
42
Faces of Dignity
orge Andrade is an anthropologist at the Mora Institute. There he met Andrea, whose
interest in the subject of migration coincided with his own. Their first reaction upon seeing
the devastating consequences of the downpour in 2012 was to support the migrants with
food, clothing, and medicine. All of sudden, we began following up legal complaints.
We tried to understand what was happening, and what the situation was. We were not only providing assistance, we were defending human rights. Thus, the Collective You Are Us was born.
Their journey to the border does not last long, as there is a strong presence of organized
crime, especially along the stretch of territory from Lechera, Tultitln, Huehuetoca, Tequixquiac,
Apaxco, in the State of Mexico, to Bojay, in the state of Hidalgo, where criminal groups are entangled with the authorities, and even civil society, in a complex web.
As the migrants climb through the tunnels of Orizaba and Cumbres de Maltrata and head
towards Tlaxcala, the temperature drops. Due to the stark change of climate, health complications begin to occur. They arrive in the State of Mexico with the flu, headaches from the altitude,
and high blood pressure. They are starving and dehydrated. They are forced to walk the route to
Huehuetoca but their shoes dont hold up, and for various kilometers they travel barefoot. They
arrive without being able to sleep, alert to the horrors the journey has revealed: raped women,
police bribes, and old people begging for their lives. Rain and sunshine beat down on them for
thirty kilometers, and their wounded feet become infected. But they must go on in silence, without complaining, because whoever is not fit for the road is left behind. The migrants experience
atrocities of every kind; some are turned over to the immigration authorities to be returned to
their countries, while others are able to cling on to the idea of a better life.
In the State of Mexico a number of shelters have already been closed. In order to establish
a resting point, the Collective You Are Us erects tents where they are able to provide emergency
treatment and care. In 2014, they were approached by a migrant who was on the kidney treatment known as dialysis. This person had gone various days without changing their drainage tube.
While Jorge was contacting Doctors Without Borders, he heard some shots and hid while asking
for help. Almost an hour later, when the patrols arrived, Jorge came across a wounded colleague
and the migrant with a bullet wound in his foot. From that day on the attacks grew rapidly.
Adrin and Wilson, two of his closest collaborators, were threatened for having witnessed
an attack by the Mara Salvatrucha and, after some direct threats, they were peppered with bullets the afternoon of November 23rd. Adrin died instantly. Wilson survived five shots and was
transported to a hospital in Zumpango. Wilson, from Honduras, had no relatives in Mexico and
so Jorge stayed by his side during those critical hours. Jorge was told that if Wilson survived, the
brain damage would be irreversible. At three in the morning his body gave up the fight.
Jorge has a sullen look, he prefers to distance himself from his friends and family; fear plays
its part. What began as aid quickly turned into an indefinite commitment. All migrants know that
there is a point along their journey where a small organization is capable of understanding their
situation, and is willing to defend them as if they were defending themselves.
43
Faces of Dignity
MARA TERESA
Vallejo Prez
Presidenta del Centro de Rehabilitacin,

Fuerza, Unin y Tolerancia
President of the Center of Rehabilitation,

Strength, Union and Tolerance
Un hombre con el rostro cubierto cort cartucho y

le puso el arma en la sien. Era mircoles, Mara Teresa sali de su casa para ir a trabajar, cuando una
voz gruesa le advirti: Deja de hacer lo que ests
haciendo. Aterrorizada, el sbado siguiente abandon tras de s libros, muebles y la vida que haba
construido en su ciudad. Se fue de Tijuana slo con
la ropa que vesta y se mantuvo escondida durante
casi ocho meses.
A man with a masked face loaded the gun and

pressed it against her temple. It was Wednesday,
and Mara Teresa had left her house to go to work
when she heard a deep voice: Stop doing what
youre doing, she was told. Terrified, the following
Saturday she left behind her books, furniture, and
the life that she had created for herself in her city.
She left Tijuana with nothing but the clothes on her
back and remained hidden for almost eight months.
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45
ara Teresa Vallejo fue una estudiante de excelencia y pese a que le ofrecieron una
beca de estudios en el extranjero, ella decidi quedarse en Mxico. Busc trabajo
para costear su universidad y encontr una oportunidad en el Centro de Rehabilitacin Social, que se prolong por casi dos dcadas, tiempo durante el cual conoci
todas las prisiones de Mxico, desde el Centro Federal de Readaptacin Social de Almoloya,
famoso por alojar a los presos ms peligrosos del pas, hasta las mismas Islas Maras.
Hay muchas historias que se tejen en los penales de Mxico; no todo el que est all es
culpable y no todos los culpables estn en la crcel. Sin embargo, lo que se vive dentro obedece
a reglas propias. Mara Teresa intenta derrumbar esos prejuicios sociales que afirman que quienes estn en reclusin no merecen una vida digna.
Su primera intencin era evitar que fueran humillados: Son personas que delinquieron,
tienen que ser sancionadas, pero no podemos readaptarlos socialmente si slo encuentran
odio. Cuando salen, no existe una verdadera reinsercin, porque no conocen el perdn. Ella
intent que pudieran comer en platos y no en la mano, que pudieran baarse, caminar en el
patio, estudiar, ver a su familia y que existiera un control de la sobrepoblacin de las prisiones.
En 2007, tras una pausa dedicada a la familia y la docencia, Teresa retom el activismo.
Cre la asociacin Centro de Rehabilitacin Fuerza, Unin y Tolerancia, para acompaar psicolgica y jurdicamente a los familiares de los presos. Se enfoc principalmente en casos de
tortura psicolgica a los internos. En septiembre de 2008, se amotinaron los presos de la penitenciara La Mesa, en Tijuana, donde se contaron varios muertos y heridos. Las autoridades de
la prisin, en respuesta, les quitaron la posibilidad de visitas y los enviaron a crceles distantes.
A raz de estas medidas, las familias de los internos se unieron para comenzar una lucha legal.
Entonces, Vallejo se acerc al titular de la Procuradura de Derechos Humanos de Baja California, Heriberto Garca Garca, para pedirle que visitara las prisiones y verificara la informacin
que haba recolectado sobre la tortura sistemtica. l la dirigi al complicado sistema burocrtico de informes y cartas. No fue hasta que en una ria a un interno le cortaron la lengua y otros
se fugaron que este hombre cambi su tono y puso atencin.
En 2011, Mara Teresa present un juicio poltico contra Heriberto Garca Garca. Este hecho marc el inicio del desprestigio pblico de la activista y el veto para que no pudiera seguir
trabajando en universidades de Baja California. Rpidamente comenzaron las advertencias a travs de terceras personas, amenazas de muerte y cuatro aos de llamadas telefnicas. Siempre
la misma voz gruesa, de hombre, diciendo: Te estoy viendo, te voy a matar. Unos das despus
le daaron los frenos a su coche y, finalmente, aquel mircoles, el hombre encapuchado cort
cartucho fuera de su casa. Ella se cuestiona si lo nico a lo que aspiramos es al silencio, ella preferira estar en prisin: Que me manden a las Islas Maras, me sentira ms segura rodeada de
delincuentes que con la misma autoridad.
46
Faces of Dignity
ara Teresa Vallejo was an excellent student, and even though they offered her a
scholarship to study abroad, she decided to stay in Mexico. She looked for work to
pay for her studies and found an opportunity at the Center for Social Rehabilitation,
which lasted for almost two decades. During that time she became familiar with all
of the prisons in Mexico, like the Federal Center for Social Rehabilitation in Almoloya, famous for
housing the countrys most dangerous prisoners, or Islas Maras.
One can find many stories woven together within Mexican jails; not everyone in prison is
guilty and not all who are guilty are in prison. Nevertheless, inside they make their own rules.
Mara Teresa tries to destroy the prejudices within society that promote the idea that those who
are incarcerated do not deserve a dignified life.
Teresa's primary purpose was to protect prisoners from humiliation: There are people
who have committed crimes and must be punished, but it is very difficult to socially rehabilitate
them if all they know is hatred. When these prisoners are released, they are not successfully
reentered into society because they are stigmatized. Teresa worked to gain better conditions
for inmates; to be able to eat from plates and not with their hands, to bathe themselves, walk in
the yard, study, see their families, and not live in crowded conditions.
In 2007, after she had taken time out to focus on her family and teaching, Teresa took up
activism again. She created the Centre of Rehabilitation, Strength, Union and Tolerance, with the
aim of providing psychological and legal assistance to prisoners families. She focused mainly
on cases of psychological torture within jails. In September 2008, the prisoners rioted at La Mesa
jail in Tijuana. Many people were wounded and some died. The prison authorities, in response,
took away their right to visits and sent the prisoners to different jails. As a reaction to these
measures the families of the prisoners united to launch a legal battle.
At that time Vallejo approached Heriberto Garca Garca, the States Human Rights Ombudsman, to request he visited the prisons for himself and verify the information that she had
gathered regarding systematic torture. Garca instructed her to enter into the complex system
of forms and letters. It was not until a dispute broke out and a prisoners tongue was cut off, and
other prisoners had fled the prison, that Garca changed his tone and paid attention.
In 2011, Mara Teresa filed a legal complaint against Heriberto Garca Garca. This act
marked the beginning of personal and public attacks to discredit Teresa's activism. It was also
the end of her teaching position at universities in Baja California. Shortly after, the warnings
began. These were often delivered by third parties, including death threats and four years of
telephone calls: Always the same deep voice, saying: I am watching you, I am going to kill you.
A few days later they destroyed the brakes of her car, and finally that Wednesday the masked
man loaded his gun outside her home. She asks herself if the only thing she aspired to was
silence, she would rather be in prison: Let them send me to Islas Maras. I would feel safer in
prison than surrounded by public authorities.
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Faces of Dignity
MARA LUISA
Garfias Marn
Integrante del Colectivo Nosotras
Member of the Collective Us
Chilpancingo de los Bravo, Guerrero
Esa tarde, Mara Luisa trabajaba desde casa; apenas se meti el sol, prendi las luces. Su nieta, llorando, le pidi que se asomara al jardn; dentro del
patio, pegado en la reja, haba un cartel de color
fosforescente en el que se poda leer: Perra, hocicona. Ese da haba salido al aire una entrevista en
la que hablaba sobre la despenalizacin del aborto
en Guerrero.
That afternoon, Mara Luisa was working from home.

The sun had just set when she turned on the lights.
Her granddaughter, weeping, told her to look out
onto the garden patio; a fluorescent sign had been
stuck on the fence. It read: Big-mouthed bitch.
That day Mara had given an interview in which she
spoke about the decriminalization of abortion in
Guerrero.
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ara Luisa Garfias ha dedicado su vida a la defensa de las mujeres. Tiene dos hijas y
dos nietas, piensa en ellas cuando busca una sociedad donde las mujeres sean respetadas. Trabaja en el Colectivo Nosotras, que forma parte de la Red Guerrerense
de Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de la Mujeres, y colabora en un consejo
para la defensa de las defensoras de derechos humanos. La organizacin trabaja el derecho de
las mujeres a decidir sobre su cuerpo y el feminicidio.
En el estado, temas como el aborto o la maternidad libre y voluntaria se trabajan poco,
porque molestan a la Iglesia y a la sociedad. Guerrero es un estado violento, cada ao las
estadsticas rebasan las cifras del ao anterior, cientos de casos de mujeres asesinadas quedan
en total impunidad, pues para la Procuradura de Justicia no son feminicidios, sino hechos
violentos entre parejas.
Mara Luisa, con una postura crtica y aguerrida, comenz a mostrar el rostro de esta impunidad. Muchas de las mujeres que se atreven a denunciar las agresiones viven en comunidades marginadas y no encuentran respuesta en la autoridad. Se ven obligadas a regresar a sus
casas, donde enfrentan directamente el riesgo de vivir cerca a sus agresores quienes, adems,
se sienten atacados por las denuncias. Las defensoras de derechos humanos se dieron cuenta
de que ellas mismas se colocaban ante el riesgo, ya que no saban quines eran las parejas de
las mujeres a quienes defendan.
Cuando Guerrero estuvo bajo el gobierno del Partido de la Revolucin Democrtica, creyeron que habran reformas, sin embargo, la realidad es que las mujeres siguen muriendo a
manos de hombres, sean sus parejas o no. Las torturan, las tiran en caadas, en los basureros,
las siguen enterrando. Cuando las mujeres deciden sobre su cuerpo, las normas sociales se
cuestionan. Instituciones como la Iglesia prefieren el silencio.
Mara Luisa Garfias ocupaba el cargo de diputada cuando pidi una reforma al cdigo
penal en 1990 para despenalizar el aborto en ciertos casos. En Chiapas se haba hecho algo similar por entonces y quiso aprovechar esa coyuntura en Guerrero, pero la propuesta se detuvo
abruptamente. Despus, se habl sobre la posibilidad de legislar la interrupcin del embarazo;
Mara Luisa, el Colectivo y algunas diputadas presentaron una iniciativa al Congreso, la cual no
prosper por la oposicin de los partidos.
En una entrevista, ella habl abiertamente acerca del tema, explic que muchas mujeres
interrumpan su embarazo en condiciones de riesgo; entre cifras y datos fros expuso la importancia de seguir los pasos de la Ciudad de Mxico. La entrevista se public en el peridico dos
das despus, el 20 de julio. Fue esa misma noche cuando apareci el cartel en su jardn. Comenzaron a aparecer otros objetos en el patio, aparentemente inofensivos: pelotas, incluso la
tapa de un tinaco; avisos de una presencia cercana. La Red Guerrerense recomend que parara
sus declaraciones. Desde entonces, ha estado callada y temerosa, prefiri no denunciar ante
la polica por temor a ellos. Es importante hablar para que las futuras generaciones busquen
justicia por aquellas mujeres que han sido asesinadas; por un Mxico donde podamos vivir sin
miedo.
50
Faces of Dignity
ara Luisa Garfias has dedicated her life to the defense of womens rights. During
her daily fight for the respect for women in society, her two daughters and two
granddaughters are at the forefront of her mind. She works for Collective Us, which
forms part of the Red Guerrerense de Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de las
Mujeres, and she serves on a board that protects women human rights defenders. The organization focuses its work on the right of women to make decisions about their body and the
problem of femicide.
In the state of Guerrero, subjects like abortion or free and voluntary motherhood are rarely
discussed, because they disturb the Church and society. Guerrero is a violent state; each year
the statistics exceed those of the previous year. Hundreds of cases of murdered women are
committed with total impunity, because the State Attorney's Office does not acknowledge these
crimes as femicides, but rather as violence between couples.
With a critical and courageous attitude, Mara Luisa began to reveal the face of this impunity.
Many of the women who dare to report sexual abuse live in marginalized communities and receive
no response from public authorities. They are obliged to return to their homes where they face
the risk of living side-by-side with their aggressors, who, furthermore, feel personally attacked by
being reported to the authorities. The women human rights defenders realized that they were
placing themselves at risk since they did not know the partners of the women they were defending.
When Guerrero elected a new government, the Party of the Democratic Revolution, people believed that reforms would be implemented. However, the reality is that women continue
to die at the hands of men, whether by their partners or not. They are tortured, and thrown
into ditches and garbage dumps. They continue to be buried. When women make decisions
about their bodies, they are questioning social norms. Institutions like the Church prefer silence
on these matters.
In 1990 after she had been elected to Congress, Mara Luisa Garfias asked for reform
of the criminal code to decriminalize abortion in certain circumstances. At the time Chiapas
had followed a similar path, and Mara wanted to take advantage of this opportunity to reform
abortion law in Guerrero. However, the proposal was stopped abruptly. Further down the line,
a discussion was held on the possibility of new legislation on the interruption of pregnancy.
Mara Luisa, Collective Us, and a group of government representatives presented an initiative to
Congress, but party opposition stopped it in its tracks.
In an interview, Mara spoke openly on the subject. She explained that many women have
abortions under dangerous conditions, and emphasized the importance of following Mexico
Citys lead. Two days later, on July 20th, the interview was published in the newspaper. It was that
same night that the sign appeared in her garden. Then, seemingly inoffensive objects began to
appear on the patio of her home: balls, even a water tank lid; warnings of a nearby presence. The
Red Guerrerense recommended that she put a stop to her public statements. Since then, she
has been silent and fearful; she decided not to report what had happened to the police, as
she was even more fearful of them. It is important to speak out so that future generations can
seek justice for the women who have been murdered; we need to strive to build a country in
which women can live without fear.
51
Faces of Dignity
JULIO
Mata Montiel
Secretario ejecutivo de la Asociacin de

Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos y
Vctimas de Violaciones a los Derechos
Humanos en Mxico (afadem)
Executive Secretary of the Association

of Family Members of the Detained-Disappeared
and Victims of Violations of Human Rights
in Mexico (afadem)
Atoyac de lvarez, Guerrero
Julio Mata subi al templete del teatro del pueblo

de Atoyac de lvarez, en la Costa Grande de Guerrero, para fungir de maestro de ceremonias. Era 30
de agosto, Da Internacional del Detenido Desaparecido. Se aferr al atril porque sus piernas parecan
hechas de estambre, por temor a ser apresado; era
la primera vez en ms de seis aos que apareca en
pblico. Entonces no saba qu era exactamente un
detenido desaparecido.
Julio Mata climbed onto the stage to serve as the

master of ceremonies. He was in the towns theatre
in Atoyac de lvarez, Costa Grande, in the state of
Guerrero. It was August 30th, International Day of
the Detained-Disappeared. He held on tightly to the
podium, shaking in fear of being arrested. It was
the first time in over six years that he had appeared
in public. He did not know exactly what a detaineddisappeared was, up until that point.
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53
ulio Mata no pudo acercarse a su casa durante seis aos, porque lo haban acusado de
formar parte de una banda terrorista. En realidad, su hermano y l desarrollaban en
el barrio de Tepito actividades culturales para los jvenes, e impulsaron la creacin del
sindicato del Instituto Nacional para la Educacin de los Adultos, lugar donde trabajaban. Era la dcada de los noventa. Julio ya estaba casado y viva en Cuautitln.
Una repentina llamada telefnica de su esposa lo alert de que no volviera a casa. Ese
da, acudieron al domicilio de su hermano para que los condujera hacia Julio. Estuvieron
rastrendolo en casa de sus parientes; su esposa dijo que haca meses que estaban separados.
La polica estaba cerca y Julio saba que no poda regresar. Seis aos de huir son difciles; cada
seis meses buscaba un sitio dnde encontrarse con su esposa y, mientras, en esos largos
lapsos, su familia no saba nada de l. Esperaban a que se cumpliera el nuevo plazo, pero se
mantenan en vilo. No podran enterarse si algo le suceda. Julio viva en un estado de alerta
constante, ver una patrulla lo sobresaltaba. Sobrevivi de sus negocios y la solidaridad de sus
amigos, pero la situacin se le haca ya insoportable.
Cierto da, mientras viajaba rumbo a Guerrero en un autobs, se encontr con integrantes
de una organizacin que pedan donaciones para la liberacin de presos polticos. Se trataba de la Asociacin de Familiares de Detenidos y Desaparecidos y Vctimas de Violaciones
a los Derechos Humanos en Mxico (afadem). Cuando le extendieron un pedazo de hoja en
la que se explicaban todas sus consignas, Julio sinti que algo de su historia personal estaba
descrito en esas lneas. Habl con ellos y lo invitaron a sus oficinas.
A la maana siguiente acudi y expuso su caso, le pidieron que regresara quince das
ms tarde. As pasaron tres meses, esper intranquilo, pues era la primera vez que hablaba
de su caso a personas desconocidas. Cuando volvi a las oficinas, le dieron la primera noticia
que lo alegr en esos aos: no exista una orden de aprehensin en su contra. Le pidieron que
hablara en una rueda de prensa y que les ayudara en la oficina. Julio era tcnico en computacin y la organizacin tena una computadora que les haban regalado y no saban utilizar. No
fue hasta el ao 1996 cuando Julio comprendi lo que es la desaparicin forzada. Entonces,
la afadem comenz a tener una base de datos que utiliza hasta el da de hoy. Julio empez
a proponer denuncias y a establecer relaciones con organizaciones de derechos humanos,
hasta que lo nombraron secretario ejecutivo de la afadem.
Un da, saliendo de la estacin de metro Moctezuma, un hombre desconocido se acerc
hacia l. Julio le pidi identificarse, el sujeto le habl sobre sus hijos y le dijo: Somos un grupo especial para partirte la madre. Alrededor slo haba un carro sin placas ocupado por un
hombre que lo miraba a travs del retrovisor. Danos la informacin, tienes un mes, concluy
el tipo y se fue. Cuando lo dejaron solo, supo que el terror haba comenzado, que no podra
parar, pues su labor implica cuestionar la verdad histrica y reescribirla.
54
Faces of Dignity
ulio Mata had to keep his distance from the family house for six years, as he was
accused of being a member of a terrorist group. The reality, however, was that Julio and
his brother developed cultural activities for young people in the barrio of Tepito
and helped create the trade union of the Instituto Nacional para la Educacin de los
Adultos, where they worked. It was the 1990s, and Julio was already married and living in
Cuautitln.
A sudden phone call from his wife warned him not to return home. That day, his brothers
house was raided for leads on Julios whereabouts. His wife said that they had been separated
for months. The police were nearby, and Julio knew that he could not return. Six years of fleeing
is difficult; every six months he sought a different place to meet up with his wife, and in those
long lapses his family didnt hear a word from him. They remained in suspense, hoping that he
had survived another half a year. They would not be able to know if something had happened
to him. Julio lived in a state of constant alert; he was on edge every time a patrol passed by.
He survived on his business transactions and the solidarity of his friends, but the situation had
become unbearable.
One day, when he was traveling to Guerrero by bus, he came across members of an organization who were asking for donations for the liberation of political prisoners. The organization
was called Association of Family Members of the Detained-Disappeared and Victims of Violations of Human Rights in Mexico (afadem). When they handed him a piece of paper explaining
their work, Julio felt that the information described his personal story. He spoke with them and
they invited him to their offices.
The morning after he went to talk about his case, and they asked him to return in fifteen
days. For three months he waited anxiously, since this was the first time he had discussed his
case with strangers. When he returned to their offices they gave him the first piece of good news
he had received in years: there were no arrest warrants against him. They asked him to speak
at a press conference and to help them in the office. Julio was a computer technician and the
organization had a computer that had been given to them but they did not know how to use it.
It was not until 1996 that Julio understood what forced disappearance was. The afadem began
to put together a database, which it uses to this day. Julio started to make legal claims and to
establish relations with human rights organizations, until eventually they named him executive
secretary of the afadem.
One day, as Julio was leaving the metro station of Moctezuma, an unknown man approached
him. Julio asked him to identify himself, and the person began to speak about Julios children
and added: We are on a mission to beat the crap out of you. All he could see nearby was a car
without license plates, occupied by a man who was looking in the rear-view mirror. You have
a month to give us the information, the man said and went away. When they had left, he knew
that the terror had begun. It would not stop, since his work involved questioning the so-called
truths and rewriting history.
55
Faces of Dignity
ZUZANA
Oviedo Bautista
Integrante de Comunidad Raz Zubia
Member of Raz Zubia Community
Acapulco de Jurez, Guerrero
Acapulco de Jurez, Guerrero
Zuzana se acerc a su coche y vio sobre el parabrisas un peridico con la noticia de una mujer
asesinada. No era la primera vez que este tipo de
advertencias se le aparecan as, como si una basura se hubiera atorado por error. Ella saba que no
haba nada ingenuo en ese hecho, especialmente
porque haban muerto activistas amigas suyas en el
estado de Guerrero.
Zuzana approached her car and saw a newspaper

with news of a murdered woman spread across
the windshield. It was not the first time that such
threats had appeared like this, as if trash had been
stuck there by mistake. But she knew that this was no
innocent act, especially as activists, friends of hers
had died in the state of Guerrero.
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57
Faces of Dignity
a voz de Zuzana es muy queda al principio, casi tmida, sin embargo, no pasa mucho
tiempo hasta que comienza a ser fuerte y clara, como si no quisiera abrumar en un inicio.
Ella ha centrado su trabajo en una defensa fundamental para los derechos humanos:
acompaar a los mismos defensores para acercarles estrategias de acceso a la informacin. Recorre casi a diario en su automvil las carreteras del estado de Guerrero.
Zuzana Oviedo es de Tula de Allende, Hidalgo, pero desde joven dej su casa para estudiar en la capital y, finalmente, establecerse en Guerrero. All est involucrada con la organizacin Comunidad Raz Zubia que se implica con todo tipo de poblacin: mujeres, gente de la
tercera edad, menores, adolescentes, indgenas, campesinos. Lo mismo pueden trabajar
con personas, organizaciones o instituciones pblicas. Una constante en su vida es el cuestionamiento, su curiosidad natural desde la infancia sent las bases de una personalidad que
analiza, entiende la diferencia y busca la justicia, sin importar lo que la familia, la comunidad o la
poblacin aceptan como verdad.
La experiencia la ha endurecido y le ha hecho entender que an queda un largo camino
por recorrer para garantizar los derechos de las mujeres. Cuando Zuzana comenz a participar en las primeras organizaciones, predominaban los hombres. Los compaeros no entendan
que se fuera temprano de las reuniones, no comprendan la exposicin de una mujer al salir
en la madrugada. Y tampoco escuchaban, ya que estaban acostumbrados a una estructura ms
jerrquica. Las pocas mujeres que participaban, aunque queran hacerlo de otra forma, no se
imponan. Pero Zuzana no se rindi.
En lo que se refiere a las obras pblicas, hace acopio de paciencia y toca las puertas de
la ley con sus procesos burocrticos. Pidi cuentas al gobierno sobre la gestin de agua
de una comunidad en Guerrero: solicit los estudios de efectividad, distribucin del agua, los
costos, los planos, y la calidad del agua. Con todos los documentos, acudi a las autoridades
de Chilapa y convoc a una rueda de prensa para dar visibilidad a la corrupcin en el proyecto.
La respuesta de la autoridad municipal, a travs del sndico, fue la extorsin a los pobladores
para que firmaran una peticin de encarcelar a Zuzana. Ella, sin temor y sabiendo que la comunidad apoya su labor, se present ante las autoridades para desactivar su maquinaria de
desprestigio.
El reto ms difcil a la hora de dar visibilidad a las injusticias es enfrentar el miedo que
permea en las instituciones de defensa. Cuando le dije al equipo que tenamos que hacer una
rueda de prensa para hacer visibles los recursos de un hospital, una compaera me dijo: No
Zuzana, yo no, tengo hijas, entonces es cuando el temor te hace flaquear, porque debilita tu
estructura interna.
El fin de semana que asesinaron a Roco Mesino, Zuzana iba a estar en Atoyac, sin embargo, debido a un problema con la placa de su coche, no pudo llegar a tiempo. Zuzana es
silenciosa porque se ha vuelto cauta, moderada, permite que la gente hable. Respira profundo,
contiene la indignacin, slo entonces comienza a hablar.
t first, Zuzanas voice seems soft, and almost timid. However, it does not take long for
the strength and clarity in her voice to come across. It is as if, to begin with, she does
not wish to overwhelm her audience. Zuzana has focused her work on the fundamental defense of human rights: working with human rights activists to draw up strategies
for accessing information. Almost daily, she travels across the state of Guerrero in her car.
Zuzana Oviedo is originally from Tula de Allende, Hidalgo, but at a young age she left her
home to study in the capital and, finally, she settled in Guerrero. There she got involved with
the organization Raz Zubia Community, which works with different sections of society: women,
minors, adolescents, farmers, the indigenous, and the elderly. They deal with people, organizations, and public institutions. One constant in her life is to be critical and to question. As a child,
she had a natural curiosity to analyze, understand differences, and seek justice; regardless of the
assumptions that the family, community, or the population believed were true.
Her experiences have toughened herand shown her that there is a long way to go before womens rights will be guaranteed. When Zuzana first participated in human rights organizations, the workforce was mainly male-dominated. Her male colleagues did not understand
why she left meetings before they had finished, nor did they comprehend why a woman would
make herself vulnerable by leaving the house in the middle of the night. The men did not listen
to her as they were accustomed to a hierarchical structure in which few women participated.
Even if women wanted to take part, they did not assert themselves. But Zuzana refused to
give up.
Zuzana takes a deep breath and goes to the citys legal offices, and prepares herself for
their bureaucratic processes. She went to ask for government documents of accounts detailing
water management in a community in Guerrero in order to oppose a proposed government
project. She applied for specific studies, the distribution of water, costs, plans, and the quality
of the water. She set up meetings with the authorities of Chilapa to show them the documents,
and held a press conference to reveal the corruption of the public works. The response of the
municipal authority, through the municipal administrator, was to blackmail the citizens to sign
a petition to send Zuzana to jail. Nevertheless, Zuzana was fearless; she knew the community
supported her work. So, she reported her case to the authorities in order to address their lies
and false accusations.
When fear permeates defense institutions, it is extremely difficult to expose injustice.
When I told the team that we needed to hold a press conference to reveal the financial resources of a particular hospital, a colleague told me: No Zuzana, I cannot be involved, I have
daughters. That is when fear turns you into a weak person, because it debilitates your internal
structure.
The weekend that Roco Mesino was murdered, Zuzana was going to be in Atoyac, but due
to a problem with the license plate of her car she did not arrive on time. Zuzana is silent because
she has become cautious, moderate, and lets people talk. She breathes deeply, contains her
anger, and only then begins to speak.
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59
Faces of Dignity
ALEJANDRO
Solalinde Guerra
Director del albergue de migrantes

Hermanos en el Camino
Director of the migrant shelter

Brothers on the Way
Escucharon el barullo muchos metros antes de que

fuera visible el gento, se pararon frente a la puerta,
el temor les haca flaquear las piernas. Ah vena el
pueblo enardecido liderado por su presidente municipal, todos ellos armados con piedras, palos y
antorchas. Comenzaron a estacionarse patrullas detrs de la casa parroquial para evitar que corrieran:
Los vamos a quemar!, gritaban.
They heard the noise long before the crowd

came into view. They stopped in front of the door,
trembling with fear. The people from the village
descended in their hundreds, led by their municipal
president, armed with rocks, sticks, and torches.
Police cars started to park behind the parish house
to block any means of escape: We are going to
burn you!, they shouted.
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61
l Padre Alejandro Solalinde es una figura de referencia en la historia actual de Mxico:

No me acostumbro pero tengo que aceptar que soy famoso, si mi palabra pesa la voy
utilizar. Es de estatura mediana, sus manos delgadas son sumamente expresivas y contrastan con su voz fuerte. Su trabajo como sacerdote lo llev a Ciudad Ixtepec, Oaxaca.
El calor y el polvo dan una sensacin de soledad en las amplias calles de esa poblacin de unos
24,000 habitantes. El sonido de la locomotora, La Bestia, rompe el silencio, esa rauda lnea metlica repleta de personas que se aferran a su techo para no caer.
Solalinde comenz a ayudar a las personas migrantes una Navidad que tocaron a la puerta
de la casa parroquial; queran un poco de comida despus de haber sido asaltados. Su primer
impulso fue buscar justicia, pero pronto se dio cuenta de que eran policas municipales quienes
haban cometido el atraco. Al tirar ese hilo, desenred una madeja de proporciones picas que
tocaba a los tres niveles de gobierno y a grupos delincuenciales.
El 27 de febrero de 2007, la casa parroquial era slo la primera etapa del albergue Hermanos en el Camino. La primera noche durmieron ms de cuatrocientas personas migrantes
sobre un pedazo de tierra; para muchas, la primera en que podan dormir tranquilas. Todava,
al da de hoy, ofrece su hamaca para que algn migrante duerma, mientras l se recuesta cerca
de los policas que protegen la casa. Con ellos, no slo yo estoy seguro, tambin el albergue y
las personas migrantes.
En la leyenda del viaje migratorio, comenz a escucharse la historia de ese hombre que
viste impecables camisas blancas. Las personas migrantes que vienen desde Guatemala y
atraviesan Chiapas saben de ese punto de descanso y comida. El trabajo de Solalinde complica las ganancias para algunas autoridades y diferentes estratos del crimen organizado. Ser
quien denuncia trae consecuencias. Para que dejara de incomodar al gobierno, el obispo de
Tehuantepec intent transferirlo, pero Alejandro lo denunci ante las autoridades eclesisticas.
Al principio, las autoridades y los vecinos observaban a los migrantes como una amenaza. Una madrugada, a principios de 2007, lleg la noticia de que una docena de migrantes
guatemaltecos haban sido detenidos por la polica municipal en el interior de unos vagones.
Solalinde fue hasta una casa de seguridad en donde una decena de hombres armados resguardaban a los indocumentados. Apenas lleg la polica municipal, lo encarcelaron.
La maana del 24 de junio de 2008, el pueblo de Ixtepec se congreg frente al albergue
con bidones de gasolina y palos. Una camioneta con un megfono los convoc para quemar el
albergue: Ese cura protege a los violadores!, gritaba una mujer enardecida. Dentro del albergue, nueve migrantes se agazaparon contra la pared. Qumenlo, se escuchaba el eco de las
voces. Solalinde levant los brazos en cruz: Qumenme, le dijo a la mujer que lo confrontaba.
As no, baje los brazos, increp ella. Ante esa imagen, el gritero de la turba comenz a cesar.
Se hizo audible el sonido de las brasas consumiendo las antorchas. Unos minutos despus, Solalinde dio media vuelta, entr al albergue y comenz a rezar.
62
Faces of Dignity
ather Alejandro Solalinde is an important figure in the present history of Mexico: I

cannot get used to the idea that I am famous but I have to accept it; if my words carry
more weight than the average person, I am going to make use of them. Solalinde is of
medium build, and his impressive, delicate hands contrast his strong voice. His work as
a priest brought him to Ciudad Ixtepec, Oaxaca. The heat and dust gave a sensation of solitude
in the wide streets of the town, housing 24,000 inhabitants. The silence is broken by the sounds
of the train La Bestia, the metal railcars packed with people clinging onto the roofs, hoping not
to fall off.
One Christmas Solalinde began to help the migrants who knocked at the door of the
parish house, asking for food after they had been robbed. His first impulse was to seek justice,
but he soon understood that the city police were responsible for the crime. By pulling a thread,
he unraveled a web of epic proportions that involved three levels of government and gangs of
criminals.
On February 27th, 2007, the parish house became the first shelter of the group of shelters
called Brothers on the Way. The first night it was opened, more than four hundred migrants
slept on a small piece of land; for many, it would be the first time they had slept peacefully
since their journey began. Father Solalinde offers his hammock to ensure all migrants can
sleep comfortably, while he sleeps next to the police who protect the house. He accepted their
presence after much insistence: The police assistance ensures my safety, that of the migrants
and the shelter in general.
The story of the man who dresses in impeccable white shirts was heard all along the migrant journey. The migrantswho travel from Guatemala, crossing Chiapasknew about the
food and the rest stop. Solalindes work threatens the profits of public officials and different
levels of organized crime. If you speak out, there are consequences. Father Solalindes actions
were disrupting the government and therefore the bishop of Tehuantepec tried to transfer him
to a different town, but Solalinde protested before the authorities of the Church.
At first, the officials and the neighbors saw the migrants as a threat. Early one morning, in
the first part of 2007, news reached Solalinde that the city police had detained a dozen Guatemalan migrants inside numerous vans. Solalinde went to a safe house where a dozen armed
men were guarding the undocumented migrants. As soon as he arrived, he was thrown into jail.
The morning of June 24th, 2008, the people of Ixtepec gathered in front of the shelter
with cans of gasoline and sticks. A loudspeaker attached to a truck called for them to burn the
shelter: That priest protects rapists! shouted an angry woman. Inside the shelter, nine migrants
crouched against the door. Burn them, the voices outside could be heard. Solalinde raised
his arms in the form of a cross: Burn me, he said to the woman who faced him. Not like that,
lower your arms, the woman yelled. Before this disturbing scene, the cries of the crowd began
to calm. A few minutes later, Solalinde turned around, entered the shelter, and began to pray.
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Faces of Dignity
SILVIA
Prez Yescas
Fundadora de Mujeres Indgenas por ciarena,
Conservacin, Investigacin y Aprovechamiento
de los Recursos Naturales
Founder of the Indigenous Women for ciarena,

Preservation, Investigation and Exploitation of
Natural Resources
San Jos Ro Manso, Oaxaca
San Jos Ro Manso, Oaxaca
Los chinantecos viven en una de las selvas ms antiguas de Mxico, ellos se llaman a s mismos gente
de palabra antigua, y cada vez que bordan un huipil,
en ste hilvanan el universo. Silvia viste la historia
del mundo, es indgena chinanteca, y su labor siempre se ha enfocado en que la palabra antigua de su
pueblo no sea exclusiva de los hombres, sino que
tambin las mujeres puedan pronunciarse.
The Chinantecos live in one of the oldest forests

in Mexico; they call themselves people of the
ancient word, and each time they embroider
a huipil, they sew the universe into the piece of
clothing. Silvia, an indigenous Chinanteca, wears
the history of the world. Her work has always focused on ensuring that women, not only men, are
able to articulate the ancient words of her people.
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Faces of Dignity
l ser humano, para los chinantecos, se encuentra dividido en dos: cuerpo y alma. En el
corazn vive el alma y, cuando alguien muere, un gran perro negro o una araa llevan su
espritu al mar. En estos ltimos aos, han ido al mar muchas mujeres; la violencia contra
ellas casi siempre termina en la muerte.
Cuando Silvia Prez Yescas era adolescente, a principios de los setenta, comenz a involucrarse en la defensa de su territorio contra los caciques que explotaban a los campesinos. Ella es
originaria de San Jos Ro Manso, del municipio de San Juan Lalana, en el estado de Oaxaca, en
la frontera con Veracruz. En la dcada de los aos ochenta, fue nombrada en asamblea promotora de salud de la comunidad. Entendi que muchos hombres se escudaban en las tradiciones
para maltratar a las mujeres y violentar los derechos humanos. A pesar de que soy una mujer
que no tiene estudios, siempre me pongo al servicio de las personas.
Cuando Silvia conoci las estructuras de las instituciones pblicas, cofund, en 2001, la
asociacin civil Mujeres Indgenas por ciarena, cuya labor se enfoca en el desarrollo de la autonoma de mujeres y hombres, a travs del ejercicio pleno de los derechos humanos. Durante
2009 y hasta 2012, cre un grupo de promotoras indgenas en las comunidades de Paso del
guila y Ro Manso, donde fortaleci la participacin femenina en actividades colectivas.
Cada mujer que se atreva a denunciar algn tipo de abuso recibi apoyo de Silvia. Pero a
partir de 2009, una tras otra, las intimidaciones empezaron a suceder. Muchos hombres estaban
molestos, y uno de ellos en particular se convirti en una verdadera amenaza: La justicia tiene
precio y yo la puedo comprar, le dijo. Temerosa pero decidida, Silvia acudi a denunciar.
La casa de Silvia est en un paraje en el bosque, hay muchos rboles a su alrededor. Una
noche, ya de madrugada, unos potentes reflectores iluminaron su casa. El hombre que la haba
amenazado estaba afuera, acompaado de ms individuos armados. Silvia estaba detrs de
la puerta abrazando a su hijo, cuando escuch cortar cartucho. Abre la puerta o entramos por
ti. A contraluz, las siluetas se asomaban repitiendo la orden: Abre la puerta. Por el alboroto,
los vecinos se acercaron a ver qu pasaba, los hombres subieron a las camionetas y escaparon.
Silvia ya no se senta segura en su casa de Matas Romero y tuvo que abandonarla con el
apoyo de otras organizaciones solidarias. Tras pasar muchos meses fuera del estado de Oaxaca,
en agosto de 2014, regres a la capital para preparar su retorno a la comunidad, sin embargo,
repentinamente, le informaron que ofrecan cien mil pesos por su cabeza.
Ahora, entre las calles de una ciudad ajena, sigue portando el universo en su huipil, como
promesa de que un da volver.
ccording to the Chinantecos, human beings are divided into two: body and soul. Our
soul lives in our heart, and when we die, a black dog and a spider carry our spirit to
the sea. In the last few years, many women have been carried to the sea. The violence
towards them almost always ends in death.
When Silvia Prez Yescas was an adolescent, in the early 1970s, she became involved in
the movement to defend the Chinanteco territory against the landowners and the exploitation of the peasants. She is originally from San Jos Ro Manso, in the municipality of San Juan
Lalana, state of Oaxaca, on the border with Veracruz. During the 1980s she was appointed by the
assembly to be the communitys health care advocate. She realized that many men used tradition as a way to justify their mistreatment of women and the violation of their human rights.
Despite the fact that I am a woman who has no education, I always place myself at the service
of others.
As Silvia grew familiar with the way public institutions function, she cofounded the civil
association Indigenous Women for ciarena in 2001. Their work concentrates on promoting the
application of human rights in order to develop the autonomy of women and men. From 2009
to 2012, she developed a group that promoted indigenous rights in the communities Paso del
guila y Ro Manso, where she encouraged womens participation in collective activities.
Silvia supported each and every woman that dared to report a form of abuse. However,
this had its consequences; in 2009 she began to receive threats, time and time again. Many men
were upset by her actions, and one man in particular represented a real threat: Justice has a
price and I am willing to pay it, she was once warned. Fearful but determined Silvia went to file
the complaint.
Silvias house is located in the forest, surrounded by trees. One night, nearing dawn,
bright lights illuminated the outside of her house. The man who had threatened her was
outside, accompanied by other armed individuals. Silvia was behind the door holding her son,
and heard them loading their guns: Open the door or we will come in after you. Against the
light, the silhouettes appeared to repeat the order: Open the door. The commotion caused
by the shouting caught the neighbors attention. They approached the house to see what was
happening and, luckily, the men got in their trucks and drove off.
Silvia no longer felt safe in her house in Matas Romero and had to abandon it with the
support of other organizations. In August 2014, after spending months outside the state of
Oaxaca, she travelled to the capital in preparation to return to her community. However, when
Silvia had arrived in Oaxaca, somebody informed her that people were offering one hundred
thousand pesos for her head.
Now, among the streets of an alien city, she continues to bear the universe in her huipil,
with the promise that one day she will return home.
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Faces of Dignity
ARMANDO
de la Cruz Corts
Abogado de Tequio Jurdico
Lawyer at Tequio Jurdico
Oaxaca de Jurez, Oaxaca
Perder el maz es tan fcil como sembrar las semillas

que entregan algunos programas gubernamentales. Ser ms grande y fuerte, les dicen, sin mencionar que al ao siguiente tendrn que comprar
nuevamente semillas, pues se convierten en estriles de una generacin a otra. Lo que tradicionalmente aprendieron las comunidades indgenas de
la tierra ya no se puede aplicar.
It is very easy to reach the end of corn as we know it;

just plant the seeds that the government programs
deliver. The corn will be larger and stronger, the
farmers are told. However, what is not mentioned
is that the following year they will have to buy
seeds again, since they become sterile from one
generation to another. The indigenous communitys
traditional knowledge of land cultivation is no
longer applicable.
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Faces of Dignity
rmando de la Cruz defiende el territorio de su comunidad; l es un indgena chontal.

En San Miguel Chongos, que pertenece al municipio de San Carlos Yautepec, en el
estado de Oaxaca, han querido dividir a los pueblos, privatizar las tierras y arrebatarles la autonoma. Las comunidades utilizan una estructura social basada en el tequio,
una organizacin del trabajo para el beneficio colectivo. En el tequio, el pueblo aporta su fuerza
o materiales para construir una obra para la comunidad. Armando comenz el camino de los
derechos humanos a partir de esos principios que hoy lo determinan como un hombre decidido
y sereno.
La manera de organizar las funciones y tareas en el tequio es herencia del periodo colonial. Los miembros de la comunidad respetan esas reglas, ya que forman parte de sus usos y
costumbres. Cuando Armando era pequeo, su padre lo involucr en la vida comunitaria. Durante las asambleas, l se sentaba a escuchar y aprender. Armando sali de su comunidad para
estudiar secundaria, pero durante las vacaciones regresaba para hacer de notario en el pueblo
y escribir a mano todos los convenios. Su padre siempre insisti en que participara en estas
tareas. Mientras estudiaba derecho en la ciudad de Oaxaca, colabor con el Centro de Derechos Humanos Bartolom Carrasco Briseo, principalmente trabajando con las comunidades.
Cuando concluy la universidad, en 1997, volvi a San Miguel para sumarse al naciente Tequio
Jurdico. Pronto entendi que la defensa del territorio comunitario era una tarea que necesitaba
mucha organizacin.
El principal problema que se vive en la regin es el territorial, porque en la zona hay
presencia de concesiones mineras. Las comunidades piden la asesora y defensa de Tequio,
por eso ahora acompaan a una organizacin de catorce comunidades que se han agrupado para defender la transparencia de recursos en la regin. Desde 2011, Tequio Jurdico y
Educa Oaxaca siguen de cerca el proceso del Consejo de Pueblos Unidos en Defensa del
Ro Verde, lo que implica apoyar en trminos jurdicos y frente a las autoridades. Adems son
parte del Colectivo Oaxaqueo en Defensa de los Territorios. Armando impuls que, por la va
legal, se obtuvieran recursos en beneficio de las comunidades; exigi a la cabecera municipal
de San Carlos que los recursos se descentralizaran y fueran gestionados de forma transparente. Sin embargo, el gobierno local contest con violencia. Armando demand al presidente
municipal, y ste le respondi con amenazas: Ya sabemos que eres t, cudate. Tequio acudi
al secretario de gobierno, a la Subsecretara de Fortalecimiento Municipal y a tres instancias
gubernamentales ms. Muchos programas buscan beneficios a corto plazo para caciques y
autoridades corruptas.
Los viejos cuentan a las nuevas generaciones cmo, hace muchos siglos, recuperaron
el maz con una hormiga, pues era la nica que saba dnde estaba. Ataron a la hormiga de la
cintura para que les sealara dnde se encontraba el cereal. As fue como llegaron a una cueva
cubierta por una enorme roca. Pidieron ayuda al rayo, quien la rompi y les ense que hay dos
tipos de maz: el de mazorca grande, de seis meses, y el de mazorca pequea de tres meses.
Desde entonces, el cuerpo de las hormigas est partido en dos. Hoy en da, los mitos no cuentan historias de corrupcin, injusticias o la defensa de un pueblo que, igual que el maz, est en
riesgo de desaparecer.
rmando de la Cruz, from the indigenous tribe Chontal, defends his communitys
territory. In San Miguel Chongos, in the municipality of San Carlos Yautepec, Oaxaca,
the government wants to create divisions amongst the communities, privatize the
land, and to take away the autonomy of the indigenous people. In order to combat
this, the communities have implemented a social mechanism based on the tequio, an organization that works for the collective good of the community. In the tequio system, people contribute through manual labor or they provide materials to construct buildings for the community.
Armando bases his defense of human rights in these communal principles, which make him the
determined and peaceful man he is today.
The way a tequio is organized is directly inherited from the colonial period. The members
of the community respect these rules that now form part of their daily customs. When Armando
was young, his father involved him in community life. He attended community assemblies to
listen and learn. Armando left his village to attend secondary school, but during vacations he
returned to work as the town notary and to write all the agreements by hand. Armandos father
always insisted on him taking part in these tasks. While he was studying law in the city of Oaxaca,
he collaborated with the Bartolom Carrasco Briseo Human Rights Center, working primarily
with local communities. When he finished college in 1997, he returned to San Miguel to join
the newly founded Tequio Jurdico. He soon realized that the defense of communal territory
required a great amount of organization.
The main problem experienced in the region is territorial, because the area is riven with
mining concessions. Communities request legal advice and protection from Tequio, for that
reason they accompany a group of fourteen communities that strive to defend the transparency of resources in the region. Since 2011, Tequio Jurdico and Educa Oaxaca closely follow
the process of the Consejo de Pueblos Unidos en Defensa del Ro Verde, by providing legal
support, and defense before the authorities. They are also part of the Colectivo Oaxaqueo en
Defensa de los Territorios. Armando has been able to secure resources for the community using
a legal framework, and he demanded that the head of the municipality of San Carlos decentralized resources and distributed them in a transparent manner. The local government responded
with violence. Armando filed a complaint against the municipal president, and subsequently received threats: We know it is you. Watch out. Tequio went to the government secretary, the Subsecretary of Municipal Strengthening, and to three more government agencies.
Many government programs seek short-term benefits for tyrants and corrupt authorities.
The elders tell new generations how, many centuries ago, they collected the corn with
the help of an ant, as it was the only way to know where the corn was. They tied the ant
around their waist so it would show them where the corn was located. That is how their ancestors arrived at a cave blocked by an enormous rock. They asked for help from the lightning,
which broke the rock and taught them that there are two kinds of corn: the large six-month ear of
corn, and the small three-month ear of corn. Since then, the ants bodies are split in half. Today,
the myths do not tell stories of corruption, injustice, or the defense of a community that, just like
corn, is in danger of disappearing.
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Faces of Dignity
MARA ISABEL
Jimnez Salinas
Integrante de la Asamblea Popular

del Pueblo Juchiteco (appj)
Member of the Popular Assembly

of the Juchiteco People (appj)
Juchitn de Zaragoza, Oaxaca
A diferencia de otros aos, el pueblo tena miedo.

Estaban listos para salir en procesin a la orilla del
mar, en donde iluminaran su baile con velas la noche entera. Tenan que dar gracias en la capilla de
los Pescadores, al mar por los peces, al viento por
las aves, a la tierra por las plantas, a los animales
por su vida. Pero la realidad es que los megaproyectos elicos no slo rellenan la tierra con cemento, sino que se han apropiado del mar.
Unlike previous years, the community was afraid.

They were about to take part in a religious
procession by the sea; their dancing would be
illuminated by candles. They were going to go to
the Fishermans Chapel to thank the sea for the
fish, the wind for the birds, the soil for the plants,
and the animals for their life. However, the mega
wind-energy projects have covered the soil with
cement and called the sea their own.
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73
sabel Jimnez es hija de pescador, cada sbado acude con su familia a la orilla del mar a
encender velas y agradecer a la naturaleza. Desde el pueblo, salen en procesin y acampan
con las dems familias. Algunas llegan incluso antes, desde el jueves o el mircoles. El domingo en la tarde, antes de volver a casa, recolecta las plantas medicinales que sus abuelos
le ensearon a usar y busca esos animales que curan enfermedades. Entre el cemento donde se
erigen las aspas, ya no vive la serpiente de cascabel, cuya carne es nutritiva y previene el cncer.
El calor que guarda el pavimento impide que un pie descalzo lo pise.
Pescadores y campesinos viven tambin de la cacera. Cuando an no hay cosecha de
maz, de sanda o de calabaza, los animales son su sustento. El armadillo lo utilizan tambin para
preparar el jarabe de morro, que es muy efectivo para el asma, la bronquitis o padecimientos
de tos crnica. La iguana cura infecciones severas de las anginas. Cada rbol que talan es un
cementerio para las especies que habitan ah. Las aves han cesado su vuelo, las aspas de las
torres, al moverse, se tornan cuchillas afiladas que destrozan sus cuerpos.
Cuando comenzaron con el megaproyecto elico, las empresas rentaron terrenos a los
campesinos, sin hacer una consulta previa o un anlisis del impacto en la comunidad. Levantaron los generadores sobre las parcelas de quienes aceptaron. Los vecinos que se negaron
a rentar vieron que su parcela, desnivelada, se inundaba, y la siembra se pudra. Los trascabos
arrastraron a su paso la bedxadxalase, el peperini, guieduuza, la bituxiga, la golondrina, la
salvia real, la pasiflora. Para los fuereos slo son hierbas, para las personas de Juchitn son las
plantas que les dan vida. Ya estn en venta parte de la parada a San Vicente y Santa Rita, que son
terrenos de Juchitn, y La Ventosa, en Unin Hidalgo.
Isabel sabe de personas que se han arrepentido. La gente de Juchitn ya no quiere dinero, slo les piden poder continuar con sus tradiciones, que les permitan llegar a la capilla de
los Pescadores, porque en las comunidades de Oaxaca, mucha de su historia se est secando.
Los pescadores andan con temor; no hay denuncias. El pueblo festivo se torn gris como el
cemento. Isabel forma parte de la Asamblea Popular del Pueblo Juchiteco, que tambin se ha
ido debilitando por el miedo. Cada persona que particip en los cierres de carreteras rumbo a
Playa Vicente ha vivido hostigamiento de la polica estatal que llega en patrullas sin placas y los
acusan de secuestro o de robo. El pueblo vive una guerra interna entre quienes se rentan como
sicarios y quienes resisten: No queremos pelear entre iguales, repite Isabel una y otra vez.
Dejaron de ser libres en las tierras de sus abuelos y dejaron de tener sus fiestas. Ahora la polica impide a los pescadores acceder al mar, porque custodian la entrada que dicen
que pertenece a la empresa. Vienen a expropiar nuestro territorio, a invadirnos, a esclavizarnos, pero eso no es lo que queremos. Mejor morir que vivir de rodillas. Nacimos para morir;
nadie es eterno en esta tierra. De alguna enfermedad, de algo hemos de morir, entonces, si
las transnacionales nos matan por defender la vida, por defender nuestro territorio, pues con
mucho gusto lo recibimos.
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Faces of Dignity
sabel Jimnez is the daughter of a fisherman. Every Saturday she goes to the seashore with her
family to light candles and express her gratitude to nature. The procession starts in the village.
They camp at the beach with other families, some of whom arrive earlier, on Wednesday or
Thursday. On Sunday afternoon, before returning home, Isabel collects medicinal plants that
her grandparents taught her to use, and looks for animals that are known to cure diseases. Due
to the vast amounts of cement upon which the wind-turbines are erected, rattlesnakes no longer
exist, whose flesh is rich in nutrients and can prevent cancer. The pavement is so hot that walking
barefoot is impossible.
Fishermen and farmers also need to hunt to survive. When the corn, watermelon, or squash
harvest fails, animals provide them with food. Armadillos are used to prepare calabash syrup that
helps with asthma, bronchitis or chronic cough. Iguanas cure severe tonsillitis. When a tree is cut
down, the species that inhabit the area are eliminated. Birds no longer fly, as the wind-turbine propellers turn into sharp blades that cut their bodies into pieces.
When the companies began their mega wind-energy projects, they rented land from
farmers without consulting them beforehand, and without analyzing the impact on the community. The turbines were constructed in the fields of those who accepted the rent. The neighbors
who refused to rent their property had identified slopes on the land which caused flooding
and thus their seeds had rotten. As the machinery was dragged across the land, it uprooted
bedxadaxalase, peperini, guieduuza, bituxiga, chelidonium, salvia officinalis, and passiflora. To
foreigners these are just weeds, but for the people of Juchitn they form part of their life cycle.
Parts of Parada San Vicente and Santa Rita in Juchitn, and La Ventosa in Unin Hidalgo are already up for sale.
Isabel knows people who regret renting their land. The people of Juchitn have decided
they do not want the money from the rent. Instead, they simply ask for the freedom to continue their traditions so they can continue going to the Fishermans Chapel. The history of many
of the communities is also disappearing. Fishermen walk in fear; they have stopped protesting.
The festive town has turned as grey as the cement. Isabel forms part of the Popular Assembly
of the Juchiteco People, which has become weak from terror. Each person who participated
in blocking the entrances to the beach in Playa Vicente has faced harassment by state police
who patrol the roads in unmarked cars and accuse them of kidnapping or robbery. The town is
suffering a civil war between paid assassins and those who resist: We should not be fighting
each other, we are equals, Isabel repeats time and again.
They are no longer free in the land they have inhabited for centuries, and no longer
celebrate their ancient festivals. State police guarding the beach refuse the fishermen entry as it
now belongs to a company. They come to expropriate our territory, invade us, and enslave us.
That is not what we want. It is better to die than to endure life kneeling down. We were all born
to die; no one on Earth is eternal. We have to die from something. If the transnational companies
kill us for defending our lives and our land, we will consider that a great pleasure.
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Faces of Dignity
TOMS
Gonzlez Castillo
Director del Hogar Refugio para migrantes La 72
Director of the migrant shelter La 72
Tenosique, Tabasco
Tenosique, Tabasco
El martes 24 de agosto de 2010, Mxico tuvo que

encontrar un trmino para nombrar lo indecible.
Cmo llamar a un lugar en donde se apilan 72
cuerpos maniatados y ejecutados por la espalda?
Ese da, el pas tuvo que volver la mirada hacia
San Fernando, Tamaulipas. Al mismo tiempo, Fray
Toms supo que muchas de esas personas haban pasado antes por su albergue en Tenosique,
Tabasco.
On Tuesday, 24th August 2010, Mexico had to find

a term to name the indescribable. What were they
going to call the place where 72 bodies had been
piled up after the victims had been shot in the back
with their hands tied? That day, the country was
shocked by events in San Fernando, Tamaulipas.
Fray Toms knew that many of those people had
previously passed through his shelter in Tenosique, Tabasco.
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ientras el gobierno se perda en explicaciones sobre la ejecucin de cincuenta y

ocho hombres y catorce mujeres provenientes de Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Ecuador y Brasil, el joven hondureo sobreviviente a la masacre agonizaba en un
hospital. La opinin pblica internacional catalog a Mxico como un sitio en donde
los derechos humanos no tenan cabida. Mientras los medios mostraban el horror con detalle,
Fray Toms tom una decisin sobre su labor.
Toms Gonzlez Castillo, un fraile franciscano a quien tambin apodan Fray Tormenta,
lleg a Tenosique para encabezar el programa migrante en la iglesia del municipio. Provena de
un intenso trabajo en Mrida, Yucatn, en donde atenda principalmente a cuatro tipos de poblacin vulnerable: indgenas yucatecos, homosexuales, personas portadoras del vih o con sida
y mujeres. Cuando estableci el albergue en el kilmetro sesenta de la frontera con Guatemala,
centr su trabajo en alimentar a las personas migrantes. Tras la masacre en Tamaulipas, nombr
al albergue La 72 y enfoc su misin en la defensa de las personas migrantes que se acercaban.
Absolutamente todas las personas migrantes que pasan por Mxico se enfrentan a algo,
a un sistema poltico violento del que buscan escapar, aunque en este gesto se jueguen la vida.
Despus, al cruzar la frontera con Guatemala, se enfrentan al Instituto Nacional de Migracin
(inm), a la polica estatal, a los gobiernos que prefieren mirar a otro lado, y a las bandas delincuenciales que los despojan del dinero que traen consigo. Los migrantes son un negocio rentable que supone ganancias de miles de dlares.
El 30 de abril de 2014, un grupo de trescientas personas migrantes centroamericanas,
entre las que se encontraban nios y mujeres embarazadas, caminaban a pie hacia el municipio
Emiliano Zapata, a unos setenta kilmetros de La 72. El grupo haba descansado en el albergue, donde les haban proporcionado comida y ayuda antes de tomar el tren de mercancas
que viajaba hacia el norte. Sin previo aviso, agentes del inm, de la Polica Federal y del estado
de Tabasco desplegaron una operacin para detenerlos cerca de la comunidad de Chacamax.
Fray Toms lleg acompaado de otros dos defensores: Rubn Figueroa y Fray Aurelio. Observaron cmo las fuerzas de seguridad comenzaban a separar a algunos hombres de las mujeres
y a las madres de sus hijos. No informaron a dnde los llevaban. Fray Toms, desprotegido, se
interpuso rpidamente delante del camin, lo empujaron y cay al suelo. Al mismo tiempo, golpearon a Rubn y a Fray Aurelio.
A pesar de ello, todava en el kilmetro sesenta de la frontera con Guatemala, en el primer
alto del trayecto hacia Estados Unidos, a los migrantes los recibe un hombre de hbito caf y un
sayal con tres nudos. Sonre abiertamente y su gesto se endurece con la misma rapidez cuando
alguna persona le cuenta una historia con voz queda, como avergonzada, de la realidad de
Mxico. Entonces, toma un morral de tejidos guatemaltecos y camina para buscar respuestas,
grita si es necesario, y marcha sobre las vas del tren. Slo la sociedad civil, desde abajo, puede
hacer que algo cambie, de lo contrario, no hay futuro.
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Faces of Dignity
hile the government was trying to explain the execution of fifty eight men and
fourteen women who had come from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Ecuador,
and Brazil, the only survivora Honduran youthwas dying in hospital. International public opinion concluded that human rights were not a priority in Mexico.
While the horror was being displayed across the media, Fray Toms made a decision about his
professional career.
Toms Gonzlez Castillo, a Franciscan friar also known as Fray Tormenta, went to Tenosique
to direct a new migrant program in the municipal church. He had come from a demanding job in
Mrida, Yucatn, where he had been helping many people: natives from Yucatan, homosexuals,
hiv patients, and women. When he set his shelter up sixty kilometers from the Guatemalan border,
he concentrated his work on providing migrants with food. After the massacre in Tamaulipas, he
named the shelter La 72. His mission was to defend migrants who came to him for help.
Absolutely all migrants who travel through Mexico wish to escape a violent political system.
Even though in doing so they risk their lives. Once they cross the border with Guatemala, they
have to deal with the National Institute of Migration (inm), state police, governments who ignore
their presence, and criminal groups that strip them of their money. The migrants account for a
profitable business that yields earnings of thousands of dollars.
On April 30th, 2014, a group of three hundred Central American migrants, among them
children and pregnant women, walked on foot towards the municipality of Emiliano Zapata,
se-venty kilometers further on from La 72. The group had rested at the shelter, where they had
been given food and support before taking the freight train travelling northward. Without notice,
inm agents, Federal Police, and Tabasco state police launched an operation to detain them near
the community of Chacamax. Fray Toms heard about the operation and arrived accompanied
by two other activists: Rubn Figueroa and Fray Aurelio. They saw how the security forces were
beginning to separate some of the men from the women and mothers from their children. The
security forces gave no information as to where they were taking them. Fray Toms, unprotected,
stood in front of the truck. He was pushed to the ground. Rubn and Fray Aurelio were beaten
up.
Despite all this, sixty kilometers from the Guatemalan border, at the first stop on the
route towards the United States, Fray Tomsa man with a coffee habit and a coarse woolen
robereceives migrants. He smiles openly. But his expression hardens when someone tells him
a story in a low voice, as if ashamed, of the reality of Mexico. He takes a woolen backpack woven
by Guatemalans and walks in search of answers, shouts if necessary, and marches over the train
tracks. Only civil society, from below, can make real change. If that does not happen, the future
is bleak.
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Faces of Dignity
ALEJANDRA
Serrano Pavn
Coordinadora de la Oficina Regional

Sureste del Centro Mexicano de Derecho
Ambiental (cemda)
Coordinator of the Mexican Center

of Environmental Law (cemda) Southeast
Regional Office
Cancn, Quintana Roo
Cancn, Quintana Roo
El olor del gas es inconfundible. Esa noche, cuando

Alejandra lleg a su casa, no recordaba haber dejado abiertas las llaves de la estufa. Era una advertencia que llegaba a lo ms ntimo de su vida, sin que
existiera en la cerradura una huella que indicara
que alguien la haba forzado. No haba objetos fuera de su sitio. El miedo camin por su espina dorsal,
entendi el mensaje: sabemos todo de ti...
The smell of gas is unmistakable. That night, when

Alejandra came home, she did not remember
having left the stove knobs turned on. It was a
warning that someone was reaching into the most
intimate part of her life, without any indication of
a forced entry. There were no objects out of place.
Fear crept down her spine, she understood the
message: we know everything about you...
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Faces of Dignity
lejandra llevaba diez aos trabajando como abogada en el Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental (cemda), cuando lleg a su escritorio el caso de un arrecife entre
Puerto Morelos y Cancn, Quintana Roo. All se iba a implementar el proyecto llamado
Dragon Mart.
Qu son los derechos ambientales? Fue una pregunta que Alejandra se haba planteado
cuando era estudiante, pero que no pudo responder hasta que conoci el cemda. El primer
caso que acompa ya en la organizacin marc su vida. Sucedi en Orizaba, Veracruz, all una
empresa de agroqumicos haba explotado en los aos noventa. Ocho aos despus, los empleados descubrieron que los qumicos liberados haban supuesto un riesgo que repercuti
en toda una generacin de nios. Debido a los qumicos, Rita, una nia de siete aos, haba
sido operada en nueve ocasiones. Los padres no denunciaron la explosin por temor a perder
apoyos gubernamentales. Defender ese terreno contaminado signific tambin proteger a los
pobladores de la zona, quienes vivan en su cuerpo los estragos de una tragedia ambiental.
Cuando Alejandra asumi el caso de Dragon Mart, entendi rpidamente que involucraba
intereses locales, nacionales e internacionales. Planteaban el desarrollo de quinientas hectreas
para desplegar 3,500 locales comerciales que convertiran esa zona paradisiaca en el centro de
distribucin de productos chinos ms grande del mundo fuera de China. La presentacin del
proyecto, en 2010, corri a cargo del gobierno de Quintana Roo, con el apoyo de cien inversionistas chinos, quienes lideraran la construccin, muy cerca del arrecife de Puerto Morelos. Para
que este proyecto pudiera ser viable, el gobierno prometi gestionar ciertos cambios en las
legislaciones y facilitar trmites a los dueos del capital.
Alejandra descubri que no se haba hecho una consulta pblica sobre el proyecto, a la
que la ciudadana tiene derecho por ley. Empezaron las acciones legales por parte de la organizacin y el cemda decidi organizar un foro. Esto les sirvi para entender a quin se estaban
enfrentando: empleados de la empresa violentaron el foro con clara intencin de disolverlo.
No pasaron ms de diez das cuando a la oficina regional del sureste del cemda, que dirige Alejandra, lleg una carta del representante legal de Dragon Mart. En ella, le exiga retractarse de la denuncia o, de lo contrario, tendran que iniciar un proceso legal en su contra. Con este
caso entendimos que trabajar a nivel local es muy complicado, porque la gente no sabe qu es
lo que est sucediendo, pese a que son casos que afectan a todos los niveles. Para nosotros, el
peor escenario es que nadie sepa lo que sucede.
El proyecto, al da de hoy, sigue sin un cierre definitivo. La realidad es que el dinero mueve
los hilos y hasta el momento es difcil saber si el cemda ganar estas pequeas batallas contra
funcionarios corruptos y empresarios codiciosos.
Cuando Alejandra dej su casa en la Ciudad de Mxico para vivir en la playa, nunca pens
en un refugio tranquilo, por el contrario, se encuentra resistiendo a los embates de la tempestad. Un rbol, el agua del mar, un arrecife, no son elementos ajenos, su respeto es tambin una
muestra de profundo amor al ser humano.
lejandra had been working for ten years as a lawyer in the Mexican Centre of Environmental Law (cemda), when a new case arrived on her deskabout a project on
the coral reef between Puerto Morelos and Cancn, Quintana Roo. It was about the
implementation of a project called Dragon Mart.
What are environmental rights? It was a question Alejandra had asked herself when she was
a student, but she could not answer that question until she had learned about cemda. Alejandra
had been scarred by the first case she assisted at cemda. In Orizaba, Veracruz, there had been
an explosion in an agrochemical company back in the 1990s. Eight years later, the employees
found out that the chemicals that had been released presented a possible risk that could affect
a complete generation of children. As a result of exposure to the chemicals, Rita, a seven-year
old girl, had nine medical interventions. Her parents did not report the explosion out of fear of
losing governmental support. Defending the land, against the use of chemicals, also meant the
defense of the inhabitants who suffered the ravages of an environmental tragedy.
When Alejandra took up the Dragon Mart case, she quickly understood that local, national,
and international interests were involved. The plan was to develop a thousand acres into 3,500
commercial sites that would turn that beautiful area into a distribution center for Chinese
products, the worlds largest outside of China. The presentation of the project, in 2010, was
run by the government of Quintana Roo, with the support of a hundred Chinese investors, who
would lead the construction, very close to the Puerto Morelos reef. To ensure the viability of
the project, the government promised to carry out certain changes in the law and to facilitate
bureaucratic procedures for investors.
Alejandra found out that there had been no public consultation about the imminent
projectsomething which they were entitled to in law. They began legal action on the part of the
organization and cemda decided to organize a meeting. This served to illustrate who cemda were
dealing with: company employees disrupted the meeting with the clear intention of bringing it
to an end.
No more than ten days went by when a letter from the legal representative of Dragon
Mart arrived at the southeastern regional office of cemda directed by Alejandra. In the letter the
representative demanded that cemda withdraw legal proceedings and, if they refused, Dragon
Mart would have to take legal action against them. This case highlighted to us that working at a
local level is very complicated, because the citizens do not know what is happening, even though
these cases affect all levels. For us, the real danger is that no one is aware of what is happening.
To this day, the project continues. The reality is that money pulls the strings and it is
difficult to know if cemda will be able to win these battles against corrupt politicians and greedy
businessmen.
When Alejandra left her home in Mexico City to live on the beach, she never considered a
quiet life, on the contrary, she finds herself being buffeted by the storms. A tree, the seawater,
a reef; these are not foreign elements. Alejandras respect for nature is also a sign of her profound love for humankind.
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Faces of Dignity
TITA
Radilla Martnez
Vicepresidenta de la Asociacin de
Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos y
Vctimas de Violaciones a los Derechos Humanos
en Mxico (afadem)
Vice-president of the Association of

Family Members of the Detained-Disappeared
and Victims of Violations of Human Rights in
Mexico (afadem)
La guitarra se vuelve un arma y la voz tiro certero.

Rosendo Radilla escriba corridos para denunciar la
violencia de un Mxico desesperanzado, mientras
el gobierno desapareca a los activistas de las colonias populares y de la sierra de Guerrero. En las
montaas cercanas a Atoyac, un comando militar lo
detuvo en 1974, mientras su hijo de catorce aos
miraba cmo se lo llevaban desde la distancia.
A guitar can be used as a weapon, a voice a wellaimed shot. Rosendo Radilla wrote songs which told
stories, known as corridos, to protest against the
violence in Mexico. His writing was a response to
what had been happening in Guerrero; the government was responsible for the disappearances of
many activists from working class neighborhoods
and the mountains of Guerrero. An army commando stopped him in 1974 in the mountains near
Atoyac, as his fourteen-year old son watched him
being carried away into the distance.
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eores soy campesino del estado de Guerrero, me quitaron mis derechos y me hicieron guerrillero. Tita Radilla tena veinte aos cuando su padre y sesenta personas ms
fueron desaparecidos en manos de un comando entrenado para desarticular los movimientos guerrilleros y disidentes. En aquel entonces, los inconformes se levantaban
en todos los puntos del pas. Los hechos sucedieron durante la presidencia de Luis Echeverra,
cuando dio la instruccin expresa de aniquilar las guerrillas de Genaro Vzquez Rojas y Lucio
Cabaas Barrientos.
La Asociacin de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos y Vctimas de Violaciones a los
Derechos Humanos en Mxico (afadem) surgi el 3 de octubre de 1978, para buscar una respuesta sobre el paradero de los desaparecidos. Las familias se organizaron para buscar a sus
hijos, padres y hermanos. Acudan a los cuarteles, desde afuera gritaban los nombres a la espera
de que alguien respondiera desde adentro, estuvo aqu. Esas palabras eran la esperanza que
mantena la bsqueda. Los detenidos decan su nombre como si as pudieran mantenerlos presentes: Rosendo, el que cantaba.
Algo puede suceder maana, se aferra Tita, pero el maana sum ya 41 aos sin respuestas. Los ms de 120 casos abiertos en la afadem abarcan tres generaciones que buscan
y piden reparacin del dao. Los mayores no se rinden y los ms jvenes encuentran nuevos
caminos. Este grupo se ha convertido en una familia, ampliada y unida por las ausencias.
Voy a cantar un corrido, seores pongan cuidado, yo les contar la historia de lo que en
Atoyac ha pasado. Se reg sangre inocente por las fuerzas del Estado. Los nombres llenan listas
que el gobierno ha ignorado, las familias sostienen fotografas que se han ido borrando y, sin
embargo, las historias que cuentan siguen vigentes. Buscan que se dignifique el nombre de las
personas. Todos los campesinos que desaparecieron buscaban un cambio, no eran delincuentes. A unos se los llevaron porque estaban en el movimiento y a otros porque les apoyaban con
maz o un pan.
La organizacin ha tenido algunos logros. Rosendo Radilla, gracias a la lucha que realiz
Tita, lleg a la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. En 2001, la Corte conden a Mxico
por la desaparicin forzada de Rosendo y solicit al gobierno que acotara el fuero militar en casos de violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidos por integrantes de las Fuerzas Armadas.
Tita Radilla es una mujer delgada y alta, tiene el pelo revuelto e intenta contenerlo con
una liga, camina con prisa y va sonriendo. El espacio donde est la afadem es una casa con pisos de cemento abrillantado, se colocan en crculo sillas de plstico y la gente discute sobre los
progresos. Tita acomoda sus gruesos lentes para leer los reportes, que a veces son dos lneas y
otras expedientes enteros. Lstima de hombres valientes, que no conocieron miedo, en defensa de su pueblo hasta la vida perdieron. Al principio, despus de que su padre desapareciera,
Tita despertaba con el sereno y pensaba que tal vez l, estuviera donde estuviera, pasaba fro y
hambre. Al da siguiente, acuda a los cuarteles para gritar su nombre, para encontrar un rumbo.
An ahora grita su nombre y espera que una voz le diga que no tiene fro.
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Faces of Dignity
entlemen, I am a farmer from the state of Guerrero. They took away my rights and so
I became a guerrilla. Tita Radilla was twenty when her father and sixty other people
disappeared at the hands of a commando trained to dismantle the guerrilla and
dissident movements. At that time, activists rose up all over the country. This tragedy
took place during Luis Echeverras presidency, when he gave express orders to wipe out the
guerillas Genaro Vzquez Rojas and Lucio Cabaas Barrientos.
The Association of Family Members of the Detained-Disappeared and Victims of Violations of Human Rights in Mexico (afadem) was founded on October 3rd, 1978, to investigate the
whereabouts of those who had disappeared. The families mobilized themselves to search for
their sons, fathers, and brothers. They went to the army barracks and shouted the names of their
family members from outside, and waited for someone on the inside to respond, He was here.
Those words were the hope that sustained their search. The detained would talk about Rosendo
as if to safeguard his presence: Rosendo, the one who sang.
Tomorrow may bring good news, Tita hopes. However, 41 years have passed without answers. The afadem has over 120 open cases spanning three generations that demand compensation. The elders do not give up and the youngest find new paths. Together, they have formed
a family, united by their respective absences.
I am going to sing a corrido, pay attention gentlemen. I will tell you the story of what has
happened in Atoyac. Innocent blood has been spilled by State forces. Names are abandoned on
forms that the government has chosen to ignore. The families keep photographs that continue
to fade, and nevertheless, their stories prevail. They keep searching as a way to honour their
family members. The peasants who disappeared were not criminals; they were simply seeking
change in society. Some of them were taken for their direct involvement with the movement;
others were taken because they offered the activists corn or bread.
The organization has had its accomplishments. The case of Rosendo Radilla, thanks to Titas
efforts, reached the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. In 2001 the Court condemned the
Mexican state for the enforced disappearance of Rosendo and requested that the government
restrict military jurisdiction in cases of human rights violations committed by members of the
Armed Forces.
Tita Radilla is a tall, thin woman, with disheveled hair. She walks quickly and wears a smile. afadem offices are located in a house with polished concrete floors and plastic chairs arranged in a circle, where people come together to discuss their progress. Tita adjusts her thick
glasses to read the reports in front of her, ranging from a couple of lines to entire case files. What
a pity, brave men that knew no fear; they lost their lives defending their people. At first, after the
disappearance of her father, Tita used to wake up at the break of dawn and think that her father,
wherever he might be, could be cold or hungry. The next day she went to the army barracks to
shout his name and find a new path. To this day, she shouts his name in the hope that a voice
replies and assures her that her father is comfortable, and no longer cold.
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Faces of Dignity
JOS ANTONIO
Lara Duque
Coordinador general del Centro de Derechos

Humanos Zeferino Ladrillero (cdhzl)
General Coordinator of the Human Rights Center

Zeferino Ladrillero (cdhzl)
Nicols Romero, Estado de Mxico
Nicols Romero, State of Mexico
Antonio era un adolescente de trece aos cuando ya tena una importante responsabilidad en la
Alianza nica del Valle. En ese ao de 1997, su padre, Basilio Lara, se encontraba preso de manera
injustificada junto a otros dieciocho compaeros
y el movimiento mexiquense exiga su libertad. El
adolescente aprovechaba las visitas al reclusorio
para cumplir con una labor que permiti que el movimiento se fortaleciera. En cada visita, Antonio sala con cartas para las familias y manifiestos que le
dictaban los presos, esto mantuvo vigente la lucha.
At thirteen years of age, Antonio took on an important responsibility in the Alianza nica del Valle. In
1997 his father, Basilio Lara, was unjustly imprisoned along with eighteen colleagues. Members of
the movement in the State of Mexico demanded
his release. The youth took advantage of his visits
to the prison to help strengthen the movement on
the outside. After each visit, Antonio left with letters for family members, and statements dictated to
him by the prisoners. This kept the struggle alive.
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u padre, uno de los dirigentes ms respetados del movimiento, le mostr la manera en

que la mancha urbana se va tragando no slo el bosque, sino a las comunidades que
ah habitan. Basilio y sus compaeros exigan que la gente del municipio de Atizapn de
Zaragoza tuviera acceso a vivienda digna.
En 1999, estall la huelga de la Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico y Too como
le dicen sus amigos se interes por la defensa de la educacin pblica y gratuita. Al margen
de su experiencia familiar, encontr otros caminos de lucha y durante el colegio y la universidad
estuvo involucrado de lleno en el movimiento estudiantil. La juventud de Antonio contrasta con
sus ideas claras y articuladas, habla con precisin, narra con calma cada parte de su vida como si
leyera un texto. Es coordinador del Centro de Derechos Humanos Zeferino Ladrillero el primero que defiende los derechos humanos en el Estado de Mxico, donde viven ms de quince millones de personas. Cuando lo fundaron, en 2012, buscaron que representara la lucha honesta
y comprometida, por ello lo honraron con el nombre del miembro mayor de la Alianza nica
del Valle, quien llevaba entonces treinta aos dedicados a su pueblo. Para los jvenes, Don Zefe
representa la humildad y el compromiso para defender derechos humanos.
El mismo ao que naci el Centro Zeferino Ladrillero, Antonio fue detenido hasta en tres
ocasiones. El primer delito que le atribuyeron fue el de alteracin del orden pblico, por hablar
sobre la vivienda digna; pas 24 horas encerrado. La segunda vez, su padre y l fueron acusados de ultrajes y agresiones contra policas, cuando se resistieron a que un uniformado disolviera la asamblea que dirigan. En la tercera, ingres un operativo al campamento que tenan
en Nicols Romero, eran dos mil elementos policiacos respaldados por un grupo de choque;
la detencin fue directa, premeditada, sin rdenes de aprehensin, por un delito cometido por
los fraccionadores. Previo a llegar a la crcel lo trataron de forma cruel. Actualmente siguen bajo
investigacin: No pasa una semana sin que piense en la posible orden de aprehensin.
Cuando le dicen a Antonio quien se le opone al gobierno, termina en la crcel o en la
fosa, l piensa en las injusticias que ha visto, la manera en que la voz de los pueblos indgenas
intenta ser acallada con dinero y poder. El gobierno se apropia de las zonas promulgando decretos que entregan a megaproyectos, desarrollos carreteros, comerciales e inmobiliarios.
Si levantan cientos de casas de inters social y las constructoras requieren agua, vuelven
la vista a las comunidades indgenas, quienes desde hace varias dcadas aprendieron a gestionarla. No slo se trata de arrebatar los recursos naturales, sino que pretenden borrar los usos y
costumbres de estos pueblos indgenas en nombre del progreso.
Tengo la conviccin de que la realidad en la que vivimos puede y debe ser mejor. Soy
consciente de que el camino que decid est lleno de amenazas. Al menos no dejar el mundo
peor que cuando llegu. Yo decid hacer algo para que las cosas fueran mejores.
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Faces of Dignity
is father, one of the most respected leaders of the movement, showed him how urban
development was not only swallowing up the forest, but also the communities that
live in it. Basilio and his colleagues demanded that those living in the municipality of
Atizapn de Zaragoza should have access to adequate housing.
In 1999 the National Autonomous University of Mexico went on strike, and Tooas
Antonios friends call himsupported the defense of free public education. Besides his familys
experience, he discovered other causes he felt passionate about; he was fully involved in the
students movement during high school and college. Antonios youth contrasts with his clear and
articulate ideas as he speaks with precision, and calmly recounts each part of his life as if he were
reading a text. He is the coordinator of the Human Rights Center Zeferino Ladrillero, the first
human rights organization founded in the State of Mexico, a state with more than fifteen million
inhabitants. When the Center was created in 2012, it sought to promote honesty and commitment, and for that reason it was named after Zeferino Ladrillero, the oldest member of Alianza
nica del Valle, who had dedicated thirty years to his community. For the young, Don Zefe represents the importance of humility and dedication when defending human rights.
The year the Zeferino Ladrillero Center was founded, Antonio was arrested three times.
The first crime he was arrested was for public disturbance. He spent 24 hours in jail for speaking
openly about the importance of decent housing. The second time, he and his father were
accused of injury to and aggression against the police, when they resisted a police official who
intended to break up the meeting they were leading. The third time, their protest camp was
raided by two thousand members of the police, backed up by a military death squad. Their
detention was direct, premeditated, and without arrest warrants. Before reaching jail, they were
tortured. They are still under investigation: Not a week goes by that I do not think about a
possible arrest warrant.
When Antonio was told whoever opposes the government ends up in jail or in a grave,
he thought of the injustices he has seen, the way in which money and power are used to silence
the voice of the indigenous peoples. The government appropriates the indigenous peoples
lands by enacting laws and uses them to promote mega projects, roads, and business and real
estate developments.
When social housing is built by the authorities, they look to the indigenous communities
to provide the water needed for the buildings, as they have learned to manage their water
distribution for decades. Not only does the government plunder natural resources, but they also
intend to eradicate the traditions of these peoples in the name of progress.
I am convinced that our reality can, and should be, improved. I am conscious that the path
I have taken is dangerous. But, at least I know that I will not have left this world worse off than
when I arrived. I decided to act in order to change our world for the better.
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Faces of Dignity
NLIDA
Reyes Guzmn
Integrante de Intersindicalistas,
Trabajadoras de Taquilla, stc
Member of Intersindicalistas, Workers

of the Ticket Office, Subway
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Ves mi mano?, pregunt el paramdico a Nlida.

Ella escuchaba la voz distante, como envuelta en
un tintineo. No se talle los ojos, slo cirrelos.
Obedeci al momento, los vidrios que tena
incrustados le rozaban los prpados. El trayecto al
hospital le result tortuosamente largo, la sangre
que cubra su cuerpo se haba secado como una
corteza. Sigo viva?, se pregunt antes de aferrarse a la mano del paramdico.
Can you see my hand? the paramedic asked Nlida. She listened to the distant voice muffled by
the sound of shattering glass. Dont rub your eyes,
just close them. She obeyed immediately as she
felt the embedded glass scrape against her eyelids. The journey to the hospital became torturously
long, and the blood that covered her body dried
into a crust. Am I still alive? she asked herself before grabbing hold of the paramedics hand.
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n 1983, Nlida Reyes entr a trabajar al metro de la Ciudad de Mxico como taquillera,
en la estacin Divisin del Norte. Por esos aos el ambiente estaba muy tenso, el sindicato haba destituido con violencia al comit elegido democrticamente. Nlida y sus
compaeras se involucraron y formaron la organizacin Coordinadora de Trabajadoras
Democrticas. Buscaban mejorar su situacin laboral y crearon el peridico La Conciencia, en el
que hacan crtica social. Un 26 de julio, el sindicato con su grupo de choque desaloj violentamente a un grupo de trabajadores, entre los que se encontraba Nlida. Algunos se escondieron
en una estacin de camiones que transportaban correspondencia, all los agresores les dispararon. Varios compaeros de Nlida fueron detenidos.
Cuatro aos despus se encontraba en una concentracin en la calle Bucareli, cuando un
funcionario sali a recibir a los portavoces. Rpidamente, organizaron un contingente con representantes de las diferentes reas del metro y, sin preguntarle, la ingresaron como embajadora de taquilla. El grupo lleg a una oficina oval donde le preguntaron cules eran sus demandas:
Intent explicarle que yo slo haba ido al mitin y que no era parte del contingente, pero crey
que estaba bromeando.
A los pocos das, Nlida regres a la taquilla, por la tarde, un par de sujetos llegaron corriendo, uno la encar con un arma. Las taquillas eran entonces muy diferentes, tenan una vista
panormica y un cristal no muy grueso. Cuando Nlida escuch el disparo, apenas tuvo tiempo
de mover la cabeza, la bala le roz y el proyectil quem su rostro. Los cristales se tornaron cuchillas afiladas que le hirieron el cuerpo y la sangre rpidamente la cubri con su tibieza. Nlida
qued tendida, escuchando el tintineo del cristal repetirse en su cabeza. En el hospital, le pusieron ungento en los ojos y sacaron uno a uno los fragmentos de cristal que tena incrustados,
alcanz a ver cmo le raspaban la pupila para quitar los residuos.
En el trabajo hay descontento, adems, las trabajadoras de taquilla viven con el fantasma
de que pueden ser sustituidas por mquinas en cualquier momento. El noventa por ciento de
las personas que trabajan en taquilla son mujeres, madres solteras, nico sustento familiar, lo
que puede explicar que resistan las malas condiciones laborales. El salario es muy bajo y las
trabajadoras son presionadas a pagar cualquier faltante del corte de caja. Nlida es una activista
que busca precisamente mostrar las condiciones laborales a las que se encuentran sometidas.
Tiene la conviccin de que debe continuar con el compromiso que histricamente han tenido
las trabajadoras y que ha permitido algunos beneficios como contratos laborales indefinidos
o dos periodos vacacionales.
Al mismo tiempo, Nlida ha tenido que asimilar que debe cuidarse, sabe que el riesgo
acecha: Aprend que decir la verdad era bueno, pero cuando la dices es un peligro, porque
toca los intereses de la gente poderosa y corrupta. Por decir la verdad, te pueden desaparecer, matar, disparar Yo camino pegada a la pared de los andenes del metro y slo me acerco
cuando llega el tren; sabemos que es muy fcil caer en las vas por un simple empujn. Vivir con
esa conciencia de la muerte es el verdadero terror, pero sigo creyendo que la verdad debe ser
dicha.
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Faces of Dignity
n 1983, Nlida Reyes began working at the ticket office of the Mexico City metro station,
Divisin del Norte. During this time, the atmosphere at work was tense as the union had violently removed the democratically elected committee. Nlida and her colleagues became
involved in the union dispute and formed the Coordinadora de Trabajadoras Democrticas.
They sought to improve their working conditions, and created the newspaper La Conciencia,
in which they published their social critique. On July 26th, the union and its task force violently
removed a group of workers, and among those evicted was Nlida. Some of the group hid in
a mail-truck depot parking lot, and there their attackers shot at them. Several of Nlidas colleagues were arrested.
Four years later, Nlida was at a demonstration on Bucareli Street, when a public officer
summoned the spokespersons. They quickly organized a contingent with representatives from
different sections of the metro workers, and, without asking her, they appointed Nlida the ticket
sellers representative. The group arrived at an oval shaped office where they were asked about
their demands: I tried to explain that I had only gone to the meeting and that I was not part of
the contingent, but they thought I was joking.
A few days later, Nlida returned to her ticket booth, and that same afternoon two people
came running towards her, one holding a gun to her face. The ticket booths were very different
back then in that they had a panoramic view and only a thin piece of glass. When Nlida heard
the shot she barely had time to move her head. The bullet brushed past her face, and burned her.
The glass shards transformed into sharp knives that wounded her body, and tepid blood quickly
covered her. Nlida lay stretched out on the ground, listening to the sound of breaking glass
repeat itself in her head. In hospital, they treated her eyes with an ointment, and one by one,
they removed the embedded fragments of glass, searching for where the glass had damaged
Nlidas pupils in order to remove any pieces that remained.
Nlida is no longer happy working as a ticket seller. On top of this, the ticket sellers fear
that, at any moment, machines might come to replace their work. Ninety per cent of those that
work in the ticket booths are women, single mothers, and the sole providers for their families,
which might explain why they are capable of withstanding such bad working conditions. Salaries are very low and workers are forced to settle any shortages in the cash register out of their
own pocket. Nlida is an activist who seeks to expose the working conditions that the metro
ticket sellers are subjected to. Nlida is convinced that she must continue her commitment to
protestaction that workers like herself have historically participated inand which has led
to benefits such as permanent contracts and the right to two holiday periods a year.
At the same time, Nlida has had to recognize that she needs to take care of herself, being
aware of the risk looms over her: I learned that telling the truth is a good thing, but with the
truth comes danger as it threatens the interests of the powerful and the corrupt. In return for
telling the truth, they can make you disappear, they can kill you, they can shoot you... I walk close
to the wall along the metro platforms and only approach the tracks when the train arrives. We
know how easy it is to fall onto the tracks with a little push. Living your life with this awareness of
death is truly terrifying, but I continue to believe that the truth must be told.
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Faces of Dignity
JESS
Robles Maloof
Abogado y ciberactivista
Lawyer and cyber-activist
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Al contestar el telfono, escuch una extraa respiracin del otro lado de la lnea; Jess comprendi
que esas llamadas seran slo el principio. Estaba seguro que se trataba de la respuesta del Estado
a su investigacin sobre vctimas de violaciones de
derechos humanos por parte del ejrcito. No slo
l recibi estos mensajes, tambin intervinieron
los telfonos de sus familiares para advertirle que
deba parar.
Jess answered the telephone and heard nothing

but weird breathing noises. He knew these phone
calls were just the beginning. Jess was sure this
was the States response to his investigation into
victims of human rights violations by the army. Not
only did Jess receive these messages, his relatives
were getting them too. This was a clear warning that
he should stop what he was doing.
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ess Robles Maloof lleva ms de veinte aos en la defensa de los derechos humanos. En
los ochenta, convivi con activistas y familiares de desaparecidos, fue testigo directo de
su lucha, experiencia que form su carcter y voluntad. Dej inconcluso el doctorado en
Espaa para regresar a su pas, lo hizo con el objetivo de iniciar formalmente la lucha por
la defensa de los derechos humanos.
Maloof no titubea a la hora de citar referentes. Gustavo De la Rosa, tambin conocido
como Pichu, activista de la frontera norte desde 1972, sostiene que hay que luchar con todos
los medios legtimos para defender los derechos humanos; tom nota de su leccin y es por
eso que hacemos difusin de los casos. As, Jess aprovech las nuevas tecnologas para convertirse en ciberactivista.
Con el cambio de sexenio, los jvenes mexicanos levantaron la voz para protestar por
unas elecciones viciadas, llenas de dudas y corrupcin. La poltica se construye en la calle, dice
Robles Maloof, mientras est pendiente de las redes sociales y escribe tuits que dan cuenta de
lo que sucede en las marchas: gases lacrimgenos, piedras, palos, escudos antimotines, detenciones arbitrarias. Precisamente, al ver los abusos y la manera en que los jvenes eran exhibidos
ante una ley maniquea, l y otros colegas crearon la Liga de Abogados 1 de Diciembre, para
asesorar legalmente a los detenidos y garantizar su liberacin.
Robles Maloof se apoya en la tecnologa para que su mensaje llegue a diferentes sectores.
Inici contando en Internet esas historias que lo indignaban, que lo estremecan; pensaba que
ms personas deban saber y as la informacin se esparci. Un gobierno autoritario no soporta
la confrontacin ni el cuestionamiento pblico y gracias a la palabra de Maloof, medios serios
comenzaron a ahondar en lo que l les mostraba.
La primera ocasin en que recibi amenazas por su trabajo fue cuando realiz la investigacin sobre un grupo de choque, los porros, quienes alquilaban su fuerza para eventos polticos y deportivos. Robles Maloof devel la identidad de su coordinador, hasta entonces en
el anonimato, y as comenzaron los mensajes y las llamadas. Aos despus, cuando habl sobre las violaciones del ejrcito, las amenazas regresaron. La sofisticacin de la tecnologa que
interfera sus comunicaciones le advirti que se trataba de los mismos militares que lo haban
buscado anteriormente.
A Jess lo definen como un defensor de defensores de derechos humanos. Duerme poco
en la noche, est pendiente del celular porque sabe que en cualquier momento alguien lo
puede necesitar. Internet no es un medio inocente, la libertad de expresin nos pertenece y
debemos cuidarla, porque en ella podremos construir la seguridad.
Escribir es su tarea cotidiana; visibiliza a quienes defiende y acompaa, les da una historia
y un rostro. Ha visto cmo la apata de la sociedad ha ido mudando, quiz porque el horror nos
acosa cada vez desde ms cerca. En Mxico, la prioridad es salvar vidas. Vivimos una tragedia humanitaria de dimensiones histricas. Cuando despertemos, saldremos de una pesadilla
para entrar en otra.
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Faces of Dignity
ess Robles Maloof has spent more than twenty years defending human rights. In the
1980s he spent much of his time with activists and relatives of the disappeared; thus,
he witnessed their struggle first-hand. This experience molded him into the determined
character he is today. He even abandoned his doctoral studies in Spain to return to his
country with the clear purpose of formally beginning his fight to defend human rights.
When the time comes, Maloof does not hesitate to cite references. Gustavo de la Rosa,
also known as Pichu, an activist from the northern border since 1972, always stated that he had
to fight using legitimate means to defend human rights, and for that reason we always spread
news of the cases. Robles Maloof took note of the advice and made use of new technology to
turn himself into a cyber-activist.
After the change of government, young Mexicans spoke out against the invalid elections
that had taken place; full of doubt and corruption. Politics is created by bottom-up movements,
Robles Maloof says, as he continuously tweets news updates on current protests and demonstrations: tear gas, rocks, sticks, anti-riot shields, and arbitrary detentions. Jess and other lawyers
formed the Liga de Abogados 1 de Diciembre to give legal advice to the detained until their
liberation was guaranteed.
To ensure his message reaches a variety of sectors, Robles Maloof depends on technology. He began to use the Internet to tell stories that shocked and angered him; more people
needed to be aware of this reality. This way, information quickly spread. Power cannot stand confrontation or public questioning, and thanks to Maloofs words, the stories he revealed began to
be taken seriously by the press.
The first time he received threats against him was when he carried out an investigation
into a mercenary gang of young men, los porros, who sold their services to disrupt political and
sporting events. Robles Maloof uncovered the identity of the groups coordinator, anonymous
until then, and so the messages and phone calls began. Years later, when he revealed violations
by the army, the threats returned. The sophisticated technology utilized to intersect his communications was a clear sign that he was dealing with the very same soldiers he had been working
against.
Jess is defined as a defender of human rights defenders. He sleeps little at night and
hangs on to his cell phone because he knows that at any moment someone may be in need of
his help. The Internet is not an innocent form of communication. Freedom of expression is our
right and we must look after it, because through it we can create security.
Writing is his daily task. He highlights the lives of those he defends and accompanies. In
turn, their lives and stories are given a human face. He has seen how the apathy of society has
continued to recede, perhaps because the horror pursues us more closely every day. In Mexico,
the priority is to save lives. We are living a humanitarian tragedy of historic proportions. The day
we wake up, we will go from one nightmare to another.
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Faces of Dignity
LETICIA
Gutirrez Valderrama
Directora general de smr, Scalabrinianas
Misin para Migrantes y Refugiados
General Director of smr, Scalabrinianas

Mission for Migrants and Refugees
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
La Hermana Lety experiment la crueldad de primera mano cuando conoci la historia de dos hermanos hondureos, uno de diecisis aos y el otro
de dieciocho, quienes haban llegado a Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, cuando hacan su viaje al norte. Ah
tuvieron la oportunidad de hablar con sus padres:
Estamos bien, vamos camino al norte. Pasaron das
de silencio; una semana ms tarde, aparecieron en
las vas del tren de Acayucan, unos kilmetros al interior, semidesnudos y con la cabeza partida por un
machetazo.
Sister Lety experienced cruelty first-hand when she

came across the story of two Honduran brothers,
aged sixteen and eighteen respectively, who had
arrived in Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, after their trip
northward. There they had a chance to contact
their parents: We are fine, we are heading north.
Days went by without another word. A week later
they were found on the railroad tracks at Acayucan,
some kilometers inland, half naked and with their
heads split open by a machete.
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eticia Gutirrez Valderrama fue nombrada secretaria ejecutiva de la Dimensin Pastoral

de Movilidad Humana del Episcopado Mexicano en 2007. El cargo directivo que asumi
implicaba nuevas responsabilidades. El Padre Solalinde y Fray Toms acudieron a ella
buscando apoyo para los albergues de migrantes. Realiz un recorrido por todo el pas
para entender su situacin; ah mir de cerca la muerte, a travs de esos dos jvenes abandonados a su suerte.
Una persona que caminaba por las vas del tren llam a una ambulancia; el mayor de
los hermanos an estaba vivo. Como pudieron, lo trasladaron al Hospital General de la ciudad
de Veracruz, donde lo sometieron a ms de tres cirugas en un corto periodo, todava con el
crneo abierto. El migrante malherido result problemtico para el cnsul de Honduras y las
autoridades veracruzanas, por lo que fue trasladado a su pas de origen. La Hermana Lety vivi
la angustia de saber que la vida humana se juega entre trmites burocrticos.
La historia que el adolescente cont mientras estuvo ingresado la confront con la verdadera maldad desmedida, sistemtica y gratuita. Los dos hermanos estuvieron en un lugar
encerrado con hombres y mujeres vestidos con batas blancas; el mayor suplic que hicieran
lo que quisieran con l, pero que dejaran a su hermano. Cont que usaban palos y cualquier
objeto que encontraban para violarlo. Cuando se cansaron de l fueron contra su hermano.
En ese momento, ambos encontraron la fuerza para salir corriendo, pero los delincuentes los
alcanzaron y les estrellaron el machete en la cabeza. Los arrojaron a las vas, creyendo que
abandonaban dos cadveres. La crueldad no tiene lmites. Una cnsul hondurea localiz a la
familia de los jvenes y les dio dos noticias: no hay dinero para repatriar el cadver, por lo que
lo enterraran en Acayucan. La mujer prometi que iba a ir todos los fines de semana a rezar a
la fosa comn. Aos ms tarde, intentaron que la familia denunciara el caso, pero el miedo los
hizo quedarse callados.
Son estas primeras historias las que templan el carcter. La Hermana Lety tuvo que abandonar el cargo directivo, pero no su lucha: Entend que mi compromiso con la poblacin
migrante no era slo verlos pasar, sino luchar en todos los niveles para que esta tragedia no
siguiera ocurriendo.
En 2013, Leticia Gutirrez, inmediatamente despus de dejar la pastoral, fund junto con
otros compaeros la organizacin smr, Scalabrinianas Misin para Migrantes y Refugiados en
Mxico. Ella es de voz suave y pausada, pero firme; responde sin dudar. El trabajo principal que
desarrolla es de acompaamiento, apoya a los sacerdotes que estn en los albergues para migrantes y busca dialogar con instituciones internacionales.
La pobreza y extrema violencia en pases de Centro y Sudamrica en muchos de ellos, el
crimen busca cooptar a la poblacin y reclutarlos obliga a las personas a exponerse a las rutas
migratorias en territorio mexicano con la promesa de obtener una vida mejor, digna y libre de
violencia. A la Hermana Leticia no deja de preocuparle que las cosas no cambien como quisiera,
an despus de tantos aos de lucha.
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Faces of Dignity
n 2007 Leticia Gutirrez Valderrama became the executive secretary of the Dimensin Pastoral
de Movilidad Humana of the Mexican Episcopal Conference. The managerial position she
assumed involved new responsibilities. Father Solalinde and Friar Toms turned to Leticia
for support with shelters for migrants. She traveled throughout the whole country in order to
understand the condition in which migrants were living. There, she stared death in the face as
the two youths had been abandoned, left to their fate.
A passerby who had been walking along the railroad tracks called an ambulance, as the
eldest brother was still alive. They transported him to the General Hospital located in the city
of Veracruz as fast as they could, where he underwent more than three hours of surgery with
his cranium still split open. The wounded migrant had become a nuisance for the Honduran
ambassador and the authorities of Veracruz, and so he was transferred to his country of origin.
Sister Lety was a witness to the fact that when it comes to bureaucratic transactions, human life
is treated like a toy.
The story the adolescent told while he was being admitted to hospital confronted Leticia
with the reality of excessive, systematic and gratuitous forms of evil. The two brothers had been
confined in a room with men and women dressed in white. The elder begged them to do what
they wanted with him but to spare his brother. They had used sticks and whatever object they
could come across to rape him, he explained. After they got tired of him, they went for his
brother. In that moment, the two youths found the strength to take off running, but the criminals
chased after them and hit them in the head with a machete. They threw the brothers on the
train tracks safe in the knowledge that they had left behind two corpses. Cruelty has no limits. A
female Honduran ambassador located the brothers family and gave them two pieces of news:
there wasnt any money to repatriate the corpse; and thus, it would be buried in Acayucan. The
woman promised that she would go to the common grave every weekend to pray. Years later
they tried to persuade the family to report the case, but fear kept them silent.
It is stories such as these that build ones character. Sister Lety had to leave her executive
position, but she did not give up her fight: I understood that my duty to the migrant population
was not only to be aware that such situations take place, but to fight at all levels so that this
tragedy does not continue.
In 2013, immediately after leaving the religious order, Leticia Gutirrez founded, along
with others, the smr, Scalabrinianas Mission for Migrants and Refugees in Mexico. Leticia has
a soft, unhurried but firm voice; she responds without hesitation. The main part of her work
consists of supporting and following up the work of the priests in the migrant shelters, as well as
communicating with international institutions.
The poverty and extreme violence in Central and South American countriescrime seeks
to take over the population and recruit citizens for criminal purposes across the Americashave
forced people to expose themselves to the danger of migratory routes on Mexican territory in
the hope of obtaining a better life; dignified and free from violence. Sister Leticia continues to
worry about the absence of change, in the way she desires, even after all these years of struggle.
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Faces of Dignity
SAL
Torres Barbosa
Integrante del Comit Pro Defensa
del Parque Benito Jurez
Member of the Committee for the Defense

of Benito Jurez Park
La crisis que azot a Mxico en los aos ochenta fue

una de las ms terribles de la historia moderna. La
deuda del pas y la cada del precio del petrleo tuvieron graves repercusiones: desempleo, recortes
de personal y la devaluacin de una moneda que
slo les permita comprar lo bsico. En ese contexto, Sal decidi migrar a la frontera norte y buscar
mejores oportunidades de vida.
The crisis that struck Mexico in the 1980s was one

of the most terrible in modern history. The countrys
debt and the plunge in oil prices had grave
repercussions: unemployment was extremely high,
companies were releasing staff at alarming rates,
and the devaluation of Mexican currency meant
citizens could only afford to purchase the basics. In
this context, Sal decided to migrate to the northern
border and seek a better life.
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al Torres Barbosa naci en un pueblo cercano a Guadalajara, Jalisco. Estudi ingeniera

civil y ejerci en algunas ciudades, entre ellas Tijuana. Por eso, cuando su vida dio un
giro, decidi regresar ah con su esposa en 1981 y establecerse formalmente. Eran
muy jvenes, y aunque encontraban opciones laborales, la situacin del pas se fue
complicando y el sector de la construccin acab paralizndose. Ya no haba recursos para
obras pblicas y el joven ingeniero tuvo que pensar en otras opciones. En su lugar de origen la
situacin era incluso ms complicada y por ello volver no era una alternativa.
El golpe de 1994 lo oblig a moverse a Estados Unidos, a casa de una hermana. Sal
regresaba a Tijuana los fines de semana para estar con su familia. En Estados Unidos labor
en diversos oficios: vendi autos, trabaj de obrero y finalmente en una fbrica, donde estuvo
dieciocho aos, hasta que un accidente de trabajo en 2008 lo oblig a regresar a Mxico. En la
fbrica vi cmo sufre el trabajador mexicano, todo lo que padece, las humillaciones que soporta en nombre del bien de su familia que est al otro lado. Por eso uno guarda silencio y sigue
adelante sin ver hacia atrs.
Tan pronto como se estableci en Tijuana, acept ocasionalmente trabajos de plomera,
albailera, jardinera y pintura. Tijuana fue mostrando avances y retrocesos. Durante un tiempo
se preguntaba qu iba a hacer a partir de entonces. Observ lo que suceda en su comunidad
y decidi involucrarse.
Sal se uni a la lucha para defender el parque Benito Jurez contra el proyecto de construccin Zcalo 11 de julio. Hizo vlido su derecho de acceso a la informacin y descubri no
slo que los intereses del gobierno y la televisora local se veran beneficiados, sino que la obra
no se haba realizado con las consultas sociales necesarias. Durante meses, intentaron frenar la
construccin instalando un campamento en el parque. Las autoridades fabricaron delitos absurdos a quienes se resistan a cruzarse de brazos ante el abuso, mientras los medios maquillaban
la realidad con cifras y ventajas inexistentes.
Formamos una asociacin civil para defender el parque Benito Jurez que tena como
objeto social el medio ambiente y la ecologa. Comenzamos a despertar la conciencia de la
gente de Tijuana al darles a conocer el impacto del proyecto. La construccin del zcalo era
un terreno frtil para el despojo de los espacios pblicos a los que la poblacin tena derecho.
La ciudadana comenz a simpatizar con la causa, se sumaron al campamento del Comit Pro
Defensa del Parque Benito Jurez y defendieron el medio ambiente y la zona arbolada que el
nuevo proyecto planeaba destruir.
Cuando Sal se convirti en una persona atenta a la realidad de su entorno, comprendi
que muchos edificios histricos estaban sufriendo la misma suerte que el parque: despojo por
parte de la autoridad y construccin de edificaciones que apelaban a la modernidad pero que,
en la mayora de los casos, slo beneficiaban a unos cuantos. Por ello, formaron la segunda
asociacin civil encargada de defender el patrimonio cultural tijuanense. Respetar la historia y
nuestra tierra es el principio del cambio.
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Faces of Dignity
al Torres Barbosa was born in a town near Guadalajara, Jalisco. He studied civil engineering and worked in several cities, among them Tijuana. When his life took a turn in
1981, Sal and his wife decided to settle down in Tijuana. They were young, and even
though they had found jobs, the situation in the country had become increasingly complicated and the construction industry had grinded to a halt. The resources for public works had
disappeared, and so the young engineer had to think about alternatives. Moving back to Guadalajara was not an option for Sal, as the situation there was even more complex.
The economic crash of 1994 forced Sal to move to his sisters house in the United States.
Sal would return to Tijuana on the weekends to be with his family. In the u.s., he worked in a
variety of professions: car sales, laboring, and finally in a factory, where he stayed for eighteen
years until, in 2008, an accident at work forced him to return to Mexico. When I was working at
the factory I experienced the suffering Mexican workers are subjected to, the humiliation they
endure for their family on the other side. We stay silent and keep moving forward without ever
looking back.
As soon as he was settled in Tijuana he took up occasional work as a plumber, bricklayer,
gardener, and a painter. Tijuana had its ups and downs. During this time Sal was asking himself
what he was going to do from that point onwards. He learned about what was happening in his
community and decided to get involved.
Soon afterwards, Sal joined the fight to defend the Benito Jurez Park, against the project
titled Zcalo 11 de julio. He used his right to access information and discovered that not only
would both the government and local television company benefit from the proposed construction, but also the project had not undertaken the necessary processes of public consultation. For
months, members of the community set up a protest camp in the park. The authorities fabricated
absurd offenses for those who refused to back down, while the media concealed the truth with
false data and insisted the project would bring certain advantages to the town, which was false.
We formed a civil association to defend Benito Jurez Park with the aim of protecting the
environment and ecology. Our efforts made the people of Tijuana aware of the way this project
was going to impact their community. The proposed construction in the town square was a
violation of our citizens right to enjoy public spaces. Slowly, people began to sympathize with
the cause. They joined the protest camp organized by the Committee for the Defense of Benito
Jurez Park to defend the environment and the wooded area that the new project planned to
destroy.
When Sal became aware of the broader situation in Tijuana, he understood that many
historical buildings were suffering the same fate as the park: authorities were taking possession
of the buildings and creating modern construction projects that, in the majority of cases,
benefited the few. As a result, they formed a second civil association to defend Tijuanas cultural
heritage. Respecting history and our land are the beginning of change.
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Faces of Dignity
NADIN
Reyes Maldonado
Coordinadora del Comit de Familiares de
Detenidos Desaparecidos Hasta Encontrarlos
Coordinator of the Committee of Family Members

of the Detained-Disappeared Until We Find Them
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
El 25 de mayo de 2007, en la ciudad de Oaxaca,

desapareci el padre de Nadin Reyes junto con un
compaero. Lo nico que se supo ese da es que
haban desplegado un operativo de seguridad en
el que participaron el ejrcito, la polica del estado
de Oaxaca y la polica municipal. Al parecer, los detuvieron y entregaron al ejrcito el 26 27 del mismo mes. En agosto, un denunciante annimo dijo
que los haban visto en el Campo Militar Nmero
Uno de la Ciudad de Mxico. Desde entonces, y
hasta ahora, se desconoce su paradero.
On May 25th, 2007, in the city of Oaxaca, Nadin

Reyess father disappeared, along with a colleague
of his. The little information the family has from
that day reveals that there had been a security
operation involving the army, the state police, and
the city police. The two men were stopped and
handed over to the army on the 26th or 27th of the
same month. In August, an anonymous note stated
that they had been seen in Campo Militar Nmero
Uno in Mexico City. From that day onwards, their
whereabouts remain unknown.
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l Comit de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos Hasta Encontrarlos trabaja con los

familiares de personas desaparecidas. Les acompaan a poner denuncias y, a travs
de talleres, hablan sobre derechos humanos para que las familias puedan apropiarse de
ese proceso.
Los padres de Nadin se dedicaban al comercio, tenan una tienda de abarrotes. Cuando
su padre, Edmundo Reyes Amaya, desapareci se enter de que militaba en el grupo armado Ejrcito Popular Revolucionario (epr). Hasta entonces, los hijos slo vean al padre carioso y
estricto, quien constantemente les hablaba de la importancia de apoyar a su comunidad. Nadin
viva una vida entregada a su familia y a su profesin de pedagoga. Cuando tuvo que enfrentarse al desconcierto y despus a la bsqueda de justicia, no saba que su destino era la defensa y
promocin de los derechos humanos.
El 4 de junio, el epr public en un peridico un comunicado que denunciaba la desaparicin de Edmundo Reyes y de Gabriel Alberto Cruz. Es entonces cuando Nadin y su familia
conocen de su otra vida. Ella asumi la bsqueda y lo primero que hizo fue recurrir a organizaciones que podan apoyarla en la investigacin. Yo no saba qu era una desaparicin, me
imaginaba que mi padre iba a estar detenido en algn lugar, pens que slo necesitaba acompaantes para llegar a los diferentes centros de detencin.
En julio de 2007, ella y la hermana del compaero de su padre, Margarita Cruz, decidieron
formar el Comit. Documentaron sus casos y despus hicieron lo mismo con quienes se acercaban a ellas pidiendo orientacin.
Cuando denunciaron ante la Procuradura e instancias internacionales sus hallazgos, entre
2007 y 2008, los abuelos, tos y primos de Nadin empezaron a recibir visitas de personas que
les pedan que la convencieran de parar: No es culpa del gobierno, sino del epr, les decan.
Intentaron incluso presionar a su abuela para que demandara al grupo guerrillero. En cada actividad, foro o denuncia que emprendan las jvenes, ellos estaban ah, como una sombra sobre
sus pasos.
Un da, Nadin estaba comiendo en un establecimiento pblico y vio a un tipo que se comportaba de manera extraa. Al salir del lugar, ella se dio cuenta de que la misma persona se encontraba a unas cuadras, trat de esquivarlo, cambi su rumbo y se fue hacia otra calle. Sinti su
presencia a pocos metros de distancia. Unas cuadras ms adelante volvi a encontrarlo.
Los abogados de Nadin en Oaxaca fueron amenazados de muerte y renunciaron al caso.
Poco despus, ella se mud a la Ciudad de Mxico y encontr nuevos defensores. All contina
la bsqueda de su padre y de justicia: A veces pienso en mi vida pasada y creo que apoyar a los
dems me define y me da fuerza, tal vez mi padre, donde quiera que est, se siente orgulloso de
la manera en que sigo su ejemplo y trato de ayudar a mi comunidad.
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Faces of Dignity
he Committee of Family Members of the Detained-Disappeared Until We Find Them

works with relatives of missing persons to help them find their family members. They
assist them in filing legal complaints, and teach them about human rights law so the
families can take control of their own cases.
Nadins parents were traders; they owned a grocery shop. After her father, Edmundo
Reyes Amaya, had disappeared, she found out that he had belonged to the armed group known
as the Popular Revolutionary Army (epr). Until that point, his children saw their father as a strict
and loving person, who constantly talked to them about the importance of supporting their
community. Nadin dedicated her life to her family and to her profession as a teacher. When
she was forced to face the distressing situation in which she found herself and later to fight for
justice, she did not know she was going to dedicate her life to the defense and promotion of
human rights.
On June 4th, the epr published an article that denounced the disappearance of Edmundo
Reyes and Gabriel Alberto Cruz. From then on, Nadin was aware of her fathers second life as
an activist. Nadin took the search of her father into her own hands, and the first thing she did
was to appeal to organizations for assistance with the investigation. I did not even know what a
disappearance was; I imagined that my father was being held somewhere and all I needed was
somebody to accompany me to different detention centers.
In July 2007, she and Margarita Cruz, the sister of her fathers friend who disappeared at
the same time, decided to form the Committee. They supplied documentary evidence for their
own cases and did the same for whoever came to them asking for guidance.
Between 2007 and 2008, when they filed their complaint to the Attorney Generals Office
and international bodies, Nadins grandparents, uncles, and cousins began to receive visits from
people who asked them to convince Nadin to stop her fight: It is not the governments fault,
the epr are to blame, they were told. They even tried to pressure her grandmother into filing a
complaint against the guerrilla group. At each event, forum, or protest in which the women took
part, those people were there, like a shadow hanging over their every move.
One day, Nadin was eating in a restaurant and she noticed somebody was acting strange.
As Nadin was leaving, she realized that the person was a few blocks away; she tried to avoid him
by changing direction and walking down another street. Suddenly, she felt his presence a few
meters from her. After some blocks she turned and faced him.
Nadins lawyers in Oaxaca felt threatened and gave up the case. A little later, she moved
to Mexico City and found an organization that agreed to defend her. There, she continues the
search for her father and for justice: At times I think back on my past life. Now, I define myself by
helping others and this gives me strength. Perhaps my father, wherever he may be, feels proud
that I have followed his example by trying to help the community.
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Faces of Dignity
MARA
DEL CARMEN
Rioseco Gallegos
Integrante del Grupo Feminista Alade Foppa
Member of the Feminist Group Alade Foppa
Las autoridades mexicanas y los mdicos del Hospital General de Mexicali, Baja California, en 1999,
antepusieron el quinto mandamiento a la justicia
cuando lleg Paulina, una nia de trece aos embarazada a consecuencia de una violacin. Mara del
Carmen Rioseco defendi el derecho constitucional que tiene una mujer a abortar. Sin embargo, no
fue tan sencillo como pensaba.
In 1999, Paulina, a thirteen-year old girl pregnant

as a result of rape, arrived at the General Hospital
of Mexicali, Baja California. Upon her arrival, the
Mexican authorities and the doctors at the hospital
gave preference to the Bibles Fifth Commandment
over the right to justice. Mara del Carmen Rioseco
defended Paulinas constitutional right to have an
abortion. However, it was not as easy as she thought
it would be.
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i se ven desde lejos, las casas parecen interrumpir la calma del desierto. Las calles parecen pequeos remolinos de polvo. Ah viva Paulina con su familia, una zona de migrantes a las afueras de Mexicali. El calor asfixia, por eso la nia se iba a dormir con su
hermana y sobrinos en una accesoria que contaba con aire acondicionado. Nadie prest atencin a los perros ladrando, advertencia de que dos hombres haban entrado al cuarto de
las hermanas. Uno de ellos amarr a la mayor, mientras el otro viol a Paulina. Cuando la madre
sali para asegurarse de que todo estaba bien, ya era muy tarde; encontr a su hija sangrando,
hecha un ovillo en el piso. Acudieron al ministerio pblico a denunciar el hecho y, tras una larga
noche de exmenes y preguntas, Paulina volvi a su casa. El mes siguiente, la madre supo que
el retraso en la menstruacin de su hija era seal de un embarazo.
Cuando Mara del Carmen Rioseco conoci el caso, las autoridades mdicas ya haban
llevado a un sacerdote para que hablara con Paulina y el Comit Provida le haba proyectado
un video. El embarazo avanzaba. Incluso le dijeron a la madre que un aborto pona en riesgo la
vida de la nia. Ella era consciente de los derechos de su hija, sin embargo, estaban acorraladas,
tanto la medicina como las instancias legales apelaban al trmino del embarazo. Finalmente,
Paulina fue una madre adolescente.
Mara del Carmen form parte del Grupo Feminista Alade Foppa que, junto con otros
movimientos, buscaron apoyo para el caso de Paulina y abrieron la reflexin sobre los derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres. El Grupo estableci vnculos con instituciones en
Estados Unidos, Latinoamrica y otros estados de Mxico. Las organizaciones se encontraban
indignadas por la situacin de esa nia y comenzaron una campaa meditica para visibilizar
el caso. Incluso la periodista Elena Poniatowska public una crnica acerca de la adolescente.
De pronto, las mujeres defensoras se encontraban ante la mirada de la opinin pblica. Sin embargo, a nivel local, el debate era muy limitado: Ojal la hubiera abortado su madre, le dijo un
abogado de Mexicali durante una entrevista a una de sus compaeras.
La defensa de un derecho que va en contra de las leyes de la Iglesia catlica supuso el inicio de una serie de amenazas. La organizacin Alade Foppa dej de tener acceso a programas
nacionales, y era obstaculizada para que no pudieran ni siquiera concursar en las convocatorias.
Por ese tiempo ocurrieron tambin diversos robos en sus oficinas.
Mara del Carmen sigue trabajando por los derechos de la mujer, apoya a un grupo de sexoservidoras y da talleres sobre salud sexual y reproductiva. El caso de Paulina alcanz algunos
resultados, se logr un acuerdo amistoso a travs de la Comisin Interamericana de Derechos
Humanos y consiguieron que el gobierno de Baja California la apoyara y le diera una pensin
para el nio. Sin embargo, muchas nias siguen siendo obligadas a convertirse en madres prematuramente por anteponer mandamientos religiosos a la justicia.
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Faces of Dignity
f seen from a distance, the houses seem to interrupt the calmness of the desert. The
streets look like small whirlwinds. This is where Paulina lived with her family, in a migrant
area on the outskirts of Mexicali. The heat was suffocating, and for that reason she went to
sleep with her sister and her nephews in an air conditioned outbuilding. No one paid
attention to the dogs barking, a warning that two men had entered her sisters room. One of
them tied up the eldest whilst the other raped Paulina. When the mother went out to make
sure everything was alright, it was already too late; she found her daughter huddled up, bleeding on the floor. They went to the Public Prosecutor's Office to report the crime and after
a long night of examinations and questions, Paulina returned home. The following month, they
found out Paulina was pregnant.
By the time Mara del Carmen Rioseco had found out about the case, the medical authorities had already asked a priest to talk to Paulina. Provida, the national committee against abortions, had shown her a video. As the pregnancy advanced, they told her mother that an abortion
would place her daughters life at risk. She was aware of her daughters rights, but both were
intimidated, even though medical and legal representatives called for the termination of the
pregnancy. After all, Paulina was an adolescent mother.
Mara del Carmen formed part of the Feminist Group Alade Foppa, which, along with
other movements, sought support for Paulinas case and initiated a discussion on the sexual and
reproductive rights of women. The Group forged links with institutions in the United States, Latin
America, and other states in Mexico. The young girls situation angered these organizations and
thus they begun a media campaign to publicize the case. Even Elena Poniatowska, the renowned
Mexican journalist, published a book on the adolescent. All of a sudden, the women who
had been defending Paulina were confronted with national public opinion. At the local level, however, the debate was very limited: I wish her mother had aborted her, a Mexicali lawyer told one
of her colleagues during an interview.
The defense of a right that went against the laws of the Catholic Church resulted in the
beginning of a series of threats. The Alade Foppa organization no longer had access to national
programs, and obstacles were put in place to deter them from applying for grants. During that
time several robberies occurred in the organizations offices.
Mara del Carmen continues to work for womens rights. She supports a group of sex workers, and gives workshops on sexual and reproductive health. Paulinas case did yield some
results, an amicable settlement was reached through the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, and the government of Baja California accepted to support Paulina and give her son a
pension. Nonetheless, many girls continue to be forced to become young mothers through the
preference given to religious orders over the right to justice.
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Faces of Dignity
FERNANDO
Ocegueda Flores
Presidente de la Asociacin Unidos

por los Desaparecidos
President of the Association United

for the Disappeared
Cuando Fernando recibe el cuerpo de su hijo para

enterrarlo y pone una lpida con su nombre, seguido de esas fechas que marcan el nacimiento y la
muerte, a diferencia de muchas personas, sonre
con melancola. Lo que ha conseguido para otros lo
sigue buscando para s mismo desde que, en 2007,
unos hombres con el rostro cubierto se llevaron a su
hijo de 23 aos.
Unlike many people, Fernando wears a melancholy

smile as he observes the scene. The family has just
received the body of their son for burial and places
his name on the tombstone, followed by his date
of birth and death. What Fernando has obtained for
others he has continued to seek for himself since
the day in 2007 when masked men abducted his
23-year old son.
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117
ernando Ocegueda Flores es presidente de la Asociacin Unidos por los Desaparecidos

en Baja California. No siempre fue as, hace algunos aos era un comerciante entregado
a su familia. Su hijo era estudiante de ingeniera y sala a bailar con su novia los fines
de semana. Una noche, el joven jug su suerte al defenderla de un hombre que estaba
molestndola. No supo en ese momento, sino que lo sabra la familia mucho despus, que se
enfrentaba a un narcotraficante. El 10 de febrero, un comando de rostro cubierto y uniforme
de polica irrumpi en la casa y se lo llev, dejando tras de s el vaco de la ausencia y el terror.
Fernando levant la denuncia y esper a que la autoridad hiciera su parte, as pas meses
acudiendo a oficinas del ministerio pblico. Silencio, legajos de folios en los que una mujer
mecanografiaba una y otra vez su declaracin. El resto del da lo pasaba en casa, sombro, esperando a que el telfono sonara con alguna informacin. Al paso de los meses se sacudi el
dolor y comenz a buscar por su cuenta. Los avances que ha logrado hasta el da de hoy son
gracias a esa decisin.
Entre cigarro y cigarro subraya expedientes, traza las guas de la investigacin y regresa a
los sitios donde la fiscala ya ha investigado. Tiene clara la estructura del crimen organizado y las
lneas se entrecruzan con los tres niveles de gobierno, arropados por la impunidad. Un hombre
que pregunta es peligroso. Comenz a recibir amenazas en 2008: Te estoy vigilando, sigues
t, le deca esa voz ptrea al otro lado de la lnea. En lugar de detenerse fund la Red de Proteccin Social. Ah, l y otras personas a quienes ayudaba en la bsqueda de sus desaparecidos
se cuidaban y monitoreaban, lo que ha demostrado que no necesitan ser investigadores, sino
tener voluntad para lograr avances. Incluso recurren a ellos cuando hay que negociar en algn
secuestro.
Un da, lleg a su domicilio un paquete annimo que deca: Espero le sirva. Era una
averiguacin previa de Santiago Meza, el personaje oscuro de la historia de Mxico conocido
como El Pozolero, famoso por ser quien se encargaba de desaparecer en sosa custica a las vctimas de los hermanos Arellano Flix el crtel de Tijuana. Al principio, Fernando no entendi
de qu se trataba, pero conforme avanz en la lectura se dio cuenta de que en su declaracin
mencionaba lugares que no haban sido revisados por la autoridad. Acudi con un amigo a escarbar en esos predios y en un ejido encontr tantos cuerpos que el propietario del terreno lo
don para levantar un memorial.
Es muy difcil describir la ausencia y poner un nombre al vaco que deja una persona
desaparecida. Fernando busca fuerza en su activismo, pero cuando el calendario marca el cumpleaos y la Navidad, las energas decaen: He aceptado que ya no lo volver a ver, no puedo
cambiar las cosas, pero s ayudar a que mucha gente no padezca lo que padec. Le hice la promesa a mi hijo de que lo iba a encontrar y no la pienso romper por nada del mundo. Acepta,
con un dolor punzante en el corazn, que su hijo no est vivo, pero sigue adelante en esta bsqueda porque quiere darle un lugar de descanso.
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Faces of Dignity
ernando Ocegueda Flores is president of the Association United for the Disappeared in
Baja California. It has not always been this way, just a few years ago he was a businessman
devoted to his family. His son was an engineering student who went out on the weekends
to dance with his fianc. One night the youth risked his life when he defended his wife-tobe from a man who began to bother her. At that moment he did not know, although his family
would learn much later, that he had confronted a drug trafficker. On February 10th, a group of
mercenaries, in police uniforms and covered with masks, burst into Fernandos sons house and
took him away, leaving behind a void of absence and terror.
Fernando filed a complaint and hoped that the authorities would do their part; he spent
months going to Public Prosecutor's Offices. There was nothing but silence. Piles of papers
sat next to the woman who typed his statement again and again. The rest of the time he spent
at home, somber, waiting for the telephone to ring with information. After months had gone by,
he pulled himself out of his misery and began to make inquiries of his own. The progress he has
made to date is due to that decision.
Between cigars, he underlines passages in files, attempts to trace the paths of the investigation, and returns to the places that the public prosecutor has already investigated. He
understands the structure of organized crime and how it intertwines with the three levels of
government, concealed by impunity. A man who questions is dangerous. He began to receive
threats in 2008: I am watching you; you are next, a stony voice told him on the other side of the
line. Instead of quitting, Fernando founded the Red de Proteccin Social. Through this organization, Fernando and other people he has helped, in the search of their disappeared loved ones,
have looked after each other and kept track of each others movements. What this group has
demonstrated is that it is not necessary to be a detective; all you need is the willpower to make
change. They are even consulted when somebody has to negotiate in a kidnapping case.
One day a package arrived at his home and inside a message read: I hope this will assist
you. It was a previous investigation on Santiago Meza, the shadowy figure in Mexican history
known as El Pozolero, infamous for being the person in charge of disappearing the victims
of the brothers Arellano Flixthe cartel of Tijuanain caustic soda. At first, Fernando did not
understand what this was about, but as he patiently read on he realized that Mezas statement
had mentioned places that had not been checked by the authorities. Together with a friend,
Fernando went to these sites to dig in search for bodies. In one area he found so many dead
bodies that the owner of the property donated the land to create a memorial.
It is very difficult to describe the absence and to name the void that is created by a
disappeared family member. Fernando seeks strength through his activism, but when the
calendar marks his sons birthday and Christmas, the strength fades away: I have accepted that
I will not see him again, and that I cannot change what has happened. But I can try to help so
that others do not suffer what I have suffered. I made a promise to my son that I was going to find
him and I will not break it for anything in the world. He accepts, with a piercing pain in his heart,
that his son is not alive, but he continues with his search in order to provide him with a place
of rest.
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Faces of Dignity
LUCILA BETTINA
Cruz Velzquez
Integrante de la Asamblea de los Pueblos

Indgenas del Istmo de Tehuantepec en Defensa
de la Tierra y el Territorio (apiitdtt)
Member of the Assembly of Indigenous Peoples

of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in Defense of the
Land and Territory (apiitdtt)
Santa Mara Xadani, Oaxaca
Santa Mara Xadani, Oaxaca
Cuando le dijeron que tena que irse, no lo dud.

Bettina llevaba mucho tiempo luchando para
que los recursos naturales de la regin no fueran
vendidos a las trasnacionales. Pero ese da, en la
protesta, apareci un hombre muerto y supo que
era momento de salir de ah. Los rumores que se
escuchaban culpaban a la Asamblea de los Pueblos
Indgenas del Istmo de Tehuantepec en Defensa de
la Tierra y el Territorio.
When they told her she had to leave, she did not
doubt it. For a long time Bettina had been fighting
to ensure that the regions natural resources
would not be sold to multinational companies. But
one day at a protest, a dead man appeared and
she knew that it was time to get out. The rumors
that were being spread placed the blame on the
Assembly of Indigenous Peoples of the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec, in Defense of the Land and Territory.
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121
n febrero de 2011, encarcelaron a Bettina bajo los cargos de privacin ilegal de la libertad y delitos contra el consumo y la riqueza nacional, dado que haba encabezado
una protesta en las comunidades para dejar de pagar las altas tarifas elctricas. Resulta
paradjico que los poblados con aspas elicas tengan que pagar tanto por la energa
elctrica. Bettina y su abogado salan de una reunin en las oficinas de la Comisin Federal
de Electricidad (cfe), en Santa Mara Xadani, cuando agentes de la Procuradura General de
la Repblica la detuvieron a la fuerza, sin una orden de aprehensin. Diez meses antes, ella y
sus compaeros haban convocado una manifestacin frente a las oficinas de la cfe tras la detencin de un compaero. Entonces, la polica tambin la arrest: Dijeron que yo instigu a la
gente a no pagar la luz, que habl mal del Presidente de la Repblica.
El Istmo de Tehuantepec se ve favorecido por la llegada de los vientos que provienen del
ocano Pacfico. Esa singular ventaja geogrfica de la regin ha provocado que los intereses
privados pongan la mira en la zona. Y si bien esto podra provocar un beneficio a los pueblos
indgenas que la habitan, las ganancias han sido inexistentes: El capitalismo voraz vende al
mejor postor el viento, el carbono, el agua y la luz del sol. En los territorios se ha sembrado la
inconformidad. Los abusos y engaos han encendido asambleas populares que se organizan
para levantar la voz. Muchos de los campesinos son ancianos monolinges zapotecos que no
saben leer o escribir el espaol. Las empresas se aprovechan de la situacin: llegan con un
cheque y un contrato, y ofrecen mil pesos por llevar los papeles de las tierras y quinientos por
firmar; la gente acaba aceptando.
Cuando Bettina comenz a dar visibilidad a la situacin, no imagin todas las repercusiones que esta decisin tendra en su vida. Durante nueve meses, entre 2012 y 2013, se vio
forzada a abandonar Juchitn. No era la primera vez que llegaba a casa con su familia y deca,
recojan sus cosas y vmonos. Esta batalla, que Bettina compara con la de David contra Goliath,
tambin afecta a sus dos hijas. Cuando las empresas llegan con promesas, nunca explican a
profundidad lo que harn: No dicen que se van a meter a tu ro y que van a sacar agua; no
dicen que van a sacar toda la piedra del cerro de al lado para hacer los caminos; no dicen que
tienen que nivelar y que no podrs utilizar tu parcela y trabajarla. Todo eso se descubre despus. El impacto es enorme. Al final, todo se reduce a dinero, ganancias y prdidas econmicas, nunca al sacrificio humano.
Bettina es una mujer altiva y digna, con profundos ojos negros que encaran a quien la
cuestiona. Sigue manifestndose contra los generadores elicos que han acabado con mucha de la vida que los pueblos conocan. Bettina exige al gobierno que haga las consultas debidas con las comunidades indgenas de la zona.
En 2011, durante la manifestacin que hicieron en la carretera, fueron desalojados por
hombres armados. Cuando se dispersaba la marcha, un hombre apareci muerto sobre la carretera. Quisieron culpar a los campesinos y por eso Bettina escap. No teme a la crcel, desde
pequea la ha pisado, incluso de la mano de su madre. Lo que ms teme Bettina es que la comunidad olvide que tiene dignidad y que crea que sta puede comprarse.
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Faces of Dignity
ettina was imprisoned in February 2011, under charges of illegal deprivation of freedom
and crimes against consumption and the national wealth, since she had organized a
community protest to stop paying high electricity bills. It is ironic that towns with wind
turbines have to pay so much for electric energy. Bettina and her lawyer were leaving
a meeting in the Federal Commission of Electricity (cfe), in Santa Mara Xadani, when agents
of the Attorney Generals Office arrested her by force, without a warrant. Ten months before,
she and her colleagues had convened a demonstration against the arrest of a colleague. They
were protesting in front of the cfe offices and the police arrested her: They said that I incited
people not to pay for electricity, and that I spoke badly of the President of the Republic.
The Isthmus of Tehuantepec is favored by the winds that come from the Pacific Ocean.
This singular geographic advantage of the region has caused private interests to set their
sights on the area. And even if this could have benefitted the local indigenous communities
who inhabit the zone, the gains have been nonexistent: Voracious capitalism sells the wind,
coal, water, and sunlight to the highest bidder. There has been disagreement in the territories.
The abuses and deceptions by the authorities have brought people together in popular
assemblies to speak up about what is taking place. Many of the farmers are elders who only
speak Zapotec and are unable to read or write in Spanish. The companies take advantage of
this situation: they arrive with a check and a contract, which offers a thousand pesos for the rights
to the land and five hundred pesos for signing. People end up signing these contracts.
When Bettina first investigated the situation, she did not imagine the personal repercussions. She was forced to leave Juchitn for nine months, between 2012 and 2013. It was not the
first time she had come home to her family and said, Get your things together, we need to go.
Her battle, which she compares to David and Goliath, has also affected her two daughters. When
the companies come with promises, they never fully explain what they will do: They do not
say that they are going to take water from your river; that they will remove rocks from the hill
next to the river to build roads, nor that they will have to level out the land and thus you will not
be able to use it or work on it. You learn that afterwards. The impact is enormous. In the end,
everything comes down to money, profits, and economic losses; never human costs.
Bettina is a tall, dignified woman, with deep black eyes that look directly at whoever
questions her. She continues protesting against the wind-power generators that have destroyed the way in which her community lives. Bettina demands the government to provide rigorous
consultations with the participation of the indigenous communities in the area.
During the demonstration on the highway in 2011, armed men removed them. When they
dispersed, a dead man had been left on the road. They wanted to blame the farmers and for that
reason Bettina ran away. She is not afraid of jail. Since she was a little girl, she has spent time in
prisons, even holding her mothers hand. Bettinas biggest fear is that the community will forget
their dignity and think that it can be bought.
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Faces of Dignity
SILVIA
Castillo Salgado
Directora del Instituto Guerrerense
de Derechos Humanos
Director of the Guerrero Institute

for Human Rights
Silvia document la violencia contra las mujeres en

el estado de Guerrero; el nmero de casos engros
las carpetas de forma alarmante. Se dio cuenta de
que, anualmente, en el estado de Guerrero, haban
2,700 denuncias de mujeres y nias por violacin
sin interrupcin legal del embarazo. Ella demostr,
con la frialdad de los datos duros, una dimensin
de la violencia institucional desconocida hasta entonces.
Silvia documented violence against women in the

state of Guerrero; the number of cases was increasing at a troubling rate. She learned that, in the state
of Guerrero, 2,700 rape complaints were filed by
women and girls each year. These victims did not
have access to legal termination of pregnancy.
Armed with cold, hard facts, Silvia demonstrated
the prevalence of institutional violenceunknown
up until then.
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125
ilvia Castillo, originaria del municipio serrano Heliodoro Castillo, hizo su servicio social
en el recin nacido Instituto Guerrerense de Derechos Humanos en 1997, creado para
atender las denuncias de abusos que la autoridad cometa en la zona. La mayora de las
demandas recibidas eran de mujeres, por lo que el Instituto abri un rea exclusiva para
ellas. Unos aos ms tarde, el compromiso de Silvia la llev a dirigir la organizacin, hasta que
abandon Guerrero debido a las amenazas que reciba.
A partir del diagnstico en el que trabajaron Silvia y sus compaeras, la mirada de la
sociedad civil, de otras organizaciones y de las instituciones cambi respecto a cmo asuman
la violencia hacia las mujeres. Silvia recuerda un sinnmero de casos, pero uno en particular
qued en su mente. Una mujer de la sierra de Petatln denunci una violacin sexual por parte
de un comandante de la polica ministerial. Sus hermanos le dijeron que no exagerara, incluso
su pareja, quien era polica judicial, le dijo que mejor lo olvidara porque el hombre era influyente. Pese a todo la joven denunci. El ministerio pblico cambi la declaracin, argument
que de esa manera era ms sencillo que el agresor fuera castigado. Durante los careos, la mujer
declar detalles de la violacin e incluso describi unos tatuajes del tipo; las autoridades cuestionaban que en una violacin pudiera recordar tantos pormenores. Sin embargo, la joven no
olvid lo sucedido y desminti que todas las mujeres entrasen en estado de shock, pese a las
dudas, defendi su postura. Cuando la mujer lleg hasta Silvia, estaba muy confundida, no entenda tanta impunidad. Finalmente, el juez dijo que no hubo violacin, el culpable permaneci
en libertad y la mujer temerosa, porque lo ve en su pueblo a diario como recordatorio de lo que
ocurri.
Despus de varios eventos celebrados con otras organizaciones para denunciar la desproteccin de las mujeres violadas, Silvia observ una camioneta de la polica ministerial estacionada frente a su casa. Das despus la llamaron a su celular: Si sigues metindote donde no
te importa, vamos contra tu hija. Cuando colg el telfono decidi que era momento de salir
de Guerrero. Denunci los acosos, estaba segura de que se trataba de la respuesta de un hombre influyente a la denuncia de violencia hacia su esposa. Pero sospechar no es suficiente motivo
para que la autoridad acte, lo ms que podran hacer era citarlo a declarar y a ella ofrecerle
medidas cautelares.
Una de la razones por las cuales no denunci pblicamente fue porque tena problemas
familiares muy serios. No fue hasta que dej la defensa cuando se dio cuenta de que su cuerpo
ya haba cobrado factura: el insomnio, los dolores de cabeza y las pesadillas.
Un mes despus que Silvia sali de Guerrero, en octubre de 2013, asesinaron a dos defensoras: Juventina Villa y Roco Mesino, pese a las medidas cautelares y la proteccin de sus
organizaciones. Me duele no estar ah, pero hasta que Guerrero no sane y garantice las condiciones para las personas defensoras no volver, mi trabajo ahora est enfocado en otros casos
y en mi proteccin.
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Faces of Dignity
ilvia Castillo, from the mountain town of Heliodoro Castillo, did her voluntary service
in the newly founded Guerrero Institute for Human Rights, in 1997. The organization
was created to deal with allegations of abuse committed by the authorities in the
mountains. As most of the complaints came from women, the Institute opened an area
exclusively for them. Some years later, thanks to her commitment, Silvia became the director of
the organization. However, due to the subsequent threats she received, she was forced to leave
Guerrero.
The assumptions that civil society, organizations and institutions held about violence towards women began to change as a result of the analysis and research Silvia and her associates developed. Silvia recalls countless cases, but one in particular remains on her mind. A
woman, from the Petatln Mountains, reported a sexual violation committed by a police officer.
Her brothers told her not to exaggerate, and her partner, who was a judicial officer, told her she
should forget it ever happened because the rapist was an important man. Despite the warnings,
the young woman filed a complaint. The Public Prosecutors Office changed her statement, and
argued that they were simply making it easier for the aggressor to be punished. During the trial,
she testified about the details of the attack and even described some of the mans tattoos, but
the authorities distrusted her evidence; they did not believe she could remember such details
while she was being raped. On the contrary, the young woman had not forgotten and firmly rejected the idea that all women go into a state of shock. Despite the interrogation, she defended
her position. When the woman asked Silvia for guidance, she was very confused, and Silvia could
not comprehend the degree of impunity within the judicial system. Finally, the judge concluded
that a violation had not taken place and as a result the offender was not punished. The woman
was fearful because she would see her abuser every day in the village where they lived; he
would serve as a constant reminder of what had happened.
Directly after a series of events which were heldin conjunction with other organizations
to denounce the lack of protection for victims of rape, Silvia observed a police van parked in front
of her house. Days later they called her on her cell phone: If you continue sticking your nose
where it does not belong we are going after your daughter. When she hung up, she decided it
was time to leave Guerrero. Silvia reported the harassment, and was certain it was related to a
complaint she filed against an influential manand his violence towards his wife. But suspicion
is not enough reason for the authorities to act; the most they could do was to summon him to
appear in court and to offer her protective measures.
One of the reasons that I did not file a public complaint was because I had very serious
family problems. It was not until she quit as a human rights defender that she realized her body
had already paid the price: she was suffering from insomnia, headaches, and nightmares.
In October 2013, one month after Silvia left Guerrero, they assassinated two human rights
defenders: Juventina Villa and Roco Mesino, despite the protective measures in place and the
protection from their organizations. It hurts me not to be there, but until Guerrero heals itself
and guarantees the conditions for human rights defenders I will not return; my work is focused
on other cases and on my own protection.
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Faces of Dignity
JORGE
Carrasco Araizaga
Periodista del semanario Proceso
Journalist of the Weekly Magazine Proceso
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Cuando muere un periodista, la propia idea de

libertad de expresin en un pas se ve golpeada.
Jorge pens en ello de camino a Veracruz para dar
seguimiento al caso de su colega, Regina Martnez,
asesinada el 28 de abril de 2012 en su apartamento,
en medio de un montaje que pretenda simular
un crimen pasional. Refutar la versin oficial de un
gobierno dspota fue slo el principio.
When a journalist dies, the very idea of freedom

of expression within that country is defeated. Jorge
thought about that on his way to follow up the
case of his colleague, Regina Martnez in Veracruz.
She was assassinated in her apartment on April
28th, 2012, found in the middle of a scene that was
meant to simulate a crime of passion. To refute the
official version of a despotic government was just
the start.
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orge Carrasco colabora desde inicios del ao 2000 en el semanario Proceso. Cubra los
temas de seguridad y justicia que ya entonces haban incomodado a los gobiernos en
turno. Con el entonces Presidente Felipe Caldern, las agresiones escalaron, el panorama era desalentador con la guerra contra las drogas desatada a partir de 2006, pero
nunca creyeron que dentro de los saldos de ese terror se iban a contar tantos periodistas.
La libertad de un pas se mide por el respeto del gobierno a las opiniones opuestas. El
gobierno de Caldern no slo retir definitivamente el apoyo de publicidad para el semanario,
sino que comenz a presentar en los medios de comunicacin a los narcotraficantes entre armas, droga y ejemplares de Proceso, como un mensaje para sus rivales: Ellos leen esta revista
porque estn de su lado. Adems, desaparecan tirajes completos cuando llegaban a ciertas
regiones, especialmente en Veracruz. El semanario denunci todos los abusos del poder y document casos similares, que se contaban por decenas en el pas.
Regina Martnez era corresponsal de Proceso en ese estado. En ocasiones, Jorge cubra
notas de seguridad para protegerla del ambiente cada vez ms hostil en el que ella deba realizar su actividad periodstica. Conforme pasaban los aos, ella se tornaba cada vez ms silenciosa. Pero nunca ces su compromiso social y poltico, era una mujer templada al fuego, daba voz
a los sectores ms vulnerables, como las causas indgenas. La realidad de estos casos incomodaba tanto al gobierno como la cobertura sobre el crimen organizado.
La ltima vez que se encontraron Jorge y Regina, ella le cont que haban estado entrando a su casa a robar objetos sin mucho valor, pero entraban all, se movan entre sus cosas. Me
siento vulnerable, confes.
Cuando confirmaron el asesinato de Regina, Julio Scherer, director del semanario, y Jorge, junto con otros colaboradores de la revista, acudieron a Veracruz a entrevistarse con el gobernador. Al da siguiente, ste haba preparado una reunin excesiva; los recibi con quince
funcionarios aparentemente consternados por la noticia, indignados por la inseguridad y comprometidos con la verdad. Jorge les extendi dos aos con publicaciones de Regina en las
que podran encontrarse algunas lneas de bsqueda. En el esquema de colaboracin, l firm
como agraviado e hizo valer su derecho de convertirse en coadyuvante de la investigacin de la
Procuradura de Veracruz. Jorge poda leer el expediente pero no revelar nada del mismo, sino
hasta que se diera a conocer pblicamente.
Un ao tard en conocerse la versin oficial; concluyeron que Regina llevaba una doble
vida y que su pareja, un trabajador sexual, la haba asesinado con ayuda de otra persona para
robarle. Cuando el gobierno dio el veredicto, Jorge public un texto con todas las irregularidades. Das ms tarde se reuni con una de sus fuentes y le dijo: No s qu public, pero en
el gobierno estn molestos. Los funcionarios dijeron que el asunto de Regina ya est resuelto y
usted es el nico que no entiende. Quieren localizarlo y llevarlo a Veracruz. El miedo le oprimi
el pecho y acudi al mecanismo de proteccin para periodistas; la libertad de expresin y su
pluma comenzaron a ser cautivas del miedo.
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Faces of Dignity
ince early 2000, Jorge Carrasco has worked for the weekly magazine Proceso. He
covered stories on national security and justice, upsetting the government of the day.
The aggression escalated in 2006 when Felipe Caldern became President, as this
marked the beginning of the war on drugs. The outlook was bleak, but no one thought
the terror would reach the lives of so many journalists.
The relative freedom within a country is measured by the governments respect towards opposition. The Caldern government took away advertising support for the weekly
magazine, and the media began to publish images of the drug traffickers amidst arms, drugs
and issues of the magazine to convey the message that the criminals read Proceso because it
was on their side. In addition, complete editions of the magazine disappeared upon arrival in
certain regions, especially in Veracruz. Proceso denounced these abuses of power and documented similar cases that had been reported by dozens of people across the country.
Regina Martnez was a correspondent for Proceso in Veracruz. Occasionally, Jorge would
cover national security news in the region in order to protect her from the increasingly hostile environment in which she had to carry out her journalistic work. As the years went by, she became
more silent, but her social and political commitment never ceased, for she was a strong-willed
woman. She provided a voice to the most vulnerable sectors of society, such as indigenous communities. Those cases were as inconvenient for the government as the coverage on organized
crime.
The last time that Jorge and Regina were together, she told him that people had been
entering her house to rob objects of little value. Nevertheless, they had been entering, and
moving among her belongings. I feel vulnerable, she confessed.
When the murder of Regina had been confirmed, Jorge and Julio Scherer, the editor
of the magazine, along with other collaborators, traveled to Veracruz to interview the governor. The governor had prepared an elaborate gathering. Fifteen public officials who seemed
dismayed by the news, angry about the lack of security, and committed to finding the truth,
greeted them. For legal purposes, Jorge was the one who signed as the aggrieved party in the
murder case, and he asserted his right to serve as part of the States Attorney Office investigation. He could read the proceedings but not publish anything until they were made public.
A year passed before the official version was uncovered; it concluded that Regina led
a double life and that her partner, a sex worker, had murdered her with the aid of another
person in order to rob her. When the government delivered the verdict, Jorge published an
article with all the irregularities. Days later, he met with one of his sources and this person told
him: I do not know what you published, but the government is annoyed. The officials said
the Regina case has been resolved and you are the only one who does not understand. They
want to find you and take you to Veracruz. As he visited the protective service for journalists,
his chest tightened with dread. He was no longer free.
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Faces of Dignity
HERMELINDA
Tiburcio Cayetano
Integrante de Kinal Antsetik
Member of Kinal Antsetik
El miedo atenaz a Hermelinda cuando vio el can de la pistola en su frente. Despus escuch el
sonido metlico del gatillo. Cerr los ojos. Tras un
instante, cuando no escuch ningn disparo, volvi
a abrirlos y observ al joven confundido que esquiv su mirada y se ech a correr. Entonces, entendi
que su cabeza tena un precio y haba quienes estaban dispuestos a pagarlo.
Face to face with the barrel of the gun, Hermelinda

was frozen with fear. Then, she heard the metallic
sound of the trigger. She closed her eyes. After a moment, she reopened them as she had been waiting
for a shot but had heard nothing. She observed the
confused youth who avoided her gaze, and started
to run. At that moment she understood her body
had a price tag, and there were those who were willing to pay.
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ermelinda Tiburcio Cayetano es indgena nasabi o mixteca, de una comunidad llamada Yoloxchitl, en la regin de la Costa Chica de Guerrero. Comenz su lucha en
1997, en el Consejo Guerrerense 500 aos, que buscaba terminar la tala desmedida
de bosques en la regin; ella era quien traduca al espaol. Armados con palos, los
campesinos frenaron por un tiempo la tala de rboles en la montaa, pero miembros del Ejercito mexicano comenzaron a perseguirlos. En la montaa, sin embargo, los talamontes no eran
todo el problema, sino tambin algunos militares que disponan de las mujeres a su antojo. Ella
denunci la violencia sexual y ah comenzaron las persecuciones.
Hermelinda, de manera natural, comenz a proteger los derechos de las mujeres indgenas. Al principio colabor con las parteras y su funcin consista principalmente en ser traductora. Una de las primeras mujeres que acompa en el hospital le demostr el enorme camino
que tena delante. La joven estaba sola, el mdico le indic a la enfermera que la colocara nuevamente en la cama sin ms explicaciones. Pretenda colocarle un dispositivo intrauterino (diu)
sin su consentimiento. Hermelinda lo impidi: Dgale qu le van a hacer, fue su argumento. El
mdico, para no hacer ms lo, simplemente se fue; ella no pudo evitar pensar en cuntas mujeres estaban solas sin poder entender lo que le harn a su cuerpo.
Las mujeres indgenas han tenido que reescribir su historia y Hermelinda sabe que,
aunque les imparte talleres sobre sus derechos y su cuerpo, la realidad desafa sus lecciones.
En las comunidades donde los usos y costumbres son slidos como una lpida, no es posible
erradicar los problemas de fondo. Las nias no van a la escuela, las mujeres se atienden en casa,
fueron criadas para el silencio. Adems, las mujeres son madres de hasta doce hijos, porque
los mtodos de planificacin van contra lo que dicta la ley de Dios. El problema no se resuelve con un diu colocado sin autorizacin, por el contrario, se trata de hacer un trabajo paulatino
de educacin que les permita decidir sobre su cuerpo y exigir que los hombres las respeten.
Cuando comenz a trabajar formalmente sobre el tema de la reproduccin, la Secretara
de Salud afirm que ella no tena la preparacin necesaria. Pese a todo, fue pionera en lograr
partos gratuitos y abri la primera Casa de la Mujer en 2013, un espacio en donde se previene
la violencia de gnero y se trabaja por la salud sexual y reproductiva de las mujeres. Desde entonces mucho se ha logrado.
Hermelinda es una mujer pequea, pero de temple fuerte que cuestiona con una voz
aguda, mezclando palabras del mixteco con el espaol. Ella busca que la justicia no obedezca al
gnero, la religin o la ideologa. Ha denunciado la corrupcin en las instituciones y su voz pesa
en las comunidades indgenas, pese a las campaas de criminalizacin mediante las cuales han
intentado que su imagen pierda valor.
Las amenazas de muerte e intentos de agresin le han permitido forjar un rumbo, que
incluso otras mujeres pueden andar. Decidi ser defensora y si volviera a nacer hara la misma
lucha. Hermelinda es hoy en da una referencia para quienes encuentran en su ejemplo la posibilidad de erguirse dignas.
134
Faces of Dignity
ermelinda Tiburcio Cayetano belongs to the indigenous group Nasabi (Mixtec), from
a community called Yoloxchitl, in the region of Costa Chica in Guerrero. In 1997 she
began her struggle as a Spanish translator. This work formed part of the Consejo Guerrerense 500 aos, which sought to end the excessive pillaging of forests in the region. Armed with sticks, the farmers managed to stop the chopping of trees in the mountainous
region for some time, but soon enough the Mexican army began to pursue them. However,
there, the illegal lumberjacks were not the only problem. Members of the army treated the
women of the village as they wished. Hermelinda reported an episode of sexual abuse and from
that moment on the harassment started.
Gradually, Hermelinda began to protect the rights of indigenous women. At first she
worked with midwives, mainly as a translator. The long road that lay ahead of her was made
evident with one of her first experiences of accompanying women in hospital. The young woman
was alone, and the doctor told the nurse that she should be returned to her bed without any
explanations. The doctor had intended to fit an intrauterine contraceptive device (iud) into her
womb without her consent. Hermelinda protested against the doctors actions: Tell her what
they are intending to do, she responded. The doctor decided to leave to avoid the trouble. She
could not help but think of all the women who find themselves alone and without the possibility
of knowing what doctors do to their bodies.
Indigenous women have had to rewrite their history, and Hermelinda knows that even
though she gives them workshops on their rights and their bodies, her lessons are challenged
by a stark reality. In the communities where customs are rock solid it is impossible to eradicate
the root cause of the problems. Girls do not go to school. Women look after the home and are
raised to remain silent. Furthermore, women are mothers of up to twelve children because family planning goes against the laws of God. The problem is not solved by inserting an iud
without permission; rather, it involves working gradually to educate young girls and women to
enable them to make their own decisions about their bodies and demand respect from men.
When she started to work formally in the field of reproduction, the Secretary of Health
argued that she lacked the necessary experience. Despite this, she became a pioneer by
establishing a system of free child delivery. Furthermore, in 2013 she opened the first Womans
House, a space where gender violence is prevented and work is dedicated to improving
womens sexual and reproductive health. Since then she has achieved a great deal.
Hermelinda is a small but courageous woman who questions the status quo with a highpitched voice, blending words in Mixtec with words in Spanish. She seeks to achieve justice
despite gender, religion, or ideology. She has reported corruption within the institutions in
which she has worked. Despite the campaigns of criminalization that have tried to devalue her
image by offering money in the hope that people wont support her, her voice carries enormous
weight within indigenous communities.
Death threats and attempted assaults have helped her forge a path that other women can
also take. She decided to be a human rights defender and if she were born again she would
dedicate herself to the same profession. Today Hermelinda is an example that standing up for
what we believe in is a real possibility.
135
Faces of Dignity
SARA
Bartolo Lpez
Member of the Popular Assembly of the

Juchiteco People (appj)
Un da, los pescadores de Juchitn, Oaxaca, no pudieron pescar ms, y no fue por un fenmeno natural o por falta de herramientas. No pudieron entrar
al mar, porque la empresa trasnacional que estaba
colocando los generadores elicos les prohibi pasar a pescar. Al principio, los rumores eran variados,
y las personas no saban qu creer, slo entendan
que la tierra, el agua y el viento ahora tenan dueo.
La Asamblea Popular del Pueblo Juchiteco (appj),
de la que Sara es miembro, comenz a buscar alternativas sin saber que arriesgaba su vida.
One day, the fishermen of Juchitn, Oaxaca,

were unable to fish, and it was not because of a
natural phenomenon or a lack of tools. They had
been prohibited from fishing in the ocean by a
transnational company. At first, the rumors varied,
and nobody knew what to believe; however, what
they did know was that the land, water, and wind
now had an owner. The Popular Assembly of the
Juchiteco People (appj), of which Sara is a member,
began to seek alternatives without knowing that
they were putting their lives at risk.
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137
ara Bartolo Lpez y sus compaeros vieron que eran suficientes para cerrar la carretera a Playa Vicente e impedir el paso a quienes pretendan construir un proyecto elico
sin autorizacin de la comunidad. Convocaron a una reunin general, el 20 de febrero
2013, en la que estuvo presente Radio Totopo, y all decidieron formar la appj. El lunes
25 del mismo mes, las campanas de la capilla de Santa Cruz de los Pescadores llamaron a misa a
las cinco de la maana. Llegaron campesinos, pescadores, amas de casa, estudiantes, maestros,
albailes; el pueblo junto desfil hacia la carretera.
Ellos queran hablar con la empresa, pero esta tena otros planes. A finales de marzo, justo
un mes despus del bloqueo de la carretera, llegaron 140 policas y exhibieron su indumentaria: escudos antimotines, toletes y cascos. Cuando sonaron disparos al aire y el ambiente se
enrareci con los gases lacrimgenos, la polica no pens que los campesinos responderan.
Agarr palos y le dije a mi esposo y a otras personas: Vmonos a donde topemos, ah nos
vamos a morir, o nos matan! Puras amenazas, no queremos vivir con miedo.
La zona comenz a pintarse de rojo, la poblacin despertaba sobresaltada al escuchar
los balazos lejanos y, ms tarde, llegaban las noticias de las personas afectadas. As sucedi
con el padre de Sara, quien fue baleado. Los rumores se esparcan. La estrategia de la empresa
comenzaba identificando a quienes haban estado en la protesta, despus con ayuda de su
fuerza de choque, intimidaban directamente. Me mandaron un papel, deca que me fuera o
me iban a dar en donde me doliera, pens en mis hijos, porque a m, que me maten, yo nac
para morir. Pero que no vayan a tocarlos, son lo ms preciado que tengo.
En agosto de ese ao, Sara fue a ver el terreno de su padre, porque con los generadores
de la regin, el agua se haba acumulado e inundaba los terrenos y era preciso hacer canales. Ella y su familia caminaban por los terrenos cuando vieron tres camionetas y escucharon
los balazos: Qu hacen aqu?, les grit uno, al tiempo que apuntaba el arma hacia el grupo.
Sara les explic que los terrenos eran de su padre, pero los otros seguan apuntando, e incluso uno desenfund un cuchillo. Mtame, le dijo Sara al hombre mientras se armaba con un
palo. Sara es gruesa y altiva, habla levantando la cabeza y no teme. Mtame, repiti ella al tipo
que sostena el cuchillo. Al final los hombres se replegaron y se fueron.
Nosotros estamos defendiendo el futuro de nuestros hijos, queremos que dejen libre
el mar, para que lo podamos trabajar los pobres. Si no tengo dinero, ahorita mi esposo sale a
pescar. Juntamos la lea y frutas y siempre hay maz. En Juchitn no conocen el hambre, saben
que la tierra les entrega sus riquezas, sin embargo, la urbanizacin elimina lo que estorba, los
rboles por ejemplo, de dnde saldr la lea entonces? La tierra cubierta de cemento no ser
una milpa. La gente de Juchitn ve en el movimiento de las aspas elicas un viento de muerte
que asesina a los pjaros. Las aspas arrebatan lo que esta comunidad tranquila considera vida.
El paisaje es otro y ellos, habitantes milenarios de la regin, no quisieran tener como nica alternativa resignarse.
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Faces of Dignity
ara Bartolo Lpez and other members of her village decided that, together, they would
be able to close the highway to Playa Vicente. This way, they would prevent the company, who was proposing to construct a wind-energy project without the communitys
authorization, from crossing their land. They convened a general meeting on February
20th, 2013 at which Radio Totopo was present, and there they decided to form the appj. On Monday 25th of the same month, the chapel bells of Santa Cruz de los Pescadores called the village
to mass at five in the morning. Together, farmers, fishermen, housewives, students, teachers, and
bricklayers marched toward the highway.
The organization planned to speak to company representatives, but the firm had other
plans. At the end of March, exactly one month after the group had blocked the highway, 140
policemen arrived armed with anti-riot shields, clubs, and helmets. When shots were fired and
the atmosphere filled with tear gas, the police did not expect the people to defend themselves.
I grabbed sticks and said to my husband and to others: We have to go and get them, we will
either die here or they will kill us. We were being threatened. We had decided that we did not
want to live in fear any longer.
The area began to be painted red. The town was alarmed at the sound of distant gunshots;
later, news of the affected people arrived. One of them was Saras father, who was shot. The rumors spread. The companys strategy was to identify those who had participated in the protest
and thenwith the help of their riot squadintimidate the individuals directly. They sent me a
note saying that if I refused to stop what I was doing they were going to hit me where it hurt. I
thought of my children, because if they killed me, well, I was born to die, but there was no way
they were going to harm my children. They are my life.
In August of that year, Sara visited her fathers land. The generators placed in the region
had accumulated vast amounts of water and flooded the fields, and so they were forced to dig
canals. Sara and her family were walking through the property when they saw three trucks and
heard gunshots: What are you doing here? one man shouted at them. At the same time, he
aimed his gun at the group. Sara explained that the land was her fathers, but they continued
to point their guns at them, and one man pulled a knife out. Kill me, Sara told the man, as she
armed herself with a stick. Sara is tall, bulky and fearless. Kill me, she repeated to the man who
held the knife. In the end, the men withdrew and left.
We are defending our childrens future, we want the sea to be left alone so that poor
people can use it to fish. If we dont have money, my husband goes out to fish. We gather wood
and fruit, and there is always corn. In Juchitn, they do not go hungry; they are well aware that
the land is their source of wealth, but urbanization eliminates that which gets in its way, trees, for
example. So where will the firewood come from? Corn cannot grow on land covered in cement.
For the people of Juchitn, the wind turbine blades represent the death of birds. The blades take
away the life of this tranquil community. The landscape is no longer the same, and its inhabitants
who have lived there for generations refuse to accept that their only option is to give up.
139
Faces of Dignity
RAL
Ramrez Baena
Director ejecutivo de la Comisin Ciudadana
de Derechos Humanos del Noroeste (ccdh)
Executive Director of the Citizens Committee

for Human Rights of the Northeast (ccdh)
A Ral lo despert su celular la madrugada del 14

de febrero de 2013: Se llevaron a mi hermano
los militares, escuch y, seguidamente, la llamada
se cort. Era uno de los hermanos Ruiz. Ral intent comunicarse para conocer ms detalles sin xito,
hasta que, ya entrada la maana, una voz metlica
contest: Si te sigues metiendo, vamos por ti.
On the morning of February 14th, 2013, Ral received a phone call from one of the Ruiz brothers.
He was calling to ask Ral for help as the army had
taken away his brother. Hours later, Ral called the
number back and the voice on the other end told
him: If you continue interfering, we are coming after you.
140
141
n los ochenta, donde hoy se levanta la zona exclusiva de Santa Fe, en la Ciudad de Mxico, haba un basurero. Se alzaban cuartos donde familias enteras se hacinaban. Ah
surgi una pandilla que agrup a ms de quinientos jvenes, Los Panchitos. Ral haba
trabajado en su barrio y no tard en formar a estos jvenes como promotores de paz y
activistas del Consejo Popular Juvenil.
Tras una dcada de compromiso social y atrado por el fenmeno migratorio, Ral lleg a
Tijuana a finales de los ochenta. Comenz su trabajo en el Centro Scalabrini, donde buscaban
garantizar el trato digno en las estaciones migratorias. Entre 1996 y 1997, Ral y otros activistas
colocaron en el muro fronterizo ms grande del mundo que divide a Tijuana y San Diego,
una cruz por cada persona migrante muerta, registrada hasta octubre de 1994. El impacto de la
accin origin una reflexin nacional respecto a la situacin de los migrantes. Por ese tiempo,
en la frontera norte, la violencia no tomaba la magnitud sanguinaria que el crimen organizado y
la militarizacin del pas dieron aos despus.
Con el nuevo milenio, Ral fue nombrado titular de la Procuradura de Derechos Humanos
de Baja California hasta el 2003, ao en el que cre con otros compaeros la Comisin Ciudadana de Derechos Humanos del Noroeste.
La guerra contra el narcotrfico sorprendi por su brutalidad. En 2007, el gobierno federal puso en marcha el Operativo Conjunto Tijuana. Elementos del ejrcito montaban retenes
en las carreteras y sin una identificacin visible detenan a quien se cruzaba. En el puerto de San
Felipe, doscientos kilmetros al sur de Mexicali y muy cerca del desierto, existe un cuartel militar
que pronto fue reconocido por la ejecucin extrajudicial de Guillermo Audelo, un pescador. En
esa regin, los militares demostraron que la ley se escribe con sus armas: a los detenidos les
sembraban droga y les imputaban cargos que no podan probar.
Guillermo escapaba del ejrcito despus de haber discutido con un militar que acosaba
a su esposa. El 17 de mayo de 2012, descansaba en un cuarto de hotel junto a los hermanos
Ruiz, quienes lo ayudaban y le daban trabajo como mecnico para que pudiera sobrevivir. Los
tres hombres, refugiados en el hotel, fueron sorprendidos por los soldados en la madrugada. La versin oficial cont que los militares advertidos por una llamada annima acudieron
a revisar el hotel. Cuando uno de ellos entr al bao, Guillermo sali de su escondite bajo la
cama y le dispar, el uniformado, en defensa, le asest un tiro mortal. El testimonio de los hermanos Ruiz contradeca esa versin. El pescador fue acusado de narcotrfico; los hermanos Ruiz
no slo fueron torturados y acusados del mismo delito uno de ellos incluso permaneci en
prisin durante diez meses, sino que el acoso comenz a afectar a ms miembros de su familia.
Ral estudi los patrones violentos de droga, armas, tortura y encarcelamiento. El caso
de Guillermo y los hermanos Ruiz era slo la punta del iceberg del contexto de crmenes y prepotencia. Ral ha hecho un trabajo fundamental en la documentacin de las violaciones a los
derechos humanos; gracias a su compromiso, no slo ha liberado a muchas personas, sino que
se ha convertido en un bastin de justicia al que recurren.
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Faces of Dignity
n the 1980s Santa Fe in Mexico City, a place now known for its exclusivity, used to be considered a wasteland. Rooms were built in which entire families were crowded together. In that
forgotten place, a gang of over five hundred youths formed, called Los Panchitos. Ral had
worked in the neighborhood before and it did not take long for him to look for alternatives
for the youngsters. He trained young activists from the Consejo Popular Juvenil to actively promote peace.
After a decade of social commitment, Ral became interested in the recent migrant phenomenon taking place in Tijuana and therefore decided to move there at the end of the 1980s.
He began working at the Scalabrini Center, an organization which sought to guarantee dignified
treatment in the migrant shelters. Between 1996 and 1997, Ral and other activists organized
a protest in which they placed a cross for each dead migrant, registered from October 1994,
on the worlds largest borderdividing Tijuana and San Diego. The impact of the action was
impressive; it sparked a national debate on the condition of migrants. During that time, the
violence on the northern border had not reached the magnitude it would later reach due to
the surge in organized crime and the militarization of the country.
In the year 2000, Ral was named the Human Rights Ombudsman of Baja California up
to 2003, the year in which he and other colleagues created the Citizens Committee for Human
Rights of the Northeast.
The war on drug trafficking was astonishingly brutal. In 2007 the federal government implemented Operation Tijuana through which members of the army set up roadblocks on highways and stopped anyone who drove passed. In the port of San Felipe, two hundred kilometers
to the south of Mexicali near the desert, members of the military were found responsible for the
extrajudicial execution of Guillermo Audelo, a fisherman. In that region, the armed forces proved
that they control the law: they planted drugs on people they detained and charged them with
crimes they could not prove.
Guillermo escaped from the army because he had fought with a soldier who had been
harassing his wife. On May 17th, 2012, the fisherman was resting in his hotel room with the Ruiz
brothers. They had helped Guillermo by giving him work as a mechanic, to ensure he could
get by. Soldiers surprised the three men who were taking refuge in the hotel, and tortured the
brothers. Guillermo was assassinated. The official version stated that the army arrived at the hotel alerted by an anonymous call. When the soldier entered the bathroom of their hotel room,
Guillermo came out of his hiding place from under the bed and shot at the soldier. The soldier, in
defense, responded with a shot that killed him. The brothers testimony contradicted this official
version. The fisherman was accused of being a drug trafficker. The Ruiz brothers were not only
tortured and accused of the same crimeone of them was incarcerated for ten monthsbut the
abuse was also directed at their family.
Ral studied the violent patterns of drugs, arms, torture, and arrest. The case of Guillermo
and the Ruiz brothers was just the tip of the iceberg in terms of crimes and abuses of power.
Ral has done essential work on the documentation of human rights violations; his voice carries
weight. He is considered an important figure in the promotion of the human rights of those who
live in these problematic areas.
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Faces of Dignity
YSICA
Snchez Maya
Directora adjunta de Consorcio para el Dilogo
y la Equidad Oaxaca (Consorcio Oaxaca)
Deputy Director of the Committee for Dialogue

and Equity Oaxaca (Consorcio Oaxaca)
Ysica recibi los papeles que le extendi el agente: Te los entrego para tu defensa. Fue as como
se dio cuenta de que no se trataba del expediente
del caso que tena entre manos, sino de una orden
de aprehensin en su contra, que la sealaba como
instigadora de un grupo de mujeres que haba tomado la televisora estatal de Oaxaca el primero de
agosto de 2006.
The agent handed Ysica some documents: I am

giving these to you to help with your legal defense.
This was the moment Ysica found out that she was
involved in two cases; these papers did not relate to
the case she had been working on, instead she was
going to need them to defend herself against an
arrest warrant that had been filed against her. She
had been accused of instigating the occupation, by
a group of women, of the state television offices in
Oaxaca on August 1st of 2006.
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l mundo que se muestra en la escuela es minsculo cuando la realidad se manifiesta en

imgenes de cuerpos torturados. Los libros se quedan pequeos para retratar los testimonios de las vctimas. Lo supo Ysica y no se cruz de brazos.
Hacia 1998, Ysica Snchez se acerc por primera vez a los derechos humanos, en un
despacho de asesora jurdica a comunidades indgenas, criminalizadas cuando protestaban
contra las injusticias. En 2003, tom el cargo de presidenta de la Liga Mexicana de Defensa de
los Derechos Humanos (Limeddh), en Oaxaca, actividad que desempe durante cinco aos.
Entonces era una mujer de apenas 31 aos, con el pelo prematuramente cano y vestida siempre
con blusas de bordados oaxaqueos.
En 2006, cuando comenz el conflicto magisterial en Oaxaca, su labor como defensora
de derechos humanos tom otra dimensin. La ciudad estaba sumida en el desconcierto, la
gente deambulaba buscando a sus familiares.
Ysica entraba y sala de todas las oficinas del ministerio pblico y hospitales preguntando por un compaero detenido. Entre la confusin, una mujer pequea que cargaba a un nio
la abord para pedirle ayuda: No encuentro a mi marido, ya busqu en todos lados. Ysica
hizo acopio de valor y decidi acompaarla hasta localizarlo. As fue como llegaron a la crcel
de Ejutla, a media hora de la ciudad, en donde se encontraba el joven, irreconocible por los
golpes y con el cabello quemado.
Ysica fue documentando con rigor los casos de tortura; cada nueva pesquisa revelaba
los niveles de violencia a los que se enfrentaba.
A finales de 2006, Ysica fue acusada de despojo agravado contra la Corporacin Oaxaquea de Radio y Televisin. No le quera hablar a mi mam para decirle que me podan meter
a la crcel, no lo iba a hacer porque entonces era como aceptar que yo haba cometido algn
crimen, que yo era como ellos. Con el expediente en sus manos, Ysica decidi comenzar un
plan para que la Limeddh pudiera seguir con sus actividades. Esper a que el gobierno intentara presentar pruebas para encarcelarla, sin embargo, nunca lo hizo.
En una de sus visitas al penal de Nayarit, donde se encontraban las mujeres detenidas
durante el conflicto en Oaxaca, se corri el rumor de que la orden de aprehensin en su contra
haba sido liberada. Mientras Ysica tomaba testimonios de las reclusas, afuera, sus compaeros
estaban convencidos de que ya no la dejaran salir de all. Haba llegado al lmite, absorta en
buscar justicia para estas mujeres con el pelo rapado, humilladas, golpeadas, y no haba sido
consciente de su seguridad. No me di tiempo de llorar ni de pensar, decid seguir sin volver la
vista atrs.
Resolvi hacer un alto, pens en su familia y acept una beca de tres meses para estudiar
en Costa Rica donde se concentr en su hija y en ella. A su regreso se integr en la organizacin
feminista Consorcio Oaxaca, con la que retom, a travs de casos de feminicidio y violencia
hacia las mujeres, el trabajo activo hacia la defensa de los derechos humanos. Como entonces,
sigue sin volver la vista atrs.
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Faces of Dignity
e are not taught the whole truth at school. Tortured bodies teach us that the reality
of our world is far more complex than we are told. Books are too small to describe
a victims testimony. Ysica knew this. She refused to sit back and do nothing.
Ysica Snchez came across human rights activism for the first time in 1998, in
a legal advisers office created especially for indigenous communities who had been criminalized for protesting against injustice. In 2003, she became the president of the Liga Mexicana
de Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (Limeddh), in Oaxaca, and stayed in that role for five
years. At that time she was only 31 years old. She had graying hair and always wore hand-made
Oaxacan blouses.
In 2006, when the teachers conflict began in Oaxaca, her work as a human rights defender
took a turn. The city was plunged into disorder as people searched for their family members.
Ysica visited the Public Prosecutors Offices and the citys hospitals to ask about the
whereabouts of a detained colleague. Among the confusion, a short woman carrying a child
approached Ysica and asked her for help: I cannot find my husband; I have looked for him
everywhere. Ysica made use of her courage and decided to help this woman in the search of
her husband. Eventually, they found him. He had been jailed in Ejutla, half an hour away from the
city. The young man was unrecognizable from the beatings and his burnt hair.
Ysica documented each torture case she came across. Her investigations exposed the
levels of violence she was facing.
Towards the end of 2006, Ysica was accused of dispossession of the Oaxacan Radio and
Television Corporation Offices. I did not want to tell my mother that I could be sent to jail. Had
I told her, it would have been like criminalizing my own actions, as if I was like them. With the
case file in her hands, Ysica decided to plan how Limeddh could continue its work. She waited
for the government to present evidence against her. However, this never came to fruition.
On one of her visits to a jail in Nayarit where many women involved in the conflict had been
jailed, she heard a rumor about her arrest warrant being issued. While Ysica was gathering
testimonies from the prisoners, her colleagues on the outside were convinced she would not
be allowed to leave the prison. She had reached her time limit. She was so absorbed in seeking
justice for the humiliated, beaten woman, that she had not thought about her own safety. I did
not have time to cry or think; I decided to carry on and not look back.
She then decided to take a break and to dedicate time to her family. She accepted a
three-month scholarship to study in Costa Rica. She used this time to focus on her daughter and
herself. When she returned, she joined the feminist organization Consorcio Oaxaca. She once
again ignited her active role in the defense of human rights by working on the organizations
cases of femicide and violence toward women. As always, she keeps going without looking back.
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Faces of Dignity
NORMA
Mesino Mesino
Lder de la Organizacin Campesina
de la Sierra del Sur (ocss)
Leader of the Peasant Organization

of the Southern Sierra (ocss)
Norma lea el peridico con las noticias del huracn

que haba causado daos en la costa de Guerrero.
Las mujeres en la cocina preparaban alimentos y su
hermana Roco los distribua con diligencia. Un tipo
se acerc a preguntar si podra atravesar el puente
con su motocicleta. No hay puente, djala aqu, yo
te la cuido, le dijo Roco antes de que el hombre le
apuntara con un arma.
While reading the newspaper, Norma learned

about the hurricane that had damaged parts of
the Guerrero coast. Women were in the kitchen
preparing food and her sister Roco was serving.
A man approached Roco to ask about whether he
could drive his motorcycle over the bridge. Leave
it here, Ill take care of it, Roco assured him, before
the man pointed a gun at her.
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orma sonre con melancola. Su mirada cuenta la historia de lucha de varias generaciones. La familia Mesino fund en 1994 la Organizacin Campesina de la Sierra del
Sur (ocss) como respuesta a la falta de apoyo del gobierno a las comunidades de la
sierra de Guerrero. Aquellos pueblos distantes eran constantemente ultrajados y los
territorios devastados por los talamontes. La organizacin siempre fue vista como radical, por
eso nos criminalizan, cuenta Norma indignada.
En 1995 desapareci uno de los fundadores de la ocss. La organizacin se moviliz para
exigir su presentacin con vida. Como respuesta, el 28 de junio, policas del estado masacraron
a diecisiete personas e hirieron a veintitrs en Aguas Blancas. Como justificacin, la televisin
present un video editado que mostr a indgenas furiosos atacando a policas.
La indignacin y la rabia hicieron que la organizacin dejara de lado, por un momento,
las demandas sociales de educacin, territorio y vivienda, para centrarse en asuntos polticos. El
gobierno comenz a castigar a los dirigentes de la ocss.
Ese mismo ao, Hilario Mesino, padre de Norma, fue encarcelado por sedicin, sabotaje
y rebelin. Durante el ao que estuvo preso, sus hijas, Roco, entonces de dieciocho aos, y
Norma, de veintids, se pusieron al frente de la ocss y siguieron buscando justicia por las vctimas de la masacre de Aguas Blancas. A pesar de que la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nacin
concluy que s hubieron violaciones graves a los derechos humanos y determin la responsabilidad del entonces gobernador del estado de Guerrero, no existi reparacin del dao. Encarcelaron a algunos policas, pero fueron liberados. La impunidad de esta masacre es hoy parte de
la historia de un Guerrero herido. Tras la liberacin de Hilario, encarcelaron a otro dirigente, lo
que determin el inicio de una persecucin abierta contra quienes formaban parte de la ocss.
Las demandas de la ocss afectan a grupos paramilitares, a caciques del estado y al gobierno. Entre los miembros de la organizacin existe el terror de saberse frgiles ante tantas
amenazas. Cada vez que alguno de ellos denunciaba la tala clandestina, quienes vean afectados sus intereses respondan con la muerte. En 2005, el hermano de Norma, Miguel ngel, fue
asesinado a balazos con una ak-47 en pleno centro de Atoyac. Roco, ms fuerte que nunca,
exigi justicia por los crmenes que no dejaban de aumentar. La gente de las comunidades la
respetaba y la segua, y cada vez ms personas se sumaban al movimiento.
En octubre de 2013, mientras Roco ayudaba a la poblacin de Guerrero a reconstruir los
puentes que los huracanes haban destrozado, el hombre que le pidi ayuda para cruzar con su
motocicleta fue su verdugo. Le dispar a quemarropa, letalmente. Norma dej de leer el peridico y se abalanz en ayuda de su hermana, pero nada poda hacer.
Despus del asesinato de Roco, Norma sigui con el movimiento. Ahora no slo busca justicia para una comunidad golpeada, sino tambin para su familia que muere asesinada
por sicarios que obedecen al mejor postor. ramos ocho hermanos, una hermana falleci por
muerte natural, dice Norma al recordar a su familia. Parece que desean desaparecer nuestro
nombre, como si as pudieran frenar la justicia que pedimos.
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Faces of Dignity
orma smiles sadly. Her gaze tells the story of an entire familys struggle. In 1994, the
Mesino family founded the Peasant Organization of the Southern Sierra (ocss) as an
answer to the governments lack of support for the communities in the Guerrero Mountains. Those people were constantly attacked and their lands devastated by illegal
loggers. The organization has always been seen as radical, and for that reason they criminalize
us, Norma says indignantly. In her case, the government has acted with impunity.
In 1995 one of the founders of the ocss disappeared. Immediately, the organization mobilized to demand he be found, alive. In response to this protest, on June 28th, state police officers
massacred seventeen people and wounded twenty three in Aguas Blancas. A video showing
furious indigenous groups attacking the police was publicized on television as a justification of
the massacre.
Anger and rage forced the organization to sideline their social demands, education, land,
and livelihood, in order to concentrate on political affairs. The government began to punish the
leaders of the ocss.
That same year, Normas father Hilario Mesino, was imprisoned for sedition, sabotage, and
rebellion. During that time, his daughters Roco, then aged eighteen, and Norma twenty two,
became the directors of the organization and continued to seek justice for the victims of the
Aguas Blancas massacre. Despite the conclusion of the Supreme Court stating serious human
rights violations and the responsibility of the governor of Guerrero at the time, compensation for
damages was not rewarded. A few policemen were jailed, but they were consequently freed. Today, the impunity of the massacre forms part of Guerreros dark history. Immediately after Hilario
was released, another director of the ocss was imprisoned, sparking the beginning of an open
persecution of those who formed part of the ocss.
The ocsss demands directly threaten paramilitary groups, heads of state, and the government. Members of the organization are frozen by fear, in the face of never-ending threats. Each
time illegal logging was reported, those whose interests were affected responded with murder.
In 2005 Normas brother, Miguel ngel, was shot dead with an ak-47 in broad daylight in
downtown Atoyac. Roco, stronger than ever, demanded justice for the escalating crime affecting
the ocss. Norma was deeply respected by her community, and more and more people joined the
movement.
In October 2013 while Roco was helping rebuild bridges destroyed by hurricanes in the
town of Guerrero, the man who asked for her help with his motorcycle was, in actual fact, her
executioner. Roco was shot dead at point-blank range. Norma stopped reading the newspaper
and rushed to her sisters side, but there was nothing she could do.
After her sisters murder, Norma continues her fight. Now, not only does she seek justice
for her community, but also for her family who have been killed by assassins, obeying those who
offer them money. We were eight siblings; one sister died of natural causes, Norma says, remembering her family. It seems that they want to erase our name, as if that way they could put
a halt to the justice we demand.
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Faces of Dignity
APOLONIA
Plcido Valerio
Coordinadora de la Casa de la Mujer Indgena

Nellys Palomo Snchez
Coordinator of the House of the Indigenous

Woman Nellys Palomo Snchez
San Luis Acatln, Guerrero
San Luis Acatln, Guerrero
Con una mirada sencilla y una sonrisa franca, Apolonia busca las palabras para explicar la mortalidad
materna. Respira profundo y dice: Es cuando las
mujeres no se acercan al hospital, desde su casa se
atienden y no quieren ver al doctor por miedo, porque no tienen informacin, porque no pueden expresarse y por la mala atencin que les da el servicio
de salud. Prefieren morirse en su casa y no llegar al
hospital. Apolonia permanece callada y pensativa,
intenta ordenar esas historias que ha visto repetirse
durante tantos aos.
With a simple gaze and candid smile, Apolonia

tries to find the words to explain maternal mortality.
She takes a deep breath and says: It often occurs
when women do not go to hospital and instead treat
themselves at home, as they do not want to be seen
by a doctor. They are afraid because they lack information, they cannot express themselves, and due
to the fact that they have received poor care from
health services in the past. They would rather die at
home than go to hospital. Apolonia remains silent
and thoughtful. She tries to contemplate all the stories she has accumulated over so many years.
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Faces of Dignity
polonia viste un huipil de bordados coloridos, trabaja en la Casa de la Mujer Indgena

Nellys Palomo Snchez desde que fue construida en 2011. La Casa se encuentra en
San Luis Acatln, Guerrero, un municipio que abarca varias comunidades indgenas.
Llegar a ese lugar implica un largo recorrido que transcurre entre camiones y transporte colectivo bajo el clima clido de la Costa Chica. En realidad, Apolonia se encuentra en
un sitio privilegiado para las mujeres que llegan de la montaa, quienes pueden acceder a los
servicios que ah ofrecen de forma gratuita. Cuentan con parteras y promotoras tlapanecas y
mixtecas pendientes da y noche de atender a las mujeres embarazadas. La tradicin se mezcla
con la vida cotidiana; los ptalos violeta de la fumaria se secan sobre paos de tela y el eneldo
remojado aromatiza el ambiente, remedios tradicionales que conserva la montaa.
Cuando una mujer se acerca, no importa si es indgena o mestiza, se le da atencin integral, mdica, legal y de acompaamiento. Las parteras tienen una funcin protagnica, ellas son
quienes, al palpar un feto, saben si existirn complicaciones en el parto. Es entonces cuando
Apolonia y las dems integrantes de la casa acompaan a la mujer al hospital para que un mdico se encargue de su caso.
Las polticas de salud se han centrado en evitar los embarazos en vez de en informar a las
mujeres sobre lo que harn con su cuerpo. La Casa de la Mujer es un puente entre la informacin y el derecho. No pueden decidir sobre el cuerpo de una mujer ni colocarle un dispositivo
intrauterino sin proporcionarle la informacin debida. Ellas garantizan que eso suceda. Adems
de trabajar sobre temas de salud, dan asesoras para que las mujeres puedan encarar la violencia intrafamiliar. Las acompaan a los tribunales, les ensean el proceso para poner una demanda o incluso les ayudan a tramitar un divorcio.
Ya sea que las mujeres acudan a la casa o que Apolonia y su equipo se trasladen a las
comunidades ms apartadas, los talleres se vuelven un momento festivo donde el buen nimo
impera y las mujeres salen motivadas. Cuando ellas comenzaron a empoderarse, rompieron
tradiciones enraizadas como el sometimiento mudo.
Es el mismo pas y parece que son tantos, dice Apolonia mientras cruza el camino para
llegar a su oficina. Puede soportar las agresiones de los maridos, la presin de las comunidades,
pero lo que le deja una profunda desazn es saber que otras mujeres pueden ser quienes la ataquen, le reclamen o la culpen. En esos momentos, la tranquilidad que muestra cotidianamente
desaparece.
Apolonia se inclina en el piso para dibujar con una nia pequea que sonre. Desde la
raz hay que saber de derechos, eso dice, al tiempo que colorean un slido rbol de encino.
polonia wears a huipil with colorful embroidery; she has worked in the House of the
Indigenous Woman Nellys Palomo Snchez since it was built in 2011. The House is
located in San Luis Acatln, Guerrero, a municipality which is inhabited by various
indigenous communities. The journey to the village is long and involves taking various coaches and buses in the heat of Costa Chica. Apolonia acknowledges that the House is an
extraordinary place, one that allows women from the mountains to receive free access to health
services. Among the services offered, Tlapanecan and Mixtecan midwives and health promoters
are available 24/7 to assist pregnant women. Traditional values are combined with everyday life;
violet petals of the fumaria plant are dried on pieces of cloth and the scent of soaked dill fills the
air, both traditional remedies preserved in the mountainous regions of Guerrero.
When a woman arrives, regardless of whether she is indigenous or not, she is offered
support and complete medical and legal care. The midwives play a leading role, for they are the
ones who, on feeling the fetus, know if there will be any complications during the delivery. Then
Apolonia and other members of the House take the women to hospital where a doctor takes
charge of the patients case.
Health policies have focused on the prevention of pregnancies instead of informing
women on how to look after their bodies. The House of the Indigenous Woman acts as a bridge
between information and rights. Decisions regarding a womans body, like the insertion of an
intrauterine device, cannot be made without providing the patient with the necessary information. Members of the House guarantee this support. In addition to providing health services,
members provide consultations for victims of domestic violence to help them with their cases.
They accompany women to court, teach them how to file a complaint, and even assist them in
filing a divorce.
Whether workshops are held in the House or in a remote community, Apolonia and her
team are always full of positive energy. The women leave feeling motivated. When these women
began to empower themselves, they broke away from their rooted traditions such as the custom
of silent submission.
It is as if there are many different countries within the same nation, says Apolonia as she
crosses the road to her office. She can endure male aggression towards women and the pressure put on communities, but what leaves her deeply anxious is the knowledge that there are
women who attack her, protest against her, and blame her. In those moments, the peace she
radiates daily disappears.
Apolonia crouches down on the floor to draw with a smiling young girl. As they color in a
solid oak tree, Apolonia says, One should know their rights from a very young age.
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Faces of Dignity
ELISEO
Sandoval Cabrera
Integrante del Comit Pro Defensa del
Parque Benito Jurez
Member of the Committee for the

Defense of Benito Jurez Park
Esa tarde, en el parque, los jvenes de la preparatoria cumplan con su tarea de ciencias naturales:
crear conciencia ambiental. Un polica se acerc a
ellos para echarlos del lugar. Eliseo mir la escena
desde la carpa en la que llevaba acampando desde
haca varios meses como protesta para salvar el parque Benito Jurez. Los policas echaron a Eliseo a
empellones e intentaron romper su cmara fotogrfica. Tanto alboroto consigui que se acercaran ms
policas y lo llevaran al ministerio pblico, donde
fue encarcelado bajo el cargo de interferir contra
la autoridad.
That afternoon, high school students had gone to

the park to complete their natural science assignment: to develop environmental consciousness.
A police officer forced them to leave the park. Eliseo
watched the scene from his tent. He had been
camping in protest for months, to save Benito Jurez
Park. The police forcefully pushed Eliseo and tried
to break his camera. The disturbance attracted more
police officers and Eliseo was taken away to the Public
Prosecutors Office. He was jailed and charged with
interfering with authority.
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liseo Sandoval, junto a otros compaeros, cre en Tijuana, Baja California, el Comit Pro
Defensa del Parque Benito Jurez. En esa zona crecieron sus hijos y ah aprendieron a
andar en bicicleta, como muchos otros vecinos. El rea no es el ms lujoso de Tijuana,
sin embargo, es un lugar comunicado y con muchas ventajas de acceso debido a su
cercana con el centro. Para la gente sencilla que vive en las proximidades, es un espacio de
encuentro para crear lazos comunitarios.
A finales de 2009 se anunci el proyecto Zcalo 11 de Julio con una inversin de 1,200
millones de pesos. Con el apoyo de inversionistas locales y nacionales, los intereses privados
fueron privilegiados sobre proyectos para el bien de la poblacin. Eliseo investig sobre la
construccin y se percat de muchas irregularidades: Defendemos el parque y lo hacemos
por la salud, por la vida, por el esparcimiento, por la recreacin, por todo lo que nos brinda un
rbol. No pas mucho tiempo para que se sumaran a la causa arquitectos e ingenieros que les
entregaron documentos en los que explicaban las implicaciones del desarrollo urbano. Poco
despus, un abogado los acompa en el proceso legal para levantar la demanda.
El Comit se qued en el parque durante dos aos. Las tiendas de campaa pretendan
ser un obstculo para que la excavadora no arrancara los rboles y los abandonara a un lado
del camino.
La protesta de estos ciudadanos corrientes que buscaban una vida mejor para la comunidad comenz a captar la atencin de los medios de comunicacin nacionales. Esto dio como
resultado la evaluacin de los intereses privados ocultos en el proyecto. Una noche, varios policas irrumpieron en el campamento, lo destruyeron y se llevaron algunas pertenencias de los
ciudadanos.
Con ayuda de la compleja maquinaria burocrtica, las autoridades comenzaron a alargar
la resolucin de los procesos y a detener el acceso a la informacin. Cambiaban las citas de
manera inesperada el mismo da: Regrese el mes entrante, el licenciado no est, le faltauna
firma, no se entiende el sello, no hay quien pueda ayudarlo, eran frases que escuchaban con
frecuencia. A ellos slo les quedaba respirar profundo, salir de las oficinas y resistir. Trataron de
ir por la va legal con demandas y amparos para frenar la obra pero, al no lograrlo, tuvieron que
recurrir a instancias internacionales.
Eliseo comprendi que el cambio slo es posible si se involucra la sociedad, por ello comenzaron a organizarse para capacitar a la ciudadana en temas de educacin ambiental. Eliseo
es un hombre de mirada tranquila: cree en cosas sencillas como respirar y la posibilidad de
hacer deporte. Sabe, pues lo ha visto en su colonia cuando juegan nios, de la importancia de un
parque en Tijuana: ste puede ser la diferencia entre la vida y la muerte.
158
Faces of Dignity
n Tijuana, Baja California, Eliseo Sandoval and his colleagues founded the Committee for
the Defense of Benito Jurez Park. Their children spent much of their childhood in the park
and learned to ride bicycles there, as did many other neighbors. The park is not located in
the most luxurious part of Tijuana, but it is close to downtown and consequently has many
advantages. The people who live nearby use the area to come together and create connections
within the community.
At the end of 2009 the project Zcalo 11 de Julio was made public, boasting 1,200 million
pesos of investment. This local and nationwide support meant that private interests were
going to be placed above community projects. Eliseo investigated the construction and detected many irregularities: When we defend the park we are simultaneously defending our
health, our life, and our leisure time. Not long afterwards, architects and engineers helped the
cause by submitting documents explaining urban development. Later, a lawyer assisted them in
the legal process of filing a complaint.
The group remained in the park for two years. The tents were supposed to act as an
obstacle to prevent the tractors from tearing the trees from the ground.
The humble protest led by ordinary citizens who sought to improve the life of their
community caught the attention of the national media. As a result, investigations were made into
the private interests of the project. One night, several police officers broke into the campsite,
destroyed it, and took some of the citizens belongings.
Helped by the complex bureaucratic systems, the authorities began to extend the process
and prohibit access to information. They unexpectedly changed appointments on the same
day: Come back next month, the lawyer is not here, it lacks a signature, the stamp cannot
be read, no one can do anything to help you, were frequently heard phrases. All they could
do was sigh deeply, leave the offices, and resist. They tried to go through legal channels to bring
an end to the construction. When they were unable to do so, they appealed to international
authorities.
Eliseo believes that change is only possible if the community is involved in the struggle.
For that reason, locals began to organize themselves and set up environmental education
classes for the whole neighborhood. Eliseo is a man with a calm gaze: he appreciates the simple
things like breathing and the possibility of doing sports. He has witnessed the importance of a
community park in Tijuana: it can be the difference between life and death.
159
Faces of Dignity
ELSA
Arista Gonzlez
Integrante de la Red Universitaria de Monitores
de Derechos Humanos
Member of the University Network

of Human Rights Monitors
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Cuando los policas formaron un crculo con sus escudos, los manifestantes comenzaron a inquietarse. Nos estn encapsulando!, gritaron algunas
personas que trataban de captar con sus telfonos
celulares la marcha. Elsa camin junto a sus compaeros, aferrndose al gafete y a la playera que
tena inscrita la palabra Monitor; deseaba que pudieran ser de ayuda en ese momento. El temor se
apoder de ella cuando el cerco se ensanch, al
tiempo que el ruido sordo de los escudos azotados
sobre el suelo anunciaba los golpes. Ese da comprendi que ser monitor en las marchas ya no aseguraba ninguna proteccin.
The police formed a circle around the protestors

and held up their shields. The protestors began to
worry. They are surrounding us! some protestors
shouted as they were trying to film the march with
their cellphones. Elsa walked with her colleagues,
clinging to her badge and t-shirt with the word
Monitor written in big letters. She wished they
could be more helpful. Fear took hold of her as
the sound of shields banged against the ground
indicating that beatings had begun. That day she
realized that being a monitor in the protests did not
ensure protection.
160
161
lsa es originaria de Ciudad Nezahualcyotl, frontera oriental entre la Ciudad de Mxico

y el Estado de Mxico. Se involucr en la defensa de los derechos humanos desde que
era universitaria. Fue parte de un colectivo de estudiantes que estrech vnculos con
organizaciones sociales como la Asociacin de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos
y Vctimas de Violaciones a los Derechos Humanos en Mxico y la Liga Mexicana por la Defensa
de los Derechos Humanos (Limeddh). En esta ltima, Elsa tom un taller para ser monitor.
En 2006, con la Limeddh, acudi a Oaxaca, cuando el conflicto magisterial estall. Los
maestros exigan que las condiciones de la educacin fueran dignas, especialmente en las escuelas de la sierra. En el centro histrico de la ciudad de Oaxaca se levantaban carpas sostenidas con palos y cuerdas, y ah se manifestaron por poco ms de un mes. Era el resultado de un
gobierno que, durante sus dos primeros aos, busc la sumisin y el silencio.
Elsa se encontraba en ese lugar cuando cientos de policas intentaron desalojar el zcalo
ayudndose con gases lacrimgenos y balas de plstico. Los manifestantes levantaron el rostro e hicieron de todos los objetos a la mano un arma para responder. Algunas personas quedaron tendidas en el suelo. Se organizaron grupos para buscar ayuda en algn hospital que no
les condujera primero a las oficinas del ministerio pblico. El gobierno de Oaxaca desapareci,
asesin, encarcel y tortur a quien se encontraba cerca, sin embargo, no pudo ocultar esa violencia; los periodistas la mostraron.
Cada caso que Elsa document, cada nombre que anot en la libreta, cada vctima a
quien brind proteccin fue colocando los cimientos de una vocacin de defensa. En esa etapa,
acompa a varias personas a levantar demandas en un estado que se encontraba colapsado.
Para Elsa, la criminalizacin de la protesta social que se vive en el pas representa la incapacidad de resolver un problema social; una necesidad social no se resuelve con la fuerza
pblica, el ejrcito, encarcelamiento, crmenes, asesinatos. Necesitamos urgentemente una formacin en derechos humanos como cultura.
La muerte de cuatro estudiantes mexicanos en Sucumbos, Ecuador, le impact profundamente. A partir de esto, Elsa comenz a realizar talleres dentro de la Facultad de Filosofa y
Letras de la Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico. En 2008, formaron la Red Universitaria
de Monitores de Derechos Humanos. Antes exigamos que se respetaran las garantas individuales de las personas que se manifiestan, ahora pedimos lo mismo para nosotros. Cuando
sabe que una persona defensora muere o desaparece, desea bajar los brazos y salir corriendo.
Pero, de hacerlo, mostrara que lo que vio en Oaxaca es verdad: la vida vale tan poco. Elsa se
aferra a su trabajo, quiere demostrar lo contrario.
162
Faces of Dignity
lsa is originally from Ciudad Nezahualcyotl, on the eastern border between Mexico
City and the State of Mexico. She has been involved in defending human rights ever
since she was a college student. She was a member of a student organization that had
connections with other social movements such as the Association of Family Members
of the Detained-Disappeared and Victims of Violations of Human Rights in Mexico and the
Liga Mexicana por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (Limeddh). At Limeddh, Elsa took
part in a workshop to become a protest monitor.
In 2006, she went to Oaxaca with the Limeddh when the teachers strike broke out. The
teachers demanded dignified educational conditions, especially for schools in the mountains.
In downtown Oaxaca they erected tents sustained by poles and ropes, and protested for over a
month. This was a response to a government that had wished to silence its people since it had
taken power.
Elsa was present when hundreds of police officers tried to clear the public square with
tear gas and plastic bullets. The protestors fought back by turning any available objects into
weapons. Some remained unconscious on the ground. Groups were formed to take the wounded to hospitals that accepted patients without first taking them to the Public Prosecutor's Offices. The government of Oaxaca kidnapped, killed, jailed, and tortured anyone it came across.
However, it failed to hide the evidence. Photojournalists managed to reveal it.
Each case that Elsa documented, each name she wrote down in her notebook, and each
victim to whom she offered protection laid the foundation of her career as a human rights
defender. During that period she supported several people in filing complaints in a state that
was collapsing.
Elsa believes that criminalizing social protest signifies the incapacity to solve a social
problem. It is not solved by public force, the army, imprisonment, crimes, nor assassinations. We
urgently need to install an education based on human rights.
The death of four Mexican students in Sucumbos, Ecuador, deeply affected Elsa. After
that, Elsa began to give workshops within the School of Philosophy and Literature at National
Autonomous University of Mexico. In 2008 the University Network of Human Rights Monitors
was founded. Before, we were demanding the protection of the rights of individual protestors.
Now, we are asking the same for ourselves. Every time she finds out about an activist who has
died or disappeared, she feels like giving up and running away. But to do so would be to accept
that what she saw in Oaxaca reflected a certain reality; that life has little value. Elsa continues her
work. She wants to prove that in actual fact, the opposite is true.
163
Faces of Dignity
MARIANO
Lpez Gmez

Member of the Popular Assembly of

the Juchiteco People (appj)
Mariano regresaba de lvaro Obregn por la noche cuando recibi una llamada telefnica. En seguida supo de quin se trataba, era un sicario muy
conocido en la regin del Istmo de Oaxaca, famoso
por su manera sanguinaria de proceder. Le habl
por su nombre en lengua zapoteca: Tus das estn
contados, no vuelvas por lvaro Obregn, slo llamamos una vez y despus vamos a lo que vamos.
Mariano tena planeado regresar al da siguiente
con sus compaeros, no acudi.
Mariano was returning home at night from the town

lvaro Obregn when he received a call. Afterwards,
he found out that the person on the phone was a
well-known hired assassin from the Isthmus region,
Oaxaca; famous for his vicious reputation. The man
called Mariano by his name and spoke to him in
their Zapotec language: Your days are numbered;
do not return to lvaro Obregn. We only call once.
After that, we go after you. Mariano had planned to
return the next day with his colleagues, but quickly
decided against the idea.
164
165
ariano Lpez Gmez es del Barrio de Lima, hoy llamado la Quinta Seccin de Juchitn. Desde 2006, acuda de avanzada a las regiones donde tenan planeado que
llegaran las empresas trasnacionales a levantar los proyectos elicos. Form el colectivo Frente de Pueblos, que ms tarde fue la Asamblea de los Pueblos Indgenas
del Istmo de Tehuantepec. Mariano y sus compaeros informaban a los campesinos de lo que
ocurrira si no se organizaban y se dejaban engaar. Les contaba lo que suceda en otras regiones: la prohibicin de acercarse al mar, la escasez de animales y plantas debido a las construcciones para levantar las aspas elicas, y, al final, el despojo de las tierras por las que les haban
prometido un pago quincenal. Los campesinos permanecieron incrdulos hasta que la realidad fue patente.
La tensin aument a inicios de 2013 en los pueblos de la regin. lvaro Obregn, San
Dionisio del Mar y Juchitn resistieron a la instalacin del proyecto de la empresa Marea Renovables para la generacin de energa elica. El primero de febrero de ese ao, Mariano lleg
a reforzar a los compaeros de lvaro Obregn y evitar que levantaran el campamento que
haban instalado. A los dos das recibi las primeras llamadas intimidantes.
Quince das despus de la primera amenaza, Mariano se atrevi a ir a lvaro Obregn
cobijado por una caravana humanitaria, sin embargo, la tranquilidad que da el saberse acompaado no dur mucho. Desde temprano, unos pistoleros fueron a la comunidad ostentando
armas largas para intimidar a los pobladores. Pronto se dio cuenta de que una moto rondaba
por su casa conducida por un hombre encapuchado. Mariano decidi salir de Juchitn cuando
se conform la Asamblea Popular del Pueblo Juchiteco (appj), aunque no pudo presenciarlo,
mantuvo contacto por telfono para dar su punto de vista.
Decidi regresar sin importarle el riesgo cuando se enter de la fuerte represin del 26
de marzo de 2013, en la carretera a Playa Vicente, donde un centenar de elementos de la polica
estatal sorprendieron a las veinte personas que acampaban para evitar el proyecto Bii Hioxo
de Gas Natural Fenosa. Se enfrentaron contra el pueblo inconforme y dejaron a decenas de
heridos.
Mariano acudi a la barricada en la que estaba la appj, en la Sptima Seccin. Algunos lo
miraron con recelo al llegar, pero muchos integrantes conocan su lucha y su historia.
A partir de all tuvimos una mesa de dilogo, donde afortunadamente evitamos la represin, pues llegaron ms de mil elementos de la polica para eliminar a la Asamblea. Un da
antes de la tercera mesa de dilogo, en el centro de la ciudad, policas estatales encaonaron
a Mariano y, a golpes, lo metieron a un vehculo. Logr comunicarse por telfono con una persona de derechos humanos, lo que oblig a los policas a cambiar de planes. Fue apresado durante unos das en Salina Cruz y finalmente liberado por falta de pruebas. No creas que te salvas,
le dijo un agente a manera de despedida. Parece que en el Istmo, piensa Mariano, la justicia se
ha ido, como impulsada por el viento.
166
Faces of Dignity
ariano Lpez Gmez is from Barrio de Lima, otherwise known as the Fifth Section of
Juchitn. At the beginning of 2006, he started visiting areas where transnational
companies were planning to implement wind energy projects. He founded the
organization Frente de Pueblos, which later became the Assembly of Indigenous
Peoples of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Mariano and his colleagues informed local farmers of
the possible consequences if they failed to defend themselves and instead allowed the energy
companies take advantage of them. Mariano explained what had happened in other regions:
communities access to the sea had been prohibited; animals and plants had disappeared
owing to the construction of wind-turbines, and, people had their lands seized. The farmers did
not believe the scale of the problem until the harsh reality became clear.
In early 2013, tension was rising in towns across the region. The towns of lvaro Obregn,
San Dionisio del Mar, and Juchitn opposed the wind project proposed by the company Marea
Renovables. On February 1st of that year, Mariano went to join the locals in lvaro Obregn
to help prevent the company from setting up the construction site. Within two days Mariano
received the first threatening calls.
Fifteen days later, despite the threats, Mariano went to lvaro Obregn with the protection
of a humanitarian convoy. Nevertheless, the reassurance of being among other people did not
last for long. Early on, a group of gunmen went to the town and displayed their arms to intimidate the locals. He soon realized that a motorcycle, driven by a masked man, was circling around
his house. The next day, Mariano left Juchitn. The Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco People
(appj) held its first meeting the same day. Even though Mariano could not attend, he stayed in
touch by telephone.
On March 26th, 2013 Mariano found out about an incident on the highway to Playa Vicente.
A hundred state police forces had disrupted a group of twenty people camping to prevent the
Gas Natural Fenosa's project Bii Hioxo. He decided to return to the town regardless of the risk.
The company did not foresee the protest organized by the locals who were intending to stop the
project from going ahead. Dozens were wounded.
Mariano went to the blockade installed by the appj in the Seventh Section. Upon his arrival,
some were suspicious of his presence, however many in the group knew about his struggle and
his story.
Later, we had a roundtable discussion. Luckily, we were able to avoid the repression by
the police forces. More than a thousand police officers arrived to dismantle the meeting. One
day before the third roundtable discussion in the center of the city, state police threatened
Mariano with guns, beat him up and pushed him into a vehicle. He managed to speak to a
human rights worker and that saved him. The police altered their plans and held him for a few
days in the prison in Salina Cruz. They were forced to free him due to a lack of evidence. "Do not
think you have saved yourself," the agent said as he left. It seems that justice has disappeared in
the Isthmus, as if it has been blown away by the wind.
167
Faces of Dignity
MARA ELENA
Herrera Magdaleno
Fundadora de Familiares en
Bsqueda Mara Herrera
Founder of Families in Search

Mara Herrera
Ciudad de Mxico
Mexico City
Lo ms difcil de la noche sucede cerca del amanecer, cuando el fro no da tregua. Mara tena que
buscar la manera de calentarse en esas bancas de
metal de la central de autobuses donde dorma, a la
espera de que al da siguiente le pudieran dar alguna noticia sobre la desaparicin de sus hijos.
The hardest part of the night is just before dawn. The

cold is unbearable. Mara had to find a way to keep
herself warm as she slept on the metal benches
at the bus station, longing for the next day to arrive.
She held on to the hope that the following day
would bring her new information about her missing
sons.
168
169
ara Herrera Magdaleno, Doa Mary, y su esposo, levantaron una casa grande en
Pajacuarn, al noroeste del estado de Michoacn, muy cerca del lago Chapala.
Pronto las habitaciones se llenaron de las risas, primero de sus hijos y despus de
sus nietos; era una familia grande que trabajaba unida en el negocio de la compra
y venta de oro. Tras las desapariciones de cuatro de sus hijos en 2008 y 2010, el silencio se
instal en las esquinas. Su esposo muri de un infarto y ella se sumi en la tristeza de su cama,
coma poco y dorma por horas. Qu le pasa a mi abuelita?, escuch que uno de sus nietos le
pregunt a otro. Nada, ya no quiere vivir. Las voces de los nios se escucharon lejanas, por eso
se aferr a ellas, para salir de la profundidad donde llevaba meses sumergida.
Cuando Mara se levant, para sorpresa de todos, lo hizo con nimo renovado. Busc
lugares en donde pudieran ayudarla, esper pacientemente afuera de las oficinas y se uni a
la bsqueda que sus hijos mayores ya haban emprendido en Guerrero y Veracruz. Se arm de
entereza y recort fotografas en las que el rostro de sus hijos fuera visible, peg, una al lado
de la otra, el mosaico doloroso. Estas imgenes no envejecen, las fotografas de los desaparecidos congelan en el tiempo sus rostros, son una constante herida abierta, como la bsqueda que parece a veces nunca terminar. Ampli esos recortes de momentos familiares (cenas,
graduaciones, fiestas, abrazos) y, desde entonces, los trae con ella, para mostrarlos a quien
tenga cerca.
El dinero escase pero ella se aferr a la bsqueda, con lo justo para poder comprar el
viaje redondo Pajacuarn-Ciudad de Mxico. Iba a las reuniones en oficinas gubernamentales,
no daba explicaciones de su comida ni del lugar donde pasara la noche, la central de autobuses. Esper a que las autoridades pudieran darle alguna respuesta, aunque muchas veces slo
escuchaba: Regrese maana, porque el licenciado no est. Ella volva a la banca de la terminal,
donde esperaba que el momento antes del amanecer fuera menos inclemente.
En el Movimiento por la Paz la bsqueda tuvo un nuevo sentido; la gente se solidariz
con ella incluso sin conocerla, la arroparon y ella comenz a cuestionar, dnde estn nuestros
hijos?. Cuando llegaron ante el Presidente Felipe Caldern, en otoo de 2011, le dijeron que
entrara a dar un testimonio y le extendieron algunas hojas de papel que tenan un discurso. Haba gente preparada, antroplogos y psiclogos entre el grupo, no supe por qu me eligieron a
m, cuando me toc leer me prestaron unos lentes porque no llev los mos, se me nubl la vista,
entonces habl, no s qu dije, qu ped; Caldern se acerc a m, no para consolarme como
dicen muchos, sino para invitarme a Los Pinos; tuve miedo. Sali de esa reunin esperanzada,
crey que la iban a ayudar: Hay que comprometer a las instituciones, no a las personas; eso fue
lo que entend.
Familiares en Bsqueda surge precisamente a partir de los grandes aprendizajes con Javier Sicilia. Actualmente, hay ms de mil familias en todo Mxico que se acercan a Mara y sus
hijos para acortar las distancias de los trmites, suman sus voluntades para generar presin y
visibilidad. Ella, aunque ahora tiene un hogar en la Ciudad de Mxico y proteccin, algunas
tardes acude a la central de autobuses para buscar a gente que duerme sentada o en el piso,
como ella hizo tantas veces, y les ofrece cama, comida y una posibilidad para emprender la
nueva bsqueda.
170
Faces of Dignity
ara Herrera Magdaleno, also known as Doa Mary, and her husband, built a large
house in Pajacuarn, northeast of the state of Michoacn, very near Lake Chapala.
Soon the rooms were filled with their childrens laughter and their grandchildrens
too. They were a large family that worked together, buying and selling gold. After
the disappearance of four of her sons in 2008 and 2010, silence reigned over the house. Maras
husband died of a heart attack, and Mara sank into deep sadness. She ate little, and slept for hours.
What is wrong with our grandmother? she heard one of her grandchildren ask another. Nothing,
she just does not want to live. The voices of the children seemed far away, so Mara decided to
cling onto them and use them to pull herself out of the misery she had been feeling for months.
To everyones surprise, when Mara eventually left her bed, she had a new lease of life. She
looked for organizations that could help her; she waited patiently outside offices, and joined her
older sons in the search they had undertaken in Guerrero and Veracruz. She mustered up the
courage to cut out photographs of her sons and stick them next to each other, a painful mosaic.
These images do not grow old. The lives of those who are missing seem to be frozen in time. The
photographs represent a constant open wound; the never-ending search for their loved ones.
Mara printed enlarged versions of the cut-out photographs from various family gatherings (dinners, graduations, parties, embraces) and, since then, has kept them with her to show whoever
she is talking to.
Money was scarce but she persisted in the search, with just enough to buy the roundtrip
from Pajacuarn to Mexico City. She had meetings in government offices and she did not
care that she had nothing to eat, or that she would spend the night at the bus station. She waited
for the authorities to provide her with answers. On many occasions they said: The lawyer is not
here, come back tomorrow. She would return to the bench at the bus station, hoping that the
moments before dawn would be less severe.
At the Movimiento por la Paz her search found new meaning. People offered her their
support without knowing her. She began to ask the question Where are our children? When
they met President Felipe Caldern, in the fall of 2011, she was told to share her story. She
was handed some pieces of paper with a speech that had already been prepared for her to
read. The group was full of educated people: anthropologists and psychologists. I do not know
why they chose me. When it was my turn to read they lent me a pair of glasses because I had
not brought mine, but I could not see clearly. Then I spoke and I do not know what I said, or
what questions I asked. Caldern approached me, not to comfort me, as many believe, but to
invite me to Los Pinos (his official residence). I was afraid. She left that meeting feeling hopeful.
She believed she was going to receive help: We have to make institutions commit to solving
these problems, not people. That was what I understood.
Families in Search was founded thanks to the great lessons learnt from Javier Sicilia.
Currently there are more than one thousand families, all over Mexico, who ask Mara and their
children for help to search for their disappeared loved ones. They combine their efforts to
generate pressure and visibility. Even though she now has a home and personal protection in
Mexico City, some afternoons she goes to the bus station to look for people who sleep sitting
up or on the floor, as she did many times. She offers them a bed, a meal, and help in reigniting
their search.
171
NDICE INDEX
8
10
12
16
20
24
28
32
36
40
44
48
52
56
60
64
68
72
76
80
84
88
PRESENTACIN PRESENTATION
PRLOGO PROLOGUE
JUAN CARLOS Trujillo Herrera
ALBERTO Donis Rodrguez
ALTAGRACIA Tamayo Madueo
MERITXELL Caldern Vargas
MIGUEL NGEL Garca Leyva
CLAUDIA ERIKA Zenteno Zaldvar
IRINA Layevska
JORGE Andrade Galindo
MARA TERESA Vallejo Prez
MARA LUISA Garfias Marn
JULIO Mata Montiel
ZUZANA Oviedo Bautista
ALEJANDRO Solalinde Guerra
SILVIA Prez Yescas
ARMANDO de la Cruz Corts
MARA ISABEL Jimnez Salinas
TOMS Gonzlez Castillo
ALEJANDRA Serrano Pavn
TITA Radilla Martnez
JOS ANTONIO Lara Duque
92
96
100
104
108
112
116
120
124
128
132
136
140
144
148
152
156
160
164
168
NLIDA Reyes Guzmn

JESS Robles Maloof
LETICIA Gutirrez Valderrama
SAL Torres Barbosa
NADIN Reyes Maldonado
MARA DEL CARMEN Rioseco Gallegos
FERNANDO Ocegueda Flores
LUCILA BETTINA Cruz Velzquez
SILVIA Castillo Salgado
JORGE Carrasco Araizaga
HERMELINDA Tiburcio Cayetano
SARA Bartolo Lpez
RAL Ramrez Baena
YSICA Snchez Maya
NORMA Mesino Mesino
APOLONIA Plcido Valerio
ELISEO Sandoval Cabrera
ELSA Arista Gonzlez
MARIANO Lpez Gmez
MARA ELENA Herrera Magdaleno
Directorio 2016 | Directory 2016

Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos, A.C.
Consejo Directivo | Board of Directors

Ximena Andin Ibez (Presidenta | President)
Alejandro Anaya Muoz
Beatriz Sols Leere
Jacobo Dayn
Jos Luis Caballero Ochoa
Luis Gonzlez Plascencia
Mariclaire Acosta Urquidi
Miguel Concha Malo
Paulina Vega Gonzlez
Susana Erenberg Rotbar
Director Ejecutivo | Executive Director
Jos Antonio Guevara Bermdez
rea de Defensa | Legal Department
Nancy Jocelyn Lpez Prez (Directora | Head)
Mariana Teresa Peguero
Natalia Prez Cordero
Nayomi Aoyama Gonzlez
Federico Manuel Rodrguez Paniagua
Carla Sofa Loyo Martnez
rea de Investigacin I Department of Investigation
Luca Guadalupe Chvez Vargas (Directora | Head)
Alejandra Leyva Hernndez
Montserrat Martnez Tllez
rea de Incidencia | Advocacy Department
Olga Guzmn Vergara (Directora | Head)
Amaya Ordorika Imaz
rea de Comunicacin | Department of

Communication
Mariana Beatriz Gurrola Yez (Co-Directora | Co-Head)
Luis Mara Barranco Soto (Co-Director | Co-Head)
rea de Desarrollo Institucional | Institutional
Development Department
Mara Cappello (Directora | Head)
rea de Administracin | Administration Department
Eduardo Macas Snchez (Director | Head)
Teresita de Jess Landa Bernal
rea de Defensores | Human Rights Defenders
Department
Axel Garca Carballar (Director | Head)
Lizbeth Montessoro Elas
rea de Desplazamiento Interno Forzado |
Department of Forced Internal Displacement
Brenda Gabriela Prez Vzquez (Directora | Head)
Montserrat Castillo Portillo
rea de Trabajo y Acompaamiento Psicosocial |
Department of Psychosocial Consultancy
Valeria Patricia Moscoso Urza (Directora | Head)
Consultora en Desplazamiento Interno Forzado |
Forced Internal Displacement Consultant
Laura Gabriela Rubio Daz Leal
La
respuesta ante las injusticias

The
answer to combatting
comienza con la indignacin

injustice starts with indignation
Este libro se realiz en

www.elrecipiente.com,
el cuidado de la edicin estuvo a cargo
de Xavier Rodrguez y el diseo fue tarea de Tania Alcntara
y Ximena Hernndez. Ral Anbal Snchez lo corrigi.
Para su composicin se utilizaron las tipografas de la familia Avenir.
Impreso el interior en papel Couch de 110g
y los forros en cartulina Sulfatada de 12 puntos.
El tiraje const de 600 ejemplares.
Noviembre de 2015, Mxico D.F.
This book was created at

www.elrecipiente.com,
Xavier Rodrguez was in charge of revising the edition,
Tania Alcntara and Ximena Hernndez were the designers.
Ral Anbal Snchez was the corrector.
The Avenir Family provided the typeface used in this book.
The book was printed on 110g Couche paper
and the cover on Sulfated Cardboard in 12 points.
This edition is limited to 600 copies.
November 2015, Mexico City.

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CMDPDH Rostros de La Dignidad 40 Voces en Defensa de Los Derechos Humanos

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ROSTROS

VOCES EN DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN MXICO

Comisin Mexicana de Defensa y Promocin de los Derechos Humanos, a.c.

Fotografas | Photo credits

Edicin y diseo | Design and edition

VOCES EN DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN MXICO

True politics takes

he world of human rights defenders is peopled by a colorful array of characters, like

The newspaper published a photo of Mexican

Coordinador del albergue de

Coordinator of the migrant shelter

Ciudad Ixtepec, Oaxaca

Ciudad Ixtepec, Oaxaca

Por la carretera de Guatemala a Mxico, en una

On the highway from Guatemala to Mexico, sixty

Presidenta del Consejo Binacional por la

President of the Binational Council

Mexicali, Baja California

Mexicali, Baja California

The heat leaves your mouth dry, and no amount of

ay un lugar en el centro de Mexicali que se llama cobina, el Consejo Binacional por la

Representante de la Red Iberoamericana

Representative of the Ibero-American Network

Tijuana, Baja California

Tijuana, Baja California

Meritxell Caldern creci en un lugar nico, no slo

Meritxell Caldern grew up in a unique place.

n aquel momento, la cabeza de su padre tena un precio, porque a los narcotraficantes

Fundador de la Asociacin Esperanza contra

Founder of the Hope Association against

Mexicali, Baja California

Mexicali, Baja California

A mother can feel another mothers pain; shared

iguel ngel Garca Leyva es de Sinaloa, pero su activismo lo ha obligado a salir de

Defensora del medio ambiente

Xochimilco, Ciudad de Mxico

Xochimilco, Mexico City

Claudia started to worry each time her children

Asesora, educadora y defensora de la igualdad

Consultant, educator and gender equality

Cada maana, Irina se reinventa, sta ha sido la

Each morning, Irina reinvents herself. This has been

Founder of the Collective You are Us

Miles de migrantes tuvieron que caminar siguiendo

Thousands of migrants had to walk along the train

Presidenta del Centro de Rehabilitacin,

President of the Center of Rehabilitation,

Tijuana, Baja California

Tijuana, Baja California

Un hombre con el rostro cubierto cort cartucho y

A man with a masked face loaded the gun and

Integrante del Colectivo Nosotras

Member of the Collective Us

Chilpancingo de los Bravo, Guerrero

Chilpancingo de los Bravo, Guerrero

That afternoon, Mara Luisa was working from home.

Secretario ejecutivo de la Asociacin de

Executive Secretary of the Association

Atoyac de lvarez, Guerrero

Atoyac de lvarez, Guerrero

Julio Mata subi al templete del teatro del pueblo

Julio Mata climbed onto the stage to serve as the

Integrante de Comunidad Raz Zubia