Elementos Básicos de Gramática Comparada
Elementos Básicos de Gramática Comparada
Esta asignatura, al igual que todas las de la Especialidad: Lengua Extranjera (Inglés), debe
contribuir a la formación de los estudiantes normalistas como futuros maestros de inglés en las
escuelas secundarias y, por lo tanto, su orientación es práctica más que teórica y pedagógica más
que académica.
El curso se realiza en español y en inglés; sin embargo, las clases se darán principalmente en inglés,
fortaleciendo así el dominio del idioma por parte de los estudiantes. En la comparación entre el
español y el inglés se destacarán semejanzas y diferencias que tengan más relevancia tanto en el
aprendizaje del inglés por parte de personas cuya primera lengua es el español, como en su
enseñanza a esas mismas personas. Además, se examinará el papel de los “errores de
interferencia”; es decir, aquellos que parecen originarse en la transferencia de formas o hábitos de
la lengua materna, pero en el contexto de la amplia gama de errores que se “cometen” durante el
largo proceso de aprender el inglés como lengua extranjera, incluyendo los “errores de adquisición”
que son universales, sin importar la lengua materna de quien aprende.
Al aplicar el análisis comparativo a la enseñanza del inglés, es necesario recordar que existen varias
teorías acerca de los errores que se cometen al aprender una lengua, con cuerpos de investigación
bastante amplios. La teoría que más se relaciona con el análisis comparativo entre la lengua meta y
la materna es el conductismo (behaviorism), que considera que los errores tienen su origen, sobre
todo, en la interferencia de la lengua materna. Ejemplo de un probable error de interferencia es
cuando se dice: I have 20 years, en lugar de I am 20 (years old), que indica Yo tengo 20 años. El
trabajo de lingüística comparativa de Stockwell, Bowen y Martin (1965), entre otros, se inspiraba en
la teoría conductista.
Sin embargo, durante la última parte del siglo XX dominó otra teoría, la cognoscitiva (mentalism),
que considera los errores como producto natural del proceso de adquisición de la lengua y que son
universales, sin importar la lengua materna. Un ejemplo de esto es la siguiente clasificación: He like
apples, I didn’t went home, y This is more bigger; en vez de: He likes apples, I didn’t go home, y
This is bigger. Errores de adquisición universales que inclusive los niños británicos y
norteamericanos cometen al adquirir el inglés como lengua materna. Este enfoque, el “análisis de
errores”, empezó a rebasar al análisis comparativo en la teoría general del aprendizaje de las
lenguas extranjeras a partir de 1970 (véase, por ejemplo, Richards, 1974).
Actualmente, la postura de los expertos menos extremistas se sigue inclinando hacia la teoría
cognoscitiva; es decir, por la clasificación de la mayoría de los errores como resultado del proceso
de adquisición (y sobre todo de la simplificación y la sobre generalización). Sin embargo, reconocen
que muchos errores pueden tener, cuando menos, un elemento de interferencia de formas y usos
específicos de la lengua materna. Asimismo, la interferencia de la lengua materna se evidencia más
cuando todo un grupo de estudiantes tiene la misma lengua materna, que en grupos de nacionalidad
y lengua materna mixtas. El peligro de la consolidación de errores de interferencia en grupos
monolingües también es probablemente mayor en cuestiones de pronunciación.
La comparación entre el español (lengua materna) y el inglés (lengua meta) puede contribuir de
manera significativa en la planeación y enseñanza de clases de inglés. Pero debe cuidarse que, para
los estudiantes normalistas, el conductismo y el análisis comparativo no se conviertan en las
principales claves psicológicas y lingüísticas para la enseñanza y aprendizaje del idioma, ya que son
procesos sumamente complejos sobre todo en el aprendizaje realmente efectivo.
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PROPÓSITOS GENERALES
2. Concienciar a los estudiantes de las semejanzas y diferencias más significativas entre el español
y el inglés.
También se pretende que los estudiantes, además de apreciar las semejanzas y diferencias más
marcadas entre el español y el inglés, aprendan a aplicar estos conocimientos en su futuro trabajo
como maestros de inglés, y tengan en cuenta la naturaleza y el papel de los errores, tanto los de
interferencia como los de adquisición, en el aprendizaje de una lengua extranjera.
En las orientaciones didácticas se dan algunos ejemplos de actividades a realizar, para observar las
semejanzas y diferencias entre el español y el inglés, y desarrollar la habilidad de aplicar el análisis
comparativo y el análisis de errores en la enseñanza del inglés. En el Anexo se dan ejemplos de
materiales y actividades específicos.
2. Análisis comparativo de la gramática del español y del inglés, destacando las semejanzas y
diferencias más significativas para la enseñanza y el aprendizaje del inglés.
3. Análisis comparativo del vocabulario del español y del inglés, destacando las semejanzas y
diferencias más significativas para la enseñanza y el aprendizaje del inglés.
4. Análisis comparativo de la fonología del español y del inglés, destacando las semejanzas y
diferencias más significativas para la enseñanza y el aprendizaje del inglés.
ORIENTACIONES DIDÁCTICAS
Como actividad introductoria al curso se trabajarán, con algunos extractos de diferentes materiales,
el análisis comparativo y el análisis de errores, y su relación con la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de
las lenguas. A su vez, pueden explorar algunas de las semejanzas y diferencias entre el español y el
inglés (véase Anexo).
En el análisis comparativo de la gramática del español y del inglés conviene subrayar, antes que
nada, que estas dos lenguas se parecen mucho más que, por ejemplo, el español al náhuatl, al
árabe o al ruso. Cuando los estudiantes de inglés se confunden con las estructuras verbales
complejas, muchas veces producen frases que no pueden traducirse literalmente al español, por
ejemplo: He must had being working, que se traduce como Él debe habido estando trabajando, una
oración incorrecta; la oración correcta sería: He must have been working, que en español diría: Él
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debe haber estado trabajando. Los estudiantes evitarían muchos errores si construyeran las frases
verbales en inglés dentro de lo permisible en español. Sin embargo, hay que recordar que sólo al
escribir o al hacer un ejercicio formal se construyen las frases y oraciones conscientemente; en la
comunicación oral deben salir fluidamente del subconsciente.
Se pueden destacar más las diferencias que influyen en el aprendizaje del inglés de parte de los
hispanohablantes, por ejemplo, el hecho de que el español tenga dos verbos que cumplen funciones
del verbo be le causa problemas a los anglohablantes que aprenden español y no a los
hispanohablantes que aprenden inglés. En cambio, el que el inglés tenga dos verbos que cumplen
funciones para el verbo hacer, sí le causa problemas a los hispanohablantes que aprenden inglés.
Algunas de las diferencias que se pueden anotar son:
• La secuencia verbo-sujeto que se utiliza en afirmativo en español (Llegó mi tío) vs. sujeto-
verbo en inglés (My uncle arrived no Arrived my uncle).
• La omisión de pronombres como sujetos en español (Es muy interesante), que no es
permisible en inglés (It’s interesting, no Is interesting).
• El uso de a antes de un complemento personal en español (Vi a Juan) que no tiene
equivalente en inglés (I saw Juan, no I saw to Juan).
• La secuencia sustantivo-adjetivo del español y su concordancia de número (dos libros azules)
vs. adjetivo-sustantivo en inglés y sin concordancia (two blue books, no two books blues).
• La secuencia adverbio-complemento del español (Hablas bien el inglés) vs. complemento-
adverbio en inglés (You speak English well, no You speak well English).
• El “doble negativo” del español (No hice nada) vs. las opciones complejas del inglés,
nothing/not-anything (I did nothing/didn’t do anything, no I didn’t do nothing).
• Expresiones con tener en español (tener hambre/frío/X años) vs. be en inglés (be hungry /
cold / X years old, no have hungry / cold / X years).
• El verbo gustar (Me gusta Nicole Kidman) vs. like (I like Nicole Kidman, no Nicole Kidman
likes me –a menos que sea cierto).
• El futuro o el presente y el subjuntivo para el futuro en español (Lo haré / hago cuando
lleguemos) vs. el futuro con will y el presente en inglés (I’ll do it when we arrive, no (I will
do it when we’ll arrive).
• El uso del presente y desde hace en español (Vivo aquí desde hace dos años) vs. el presente
perfecto y for en inglés (I’ve lived here for two years y no I live here since two years ago).
• El uso de ser o estar con el participio pasado en español (Soy aburrido vs. Estoy aburrido)
vs. be con el gerundio o el participio pasado en inglés (I’m boring / interesting / etcétera vs.
I’m bored / interested / etcétera).
• El uso del artículo definido con sustantivos genéricos plurales en español (Los pingüinos no
vuelan) vs. la omisión del artículo en inglés (Penguins don’t fly, no The penguins don’t fly)
• El uso de lo + adjetivo en español (Lo importante es...) vs. the + adjetivo + thing en inglés
(The important thing is..., no The important is...).
• La concordancia de los adjetivos / pronombres posesivos con la posesión además del
poseedor en español (¿Juan fue su esposo / esposo suyo?) vs. concordancia únicamente con
el poseedor en inglés (Was Juan her husband? y no Was Juan his husband?). Esta parte se
complica más con el uso en español de su / sus, que corresponden en inglés a your / his /
her / their.
• El uso del infinitivo como sustantivo en español (Fumar es peligroso) vs. el gerundio en
inglés (Smoking is dangerous, no To smoke is dangerous).
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• El uso de más como único adverbio de comparación en español (más importante / grande)
vs. More / -er / most / -est en inglés (more important / bigger / most important / biggest,
no more bigger / most big / etcétera).
Estos últimos errores, más que interferencia de la lengua materna, pueden considerarse productos
de un sistema complejo que causa problemas a los niños que aprenden inglés como lengua materna
y de igual forma a quienes lo aprenden como lengua extranjera. El uso de la partícula más en
español representa, hasta cierto punto, una semejanza entre las dos lenguas (más-more) y no una
diferencia; lo que puede provocar problemas es que el sistema en inglés es más complejo que en
español. Otros errores típicos que resultan de la complejidad del sistema inglés más que de la
interferencia del español son:
• El sistema do-does-did (errores como: Does he lives here? She didn’t went).
• El gran número de verbos irregulares (errores como: She teached me English).
• Las distintas complementaciones de los verbos (errores como: She enjoys to swim, Let me
to see y I hope see you soon).
• La secuencia de palabras con los “verbos-frase” (errores como: I picked up it).
• El posesivo con –’s/–s’ (errores como: I’m friend’s John).
• Las formas anything/body/where, además de nothing/body/where (errores como: Anybody
understands me, en vez de Nobody understands me).
• Los plurales irregulares de los sustantivos (errores como: childs / childrens).
De hecho, el error clásico de omitir la “s” en la tercera persona singular del presente simple, se
explica mejor como error universal de simplificación que como error de interferencia y es típico en
los niños británicos y norteamericanos. Además, si las formas verbales del español interfirieran con
el inglés, se agregarían inflexiones en las otras personas en lugar de omitir la inflexión en la única
persona que sí la tiene: I live, you lives, he live, we livimos, they liven.
Después de esta enumeración de semejanzas y diferencias entre el español y el inglés, y las áreas
de errores universales en el aprendizaje de la lengua inglesa, se puede apreciar el reto didáctico,
pero ¿cómo manejar todo esto en forma dinámica e involucrar al estudiante, en lugar de
simplemente presentar el material como listas a memorizar? Recomendamos que se presenten las
distintas áreas como tareas de descubrimiento, por ejemplo:
1. Read the two sentences below, I. produced by a Mexican, and II. by an American. Then do the
tasks and answer the questions.
La película era tan aburrida que me quedé dormido. Ana también estaba aburrida pero no se
durmió.
The movie was so boring I fell asleep. Ana was also bored but she didn’t go to sleep.
a) Do the two texts convey essentially the same ideas?
b) What form in English corresponds to “era aburrida” in Spanish?
c) What form in English corresponds to “estaba aburrida” in Spanish?
d) What is the difference in meaning between the expressions (Spanish and English)
referred to in b) and in c) above?
e) How is that difference in meaning conveyed 1) in Spanish, and 2) in English?
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f) If a Mexican goes into a clothes store and says “Good morning. I’m interesting in a
swimsuit”, what do you think that person really wanted to say?
Un enfoque didáctico parecido, tareas de descubrimiento, puede emplearse también para las áreas
léxica y fonológica.
Los cognados y los falsos cognados tal vez sean algo relevantes en el área léxica, o cuando menos
más fáciles de tratar, aunque en realidad sea más complejo de lo que parece. Por un lado, el hecho
de que el español se deriva principalmente del latín y una parte importante de la lexis del inglés
también se deriva del latín y del francés puede constituir una ayuda en la comprensión, sobre todo
en la de lectura (en la producción puede crear un tono demasiado formal y rebuscado). El peligro,
por supuesto, radica en la interpretación de todas las palabras parecidas en la forma y el significado,
como: actual-actual (en lugar de present / current), lecture-lectura (en vez de conferencia), library-
librería (en lugar de biblioteca), parent-pariente (en vez de padre / madre), etcétera. Sin embargo,
no es suficiente memorizar los falsos cognados más comunes ya que la relación inglés-español
muchas veces no es sencilla y muchas palabras son cognados parciales, según el uso o contexto.
Por ejemplo, current sí corresponde a corriente de aire / electricidad / etcétera, pero the current
director no significa el director corriente, sino el director actual. A veces las redes de
correspondencia son complejas:
• race = raza ‡ race (de automóviles: carrera).
• career = carrera (en el trabajo) ‡ university course.
Aparte de los cognados / falsos cognados / cognados parciales, hay ciertos subsistemas o campos
léxicos que se estructuran de manera distinta en las dos lenguas. Los más notables son los grupos
familiares en plural de género mixto masculino y femenino: parents / mother and father, siblings
(formal) /brothers and sisters, children / sons and daughters, uncles and aunts, etcétera.
También se pueden diseñar tareas que requieren del uso de un buen diccionario inglés-inglés o
inglés-español-inglés.
El tratamiento de la fonología comparativa depende mucho del tiempo disponible después de ver la
gramática y el lexis. Primero, conviene subrayar que los problemas no son exclusivamente fonéticos
(la diferencia entre los sonidos supuestamente individuales –aunque raras veces se producen en
aislamiento– y que cuando se acompañan de otros sonidos cambian su carácter). Puede ser
conveniente empezar con el ritmo, énfasis, contracciones, formas débiles y entonación de
enunciados completos en el inglés, por ejemplo: D’y-think-it’s-gonna-rain? (Do you think it is going
to rain?), comparado con la pronunciación más silábica y pareja del español. Es posible notar aquí
que hay ciertos estilos de hablar en español que tienden hacia el estilo normal en inglés: Q’húbole.
¿Pa’qué me hablas? Yo no po’hacer nada. Por supuesto, la concienciación de la pronunciación
normal de enunciados en inglés tiene más importancia en la comprensión que en la producción; uno
puede hablar despacio, “silábicamente”, y ser inteligible, pero también hay que entender a los
interlocutores.
Entre los problemas fonéticos más relevantes para un estudiante mexicano del inglés son:
• La pronunciación ortográfica: pay pronunciado /paI/ en lugar de /peI/. Esto realmente es
una interferencia de la distinta relación entre la ortografía y la pronunciación en las dos
lenguas, porque el español viene siendo más “fonético”.
• La introducción de /e-/ ante palabras que empiezan con /sp-/ /st-/ /sk-/ /sm-, por ejemplo:
/espi:k/ en lugar de /spi:k/ (speak), /esku:l/ en lugar de /sku:l/ (school), entre otros.
• El debilitamiento o la pérdida de consonantes finales, sobre todo /ba/ en lugar de /bæd/
(bad), /dox/ o /do/ en lugar de /dog/ (dog).
• Dificultad para distinguir entre fonemas distintos en inglés cuando sólo hay uno en español:
/I/ vs. /I/ - sheep vs. ship.
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/æ/ vs. /a:/ vs. / / - cam vs. calm vs. come.
/ / vs. /o/ vs. /o:/ - nut vs. knot vs. nought.
/t/ vs. /T/ - tree vs. three.
/b/ vs. /v/ - best vs. vest.
/ƒ/ vs. /tƒ/ - wash vs. watch.
Las principales actividades para manejar esta parte del curso probablemente serán:
1. You are planning a class about “The Family”. What grammatical structures are you going to use?
[Verbs: present tense of be, have and basic activities, e.g. work, study. Nouns: mother, father,
parents, brother, sister. Possessives: my, your, his, her, their.]
2. What actual types of statement, question and answer will you use?
[Do you have any brothers or sisters? Yes, I have.../No, I don’t. What are their names/is his/her
name? Do they work or study? Where are your parents from?, etcetera.]
3. What grammar problems do you anticipate?
[Confusion or omission of do/does: You have a brother? Do he works? Omission of 3rd person –s,
or use of it in the interrogative: He study. Where does he studies? Confusion of your/his/her:
What is your name? (about a brother or sister, i.e. his/her name), etcetera.]
4. What vocabulary problems do you anticipate?
Use of brothers for brothers and sisters. Use of fathers for parents.]
5. How would you pronounce the questions Do you have any brothers or sisters? and What is his
name?
[D’you have any brothers or sisters? What’s (h)is name?]
Finalmente, recordar que también se debe “familiarizar a los estudiantes con los conceptos y
terminología básicos de la gramática, el vocabulario y la fonología para hablar en inglés”. Mucho de
esto se expondrá automáticamente al tratar cada tema: subject, cognate, phoneme. Sin embargo,
hay conceptos y terminología que no corresponden de una lengua a la otra, por ejemplo, el inglés
tiene tiempos verbales distintos al español, y un complement es distinto a un object (en She won
the race. She was the champion, the race es el object de la primera oración y the champion es el
complement de la segunda).
Evaluación
Como siempre, la evaluación debe relacionarse estrechamente con las actividades del curso. Por lo
tanto se recomienda emplear los mismos tipos de tarea, sobre todo los indicados para trabajar en la
gramática, el lexis y la planeación de clases. Se podría asignar calificaciones a las mismas tareas del
curso a manera de evaluación continua, o si se requiere un prueba final formal, ésta podría consistir
en una serie de breves tareas del mismo tipo.
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Bibliografía general
• James Carl (1980), Contrastive Analysis, Harlow Essex, Longman Group Ltd
• Norrish John (1983), Language learners and their errors, Hong Kong, Macmillan Press
• Wallace Robinett Betty & Schachter Jacquelyn (1983), Second Language Learning, U.S.A.,
The University of Michigan Press
• Inter American University of Puerto Rico (1973), Readings in Spanish-English Contrastive
Linguistics, San Juan, Puerto Rico, Inter American University Press,
• Roca Iggy and Johnson Wyn (1999), A course in Phonology, Great Britain, Blackwell
Publishers Inc.
• James Carl (1980), Contrastive Analysis, Harlow Essex, Longman Group Ltd
• Wallace Robinett Betty & Schachter Jacquelyn (1983), Second Language Learning, U.S.A.,
The University of Michigan Press
• Páginas Web
• http://www.bilingualquestions.org/qa207.htm
• http://www.nichd.nih.gov/RFA/hd-99-012/hd-99-012.htm
ANEXO
ACTIVITY 1
Task 1. Discuss this question in groups: Are most errors made by learners of English as a foreign
language a consequence of interference (or transfer) from their first language?
Task 2. Read the extract below. In groups decide whether the passage suggests it is now generally
believed that:
a) Most errors are a consequence of first language interference.
b) Most errors are not a consequence of first language interference.
Until the late 1960s, most people regarded second language learners’ speech as an incorrect version
of the target language. Their errors were believed to be the result mainly of transfer from their first
language. Contrastive analysis was the basis for identifying differences between the first and second
language and for predicting areas of potential error. So, for example, one might predict that a
speaker of French would be likely to express the idea of being cold as “I have cold” in English
because this would be a direct translation of the way this meaning is expressed in French (J’ai froid).
And, indeed, some errors of this type do occur in learners’ language.
Lightbown & Spada, 2000: 72.
Task 3. Translate the first three sentences (Until the late 1960s... areas of potential error) into
Spanish.
Task 4. Without referring to the original English, translate your Spanish version back into English.
Task 5. Compare the original English version and your new version. Are any differences a result of
the influence of Spanish in your English, or of something else?
ACTIVITY 2
Task 1. In groups, discuss the kind of typical errors that Mexican children make while learning
Spanish (e.g. Lo poní en la mesa. No cabo.). Do you think foreign learners of Spanish make the
same kinds of errors?
Task 2. Read the extract below. In groups, decide whether the passage suggests that foreign
learners’ errors are:
a) Mostly a consequence of struggling to discover the structure of the language, just like little
children.
b) Mostly a consequence of first language interference.
c) Partly first language interference and partly struggling to discover the structure of the language.
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...however, not all errors made by second language learners can be explained in terms of first
language transfer alone. A number of studies show that many errors can be explained better in
terms of learners’ attempts to discover the structure of the language being learned rather than an
attempt to transfer patterns of their first language. Furthermore, some of the errors are remarkably
similar to the kinds of errors made by young first language learners. An example in English would be
the use of a regular -ed past tense ending on an irregular verb (as in... ‘I buyed a bus ticket’).
Task 3. Translate the sentence “A number of studies show... their first language” into Spanish word
for word: “Un número de estudios...”.
Task 4. In pairs, discuss what this bad, word-for-word translation tells you about English compared
with Spanish.
BLOQUE I
INTRODUCCIÓN A LA GRAMÁTICA COMPARADA
PROPÓSITO:
Introducir a los alumnos a un conocimiento general de la fonología y las diferencias de los sonidos
entre el inglés y el español.
• Gramática
• Lexis
2. Analizar diferentes teorías y conceptos relacionados con los errores que se cometen al aprender
una lengua
• Conductismo
• Teoría cognoscitiva
• Teoría de interferencia
• Interlenguaje
3. Tipos de errores
• Errores de interferencia
• Errores de adquisición
• Sobregeneralización
• Aplicación incompleta de reglas
BIBLIOGRAFÍA BÁSICA:
• James Carl (1980), Contrastive Analysis, Harlow Essex, Longman Group Ltd,1-97
• Norrish John (1983), Language learners and their errors, Hong Kong, Macmillan Press, pp. 28-
42, 126-130
• Wallace Robinett Betty & Schachter Jacquelyn (1983), Second Language Learning, U.S.A., The
University of Michigan Press, pp. 6-14, 20-31, 73-85, 109-117, 173-190.
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ACTIVIDADES SUGERIDAS:
2. Análisis teórico
Para dinamizar el estudio de la teoría de esta asignatura, se sugiere presentar una cita de alguno de
los autores incluidos en la bibliografía y fomentar la participación de los estudiantes con el objetivo
de acordar o estar en desacuerdo con la misma y finalmente llegar a una conclusión grupal.
3. Debate
Dividir el grupo en equipos y asignarle una teoría de los errores que se cometen al aprender una
lengua y llevar a cabo la presentación en forma de debate, en el cual cada equipo defienda su teoría
como si fuera la más certera y completa.
4. Grabaciones
Analizar una grabación de estudiantes de inglés cuya lengua nativa sea el español y determinar el
tipo de errores cometidos a través de la gramática comparada.
BLOQUE II
ANÁLISIS COMPARATIVO DEL ESPAÑOL Y DEL INGLÉS
PROPÓSITO:
BIBLIOGRAFÍA BÁSICA:
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• Roca Iggy and Johnson Wyn (1999), A course in Phonology, Great Britain, Blackwell
Publishers Inc., pp. second page before the table of contents and first page after the index of
subjects.
ACTIVIDADES SUGERIDAS:
2. Identificar las diferencias entre los sonidos producidos en inglés y los producidos en español con
ejemplos. Se puede aprovechar este tema para introducir el IPA o Alfabeto Fonético
Internacional.
3. Realizar ejercicios de gramática en los que los estudiantes perciban la diferencia entre el español
y el inglés.
4. Estudiar las diferencias en los proverbios, dichos, o expresiones que sean equivalentes en
español y en inglés. Identificar aquellos en los que se conserve el significado pero la forma sea
diferente. Por ejemplo: “tan fresco como una lechuga” equivale a “as fresh as a cucumber”, lo
cual presenta una diferencia léxica.
6. Analizar las diferencias entre canciones que tienen versión en inglés y en español. Se sugiere
llevar la música al aula e invitar a los estudiantes a cantar.
BLOQUE III
USO PEDAGÓGICO DE LA GRAMÁTICA COMPARADA
PROPÓSITO:
Aplicar estos conocimientos como bases para el futuro trabajo del normalista como maestro de
inglés.
1. La importancia de los errores del estudiante.
2. Anticipar y remediar errores de interferencia y de adquisición.
3. Discusión de posibles errores que los estudiantes cometen al aprender el idioma inglés.
4. Anticipación de dificultades y errores en la planeación de clases.
5. Predicción de errores y planeación de actividades para eliminar los mismos.
BIBLIOGRAFÍA BÁSICA:
• James Carl (1980), Contrastive Analysis, Harlow Essex, Longman Group Ltd,141-165
• Wallace Robinett Betty & Schachter Jacquelyn (1983), Second Language Learning, U.S.A.,
The University of Michigan Press, pp.148-157, 158-161
• Páginas Web
• http://www.bilingualquestions.org/qa207.htm
• http://www.nichd.nih.gov/RFA/hd-99-012/hd-99-012.htm
10
ACTIVIDADES SUGERIDAS:
1. Estudiar casos de otros maestros que realizan un análisis comparativo del aprendizaje de la
segunda lengua de sus estudiantes. (Se pueden encontrar muchos de estos artículos en
Internet).
2. Proyecto final
• Desarrollar un proyecto final en equipo en el que el normalista ponga en práctica los
conocimientos adquiridos durante este curso.
• El proyecto consiste en analizar la escritura y el habla de 5 estudiantes (como mínimo) de la
lengua inglesa cuya lengua materna sea el español.
• El propósito es comparar el español y el inglés de los estudiantes en los tres niveles en los
que se enfocó el curso: gramático, léxico, y fonológico.
• Llevar a cabo una presentación acerca de los resultados de este proyecto ante todo el grupo.
3. Escribir una lista de ejemplos de errores que pueden cometer los estudiantes al aprender inglés,
tratando de predecirlos siguiendo la teoría del análisis comparativo o gramática comparada del
inglés y el español.
11
12
MATERIAL
DE
APOYO
13
14
LANGUAGE LEARNERS AND THEIR ERRORS
John Norrish
actually to contrast the structures. This is no
OTHER CURRENT THEORIES OF THE easy task, since it is extremely difficult to
CAUSES OF ERROR devise a consistent system or basis for
contrast. For example, look at this English
CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS sentence with the Chinese translation
underneath. The literal translation of the
In 1967 Politzer enthused: ‘Perhaps the least Chinese is given in italics.
questioned and least questionable application
of linguistics is the contribution of contrastive Where is the railway station?
analysis.’ (For a recent review of the subject, Huo che jan tzai na li?
see James 1980.) It was believed that by Fire cart stop at which side
comparing two linguistic systems, that of the
mother tongue and that of the target From this sentence it will be noticed that there
language, it was possible to predict areas of are a number of structural differences
difficulty, and thus errors. This theory is between the two languages. The main one is
related to the notion of ‘interference’ that there is no verb equivalent in the Chinese
mentioned above. It was found that, contrary sentence for ‘is’. Then the two ‘words’ for
to expectations, not all of the areas of ‘where’ appear at the end of the sentenced,
difference between two language systems not the beginning. And so on and so on… it
actually resulted in errors. Areas where no can be seen from this very limited example
difficulty had been predicted did produced that to make any kind of contrastive study of
errors. The main problem with contrastive two languages is an enormous task, and one,
analysis seems to be that while parts of two moreover, which has very seldom been
language systems may or may not differ, this carried out. One example of this type of work
does not tell us much about how a learner will is Stockwell, Bowen and Martin’s well-known
go about the learning task. Nor does it work on Spanish and English (Stockwell,
account for the well-attested fact that the Bowen and Martin 1965).
same errors are made by first language
speakers from very differing language However, for the classroom teacher,
backgrounds. For example, the learners who contrastive analysis is not entirely without
made these errors had different backgrounds, use. Many teachers of English will have a good
one spoke an African language as his mother enough knowledge of the two languages (the
tongue, the other a European language: students’ mother tongue and the target
language) to become familiar with certain
When I reached home, I kiss him. characteristic errors that students make, and,
if there are any, parallel forms in the mother
When the evening came, we go to the tongue. A suitable treatment of errors arising
pictures. from translation from the learners L1 might,
at an intermediate or advanced level, involve
Teachers who have experience in different pointing out that while in the mother tongue it
countries, or of teaching students with is possible to say something in this way,
different first languages in the same class, will nevertheless in the target language it is not.
have noticed that similar errors tend to recur, The danger of this approach is that it can lead
virtually independently of the students’ to an analytical teaching style, which as its
mother tongue. These errors involving the prime aim seeks to eliminate certain errors
verb ‘to know’ were made by different rather than to teach communication through
students in a multilingual class: the target language.
Does he know to find the way? Contrastive analysis can, especially in the field
Does she know to play hockey? of pronunciation, indicate with fair probability
certain areas of difficulty. For example, in
The other problem, perhaps even greater than Thai, some words begin with the ng sound, as
the failure of contrastive analysis to predict in English sing. In English this sound does not
errors, is the sheer magnitude of the task of occur at the beginnings of words. Therefore
writing any contrastive analysis of two this might prove a problem for English
languages. In theory you would need as near speakers learning Thai. Note that this is only a
a complete structural description of both possibility; some learners might not find this
languages as possible. Then, it is necessary particularly difficult.
15
Contrastive analysis can be regarded then by (1972), as well as other workers in the field,
teachers as one of a number of devices in touches on. J Richards terms it
their study of learners’ errors. It has its ‘overgeneralization’ and H V George
problems, though; the main one being that ‘redundancy reduction’. On the basis of his
anyone using the technique needs to know experience of the language, the learner
both the mother tongue and the target constructs a deviant structure, for example
language and would also need a good A We are visit the zoo.
grounding in grammar. B She must goes.
C Yesterday I walk to the shop and buy…
General order of difficulty
As Richards points out, this type of error can
One interesting idea which is receiving be regarded as a blend of two structures in
attention from researchers in studying the the ‘standard version’ of the language. The
causes of errors is the ‘General Order of error might be made as a result of blending
Difficulty? Theory (see Richards and Sampson structures learnt early in the learning
and work by Raven, both in Richards 1974). sequence. In the three sentences given as an
Researchers have found that it is difficult for example, sentence (a) shows a blending of
native speakers as well as for learners of the continuous and the simple present and in
English as a foreign language to distinguish sentence (b) both the modal verb and the
between the English sounds /ν/ and /ð/, and standard third person singular –s suffix are
/f/ and /θ/. These distinctions are among the used. Sentence (c) is slightly different, in that
last made by English-speaking children the redundancy (the additional information
learning their mother tongue. As far as which any natural language incorporates) is
structural difficulties are concerned, Carol removed: the adverbial marker ‘yesterday’ is,
Chomsky in an investigation of children’s for the learner, sufficient to indicate a time
control of their mother tongue (English, in this reference, and consequently the –ed is
case), between the ages of five and ten years, omitted from the stem of the verbs. In the
indicates that even by the age of ten a first two examples, (a) and (b), the
considerable proportion of children were overgeneralization is that of removing the
unable to understand the (apparently) simple necessity for concord, and overgeneralizing
structure ‘John asked Bill what to do’ the rule which states that in the present
(Chomsky 1969). She suggests that there is, simple there are no suffixes except for the
regardless of the age by which a child has third person singular. In the case of (c) the
learnt a particular structure, a characteristic redundancy involves the –ed form and
order of learning which is almost invariable. ‘yesterday’, both indicating time past. The
This cannot be simply related to the child’s information in the message is, under optimum
need to express a particular concept, or the conditions, not interfered with – but with less
frequency of use of the structure, as evidence favorable conditions, the listener would have
from different languages shows different only one indicator of ‘time past’ and could
characteristic orders. Recent work on learners miss it, thus leading to failure to interpret the
of English as a foreign language has indicated speaker’s or writer’s intention.
that this apparent hierarchy of difficulty may
explain, at least partly, some of the learner’s What actually gives rise to the
errors in English. overgeneralization can be any one or more of
a number of factors. Some possibilities are the
Indeed, experiments have shown some quite manner or order in which the language items
surprising similarities in achievement between are presented by the teacher or the text; and
different groups of language learners, both the actual exercises which the learner is called
first and foreign. Bailey, Madden and Krashen upon to complete. For example, learners may
(1974), examining results from several produce the following incorrect responses:
experiments, show that both adults and
children who are learning English as a second Exercise Response
language perform very similarly to each other,
although the adult level of performance was She goes: (must)
not so high as that of the children. She must goes.
This same creative activity lead a student Interference from another language has
learning German to use the adjective bissing already been mentioned as one of the possible
(which literally means ‘liable to bite’) in the sources of error in language learning. Let us
wrong context. He had seen the adjective now look at the different forms this may take
used in relation to dogs Achtung, bissiger for the learner of English as a foreign
Hund (‘Beware of the dog’) so imagined he language and the learner of English as a
could use it to mean ‘beware of the teacher’ second language. One hears the target
and created the utterance Achtung bissiger language in a classroom, where his only
Lehrer! The teacher could easily have chance to practice the language occurs. The
categorized the utterance as ‘deviant’ on the other lives in a different type of environment
grounds of unusual collocation, but in fact his where he can see English in use around him,
positive response had a great psychological on advertising hoardings for example, and
effect on the student and his subsequent hear it used by his fellow countrymen in
enthusiasm from learning German. This certain situations in his society.
anecdote is intended to illustrate the fact that
one of the main causes of error, though not Foreign language errors
the only one, is precisely that creativity and
adventurousness in students that the alert Let us consider first of all the learner who
and responsive teacher at any level will wish hears his English mainly in the classroom; in
to encourage. other words, the learner of English as a
‘foreign language’. The errors he makes will
It should be made clear at this stage that relate closely to his own formation of an
there are at least two types of creativity in ‘interlanguage’. They may also arise as a
language use. The first type, which is being result of the data he is presented with by the
referred to here, is the ability on the learner textbook, or by the teacher, who may, for
to use the parts of the language that he has example, consistently ‘mispronounce’ a given
learnt in order to say something that he may sound, or constantly make a grammatical
not have heard before; it is precisely the error. We would of course hope not to find
same process which leads the mother tongue actual grammatical errors made by teachers
child to produce the form ‘goed’. The learner or in textbooks, but it is possible that a
is drawing certain conclusions about how the manner or order of presentation may lead to
language behaves, using as evidence what he the formation by the learner of certain ideas
has seen of the target language. It is this type or ‘hypotheses’ which may not accord with the
of behavior that teachers would surely wish to actual facts of the target language. For
encourage among language learners, despite example, some textbooks introduce the
the fact that it may, on occasion, lead to present continuous tense at a very early
‘deviant’ language forms. The problem is that stage. This tends to happen because it seems
when exams are being prepared for, both to be the easiest tense to demonstrate in the
teachers and taught expect a rather more classroom, and one of the most ‘productive’
defensive mode of behavior; it is often tenses in so far as it can be used to teach
thought that it is considerably safer, in an further items of the language. As we
exam which sets out to asses a learner’s mentioned before, the order in which items
control of the language code, to say what can are presented and the exercises on them may
be said safely rather than take risks. cause overgeneralization or confusion. This is
difficult to prove, but given what research
The second type of creativity is that which is shows us about language learning and the
usually covered by the term ‘creative arts’. It usual order f introducing language items in
is quite rare for people to be able to create textbooks, this explanation at least seems
works of literature in a language other than plausible. The point being underlined here is
their own, even if it has been as thoroughly that the error in the foreign language situation
learnt as their mother tongue. Joseph Conrad, really has to be a result of something that
whose first language was Polish, but wrote happens in the classroom, since it is usually
novels in English, and Samuel Beckett who is only here that the learner comers into contact
Irish but writes in French, are clearly not the with the target language.
norm among writers.
Second language errors
18
This, however, is not the case when we differ from that used by the same lecturer
consider the learner of English in an when addressing a policeman or perhaps a
environment where the language is in regular market trader, on the limited occasions when
use outside the classroom. We assume that he uses English in these situations.
the target language inside the classroom, the Furthermore, the English used by one
language of the textbook and the target of the policeman to another would again be
teacher is one of the standard varieties of different. It is an over-simplification to regard
English, British, American, Australian, etc. in the non-standard utterances as ‘wrong’. We
very many countries where English is used as need different criteria. Perhaps something
an official language, and perhaps as a lingua along these lines might suffice: does the
franca (that is, a language of communication addressee understand the speaker’s meaning
for those with no common local language), the quickly and clearly? This is clearly a major
varieties of English heard outside the topic. It raises the whole issue of what we
classroom may be very different from the mean by ‘correctness’ in language.
standard variety which is the target inside. An
example of a country where this is the case is A problem occurs when a listener new to the
Ghana, with over fifty languages for a environment appears, or when a speaker
population of approximately nine million. It is accustomed to one perhaps rather limited
not surprising that, in this situation, English variety of local English moves into a different
outside the classroom in Ghana develops setting, needing the language for different
some special characteristics of both purposes. It is of interest that these problems
pronunciation and structure. These features also occur among first language speakers.
which are not found in any of the standard This was noted in 1972 by Doughty, Pearce
varieties of English could be termed both and Thornton who attributed the silence of
‘errors’ and ‘mistakes’. But, given that the some students in a new environment to their
language functions efficiently as a medium of lack of familiarity with suitable language.
communication, would be entirely justified in
talking about ‘errors’? As with American As far as the classroom teacher is concerned,
English, so Ghanaian English differs in both what causes deviations in the case of second
lexical and structural items from British language learning is precisely the fact that the
English, since there are, naturally, concepts target language is being used outside the
and objects not found in Britain or British classroom for the effects of this to carry over
English. into the school. Indeed, it would seem to be
potentially counter-productive to treat these
For example: commonly used forms as ‘incorrect’ in any
way, since they are everyday currency in the
Guarantee shoes platform-soled shoes, ‘real world’ beyond the school walls. On the
originally sold with a guarantee of quality. other hand, the teacher clearly cannot
encourage the use of this type of local spoken
Chopbar a type of open-air snack bar serving English in, say, the writing of pieces of formal
hot food work. What seems necessary here is an
approach which stresses the relationship of
Firestone tyre pass tyre a very common different types of language to different
advertisement, using ‘pass’ for the situations. It may be asking something new of
comparative and meaning both ‘passes’ and many teachers to admit that in language, as
‘is better than’ other tires. in many other fields of human experience,
there may be no such thing as correct and
The car will pick you at the airport Pick you incorrect answers to every question, but
up. rather, more or less appropriate ones.
In this type of environment there is much In more practical terms, what can the teacher
more difficulty in judging error. However, if a actually do? One way of dealing with this
teacher believes that language is not taught problem might be to gather examples of as
only to pass exams, more variations become many different types of English used in the
acceptable. If we talk of ‘Ghanaian English’, country as possible –perhaps this could be
we are simplifying the issue. There are, as treated as a class or school project. Different
with any regional variety of a language, many media using English for the transmission of
different levels and types of Ghanaian English. information should be included:
the language is used by a lecturer talking to advertisements (both written and, where
his colleagues in a university seminar will possible, spoken on radio and film), English
19
used in newspapers, on labels and packaging
on manufactory products, in new broadcasts The next stage after collecting examples of
and on television, in business and other ‘local varieties of English’ would be some kind
communications. It is important for the class of study of the differences and similarities.
to collect as wide a set of examples as The depth and sophistication of this stage
possible, both in writing and, if possible, on would obviously depend largely both on the
tape. If English is used as a lingua franca, as, age of the students and the formal
say, the language or one of the languages of grammatical knowledge of the teacher. One
the playground, then this too would be useful interesting approach to this type of problem
material. has already been made. Jean Ure’s Bridge
Course (1974) follows a method close to that
An example of a ‘Ghanaian English’ poem, outlined here and also includes some study of
from a book written and published in Ghana. local languages and their use in different
The poems are suggested by ‘mottoes’ on the situations. This overtly more advanced work
buses. (p. 71, No Time to Die, K. G. Kyei and was designed for teacher training level, and
H. Schreckenbach, 1975) was written in Ghana.
22
SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNING
are engaged in language teaching and in
CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS, ERROR writing language-teaching materials. However,
ANALYSIS, AND RELATED ASPECTS the contrastive analysis hypothesis also raises
many difficulties in practice, so many in fact
Edited by Betty Wallace Robinet and Jacquelyn that one may be tempted to ask whether it is
Schachter really possible to make contrastive analyses.
And even if the answer to that question is a
THE CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS more or less hesitant affirmative, then one
HYPOTHESIS may well question the value to teachers and
curriculum workers of the results of such
Ronald Wardhaugh analyses.
During the course of their reading, students of Actually the contrastive analyses hypothesis
linguistics encounter a number of very may be stated in two versions, a strong
interesting hypotheses concerning different version and a weak version. In this paper the
aspects of language and language function. claim will be made that the strong version is
One long-lived hypothesis which has attracted quite unrealistic and impracticable, even
considerable attention from time to time –but though it is the one on which those who write
more, it must be added, from psychologists contrastive analyses usually claim to base
and anthropologists than from linguists- is the their work. On the other hand, the weak
Sapir-whorf hypothesis with its claim that the version does have certain possibilities for
structure of a language subtly influences the usefulness. However, even the weak version is
cognitive processes of the speakers of that suspect in some linguistic circles.
language.
It is possible to quote several representative
A much more recent hypothesis, and one statements of what has just been referred to
much more intriguing to linguists today than as the strong version of the contrastive
the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, is the language- analysis hypothesis. First of all, Lado in the
acquisition device hypotheses proposed by the preface to Linguistics Across Cultures (1957)
generative-transformation-analysts. The writes as follows:
hypothesis is that infants are innately
endowed with the ability to acquire a natural The plan of the book rests on the assumption
language and all they need to set the process that we can predict and describe the patterns
of language acquisition going are natural that will cause difficulty, by comparing
language data. Only by postulating such a systematically the language and culture to be
language-acquisition device can a generative- learned with the native language and culture
transformationalist account for certain of the student (P. vii)
linguistic universal, the ability to learn a first
language with ease, but also, apparently, Lado goes on to cite Fries in support of this
another universal, the inability to learn a proposition. Here is the appropriate quotation
second language after childhood without from Fries’s Teaching and Learning English as
difficulty. Like the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, the a Foreign Language (1945):
language-acquisition device hypothesis is
extremely intriguing, but it too presents The most efficient materials are those that are
seemingly insurmountable difficulties to based upon a scientific description on the
anyone seeking to device a critical test to language to be learned, carefully compared
prove its truth or falsity. A linguist may accept with a parallel description of the native
the hypotheses because they usefully and language of the learner. (P. 9)
economically explain certain language data
that he wants to explain in terms of a set of More recently in a book edited by Valdman,
axioms he can accept; or he may reject the entitled Trends in Language Teaching (1966),
hypotheses because they reek of mentalism or Banathy, Trager, and Waddle state the strong
subjectivity, or because he prefers a different version of the contrastive analysis hypothesis
set of axioms on which to base his work. as follows:
Still a third hypothesis, and the one which is … the change that has to take place in the
of special interest in this paper, is the language behavior of a foreign language
contrastive analysis hypothesis, a hypothesis student can be equated with the differences
of particular interest to those linguists who between the structure of the student’s native
23
language and culture and that of the target linguists claim they could follow in order to
language and culture. The task of the linguist, achieve definitive results if only there were
the cultural anthropologist, and the sociologist enough time.
is to identify these differences. The task of the
writer of a foreign language teaching program If one looks specifically at how phonological
is to develop materials which will be based on problems have been dealt with in this strong
a statement of these differences; the task of version, he can easily find evidence to support
the foreign language teacher is to be aware of the assertions just made. Many a linguist has
these differences and to be prepared to tech presented contrastive statements of the
them; the task of the students is to learn phonemic systems of two languages without
them. (P. 37) asking whether it is possible to contrast the
phonemic systems of two languages by
the same idea is presented in each of these procedures which attempt to relate and
three statements, the idea that it is possible English p to a French p, because linguists
to contrast the system of one language –the have chosen to symbolize some not well-
grammar, phonology, and lexicon- with the defined similarity between the two languages
system of a second language in order to in the same way, in this case by the letter p,
predict those difficulties which a speaker of or because both p’s are associated with
the second language will have in learning the certain movements of the glottis and lips. The
first language and to construct teaching use of the similarity of the symbols is more
materials to help him learn that language. deceiving than the use of the similarity of
phonemic features. The latter may be justified
An evaluation of this strong version of the to some extent in terms of what will be
contrastive analysis hypothesis suggests that referred to later as the weak version of the
it makes demands of linguistic theory, and, hypothesis, but statements about a language
therefore, of linguists, that they are in no lacking certain phonemes or two languages
position to meet. At the very least this version having the same phonemes are possibly even
demands of linguists that they have available more dangerous than they are naïve. Any
a set of linguistic universals formulated within such statements must ultimately rest on
a comprehensive linguistic theory which deals phonetic evidence, and, if they do, the strong
adequately with the syntax, semantics, and version of the hypothesis is being disregarded
phonology. Furthermore, it requires that they in favor of the weak version. As Weinrich
have a theory of contrastive linguistics into (1953) points out, phonemes are not
which they can plug complete linguistic commensurable across languages; phones,
descriptions of the two languages being individual sounds, are much more
contrasted so as to produce the correct set of manageable, because they do have some
contrasts between the two languages. Ideally, connection with events in the world, in this
linguists should not have to refer at all to case articulatory and acoustic events.
speakers of the two languages under contrast
for either confirmation or disconfirmation of Let us suppose that a linguist contrasts the
the set of contrasts generated by any such allophonic variants described in accounts he
theory of contrastive linguistics. They should finds of the phonological system of two
actually be able to carry out their contrastive languages. Could he then meet the demands
studies quite far removed from speakers of of the strong version? Once again the answer
the two languages, possibly without even must be negative, at least within the present
knowing anything about the two languages in state of linguistic knowledge. Ideally, a
question except what is recorded in the linguist interested in making a contrastive
grammars they are using. Such seems to be analysis would like to be able to take a
the procedure which the strong version of the statement of the allophones of Language A
contrastive analysis hypothesis demands of and say for each one exactly what difficulties
linguists. Stated in this way, the strong a speaker of Language B would have in
version doubtless sounds quite unrealistic, but producing that allophone. However, the
it should be emphasized that most writers of difficulties in the way of doing this are
contrastive analyses try to create the formidable. Are the phonetic statements the
impression that this is the version of the linguist finds sufficiently detailed and of the
hypothesis on which they have based their right kind to be of use: that is, what is the
work –or at least could base their work if adequacy of the phonetic theory and the
absolutely necessary. Here is yet another particular phonetic information at his
instance of a ‘pseudoprocedure’ in linguistics, disposal? Do the descriptions take into
a pseudoprocedure being a procedure which account all the phonological variables that
24
should be taken into account, such as A close reading of most of the contrastive
segmentation, stress, tone, pitch and juncture analyses which are available shows them to
and syllable, morpheme, word and sentence conform to some of the demands made by the
structures: that is, what is the state of the weak version of the theory and not at all to
phonological theory he is using? Does the the demands of the strong version. Even the
linguist have available to him an overall two highly regarded texts on English and
contrastive system within which he can relate Spanish by Stockwell and Bowen, The Sounds
the two languages in terms of mergers, splits, of English and Spanish (1965) and The
zeroes, overdifferentiations, Grammatical Structures of English and
underdifferentiations, re-interpretations, and Spanish (1965), fall into this category. It
so on: that is, what is the state of the appears that Stockwell and Bowen use their
contrastive theory he is employing? In this linguistic knowledge to explain what they
age of linguistic uncertainty the answer to all know from experience to be problems English
of these questions is obvious. speakers have in learning Spanish. The
linguistic theory they use is actually extremely
It seems, therefore, not a little strange, given eclectic and contains insights from generative
all the problems which the strong version of transformational, structural, and paradigmatic
the contrastive analysis hypothesis creates, grammars; nowhere in the texts is there an
that so many linguists claim to use in their obvious attempt to predict errors using an
work. None of them have actually conformed overriding contrastive theory of any power.
to its requirements in such work. However, Even the hierarchy of difficulty which
there have been attempts, some more Stockwell and Bowen establish in the second
successful and some less successful, to use chapter of the Sounds volume is based more
what may be called the weak version of the on their experience and intuition than on an
contrastive analysis hypothesis. In this case, explicit theory for predicting difficulties.
one must offer his own definition of the weak
version, because the literature contains little In recent years there have been two still
or no reference to what linguists have actually different approaches taken to the problems of
done in practice, in contrast to what they have contrastive analysis, both resulting from the
claimed they were doing or could do. current enthusiasm for generative
transformational theory. One of these
The weak version requires of the linguist only approaches dismisses the hypothesis from any
that he uses the best linguistic knowledge consideration at all. This dismissal stems from
available to him in order to account for a strong negative reaction to contrastive
observed difficulties in second language analysis, as, for example, in recent articles by
learning. It does not require what the strong Ritchie (1967) and Wolfe (1967) in Language
version requires, the prediction of those Learning. The second approach attempts to
difficulties and, conversely, of those learning use the generative-transformational model in
points which do not create any difficulties at order to provide some of the necessary
all. The weak version leads to an approach overriding theory to meet either the demands
which makes fewer demands of contrastive of prediction in the strong version or of
theory than does the strong version. It starts explanation in the weak version.
with the evidence provided by linguistic
interference and uses such evidence to The case for dismissal may be stated as
explain the similarities and differences follows: Languages do not differ from each
between systems. There should be no mistake other without limit in unpredictable ways
about the emphasis on systems. In this statements to the contrary notwithstanding.
version systems are important, because there All natural languages have a great deal in
is no regression to any presystemic view of common so that anyone who has learned one
language, nor does the approach result in language already knows a great deal about
merely classifying errors in any way that any other language he must learn. Not only
occurs to the investigator. However, the does he know a great deal about that other
starting point in the contrast is provided by language even before he begins to learn it,
actual evidence from such phenomena as but the deep structures of both languages are
faulty translation, learning difficulties, residual very much alike, so that the actual differences
foreign accents, and so on, and reference is between the two languages are really quite
made to the two systems only in order to superficial. However, to learn the second
explain actually observed interference language –and this is the important point- one
phenomena. must learn the precise way in which that
second language relates the deep structures
25
to its surface structures and their phonetic Many experienced teachers find themselves
representations. Since this way is unique for unable to accept such reasons for rejection of
each language, contrastive analysis can be of the hypothesis. Their experience tells them
little or no help at all in the learning task that a Frenchman is likely to pronounce
because the rules to be internalized are, of English think as sink and a Russian likely to
course, unique. Even though the form and pronounce it as tink, that a Spaniard will
some of the content of the rules to be almost certainly fail to differentiate English bit
acquired might be identical for both from beat, and thet an Englishman learning
languages, the combinations of these for French will tend to pronounce the French word
individual languages are quite idiosyncratic so plume as pleem or ploom. They admit that in
that superficial contrastive statements can in each case they must be prepared to teach the
no way help the learner in his task. whole of the second language to the learner,
but also insist that some parts of the second
Now there is obviously some merit in the language are easier to learn that others, for
above argument. If the underlying vowel no one ever must learn everything about the
system of French is something like the one second language. However, many also admit
Schane outlines in The Sound Pattern of that they do not know in what order learners
English (1968), and the underlying vowel should try to overcome the various difficulties
system of English is something like the one they are observed to have. Should a Spaniard
Chomsky and Halle outline in The Sound learning English learn to differentiate bit from
Pattern of English (1968), and if the speaker beat and bet from bait because of the
of English must somehow internalize the important surface contrasts which he does not
underlying vowel system of French and the make in Spanish? Or should he learn to
fifty or so phonetic realization rules which associate the vowels in such pairs of words as
Schaune gives in order to speak acceptable weep and wept, pale and pallid, type and
French, then one may easily be tempted to typical, tone and tonic, deduce and deduction
reject the whole notion of contrastive analysis, so that he can somehow internalize the
claiming that it has nothing at all to contribute underlying phonological system of English?
to an understanding of the learning task that The mind boggles at this last possibility! But it
is involved. is one which descriptions of Spanish and
English based on generative transformational
Uncertainty is obviously piled upon theory would seem to hold out for teachers.
uncertainty in making contrastive analyses.
Such uncertainties arise from inadequacies in Some recent suggestions for using generative
existing linguistic theories. As an example of transformational theory in contrastive analysis
theoretical inadequacy, one may observe that have actually been attempts to bring powerful
the notion of deep structure itself is extremely theoretical insights to bear within the weaker
uncertain. Chomsky (1968), McCawley version of the hypothesis in interesting work,
(1968), and Fillmore (1968) all mean Ritchie and Carter have used distinctive
somewhat different things by it, but all at feature hierarchies in attempts to explain such
least agree that it has something to do with problems as why a Russian is likely to say tink
meaning. However, for the purposes of and a Frenchman sink for English think, using
contrastive analysis any claim that all the notions of feature hierarchy, rule cycling,
languages are very much the same at the and morpheme and word structure rules, has
level of deep structure seems to be little more considerable possibilities. Certainly this kind of
than a claim that it is possible to talk about work seems more promising than some being
the same things in all languages, which is done by others in an attempt to show gross
surely not a very interesting claim, except similarities between deep structures in an
perhaps in that it seems to contradict the one assortment of languages.
made by Sapir and Whorf. The preceding
statement is not meant to be a criticism of In conclusion, it is fair to say that teachers of
generative transformational theory; it is second and foreign languages are living in
meant to show how acceptance of generative very uncertain times. A decade or so ago
transformational theory; it is meant to show contrastive analysis was still a fairly new and
how acceptance of that theory can fairly easily exciting idea apparently holding great promise
lead one to reject the idea that generative for teaching and curriculum construction.
transformational theory has something to Now, one is not so sure –and not solely as a
contribute to a theory of contrastive analysis, result of the Chomskyan revolution in
given the present state of the art. linguistics. The contrastive analysis hypothesis
has not proved to be workable, at least not in
26
the strong version in which it was originally the existence of ch in both Spanish and
expressed. This version can work only for one English orthographies with approximately the
who is prepared to be quite naïve in linguistic same sound values is a condition for positive
matters. In its weak version, however, it has transfer: the familiar ch of church carries over
proved to be helpful and undoubtedly will to chile, leche, lechuga with positive effect.
continue to be so as linguistic theory Finally the symbol ñ might lead to zero
develops. However, the hypothesis probably transfer –but in fact, since the student is
will have less influence on second language familiar with n but not with ñ, he often ignores
teaching and on course construction in the the tilde and hence encounters negative
next decade than it apparently has had in the transfer. An unarguable instance of zero
last decade. One cannot predict whether that transfer for the reader of English does not
diminishing influence will have a good or bad exist in Spanish orthography; we must look
effect on second language teaching. Today instead to a symbol system like those of
contrastive analysis is only one of many Korean or Chinese to find true instances of
uncertain variables which one must reevaluate zero transfer to him.
in second language teaching. No longer does
it seem to be as important as it once was. The conditions of negative, positive, and zero
Perhaps, like the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, it transfer by themselves would enable us to set
too is due for a period of quiescence. up a reasonable hierarchy of difficulty. We
could safely assume that instances where
SOUND SYSTEMS IN CONFLICT: A conditions for positive transfer existed would
HIERARCHY OF DIFFICULTY lend themselves to mastery more readily than
instances where conditions for a negative or
Robert P. Stockwell and J. Donald Bowen zero transfer existed. It is probable that we
should have somewhat more difficulty
In attempting to arrive at a reasonable determining whether the instances of negative
hierarchy of difficulty, we must take into transfer were more difficult than those of zero
account information from what psychologists transfer: does the student have more trouble
have developed as learning theory. There are mastering gender concord in Spanish (el
no doubt many aspects of learning theory muchacho mexicano, but la muchacha
from which we might benefit, but one concept mexicana), an instance of zero transfer, or
in particular seems promising: the notion of with por-para, where the phonetic similarity of
transfer –negative transfer, positive transfer, por and English for seemsto set up an
and zero transfer. A student may have some instance of negative transfer? Indeed we
habitual responses which are contrary to the would have no little difficulty deciding exactly
responses required for a new skill which he is which instances involved negative transfer
trying to master (negative) or which are and which ones zero: it is not at all clear, for
similar to the new responses (positive), or example, whether ser-estar is difficult because
which have no relation to them (zero). This of negative transfer from is to es, or because
notion of transfer is applicable throughout the of zero transfer from lack of distinction
structure of the language: the sound system, between such verbs in English to presence of
the grammar, the vocabulary. Let us see it in Spanish, or because of both factors
illustrations of transfer based on the relation together.
of pronunciation to spelling.
It seems that we may get around the
Suppose, for instance, that a student is trying difficulties inherent in the question of types of
to learn to pronounce Spanish by using transfer by focusing our attention on the kinds
Spanish orthography as a guide. He sees the of choices that exist at any given point in the
word Habana, spelled (as in English) with an two languages. We have already seen that the
initial h-. but the h- is ‘silent’ (i.e., represents pronunciation of a language may be
no phonological reality) in Spanish characterized as a set of choices, plus
orthography. The student’s literacy habits obligatory consequences, or, as we might say,
conditioned him to produce the initial sound of optional choices and obligatory choices. We
have, hold, her, him when he sees h-. these can add to these a third set; zero choices –
are the conditions of negative transfer –a those which exist in one language but not al
familiar response to a familiar stimulus is tall in the other. An example is the phoneme
wanted. The effect of the old response is /ž/-the middle consonant of pleasure- which
negative: he pronounces the Spanish word exists in English but not in Spanish. We can
with an h-. on the other hand, to continue now set up the following three-way
with orthographically conditioned transfers,
27
correspondences between English and difficult Spanish would be to teach if this
Spanish. (Op optional, Ob obligatory, Ø zero). set of choices were not held in common.
There are eight possible situations, not 2. English Ob, Spanish Op. examples for this
counting the theoretical ninth possibility of comparison are scarce. If we limit our
zero choice in both languages: coverage of English to a particular dialect,
however, an example can be found. In the
English choice
Spanish dialect that is sometimes called southwest
choice midland (Oklahoma, Arkansas, southern
Op Op
Missouri, southern Kansas, northwest
Ob Op
Texas), the vowels of pin and pen are
Ø OP
Op Ob identical. That is, speakers of this dialect
Ob Ob have no choice between /I/ and /E/ before
Ø Ob /n/. they can of course choose other
Op Ø vowels, like those of pat, pot, bought,
Ob Ø beat, but the only vowel they can choose
in the area of /E/ and /I/ is a vowel which
In this method of comparison of sound is really neither one of these but more or
systems, optional choice refers to the possible less midway between. It is a well-known
selection among phonemes. For example, the joke that they can distinguish between pin
English speaker may begin a word with /p/ or and pen only by specifying a “stickin’ pin”
with /b/. Obligatory choice refers, for one or a “writin’ pin”. For these speakers it is
thing, to the selection of conditioned clear that there is no choice between /E/
allophones. For example, when the English and /I/ in the environment: -n. faced with
speaker has /p/ at the beginning of a word, a Spanish item like lento, the conditions of
the structure of the language requires the negative transfer exist for them: they will
aspirated allophone /p’/ in that environment. regularly produce the only vowel their
Also, obligatory choice refers to limitations in dialect allows in the general phonetic area
distribution of phonemes. For example, before of /E/ or /I/, and it is not very similar to
/m/ at the beginning of q word, English has the correct vowel.
only /s/, never /z/. the term ‘zero choice’,
which is meaningful only when two languages 3. English O Spanish Op. This correspondence
are being compared, refers to the existence of characterizes the classic difficulty the
a certain sound in one language which has no English speaker has with the erre of
counterpart at all in the other. Let us see what Spanish perro, or the jota of Spanish hijo.
sort of examples might exist for each type. In neither instance does the sound exist in
English, although both sounds represent
1. English Op, Spanish Op. both languages optional choices of considerable frequency
allow certain consonants to appear at the in Spanish. From the English speaker’s
beginning of a word before a vowel. There point of view they are new sounds.
are words like me, knee, tea; mí, ní, tí;
and others. We can symbolize this fact in 4. English Op, Spanish Ob. This
a general way: correspondence characterizes one of the
more difficult problems of Spanish
/m phonology for the English learner. Take,
In env. -
English / for example, the pronunciation of items
v
/n/ like dado and dedo in isolation. The d at
/t/ the beginning is pronounced differently
from the d in the middle. The initial d is
That is, initially before a vowel, English much like the initial d of English den, doll,
and Spanish share the possibility of door. (It is not exactly the same, but the
choosing such consonants as /m, n, t/. difference is irrelevant for this purpose).
Although this description is obviously We will write it with the phonetic symbol
incomplete, since the full list of possible /d/. the middle d of dado, dedo, on the
consonants is not specified, the mere fact other hand, is conspicuously different –to
that the two languages share a specifiable the English ear- from the initial d. it
list of prevocalic consonantal possibilities sounds more nearly like the initial th of
is a huge source of positive transfer. One then, there, those. We will write it with the
can barely imagine how much more phonetic symbol //. Dado and dedo can
now be written phonetically as /dao/,
28
/deo/. for te Spanish speaker the the matter: the occurrence of Spanish /d/
pronunciation of // rather than /d/, in and // can be predicted in writing merely
the middle of these words is obligatory. He one symbol, /d/; given this symbol in an
will not ordinarily even be aware that he environment, it is possible always and
pronounces two quite different sounds for infallibly to predict whether it will be
the d’s of dado and dedo. To use the pronounced /d/ or //. The difference
technical terminology introduced earlier, between them is obligatory.
/d/ and // are allophones of a single
phoneme /d/ in Spanish. Among the This correspondence between English
consonants of Spanish, /d/ exists as one optional choices and Spanish obligatory
possible optional choice, which we may be choices is so important in its
symbolized: consequences that another example may
/p/ clarify it still further. Suppose we consider
/t/
the possibilities of nasal consonants (/m/
/k/
Spanish C /b/ In env. –V as in ham, /n/ as in hen, /N/ as in hang) in
/d/ the environment of the following stop
/g/ consonants (/p/ as in up, /t/ as I putt, /k/
as in puck, /b/ as in tub, /d/ as in dud, /g/
There is then a subsidiary rule about /d/ as in dug). The phonetic symbols needed
(illustrated, incompletely, below): for this discussion are all familiar letters f
the alphabet in familiar values, except for
/l/
/d/ in env. /N/. Note that the letters ng are used to
/n/
spell both /N/ and /Ng/ in English: words
/d/ like singer and banging have /N/, whereas
words like finger and younger have /Ng/.
// in env. V Certain articulatory facts about these
consonants must be briefly explained in
That is, if /d/ is preceded by silence (a order to make the point clear. In terms of
break in utterance continuity symbolized the place in the mouth at which the sound
in the formula by ) or an /n/ or /l/, it is is articulated,, the nasal and stop
pronounced as /d/. if it is preceded by a consonants fall into three classes: those
vowel, it is pronounced as //. The made at the lips (/m, p, b/); those made
phonetic difference between /d/ and // is by the tip of the tongue at or just behind
conditioned by this rule –a rule which the upper teeth (/n, t, d/); and those
merely describes a set of conditions to made toward the back of the mouth, with
which Spanish speakers habitually, and the tongue touching the back part of the
unconsciously, conform. Because of this roof of the mouth (the velum) (/N, k, g/).
rule, // is for them simply a kind of /d/.
but for the English speaker, the conditions Lips Teeth Velum
are different. For him /d/ and // are in m n N
contrast –that is, they belong to different p d k
b t g
phonemes, /d/ and //. The fact of
contrast is proved by pairs such as dine-
It is characteristic of Spanish that in a
thine, dare-there, dough-though. /d/ and
sequence of nasal consonant plus stop
// exist as two possible choices among
consonant the point of articulation of both
the consonants of English:
/p/ consonants is fixed by the stop consonant.
/t/ This can be formulated:
/k/ /p/
/b/ /m/ in env. – /b/
English C /d/ In env. -V
/g/
/v/
/t/
// /n/ in env. – /d/
Spanish N
In English, unlike Spanish, /d/ and // are
in contrast: they are both optional
choices, and their distribution cannot be /k/
/N/ in env. -
predicted. Predictability is at the heart of /g/
29
That is, a nasal (N) can be only /m/ if the at an early age and has given no thought
following consonant is /p/ or /b/, only /n/ to since. Zero may be viewed as a kind of
if the following consonant is /t/ or /d/, negative obligation: to say that a pattern
only /N/ if the following consonant is /k/ or is zero is about the same as saying that it
/g/. this restriction remains valid is obligatory that the speaker not conform
regardless of word boundaries and to the pattern. We have, as it were, an
spelling: hombre, un beso; endosar, un absolute negative restriction in the one
día; inglés, un gato. It is optional whether instance, an absolute positive restriction in
a nasal be chosen at all; but if one is the other. An example is to be found in
chosen, it is obligatory that its point of the middle consonant of Spanish words
articulation be the same as that of a like haba, leva, avance. Although spelled
following stop consonant. In English, on with b or v, this sound is different from
the other hand, no such restructions exist: anything represented by b or v in English.
/mb/ lumber, /nb/ unbend, /Nb/ kingbird; The phonetic symbol we will use for it is
/md/ lambda, /nd/ under, /Nd/ kingdom; /§/. It is articulated by bringing the lower
/mg/ Baumgardner, /ng/ ingrown, /Ng/ lip up toward the upper lip, as if for b, but
finger. In English, not only is the choice of without touching, so that the air produces
a nasal consonant optional, as in Spanish, a friction noise, as if for v. in Spanish, the
but so is the choice of a particular nasal, difference between /b/ and /§/ is closely
regardless of the following stop consonant, parallel to that between /d/ and //. The
which is not true in Spanish. two sounds are allophones of a single
phoneme, predictable from a single
5. English Ob, Spanish Ob. It is here that we symbol in the following way (this
get maximum positive transfer. Any formulation of the rule is illustrative only,
English pattern that is obligatory is not complete):
necessarily one to which the speaker gives /m/
no thought –it is an area where he has no
choice. If the same pattern is obligatory /b/ in env.
also in Spanish, there should be no
problem- indeed, there will not normally Spanish /b/
even be any awareness that there might /§/ in env.
V
have been a problem. These instances are
more frequent than we realize:
comparison between Japanese and
Spanish, on the one hand, and between
English and Spanish, on the other, will That is, /§/ normally occurs after vowels,
reveal that the English speaker is not so /b/ elsewhere. The situation of /b/-/§ is
bad off for Spanish-like habits as we who different from /d/-// in only one
are faced with the student’s errors are significant respect: /§/ does not exist in
prone to think. To take a simple instance: English at all (a zero category), but //
given the consonantal sequence /s/ plus does (an optional category). But it is a big
/w/, both languages require that a vowel difference pedagogically. In the instance
be chosen in the next position –swear, of //, the English speaker must transfer
suerte. This is not a trivial observation: if a familiar sound and redistribute it with
the consonantal sequence is /p/ followed respect to other sounds; in the instance of
by /r/, English requires a vowel, as in /§/, he must learn a new sound as well as
pray, but Spanish allows /y/ or /w/, fro a new distribution.
example prieto /pryeto/, pruebo /prwébo/.
Thus the fact that the Spanish speaker has 7. English Op, Spanish ¥. This particular
a different range of choice after /pr/ correspondence is a frequent one on going
constitutes a problem for the English from English to Spanish pronunciation.
speaker, even though the sequence /pr/ English has several vowels, for instance,
itself does not. that are entirely lacking in Spanish. The
vowel of American English grass,
6. English Spanish Ob. This correspondence symbolized by /Q/, does not exist in
is the extreme of the scale. In English, a Spanish. Partly because of negative
given habit does not exist at all; in transfer from the spelling a, words like
Spanish, it is obligatory and hence gracias are often pronounced with this
normally outside the speaker’s conscious vowel in early stages of learning. The
control –it is a habit which he internalized problem is merely to reduce the range of
30
choice that the English speaker is List of
accustomed to exercising. prevocalic
III 7 Op Op 1
consonant
s
8. English Ob, Spanish. An English obligatory Sw-plus
pattern of pronunciation can be difficult to 8 Ob Ob 5
vowel
get rid of. For instance, it is obligatory in
most English dialects that item with t or d Given such a hierarchy, we must examine
between syllables, where the first syllable several other criteria that will enter into the
is stressed (butter, shudder, splatter, grading and sequencing of materials designed
Betty, patty), have an allophone for /t/ (or to eliminate these difficulties.
/d/) that is rather like the Spanish r of
para, pero. It is a voiced tongue-tip flap. The most important of these is functional load
Faced with Spanish words like foto, beta, –that is, the extent to which a given sound is
pita, the English speaker of most dialects used in Spanish to distinguish one word from
will produce the obligatory English flap another, the quantity of distinctive
rather than the fully articulated /t/ of information that it carries. The Spanish ñ
Spanish. Another example also involves belongs in Group I in the hierarchy of difficulty
allophones of English /t/: in items like (in English, optional in Spanish). But its
mountain, button, latent, the English functional load is almost zero. There are about
speaker of most dialects has a variety of a dozen words in which ñ carries the burden
/t/ for which instead of dropping the of contrast with the cluster /ny/ (spelled –ni-
tongue tip as he usually does to release a ): uñón (big toenail) versus union and the
/t/, he maintains the tongue tip in the like. An American can speak Spanish for a
same position for the following /n/. such long time without ever needing this contrast.
an articulation does not exist under any For ñ he can substitute /ny/, modifying a
conditions in any dialect of Spanish. Words cluster he controls from his English habits only
like quitan, meten, which always have a to the extent of being careful not to make the
normally released /t/ and a full vowel, are syllable division between /n/ and /y/ -that is,
subject to this kind of transfer. ha must say /u.nyón/ rather than /un.yón/.
the ñ would, therefore, in spite os itf relatively
Having at least an idea, now, of the eight kind high rank in the hierarchy of difficulty, be
of differences that a comparison can reveal placed very late (indeed, almost last) in a
when it is based on different possibilities of reasonable pedagogical hierarchy.
choice in the two languages, we can attempt
to rearrange the comparisons in an order A less important additional criterion is
which will constitute a hierarchy of difficulty. potential mishearing. Spanish initial /t’/ -the
We must know which kind of differences will variety of /t/ that appears before vowels –
be most difficult to master and which will be provides an example. This sound is very
easiest, in order to grade our teaching difficult. Group I (O in English, obligatory in
materials, arrange them onto an effective Spanish), in our hierarchy above. But failure
sequence, and determine how much drill is to produce it correctly (with the tongue tip
needed on each point. The hierarchy against the back side of the upper teeth,
suggested below is by no means final; further without a puff of air) will rarely cause
experience with it may well result in misunderstanding. However, the American
readjustments in the relative position of one who is listening rather than speaking –
category of difficulty or another. receiving rather than producing- will often
hear a Spanish initial /t’/ as being a /d/. one
Difficulty Comparison Examples good way for him to learn to hear it correctly
from
Magnitud Orde Englis Spanis Typ is for him to produce it correctly. We would
preceding
e r h h e therefore place the /t’/ fairly high in a
discussion
1 O Ob 6 /§/ pedagogically oriented sequence even though
I 2 O Op 3 Erre, jota when evaluated as to its effect on the
3 Op Ob 4 /d/ - // production of Spanish, it will only add
I/e/ before American accent to the student’s
4 Ob Op 2
n
pronunciation –not unintelligibility at any
Flap /t/
II
5 Ob O 8 between
point.
vowels
6 Op O 7 /Q/ The final additional criterion is patter
congruity. The sounds of a language pattern
themselves in groups or sets. In Spanish, /b/,
31
/d/, and /g/ constitute a set. /b/ and /d/ are language (L1) on L2 behavior. i.e., the
high in difficulty, in functional load, and in elimination of interference behavior. it follows
potentiality for mishearing. There is no doubt that we cannot expect to attain maximum
they must appear early in a pedagogical success in the teaching of the practical
sequence. /g/ is also difficult, but it is phonology of an L2 unless we have a clear
considerably lower in functional load and has understanding of what the nature of the
less potential for mishearing. Because it influence of the L1 on L2 behavior might be –
patterns like /b/ and /d/, we feel it would be i.e., unless we have an explanation of the
incongruous to place it out of sequence with interference behavior. this paper suggests
them even though it does not constitute a that certain modes of explanation based on
problem of the same order. conventional phonemics and conditioning
theory are unsatisfactory in the explication of
These, then, are the criteria which have a particular case of interference behavior and
determined the sequence of our presentation: that generative phonology in the sense of
Halle, Chomsky, et al., shows more promise in
1. Hierarchy of difficulty this area.
2. Functional load
3. Potential mishearing The substitution of different sounds for the
4. Pattern congruity interdental fricatives of English by learners
from different L1 backgrounds has been
Matching these criteria against one another is marked by many investigators. Weinreich
not easy task, and there is clearly no single (1966, p. 20) notes that the majority of
‘right’ or ‘best’ sequence of presentation. Our French speakers substitute /s/ and /z/ for
own procedure has been, in general, to put English /T/ and /D/respectively, whereas
those things first that were most important in Russian speakers substitute /t/ and /d/.
the task of communication, either because Berger (1951, pp. 47-51) reports the same
mishandling of them could easily result in substitution for Russian speakers as well as
misunderstanding or because they carried a the substitution of /s/ and /z/ among schooled
heavy functional load and would therefore be French speakers -/t/ and /d/ among
especially obvious and frequent sources of unschooled. Lado (1957) finds /s/ for English
accent. In order to get similar problems /T/ in Japanese speakers, /t/ in speakers of
together, however, we have violated the Thai and Tagalog. Kohmoto (1965) also
mixed criteria of importance. Our preferred reports /s/ and /z/ for /T/ and /D/ in Japanese
pedagogical sequence is: speakers. Angus (1973) reports that Turkish
speakers fluctuate between /t/ and /s/ for /T/.
1. Basic intonation features and patterns The present discussion will be restricted
(including stress, pitc, juncture and primarily to the treatment of Russian based
rhythm) substitution of /t/ for /T/ and Japanese-based
2. Weak stressed vowels substitution of /s/ for the same sound.
3. Strong stressed vowels and diphthongs
4. Voiced stop-spirants It is generally conceded that one kind of
5. Vibrants and liquids interference behavior, phone substitution,
6. Voiceless stops results when a learner unconsciously identifies
7. Spirants or categorizes an L2 sound as being the same
8. Nasals and palatals as a particular L1 sound (even though it
9. Semivowels differs from the L1 sound in the perceptions of
10. Consonant clusters native speakers of the L2) and substitutes the
11. Other intonation features and patterns. latter sound for the former in L2 utterances.
The two questions that must be answered by
an explanation of phone substitution are: (1)
On the Explanation of Phonic On the basis of what property of the L2 sound
Interference does the learner identify the L2 sound –i.e.,
what properties are identified by the learner
William C. Ritchie as being shared by the L2 sound and the
substituted L1 sound? (2) Why does the
That the goal of a foreign language (L2) learner identify the L2 sound on the basis of
course is the modification of the learner and these properties rather than others?
his behavior in some way is beyond dispute. A
major factor in such modification is the A significant explanation of interference must
elimination of the influence of the native be based on a phonological analysis which is
32
justified independently of the specific goal of For the most part, on /t/ and /d/. Van Teslaar
explaining interference. It is possible to (1966) has noted that learners who
construct a phonological analysis specifically pronounce well in a learning situation may
for the purpose of explaining interference revert to interference behavior under the
behavior; but such an analysis would explain strain of conversational conditions. In general
nothing, since it would be entirely ad hoc. If we can expect the learner’s L1 to influence his
our explanation of interference is to be performance more deeply under the
significant, the dimensions we choose in conditions found in conversation than under
identifying or describing L1 and L2 sounds those in a learning situation where the learner
(that is, the answer which we provide for may be allowed to concentrate on the careful,
question 1 in a given case of interference) correct articulation or comprehension of
must be motivated within the analyses isolated sounds or sound sequences. For these
themselves. For example, we may loosely reasons, the study of interference in
describe the motivation behind a conventional conversational performance is likely to be
phonemic analysis as the desire to provide an more revealing than that of interference in
economical description of contrasting classes learning performance. An additional reason for
of phones (each phone described in studying and attempting to explain
articulatory terms), and therefore the conversational rather than learning
dimensions chosen for the conventional performance is the obvious practical one that
description of a sound pattern are those conversational performance is precisely what
articulatory dimensions (and only those) along we wish a course in an L1 to modify –a course
which all members of one class are which does not succeed in the specific task of
distinguished from all members of each other modifying conversational performance must
class. Conventional phonemics, then, provides be considered a failure. What is to be
such dimensions as manner and point of explained, then, is the learner’s performance
articulation, voicedness in the case of in conversation.
consonants, and height and degree of
frontness-backness in the case of vowels; if Conventional phonemics and contrastive
we are to explain phonic interference in terms analysis.
of conventional phonemics, we must answer
question 1 in terms of these dimensions. Most attempts to explain interference in
general have been couched in terms of
A plausible answer to question 2 would be contrastive analysis based on conventional or
that the learner identifies the L2 sound on the classical phonemics. It is thus important to
basis of those of its properties which are ascertain the answers conventional phonemics
distinctive or phonemic on the L1, although can provide for the questions formulated
the obvious subsidiary question arises: On the earlier.
basis of which of its distinctive features is the
sound identified? A phonological analysis of a Phonetic properties in conventional phonemic
specific language (an the general theory of analysis
phonology from which the specific analysis
derives) can be considered as an appropriate Although the strictly articulatory or
basis for the explanation of interference physiological description of speech sound
behavior if (a) it attributes distinctiveness to involves, from a narrowly linguistic point of
that property upon which the learner who view, an arbitrary system of classification, it
speaks the specific language in question bases has been found that the sound patterns of
his identification on the L2 sound or (b) in the languages can be described in terms of a
cases where the learner chooses one from a limited number of dimensions, usually
set of distinctive properties, the analysis expressed in articulatory terminology (as in
provides grounds for explaining this choice, Bloomfield 1933, chap. 6 on “Practical
(for example, on the basis that some Phonetics”; Jakobson, Halle, and Fant 1952;
distinctive properties are more important than and de Saussure 1959, pp. 38-64 on
others in the categorization of sound). “Phonologie”). Basic dimensions are (1)
consonantal versus vocalic, (2) point of
In the initial stages of L2 acquisition a learner articulation among consonants, and frontness-
may fluctuate considerably in the L1 segment backness among vowels, (3) manner of
he substitutes for a given L2 sound. Berger articulation among consonants, and height
(1951, p.47) reports that Russian speakers among vowel, and (4) voiced versus voiceless
learning English substitute /ds/, /tT/, /dD/, among consonants. Since we will be dealing
/s/, /z/ for the interdentals before they settle. only with voiceless consonants here, we can
33
ignore the consonantal-vocalic and voiced- We might seek to explain the learners’
voiceless dimensions. In the consonant behavior in terms of their respective histories
system, the dimensions point and manner of of reinforcement. However, the form of
articulation have several well-known values behavior which must have been reinforced in
(“bilabial,” “dental,” “alveolar,” etc., for the the learner in order for him to exhibit the
point dimension and “stop,” “spirant,” “nasal,” observed interference behavior –that is,
etc., for the manner of dimension). The production of /s/ and /t/ in echoic response to
presence in a given segment of one of these /T/- is highly improbable since it would
values on each dimension implies the absence require a situation in which Russian- and
from that segment of all others on that Japanese-speaking adults produce /T/ and
dimension so that, for our purposes, a require their children to imitate them with /t/
voiceless consonant segment is fully and /s/, respectively.
determined within the sound pattern by its
manner and place of articulation. It is possible that a Japanese adult who has a
lisp history might identify English /T/ with his
Assuming that the usual designations “stop,” earlier attempts to produce /s/ and therefore
“alveolar,” have universal validity –i.e., that substitute specifically /s/ and /T/ but the
these values have the same meaning from acceptance of this as a general explanation is
one phonemic description to another- we have excluded on obvious grounds.
some basis for comparison among sound
patterns. In these terms the variants of The hypothesis that Japanese and Russian
English /T/ and the variants of Japanese /s/ children must in general be trained to
share the value “spirant” on the dimension substitute /t/ for earlier /T/ is not in keeping
“manner of articulation” and differ on the with what is known about child acquisition of
dimension of “point of articulation” in that /T/ phonology: in Lewis’s compilation of 310
is interdental and Japanese /s/ is alveolar cases of phone substitution in French-,
(Bloch 1950, p. 343) Japanese /t/ is dental German-, and English-speaking children there
and therefore “phonetically closer” to /T/ than are no cases of the substitution of the
is /s/ with respect to the point of articulation interdentals for other segments (Lewis 1951,
dimension although, of course, it differs from pp.310-31).
/T/ on the manner dimension in being a stop
rather than a spirant. The characterization of a sound pattern as a
three- or four-dimensional matrix in
Trofimov and Jones (1923, p. 96) describe conventional phonemics is apparently
“normal” Russian /t/ as voiceless dental motivated on the grounds that this
plosive although one of its chief subsidiary arrangement is convenient either for
members is alveolar. Russian /s/ is described organizing field-work or for publication
by the same authors (p.) as a breathed blade- purposes. While the categories that arise from
alveolar fricative. this motivation may offer the investigator a
useful framework, they do not necessarily
Except that Russian /t/ has an alveolar match the way in which the speaker-hearer
allophone and Japanese does not, the variants tacitly categorizes the same segments. In
of the dental stops and alveolar fricatives do order to be relevant to an investigation of
not differ basically between Russian and interference behavior, a linguistic description
Japanese. must make the claim that those categories
which it posits are, in fact, the categories in
Conventional explanation of substitution for terms of which a native speaker-hearer of the
English /T/ language categorizes or interprets speech
utterances. Whether or not the native
Phonetic considerations speaker-hearer unconsciously categorizes,
e.g., consonantal sounds in accordance with
As noted above, the articulatory properties of their point and manner of articulation or in
the allophones of Russian /t/ and those of terms of some other set of dimensions and
Japanese /t/ are quite similar, as are those of values, is an empirical question and a very
Russian /s/ and Japanese /s/. it seems basic one for the explanation of interference
improbable, then, that the substitutions of behavior.
different sounds for English /T/ by Russian
and Japanese speakers can be explained on Distinctiveness in conventional phonemics
purely articulatory grounds.
34
Although conventional phonemicists have not relevant to the explanation of interference
always agreed in detail among themselves as behavior.
to the basis for phonological analysis, the
crucial distinction in phonemic analysis is Phonological properties in a generative
clearly that between contrastive and non- phonology
contrastive distribution of phonetically similar
segments. For example, Bloch (1948) finds There are two sets of dimensions or features
the set of dental stops in Japanese to be in in a generative phonology: (1) classificatory
contrast with (and therefore phonemically features, which are two-valued, and (2)
distinct from) the set of a dental (or denti- phonetic features, which may have more than
alveolar) affricates on the grounds of such two values (Chomsky 1964). The first set is a
pairs as /mats.to/ ‘if one waits’ and /mat.te/ modification of the Jakobsonian features. It
‘waiting’. serves to categorize segment types in the
underlying representations of morphemes
Bloch finds, on the basis of conventional from which the phonetic representations (in
criteria, that the phonetic difference between terms of phonetic features) are derived by the
the dental and alveolar point of articulation is rules of the phonology (Chomsky 1964; Halle
not distinctive but it is predictable on the 1964a, 1964b; McCawley 1965). The
basis of manner of articulation –stops are underlying representations of morphemes,
dental, spirants alveolar. It might be then, are matrices with segments as columns
hypothesized that the possible substitution in and features as rows. Except for certain cases
Japanese speakers of /t/ for /T/ does not which will be noted immediately, each
actually occur because the basis for such a segment is designated within the matrix as
substitution –that is, the greater proximity of having a value with respect to a given
/t/ to /T/ than of /s/ to /T/ with respect to classificatory feature. However, if the
point of articulation- is undermined by the designation of the value of a particular
lack of contrast between dental and alveolar segment with respect to a particular feature is
point of articulation in Japanese. predictable by the rules of the phonology,
either from the values of other features in the
However, the same explanation does not hold segment or from the values of features in
for Russian. Apparently, the same relationship neighboring segments, then that feature
between dental stop and alveolar fricative designation is left unspecified in the
holds in Russian (i.e., dental versus alveolar underlying form of the morpheme. Such
point of articulation is non-distinctive) since designations will be supplied by the rules. For
Russian /t/ has alveolar allophones. Thus, example, McCawley (1965) finds that the
according to the hypothesis given above, we affricateness and length of /ts/ in, e.g., the
would expect the Russian, like the Japanese, Japanese form /mats.to/ ‘if one waits’ is
to substitute /s/ for /T/ whereas he actually predictable by two general rules. The first
substitutes /t/. (rule 25, p. 136) states that when u occurs
between two voiceless obstruents in
Although the above treatment of interference underlying representations, it is presented
behavior in terms of conventional phonemics phonetically by its voiceless counterpart /U/
does not exhaust the possibilities, a and the second (rule 26, p. 137) that all
satisfactory explanation of interference in dental stops that precede nonconsonantal,
these terms is difficult, if not impossible. diffuse, grave segments (including /U/) are
phonetically affricate. (Apparently, Bloch
Generative phonology interpreted McCawley’s phonetic sequence
/tsU/ as /ts/) Thus affrication need not to be
A generative phonology, as a part of a full represented in the underlying forms of
generative grammar, describes an aspect of morphemes containing phonetic affricates
the speaker-hearer’s linguistic competence. before underlying U since this feature will be
That is, an empirically adequate generative supplied by the rules of the grammar.
phonology characterizes that information upon
which the native speaker-hearer’s Part of the problem of explaining a particular
categorization or interpretation of speech instance of phone substitution is establishing
sounds and sound sequences is based (though what interpretation the learner has imposed
its relation to actual categorization on the context in which the substitution
performance may be quite indirect). In other occurs. This task is a highly complex one and
words, it makes precisely the claim that a we shall not attempt to perform it for the
linguistic description must make if it is to be particular case of interference under
35
discussion here. Instead we will limit the basis of the values which that segment alone
domain of our explanation of substitution for has with respect to other features. For
English interdentals to a phonetic environment example, the fact that Japanese [s] is strident
which can be assumed to have a minimal (rather than mellow) is predictable from the
contextual influence on the learner’s fact that it is “distinctively” obstruent, grave,
interpretation of the consonants in question. continuous, and nonsharp (rule 23, McCawley
1965, p.136).
Pause is, perforce, always identifiable by the
learner as a boundary in L2 utterances; we Halle (1959) imposes on the inventory of
assume that true vowels in L2 utterances are underlying sentences segments the condition
more easily identified as such than, say, that the maximum number of feature
glides are as glides; initial consonant clusters, specifications is underlying segments be
if they exist in the L1 at all, are likely to rendered predictable by phonological rule. He
exhibit interdependencies among their states (p.34) that this condition is equivalent
constituent segments which may influence the to the requirement that the inventory of
learner’s identification of initial clusters in L2 segments be determined or described by a
utterances. With these factors in mind, we decision tree (more specifically the simplest
choose to limit our explanation to decision tree) in which each node represents a
substitutions in the position between pause feature and each branch from a node
and a true vowel. represents a value (+ or -) of the feature. The
first (top) node divides all segments into two
Assuming a direct relationship between the classes (those which are [+consonantal] and
substantive universal classificatory features those which are [- consonantal]), the second
(that is, ·stridency,” “continuity,” node divides each of these further into two
“compactness,” etc., e.g. Halle 1964a) and classes ([+ vocalic] and [- vocalic]) and so on.
their phonetic correlates, we may evaluate Each path through the tree represents a
English /T/, Japanese /t/ and /s/, and Russian distinct segment. That is, each segment is
/t/ and /s/ as consonantal, nonvocalic, diffuse identified by answering a sequence of
(versus compact), acute (versus grave), and questions about it –is it consonantal? Is it
voiceless Japanese and Russian /t/ are vocalic? Diffuse?, etc. However, the process of
discontinuous and mellow; /s/ in both identification of any one segment is generally
languages is continuous and strident. The more efficient for a given language if the
facts to be explained, then, are that the questions are asked in one order than if they
Russian speaker categorizes /T/ as primarily are asked in another. Thus, as a consequence
mellow /as like /t/) whereas the Japanese of representing the structure of the segment
categorizes it as primarily continuous (like his inventory as the simplest decision tree, a
/s/). hierarchy is established among the features.
Halle writes (1959, p.34): “The hierarchy of
Explanation in terms of generative phonology features seems to provide an explanation for
the intuition that not all of the features are
Distinctiveness in a generative phonology equally central to a given phonological
system.”
In a generative phonology a property of a
particular segment may be said to be Although a generative phonology makes no
distinctive or phonemic in that segment if it is direct claims about the perception of
not predictable by a phonological rule. If it is utterances, we might hypothesize a rather
predictable then it is nondistinctive. Bloch simple relationship between the phonological
found the segment sequences [ts] and [t] to code and speech perception with respect to
be in contrast with the basis of such forms as centrality of features within a system. This is
[mats.to] ‘if one waits’ and [met.te] ‘waiting’. namely that the information represented by
In terms of a generative phonology, on the the feature hierarchy on the decision tree is,
other hand, these two segment sequences are all things being equal, reflected in perception
not distinct since the affricateness (or, in by a ‘hierarchy of cue preference’ (Bruner,
Jakobsonian terms, the stridency) of [ts] is Goodnow, and Austin 1956, pp.31, 35). The
predictable. In this example, the value phonetic correlates of a feature which is high
strident (versus mellow) of the segment [ts] in the phonological decision tree will have
is predictable from the segment’s position greater importance in perception or, to use
before u in underlying representations. The the term of Bruner et al. (p. 31), a higher
value of a particular segment with respect to a ‘degree of criteriality’ in the classification of
given feature may also be predictable on the
36
speech sounds by native speakers than that of phoneme inventories for our explication of
a lower-placed feature. interference in these cases.
The second requirement that a theory of Both English and Hausa, a Chadic
interlingual interference must satisfy is that it language spoken primarily in Nigeria, but
contain principles which predict the likehood also as a lingua franca along the coast of
of an error occurring once a correspondence West Africa, possess positive and negative
has been established. These principles should questions of the type shown in 3.
be formulated with sufficient precision to
permit their extension to new cases in 3. a) is your father here? (positive question)
different languages.
40
b) Isn’t your father here? (Negative then the formal differences between the
question two systems can be symbolized as follows:
Make and do in phrasal verbs In these phrasal verbs the particle often
carries more information than the verb (in go
Explanation before doing exercises: Many up and go down it is up and down that really
English verbs (including some of the most carry the message), and this is especially true
common and most frequently used ones) are with DO, which is the prototypical pro-verb.
made up of two (or more) words. These are Also one notes that some particles will appear
not always found in dictionaries, since with only one of the pair DO and MAKE, other
dictionaries specialize in single-word entries. with either. Study the following presentation
But informal English is replete with examples, in preparation for a vocabulary exercise:
54
It should be noted that stress patterns 21. I don’t know what I’d __________ without
involved in phrasal verbs should be taught, or you.
at least correctly modeled if similar stress 22. I suppose somehow I’ll __________ out.
patterns have been presented previously. 23. But since somebody __________ off with
There is more than one pattern, as can be my car, I’m lost.
seen by comparing make off with make of. 24. I’ve been __________ out of things
before, but never anything so big!
Exercise 25. I don’t know how I’ll __________ up for
my foolishness in leaving the key in the
Instructions: examine each sentence, decide ignition.
whether DO or MAKE is the appropriate word
for the blank, and then read the completed Exercise
sentence. You are learning the correct phrasal
verb for each situation, but in this exercise Instructions: Examine each sentence, decide
the particle after the blank can serve as an whether DO or MAKE appropriately fits in the
adequate cue. Since you are selecting a verb, blank, then read the completed sentence.
be sure to pick an appropriate tense form. Unlike the preceding exercise, the particles in
Note that the particle may be separated from the present sentences will not serve as cues,
the verb. since these particles can go with either DO or
MAKE. You will have to make your selections
1. What does the governor have to consistent with the larger context of the entire
__________ with a court decision? sentence. Note that the particle may be
2. He was __________ in by the mob. separated from the verb.
3. The prisoner slipped through the broken
window and __________ off. 1. His excuses all sound __________ up.
4. He __________ off with the chairman’s 2. Could you please __________ up my
car. zipper?
5. He __________ the widow out of her life’s 3. I’ve just got time to __________ up a
savings. batch of cookies.
6. __________ as if you didn’t hear the 4. Have you __________ up the assignment
confession. you missed?
7. You absolutely must __________ away 5. Hang this sign on your door if you want
with this letter. the maid to __________ up your room.
8. I couldn’t __________ out what she said 6. You’ll have to __________ up that
over the phone. package better or the post office won’t
9. He ran at least ten miles; that would accept it.
__________ anybody in. 7. This dress is too old; it’s not worth trying
10. The kidnapper __________off with the to __________ it over.
baby. 8. I’ve got to find somebody to __________
11. The gamble paid off; he __________ up this room over.
for his losses. 9. He’s __________ for; he’ll never fight
12. How did you __________ out on your professionally again.
safari? 10. The thief __________ right for the safe.
13. How he __________ without food for ten 11. Mary __________ up a batch of chocolate
days is a mystery.. fudge.
14. He’s always trying to __________ up to 12. She spilled the salt in it and had to
the teacher. __________ it over.
15. How did you __________ out in the 13. It seems like everything she does, she has
poetry competition? to __________ over.
16. It’s a mystery to me; what do you 14. She should have forgotten the kitchen and
__________ of his answer? have tried to __________ up her late
17. I’ll never again have anything to school assignment.
__________ with the stock market. 15. She’ll be __________ for if she doesn’t
18. The barking hounds __________ after the take her class work more seriously.
fox. 16. But she likes to cook, so instead of
19. Don’t let some lawyer __________ you studying she just __________ for the
out of your inheritance. kitchen.
20. I don’t know what to __________ of her 17. I suppose it’s unless to try to __________
answer. her over.
55
18. She’d rather __________ up cookies than White phone Bone white
__________ up homework. Spanish examples
19. Though she’s also good at __________ up Pobre niño (unfortunate Niño pobre (poor boy)
boy)
excuses. Alta dama (important lady) Dama alta (tall lady)
20. That she __________ up brown. Gran ciudad (great city) Ciudad grande (large
city)
Word Order: A Problematic Aspect of c) Word order changes the meaning of
Teaching English as a Second Language certain modifiers.
When words such as good, pretty,
Zenobia Vélez Molina awful, are shifted from one position to
another, they change their meaning:
Eric H. Kadler says in his book, Linguistics and English adjectives English adverbs
Teaching Foreign Languages, Native speakers The plan is good The plan is good enough
may find it expedient to make Miss Perez is a pretty Miss Perez is a pretty
morphophonemic deviations from the woman smart woman
This is an awful bracelet This is an awfully
standard rules or they may make occasional expensive bracelet
semantic mistakes, but they seldom make
This phenomenon does not occur in
syntactic errors (syntactic encoding) to
Spanish since modifiers are marked by
produce ungrammatical sentences. Non-native
inflectional endings for adjectives and
speakers do make syntactic mistakes as
adverbs.
frequently and stubbornly as they make
II. Ungrammatical sequences.
semantic and morphological mistakes,
a) Reversing the position of nouns and
because they tend to transfer to the foreign
adjectives in English produces an
language their native syntactical system as
ungrammatical sequence.
well as their morphological habits and
Brown coat coat brown
semantic values.
Black dog dog brown
Big clock clock big
When a native speaker of English hears the
This condition does not produce
statement He eats everyday, he is unlikely to
ungrammaticality in Spanish. It only
conceive any other order or position for the
produces change of meaning.
worlds he, eats, everyday. If the statement
Carrying over word order the original
were changed to eats he everyday or
language may produce two possible
everyday eats he it would seem absurd.
results: first, it may change the
meaning to another one, unintended:
Word order change produces two possible
Example
results: it may change the meaning to another They also have a ladies’ También tienen un
meaning (both grammatical); or, it may department departamento de señoras
produce ungrammaticality. Also have a department of
I. Change of meaning. ladies
a) word order, together with intonation, Or it may produce an ungrammatical
distinguishes statements from sequence
questions: I have a red dress Tengo un vestido rojo
English statements English questions I have a dress red
She is a nurse. Is she a nurse? Robert Lado contrasts the position of
They are brothers. Are they brothers? single word modifiers in English and
He is in the park. Is he in the park? Spanish when he says:
Spanish statements Spanish questions In the structure of the noun phrase in
Ella es una bailarina. ¿Es ella bailarina? English, single word modifiers usually
Ellos son amigos. ¿son ellos amigos?
precede the head, and phrase and
El esta en la escuela ¿está él en la escuela?
clause modifiers follow it. In Spanish,
b) word order changes the meaning of
a normal position for all such modifiers
certain expressions:
English examples
is after the head. Compare the
Milk chocolate Chocolate milk Spanish casa “azul” with the English
Dog house House dog “blue” house.
Lamp oil Oil lamp Interference will commonly affect
Bus station Station bus Spanish-language students’ learning
Candle light Light candle process of English word order. The
Blue baby Baby blue contrastive position of single word
Red wine Wine red
modifiers in English and Spanish make
Pink rose Rose pink
Green Nile Nile green
this a difficult area, since the students
56
tend to bring the linguistic habits of Because the student transfers the habits of his
their vernacular into the second … system there will be a problem when the
language. sound systems of English and Spanish differ.
Examples: Sometimes the difference will be phonemic,
The baby has blue eyes El bebé tiene ojos azules with the result that the student may say a
The baby has eyes blue word he does not intend to say, or he may
Luis is a tall boy Luis es un niño alto
hear a word that was not spoken to him.
Luis is a boy tall
Puerto Rico is a beautiful Puerto Rico es una Isla
Other times the difference will be sub-
island preciosa phonemic, so that the distortion results in a
Puerto Rico is an island foreign effect but not in a different word.
beautiful.
The concern with sound and sound contrasts
Reflexivization in Spanish motivates much of the phonetic drill material
found in our English as a second language
Mercedes Roldán textbooks and laboratory tapes, with the
objective of training student to avoid
The phenomenon of reflexivilization in English transferring speaking habits that may cause
has been studied at considerable length. The word confusions. Thus, a great deal of
first extensive analysis of the problem was attention is paid to such matters as the
done by Lees and Klima. They proposed a phonemic distinction between high front tense
condition for English reflexivilization: that a vowel /iy/ and high front lax vowel /I/, so that
noun-phrase which is coreferential with a word like sheep will not sound like ship; to
another noun-phrase mentioned earlier in the the proper lengthening of vowels before
same simplex sentence must be transformed voiced consonants so that they will not sound
into a reflexive pronoun. At the time, Lees and like voiceless consonants, as in pig-pick, and
Klima were not able to motivate their other pairs containing sounds that are
proposed rule fully, and many cases of it had allophonic in the student’s native language, so
to be accepted on faith. In the ten years that that, e.g., going to Yale will not be confused
have elapsed since then, as linguists have with going to jail.
gained a better understanding of deep
structure, most of those apparent exceptions This might be called the “Sound-to-Sound”
have been explained away and Lees and approach to phonological interference. In this
Klima’s analysis is one of the few early paper I shall discuss another kind of
transformational rules of English that has pronunciation error, one which results not
endured. from differences in the phonological systems
in two languages, but from differences in their
Orthographic Interference in orthographic systems that affect
Pronunciation pronunciation. Orthographic interference in
pronunciation occurs in the speech of students
Rose Nash who have learned to read and write their own
language before beginning the study of
Conventional studies of phonological English, and whose relative exposure to
interference, and teaching materials based on spoken English and written English has been
such studies, have dealt primarily with only highly disparate, rather than integrated.
one kind of pronunciation error –that which
stems from differences in the sound systems In one of my ESL classes, I have two
of the two languages involved. The classic intelligent students from the same part of
statement of the problem was made by Lado: South America. Student A never studied
English before coming to Puerto Rico a few
We know now that a speaker of one language years ago. However, being blessed with a
tends to transfer the entire system of his good ear and a retentive memory, he has
language to the foreign language:… he tends picked up enough English in a predominantly
to transfer his sound system, including the Spanish-speaking environment to use it daily
phonemes, the positional variants of the in his job as a tourist guide. His speech is by
phonemes. And the restrictions on no means accent-free, but it is quite
distribution. He tends to transfer his syllable intelligible, and we have no trouble
patterns, his word patterns, and his intonation communicating. His written compositions,
patterns as well. however, bear little resemblance to the
English that would be acceptable to Miss
Fidditch. But in fact, although they are full of
57
misspellings, they are rather good as patterns, or as spelling patterns. His visual
phonemic transcriptions. I read his memory for language, however, is still a
compositions aloud when I am correcting reflection of his more highly developed
them so I can recognize the words he auditory memory. He is, in effect, finding out
intended. For this student, English obviously what his spoken vocabulary looks like.
means spoken English. When he writes, the
sounds determine the spelling. In Stage Three, when the child can read and
write on his own, his visual memory starts to
Student B, on the other hand, studied English function independently of his auditory
for several years before coming to Puerto memory. He can now recognize words by their
Rico, using a grammar-translation method shapes alone, without having heard them
with heavy emphasis on reading previously.. and he can predict their
comprehension. His compositions would pronunciations, being guided by already
delight Miss Fidditch. His spellings are established associations between sound
flawless, and his vocabulary extensive. patterns and spelling patterns. In a language
However, when he speaks, it sounds like like Spanish, where there is a fairly close fit
Spanish gibberish, and I have great difficulty between phonology and spelling, the process
following him. He uses so many of acquiring literacy is completed at an early
pronunciations based on Spanish phoneme- age. In a language like English, however,
grapheme correspondences that many words Stage Three may continue into adulthood as
are distorted beyond recognition. For this associations made on the basis of past
student, English obviously means written experience continue to be revised for some
English; in speaking the spellings determine words. I can still remember my great surprise
the sounds. upon learning, in my second year of high
school, that the English word spelled s-u-c-c-
While these are probably extreme cases, I u-m-b was not pronounced /s«ks«m/ by
think they demonstrate that cross-language analogy with succeed. And it was not until I
phonological performance is definitely visited England at the ripe old age of 35 that I
influenced by orthography. This extends even realized, much to my chagrin, that Leicester
to the names of letters in the alphabet. The /laysestr/ and Leicester /lest«rare one and the
names of vowel letters are particularly same city.
confusing for my students, because English e
/iy/ is Spanish e /e/, English a /ey/ is Spanish The importance of Stage Three, that is, the
a /a/, and English I /ay/ is Spanish I /i/. Once, development of an independent visual
during a writing exercise in class, student A, memory for language, has not been properly
who was at the blackboard, misspelled the investigated. Yet it is clear that we use written
word please as plis. When I told him the language constantly in our daily lives, starting
correct spelling was p-l-e-a-s-e, he then wrote with the morning newspaper, and that when
pliesi. At this point student B volunteered to we want to remember something, we write it
set him straight, telling him to write what down. It may even be that the lexicon of a
sounded to me like “play ah say” and out language is stored in the mind on
came the desired spelling pattern. orthographic rather than phonemic form. If
you doubt that, try thinking of a place-name
In order to understand better how without remembering the spelling.
orthographic interference works in a cross-
language situation, it may be useful to review Now let us see what happens in a language-
the stages that a monolingual passes through learning situation, assuming that instruction in
in acquiring literacy. Stage One is exemplified English begins in Stage Three of native
by a typical pre-school child. In this stage, the Spanish acquisition.
child has only an auditory memory for
language. That is, he perceives, registers, and Given the command “Repeat X,” a beginning
recalls words solely in terms of sound images, student will produce Sound-to-Sound
which gradually become recurring patterns as interference. Thus, he may repeat the word
his vocabulary increases. school /sku:l/ as /eskul/, changing the initial
cluster, the vowel length and quality, and the
When the child begins to learn to read and allophonic character of the final consonant to
write his language, he enters Stage Two. He conform to Spanish articulatory patterns. In
then acquires visual images for the words he other words, he gives a Stage One response
already knows and can now perceive, register, that is inappropriate for English.
and recall them in two ways: as sound
58
Given the command !Write X,” the student will Mary is taller than Betty (like taller –
produce Sound-to-Spelling interference. Thus, workshop-)
he may write the word school /skuwl/ as skul /təlƏr/
or scul, representing the sounds he hears with /tayer/
the corresponding letters. In other words, he
gives a Stage Two response that is Second, there are identical graphemes in the
inappropriate for English. two languages that sometimes represent the
same phonemes. For example, ch in Spanish
Sound-to-Sound interference and Sound-to- chico matches ch in English cheese, but not in
Spelling interference start with an auditory English chemistry or machine. Some
image of the English word. If, however, the examples:
command is “Read X aloud,” the starting point
is not an auditory image, but a visual image, In general, television is pretty bad (like
that is, a spelling pattern from which he must general9
supply a pronunciation. In this case, he will /jenƏrƏl/
produce Spelling-to-Sound interference, and /heneral/
may say school /skuwl/ as /esčol/, reading ch My head aches (like hache ‘H’)
as /č/ and oo as /o/ as they wouild be in /eyks/
Spanish. In other words, he gives a Stage /eyčz/
Three response that is inappropriate in
English. Included in this group are all the vowel
graphemes. A great deal has been written
Of course no student, even a beginner, will lately about the regularities of English
ever make all three errors for the same word. spelling, but the fact remains that, vowel
And students do not speak or write English graphemes have highly variable values. Prator
only in response to commands. Therefore and Robinett in their Manual of American
teachers should be aware that when there is English Pronunciation list 12 different
an error in pronunciation, the source may be pronunciations for a, 17 for e, 8 for I, and 15
phonological interference, or orthographic for o when they appear alone or as the initial
interference, or a combination of the two. If a member of a vowel cluster. Spanish vowels
student says he is majoring in /čemistri/ (for have one pronunciation apiece. This almost
chemistry) you can be sure that he learned always matches one of the possible
this word in written form. pronunciations for the identical English vowel
grapheme. For example, o in Spanish lo
Pronunciation errors traceable to orthographic matches o in English go. The difficulty is that
interference fall into two broad and this one corresponding pronunciation is never
overlapping categories: those related to the most frequent one in English.
Spanish spelling patterns and those related to
inconsistencies in English spelling patterns – Third, there are vowel clusters pronounced as
inconsistencies, at least, from the point of separate syllables in Spanish but as single
view of the Spanish speaker. The words in vowels in English, such as ea in Spanish sea
English most susceptible are those with /sea/ and English sea /siy/. There are also
Spanish cognates, those with silent letters, some English vowel clusters, such as oo,
those resembling other words pronounced which are pronounced as a single syllable as
differently, homographs (i.e., same spelling, in coop /kuwp/ but as separate syllables
different pronunciation) and homophones across morpheme boundaries, as in cooperate
(i.e., same pronunciation, different spelling.) /koapəreyt/, but the student may treat both
the same, pronouncing each separately.
First, there are identical graphemes in the two
languages that never represent the same Fourth, there are silent letters. In Spanish
phonemes. These include j, ll, v, z, and qu. only h is silent, in English there is a wide
variety of letters that are sometimes silent,
Some examples: including h as in honest, but not in honey.
With liberty and justice for all (like justicia)
/jƏstis/ Fifth, there are word pairs identical in either
/hustis/ spelling or pronunciation, but not both, i.e.,
I quit my job (like quita) homographs and homophones. For example
/kwit/ bote and vote are both pronounced /bote/.
/kit/ But such pairs are infrequent, and never affect
vowels. The student who makes this kind of
59
error may have resigned himself to the fact
that some English words are not spelled the The Linguistic Components of Contrastive
way they should be spelled, but he assumes Analysis
that different spellings must have different
pronunciations. Homographic word pairs, on Contrastivists see it as their goal to explain
the other hand, will be pronounced identically. certain aspects of L2 learning. Their means
are descriptive accounts of the learner’s L1
The fifth type of error is found only among and the L2 to be learnt, and techniques for
advanced students –those who already have a the comparison of these descriptions. In other
good command of English phonology and words, the goal belongs to psychology while
orthography, so good, in fact, that they will the means are derived from linguistic science.
consciously avoid Spanish-sounding It is in fact this demarcation of goal and
pronunciations whenever an English spelling means, through their allocation to two
offers more than one possibility. different sciences, which disqualifies CA from
becoming subsumed under the rubric of the
What can we, as teachers, do about Spelling- hybrid discipline called ‘psycholinguistics’. I
to-Sound interference? First of all, we must shall argue later that some of the
remember that, to the student, his incorrect misunderstanding surrounding CA has arisen
pronunciations are the logical ones. He has from the mistaken view that CA is a form of
jumped into a foreign language at Stage psycholinguistics.
Three without the years of preparation in
Stages One and Two which were available to With certain notable exceptions (Firth, 1951)
him in his native language. We should give modern 20th century linguistics has seen as its
him credit for making educated guesses, even goal the description of the linguistic code,
though they turn out to be wrong. without making reference to the uses to which
the code is put, or how messages carried by
Explaining the regularities of English spelling this code are modified by the contexts in
and the basically morpho-phonemic character which they occur: modern linguistics has
of English orthography helps, but only for taken the microlinguistic approach.
words that follow the rules. Using phonetic Consequently, CA has also taken this
transcription helps, but we can’t expect a approach. There has recently however been
student to run to the pronouncing dictionary increasing attention to contextual
before uttering every new vocabulary item he determination of messages and their
has learned in written form. In the final interpretation, a growing concern for
analysis, we have to correct each macrolinguistics. This is not the place to
pronunciation error as it occurs in the explain this shift of emphasis, but we may
classroom. But if the student is not made point out that it coincides with a growing
consciously aware of the cause of his error in interest in semantics, sociolinguistics,
terms of interference, the next time around he discourse analysis, speech-act theory and
is likely to revert to illogical guesses. ethnomethodology.
The cure for Spelling-to-Sound interference First and foremost, CA owes to linguistics the
lies in strengthening the association between framework within which the two linguistic
visual images and auditory images. We need descriptions are organized. By ‘framework’ we
to design better materials for teaching mean three things. First, CA adopts the
pronunciation that deal with problems of linguistic tactic of diving up the unwiedly
spelling contrasts as well as problems of concept “a language” into three smaller and
sound contrasts. A complete description of more manageable areas: the levels of
phonological performance recognizes the phonology, grammar and lexis. Secondly, use
equal partnership of phonology and is made of the descriptive categories of
orthography in the representation of linguistics: unit, structure, class, and system.
language. It also recognizes that partners do Thirdly, a CA utilizes descriptions arrived at
not always agree. under the same ‘model’ of language. We shall
now consider each of these in turn.
Contrastive Analysis
Levels of language.
Carl James
Imagine meeting an octogenarian who is the
sole surviving speaker of a language. As a
linguist it is your moral duty to preserve some
60
account of this language in the form of a set phonology of a language is somehow ‘basic’
of descriptive statements. Here are some of and merits priority in description. The idea of
the descriptive statements which might be feasibility derives from the fact that the
made: sound-system (phonology) of a language is
more finite, more of a ‘closed system’ than
1. This language (L) uses the sounds /ł/, β/, the grammatical or lexical systems and
/θ/, etc. therefore more amenable to exhaustive
2. L has four words for ‘cousin’, depending description. There is much truth in this:
on whether the cousin is male or female or Stockwell and Bowen (1965: 116) are able to
on your mother’s or your father’s side of say with little fear of contradiction: “Spanish
the family. has nineteen consonants including two
3. L shows plurality of nouns in four different semivowels”. By contrast, no linguist could
ways, each involving addition of a claim to know how many syntactic patterns or
consonant to the end of the noun in its how many lexical items there are in any
singular form. particular language: at best he would hazard
4. To ask a question, take the finite verb approximations. The claim that phonology is
(which is in initial position in declarative somehow more ‘basic’ is less easy to justify. It
sentences) and transpose it to sentence- is true that every utterance in a language
final position. must employ the appropriate phonological
segments if it is to be understood: but
No one of these descriptive statements likewise every utterance has to have some
encapsulates a total description of L, of syntactic structure to qualify as an utterance
course: but the more there are, the fuller the of the language in question. The fact that any
description becomes. Notice that each given phoneme has a greater probability of
statements restricts itself to some aspect of L, occurrence in speech than any morpheme or
and does not pretend to cover several aspects any syntagm is not an index of the basicness
of L simultaneously. So 1) says a little about of phonemes, but of their limited number, the
the sound system of L; 2)says something fact that they comprise a small closed set. It
about its lexical stock; 3) describes an aspect is an undeniable fact, however, that the
of word-formation, or morphology of L; while procedural direction for describing the
4) talks of the arrangement of words in L, the phonology first has been observed by
syntax. In other words, linguistic descriptions structural or ‘descriptivist’ linguists, frequently
are approached observing the principle of to the relative or total neglect of the other
‘division labour’, each statement –or grouping descriptive levels.
of statements- being aimed at one of the
levels of language. The four descriptive Mixing levels
statements of our hypothetical last-surviving
native-speaker is each made on a different The second repercussion emanating from the
level: observance of levels of description has been
the injuction that they should not be ‘mixed’.
1. On the level of phonology. In other words, it was a regulation within
2. On the level of lexis. structural linguistics that the description of,
3. On the level of morphology. say, the level of phonology should be carried
4. On the level of syntax. out without reference to the other linguistic
levels. To invoke grammatical factors to
Procedural orientation facilitate the description of the phonology of a
language or vice versa, was viewed as
Two further points should be made concerning illegitimate and this ‘mixing of levels’ was
the observation of linguistic levels for ruled out of court. Nowadays mixing is
description. First, there has been a traditional allowed, and sometimes found to be
‘procedural orientation’ which has dictated necessary to account for some fact of
that, in the course of producing a total language. Hetzron (1972), for example, in a
description of a language, the phonology has paper entitled ‘Phonology in Syntax’ shows
been producing a total description of a that it is necessary to invoke phonological
language, the phonology has been described factors to explain why, of the following
before the morphology, and the morphology Russian sentences, 1) and 2) are
before the syntax. This ‘direction’ of grammatical, while 3) is not.
description seems to have been dictated by
two things: the linguist’s perception of 1. mat’ rodila doč: ‘mother gave-birth-to-fem
feasibility, and a conviction that the daugther’
61
2. doč’ rodila mat’: ‘daugther gave-birth-to-
fem mother’ UNIT. The units of grammar which enter into
3. etu doč’ rodila mat: ‘this-Acc. Daughter the description of English and any ‘related’
gave-birth-to-fem mother’ language are: sentence-clause-phrase-word-
morpheme. Here they are arranged on a scale
Hetzron concludes (p. 253): “Initial object is from ‘largest’ to ‘smallest’, which implies that
possible when the accusative marker is not any unit consists of one ore more instances of
homonymous with the nominative... The the text lower unit, and vice versa, that any
reshuffling of SVO-OVS is blocked when such unit is a direct constituent of the next higher
a homonomy would result”. ‘Homonomy’ is a unit: sentences consist directly of clauses,
phonological feature, determining, in these clauses directly of phrases, and so on. This
examples, syntactic possibilities: to explain order of direct inclusion in turn implies a scale
why 2) is ruled out one must mix levels. which is called the rank scale.
Any structure, being an idealization, Notice that the English and Portuguese
represents an infinitive number of possible sentences are translations. While it is a
realizations: if the structure is a sentence, it is procedural convenience to work with
the basis of many utterances, as Lyons (1968: translationally equivalent sentences, it is not
176) points out. He explains the difference by necessary to do so: obviously the same
reference to de Saussure’s famous distinction grammatical systems would have been
between parole and langue: “Utterances are brought into play if the English sentences had
stretches of parole produced by native been about ‘a skillful engineer’ and the
speakers out of sentences generated by the Portuguese about ‘um bom professor’. As we
system of elements and rules which constitute observed earlier, CAs aim to be generalized
the langue.” statements about systematic correspondence,
and we should bear in mind continually that
From the premise that CA compares abstract the utterances in the corpus are merely
elements rather than their concrete concrete representations of the underlying
66
regularities. An obvious danger of working plural noun; and zero before any unmodified
with translation equivalents is that of chance noun, irrespective of the noun’s gender or
correspondence (or non-correspondence) number.
being mistaken for the norm. for example, a
French / English CA based on the translation- The adjective is stated as follows:
pair a pretty girl / une belle fille would lead to
the erroneous generalization that attributive English Portuguese
adjectives occupy pronominal position in both 2) adjective base form/-N adjective
languages, which is manifestly untrue.
2E states that the form of the adjective is
STEP 2: for each language, state the invariant in English, irrespective of the
realizations of each grammatical category number of gender of the head noun. 2P states
pertinent to the CA being done. In the present that the adjective has two realizations in
instance, the pertinent categories are: Portuguese: bom before a masculine singular
indefinite article and attribute. This means noun, bons before a masculine plural.
that in each of our two languages these two
categories accompany the predicate head Notice the caution with which these
noun in sentences identifying individuals by descriptive statements are made: they are
profession: this is the constant across the two accounts of the data upon which they are
languages. Since we are concerned with based, and do not transcend it. This is why in
differences rather than constants, we are as both Portuguese rules, we take the trouble to
contrastivists o0n the lookout for any co- specify that the nouns involved are masculine
occurrence restrictions imposed by either in gender. At this point we say nothing about
language on the ways in which the two the forms articles and adjectives assume in
categories are realized. As we shall see the context of feminine nouns, simply because
presently, the variant realizations of the there are no feminine nouns in the corpus.
category ‘indefinite article’ are determined by This points to the third step for the
two factors: whether an attributive adjective contrastivist to take:
co-occurs in the NP, and whether the head
noun is singular or plural. STEP 3: Supplement the data: since our
interest has been aroused for the ways in
Although this is essentially the descriptive which feminine head nouns in such sentences
phase of the CA, it will be convenient to in Portuguese influence the forms of the
anticipate the third, contrastive, phase by article and adjective, we add two further
listing the descriptions in two parallel sentences to our corpus, together with their
columns. Each statement made at this stage translation equivalents:
is a ‘rule’ in the sense of being the explicit
formulation of a regularity of the language. English Portuguese
She’s a kind nurse Ela é uma enfermeira bondosa.
Rules
They are kind nurses Elas saÕ (umas)
English Portuguese enfermeiras bondosas.
67
we can conveniently be referred to in terms of than refer to the Portuguese variants as un,
Hockett’s (1954) distinction between IP (item- uns, etc., it might be preferable to use
and-process) and IA (item-and-arrangement) subscripts and refer to them as ind. Art. Port.,
models for monolingual description. We have ind. Art. Port., etc.
also mentioned that Harris (1954) in an article
entitled “Transfer Grammar” nominated the IP The A approach Eschews the task of producing
model for comparative purposes. Harris’ algorithms for converting a grammatical
suggestion is that it is possible to formulate a system of one language onto that of another.
set of instructions which, when applied to the Instead it states the relationship in the form
grammar of one language, will yield the of a set of equations. Although this approach
grammar of another. Let us consider what lacks the dynamism implied by transfer rules,
form these ‘instructions’ would need to take to it is preferable for other reasons to be
deal with our Portuguese / English data. discussed below, and is in fact the approach
anticipated by our ‘parallel’ descriptions of the
For the indefinite article we start from the English and Portuguese data we have been
position that English allows the option examining. The equational representation of
between overt a and zero, the choice being pertinent contrasts might take the following
determined wholly by whether the head noun form:
denoting profession is singular (a) or plural
(Ø). To show the relationship between English English Portuguese
Ø and Portuguese Ø we have to add two A/- (Adj) +N. sing. Um/-Adj + N. sing. Masc.
Uma/-Adj + N. sing. Fem
instructions to the ‘transfer grammar’. The
Ø/-N. sing
first is to relax the singular vs. plural Ø article/ -(Adj) +N.pl. uns/-Adj + N. pl. masc
condition; the second is to introduce a umas/-Adj + N. Pl. fem.
condition that the head noun may not be Ø/-N. Pl.
premodified. The two transfer (TR) rules will
therefore be as follows: There are three things to notice about such
equations. The first is that, being ‘statistic’
TR1. Indef. Article Ø/-N (sing.) (Pl.) M accounts, they can be read in either direction:
left-to-right and vice versa. Transfer rules, by
We introduce a convention of including within contrast, are inherently directional: the rules
a box labeled ‘M’ (for modification) the crucial describing the conversion of English into
feature of the transfer rule, i.e., the feature Portuguese are different from those effecting
that carries the specific contrast. the conversion in the opposite direction.
Secondly, the equations deal with concrete
TR2. Indef. Article Ø/- Adj M N. phonological realizations of the category of
indefinite article in the two languages. While it
Here again the crux of the contrast appears in makes little sense to talk of converting English
a box labeled ‘M’ to indicate that for Ø to /∂/ into Portuguese /υm/, as we have seen,
occur the Portuguese noun must not be there is no objection to equating these
premodified: note the minus sign. phonological strings in the two languages. And
thirdly, the equational statement allows one to
Similar transfer rules will have to be see at a glance which language has the
formulated to introduce Portuguese-specific ‘richer’ or more finely differenciated set of
conditions for the overt realization of the realizations (system) of the relevant category.
indefinite article as um, uns, etc. note In our example we see that there are no fewer
however that it is not the task of the transfer than five terms (um, uma, uns, umas, O) in
rules to specify the real phonological values of the Portuguese system, corresponding to the
these alternative realizations of the article in unique term (∂) in English. This fact of
Portuguese: in other words, there is no interlingual multivalence has implications for
question of rules converting English /∂/ or /εI/ learning.
to /υm/ or /υnz/. As Makkai says (1971: 168):
“…the transfer rules do not need to tell me the At this point, with the explicit statement of
specific phonological shape of the form interlingual contrast, the CA proper is
transferred to. This is derived from the complete.
structural description of the language itself.”
It is not a matter of converting /∂/ to /υm/, Phonological CA
but of specifying how a grammatical category Contrastive Phonetics and Phonology
of English gets parceled out as a
corresponding category in Portuguese. Rather
68
In the previous section I said that function? Indeed they can, by taking as the
grammatical analysis concerns itself with criterion for comparison the articulatory grid
types rather than with their physical employed in the IPA chart: on this articulatory
manifestations or tokens. In other words, the framework he can compare similar sounds of
grammarian studies the functional patterning L1 and L2 and match them as being both e.
of classes of linguistic units, not individual g., ‘labio-dental fricatives’ or ‘half-close
words and morphemes as physical entities. A unrounded vowels’. These feasibility of this
similar distinction can be drawn between the approach is guaranteed by the fact that the
role of the phonetician and that of the world’s languages do tend to employ sounds
phonologist. The phonetician is concerned produced by a limited number of combinations
with three types of physical reality when he of articulatory features. This is not surprising
studies the sounds of language: in view of the fact that man’s vocal apparatus
is physiologically uniform throughout the
1. “He is interested in the way in which the world: “Perhaps the most interesting fact
air is set in motion, in the movement of about the pronunciation of language in
the speech organs… This whole area of general is that there are enormous
interest is generally known as possibilities in the number and variety of
articulatory”: phonetics” (O’Connor, 1973: sounds that the human vocal apparatus can
16). produce, and yet only a small fraction of this
2. “He is interested in the way in which the potential variety is actually put to use in
air vibrates between the mouth of the natural languages” (Stockwell and Bowen,
speaker and the ear of the listener… This 1965: 3). The first approach to phonetics CA,
is the domain of acoustic phonetics” (ibid). therefore, is in the comparison of L1 and L2
3. “He is interested in the hearing process… sounds with a shared articulatory basis.
in the sensation of hearing, which is brain
activity… This is the domain of auditory A second approach is physical rather than
phonetics” (ibid). physiological, and is associated with the
acoustic properties of speech sounds. If we
Now speakers of the same language may compare the initial consonants /p/ in the
speak with different accents, these differences French word pale and the English word pal, we
being attributable to different regional, social, can establish that the English plosive in this
or even purely idiosyncratic conditions, and it initial position is accompanied by a puff of
is the phonetician’s task to identify and breath or ‘aspiration’, which is not true for the
classify these variations and to specify their French plosive. While the differences can be
range. At this point the phonologist takes over traced to an articulatory source it is more
–although, of course, the phonetician and easily demonstrated and described in physical,
phonologist may well be one and the same acoustic terms. There are even instruments,
person. The phonologist, however, is such as the sound spectrograph, which record
concerned not so much with the finer details the occurrence of such aspiration. Similarly,
of phonetic variety as with the functional there are acoustic differences, which can be
identity, as tokens of a type, of these demonstrated instrumentally, between the
variants. As a ‘functional phonetician’ he is ‘similar’ vowels in English spleen /splin/ and
interested in “the way in which sounds a German spiel /Spil/ ‘game’. An acoustic
function in a particular language, how many approach to phonetics CA consists therefore in
or how few of all the sounds of language are comparing L1 and L2 sounds that have much
utilized in that language and what part they in common physically and noting the
play in manifesting the meaningful distinctions differences accompanying this similarity.
of the language” (O’Connor, ibid.).
The third type of phonetics is auditory
Such a division of the phonetic sciences into phonetics: it is concerned with what ‘message’
these two main branches immediately poses a the ear transmits to the brain. To take a
problem for the contrastivist: is he to do simple unilingual example: it can be shown
Contrastive Phonetics or Contrastive that the first and second consonantal
Phonology? The former will involve him in segments in English /pit/ and /spit/ are
making detailed descriptions of the sounds of different: in the former /p/ is aspirated, but
a pair of languages and then somehow not in the latter. Nevertheless, the English ear
equating certain of these sound interlingually does not send to the English brain any
for purposes of comparison. But can such instruction to register this phonetic difference:
equations be made pre-phonologically?, i.e., auditorily, and mentally, /p/ and /p’/ are
without reference to the differences in perceived as the same phoneme /p/. notice
69
that we are now speaking of two allophones variants (allophones) for L1 and L2; state the
being tokens of the same type, as having distributional restrictions on the phonemes
equal functions in the economy of English. We and allophones for each language. By the
are no longer concerned with physical or large, the literature on phonological CA shows
physiological reality, but with mental reality. a large measure of agreement on these four
Our domain is now functional phonetics, or steps, as we shall see, although there are
phonology. Although we have illustrated this differences in terminology, and Stockwell and
principal intralingually, it applies equally Bowen (1965: 5-6) like Burgschmidt and Gotz
cogently interlingually and is the foundation (1974: 197) add a fifth step: a statement of
for phonological CA. the frequency of each phonemic contrast
within L1 and L2. Stockwell and Bowen point
Consider the laterals of English and Russian. out that there are many minimal pairs within
Each language has two lateral sounds: the English, exploiting the phonemic contrast
‘clear’/l/ and the ‘dark’ /ł/ of English are both between /p/ and /b/, whereas there are only
alveolar laterals but /l/ is produced with very few centred on the contrast, between /Z/
simultaneous higher raising of the front of the and /dZ/: pleasure / pledger, lesion / legion,
tongue than of the back, while /ł/ has the etc. the latter contrast has a low functional
opposite configuration. /l/ occurs before load. One might object that such intralingual
vowels and elsewhere, i.e., before consonants contrasting is excessively time-consuming,
and finally. Russian has two laterals also: /ł/ since one has to take every possible pairing of
and /ļ/, the former velarized, the latter the phonemes in the inventory, and that the
palatalized. /ł/ “is a lateral fricative, usually comparison they make between /p/: /b/ and
voiced, with mid-tongue depressed, resulting /Z/: /dZ/ is arbitrary, since while the first pair
in a ‘dull’ ‘hollow’ sound of low tonality, contrast by the feature of voicelessness vs.
something like /ł/ in English bull” (Bidewell, voice, the second contrast does not hinge on
1969: 2). There is ample justification, in the same feature: fricative /Z/ is compared to
Bidewell’s account, for equating the Russian an affricate /dZ/. a more systematic contrast
and English laterals on both articulatory and would be the voiced / voiceless pair /Z/: /S/.
acoustic grounds. But what is the functional Indeed, the /Z/: /dZ/ contrast may be in
status of each? For the English speaker /l/ and English a case of free variation, as in
/ł/ are allophones of the same phoneme, in /gQra:Z/-/gQra:dZ/ as alternative realizations
that each sends the same ‘message’ to the of ‘garage’. Burgschmidt and Gotz make a
brain, namely that in either case the /l/ better case for the absolute relative
phoneme is being used. This can be tested by frequencies of L1 and L2 phonemes being
intentionally switching the clear and dark stated in the CA. They quote Delattre’s (1965:
variants with a word: to the English speaker, 95) frequency-count of the occurrence of the
/łIp/ is still lip and /fIl/ is still fill, and when consonantal phonemes in English and
he hears an Irishman say /fI/ mai glQs/ for RP German.
/fIł maI gla:s/ the message is clear. For the
Russian /ł/ and /ļ/ have different status by We shall now consider each of the four
signaling differences in meaning: /dał/ means proposed steps in turn:
‘he gave’ while /daļ / means ‘the distance’.
Bryzgunova (1963: 83) gives lists of ‘minimal STEPS 1 AND 2: INVENTORIZE THE
pairs’; to illustrate the phonemic status of the PHONEMES OF L1 AND L2
/ł/: /ļ/ contrast in Russian. The important
point to be made in this context is that This first, descriptive, step is not really part of
objectively similar sounds of two languages CA. in fact, for most languages a phonemic
can have different functional statuses; in L1 inventory will already have been made
as ‘the same’, while in L2 the same objective available by the phonologist. The
difference is upheld as constituting a contrastivist’s task consists in equating
functional difference. This contingency is the phonological categories across the two
cornerstone of contrastive phonetics and languages. I have already suggested that the
phonology. categories of the IPA chart can be adopted for
this purpose. The consonants of L1 and L2 can
Contrasting sound systems conveniently bre classified according to the
place and manner of articulation and placed in
There are four steps involved in executing CA the appropriate cell of the chart, with the
of the sound systems of two languages: draw voicelees / voiced pairs (e.g., /p/: /b/)
up a phonemic inventory of L1 and L2; equate appearing in this order consistently. IPA
phonemes interlingually; list the phonemic symbols can be used to represent the sounds.
70
For the vowels, the conventional vowel- system of which is “the essence of simplicity
diagram can be used, which allows a and elegance” consisting of only five pure
specification of any vowel according to the vowels (Stockwell and Bowen, op. cit.: 73).
tongue position during articulation. Rounded
or unrounded variants can be inserted in The question immediately arises as to whether
brackets, and there are diacritics available to the segments entered into these charts are of
indicate any special extra features, such as allophonic or phonemic status in the language.
nasality (-) or length (:) It has been my own In practice we rely heavily on the criterion of
practice to use unusually large charts and minimal pairs: we mentally search the lexicon
diagrams to cater for double entries (of L1 for pairs of words that are differentiated by a
and L2), and I use different colored pens to single phonological segment. This is what the
write in the sounds of L1 and L2. a further Portuguese students did: in establishing the
possibility, suitable for classroom status of /b/ for example, in /bata/, /beNtu/
demonstration of contrasts, is to use two and /bElA/, the following contrasting lexical
transparencies, one being superimposed on items were cited: /patA/, /veNtu/, /gEäa/ etc.
the other for overhead projection. Two vowel likewise for the vowels, minimal pairs like
diagrams may be used, one for monophthongs /sed/: /sEd/ and /ә’vo/: /ә’v/ were cited. The
the other for diphthongs. The following two allophonic status of /l/ and /É/ was
figures illustrate how a class of Portuguese established by noting that /l/ occurred word-
teachers handled the inventories of the initially and medially, but not finally, where
consonants and the pure, nonnasal vowels of /É/ occurred. This brings us to the next step in
Portuguese, using an adaptation of IPA charts: the CA.
Manner Plosive Nasal Fricative Affricate Lateral Vibrant STEP 3: STATE THE ALLOPHONES OF EACH
VCL/ VCL/ VCL/ VCL/ VCL/ VCL/
Place
VCD VCD VCD VCD VCD VCD
PHONEME OF L1 AND L2.
Bilabial Pb m
Labio-
fv We have already seen examples of this
dental
procedure: the aspirated and unaspirated
Denti-
td n sz l pairs /p’, p; t’, t; k’, k/ occurring in English,
alveolar
Palato-
ø SZ tS but not in French. Another example was the
alveolar
allophonic variants of the lateral phoneme in
Palatal cj ´
Velar Kg N t English, as contracted with the phonemes /É/
Uvular R and /ļ/ in Russian. Politzer (1972: 129) has
Apical r identified a number of ways in which pairs of
languages can exhibit contrasts over the
respective statuses of their speech sounds:
CLOSE
a) For two equated phonemes, one of L1 and
O/ o / u/ one of L2, allophonic variants occur for
O/i/ o / U/ one but not for the other. For example, we
equate the laterals /l/ of German and
O ə English. We now discover that the German
O/e O/α BACK lateral is always realized by a ‘clear’ /l/
FRONT O/E while in English there are two allophones
O / o/ in complementary distribution. The
German thus says /liNks/ for links ‘left’
and /fɔl/ for voll ‘full’, while the
O / a/
Englishman says /liNks/ for links and /fUÉ/
O //
for full.
OPEN b) What is an allophone in L1 is a phoneme
in L2, where the sounds concerned are
I do not pretend that these ‘analyses’ of physically very similar. Our example of
Portuguese are either complete or this type of contrast was the ‘clear’ /l/ of
uncontroversial (Strevens, 1954). They are English, equated with the palatal /ļ/ of
merely illustrative of what students with a Russian: the former has allophonic status,
bare minimum of linguistic training can the latter phonemic status.
produce in the framework I am proposing.
Moreover, Portuguese happens to be a In Portuguese the phoneme /d/ has two
phonologically highly complex language, allophones: it is realized as /d/ word-
unlike, for example, Spanish, the vowel initially /dalia/ dália, ‘dahlia’, after a
71
consonant /alda/ Alda ?girls name’, and phonemes with phonetically very similar
before a consonant /adrianu/ Adriano allophones, but where the environments for
‘Hadrian’. In intervocalic position, these allophones are not identical. Both
however, it is realized as a dental voiced Spanish and English for instance have the two
continuant /D/. This sound is physically sounds /n/ and /N/. The former, /n/, occurs
like the English /D/ in /Den/ ‘then’, and so before vowels and dental or alveolar
we equate them. However, /D/ has consonants as well as word-finally in both
phonemic status in English but allophonic languages. But the environments determining
status in Portuguese. the occurrence of /N/ are different in Spanish
and English, according to Stockwell and
In fact, category b) could be conflated Bowen (op. cit.: 62). In English /N/ occurs as
with category a): instead of saying that an allophone of /n/ before velars, as in
the fricative is phonemic in English but /sinNk/, /lANIst/. In Spanish it occurs before
allophonic in Portuguese (or Spanish) we segments which Stockwell and Bowen
could have said that English /d/ and /D/ designate as /h/ and /w/: /estraN’hero/
have no allophonic variants, while estranjero ‘foreigner’, /na’raNha/, naranja
Portuguese /d/ has. ‘orange’; /saNwiS/ ‘sandwich’ and /uN’weBo/
un huevo ‘an egg’. This phenomenon, the
c) This category pf contrast applies to pairs contrastive distribution of phonetically similar
of L1 and L2 sounds that stand in a one- allophones, is probably the most formidable
to-one relationship, not the one-to-many one that faces both the contrastivist and the
relationship characteristic of category b). foreign-language learner.
here, the two equated segments have
different absolute statuses in their The relative absolute distribution of equated
respective phonological systems. phonemes of L1 and L2 is a less complex
analytical problem. Although Briére (1968)
There are good reasons for assigning suggested the syllable to be the proper unit
phonemic status to the German palated within which to conduct distributional
fricative /C/ in words like /iC/ ich ‘I’ and investigation for CA, most contrastivists have
/SprEC«n/ sprechen ‘to speak’. This sound continued to take the word as the relevant
occurs in English for some speakers, but unit: so we speak of sounds occurring in
only in word-initial position: /Cju:dZ/ word-initial, medial, or final positions. A
‘huge’ and /Cju:/ ‘Hugh’, where it is phonemic distributional restriction familiar to
obviously an allophone of /h/. it is not, most British teachers of French concerns /Z/
however, a positionally conditioned in the two languages. In French it can occupy
allophone of /h/, since /hju:/ and /hju:dZ/ all three positions within the word: compare
are possible, indeed predominant /Zon/ ‘yellow’ /leZe/ ‘light’ and /g∂RZ/ ‘throat’.
pronunciations. /C/ and /h/ are in free In English /Z/ occurs only medially and finally
variation in this position. They are optional as in /meZ∂/ ‘measure’ and /ru:Z/ ‘rouge’.
variants, the selection of one or the other Consequently, the English learner of French
not being determined by the phonological will have difficulty with the pronunciation of
rules of English. I consider this type of French words having /Z/ initially. For similar
interlingual contrast in the status of reasons, he will experience difficulty with
speech sound to be important: unless a German words having /C/ in medial and final
rigorous phonetic CA is carried out, there positions, even though he has initial /C/ as an
is the danger of overlooking the fact that a allophone of English /h/ in a few native words.
learner of an L2 may have available in his
L1 serviceable sounds of such peripheral We have just discussed what I called
status. ‘absolute’ distribution of sounds. Another type
of distribution contrast concerns the
STEP 4: STATE THE DISTRIBUTIONAL combination of sounds: one language may
RESTRICTIONS ON THE ALLOPHONES AND permit certain sequences of sounds at one or
PHONEMES OF L1 AND L2. another position in the word. This is what I
called the phonotactics of the language.
We already embarked on this operation, when Contrastive phonotactics is an important part
we identified the allophonic variants in the two of phonological CA. in Polish the combination
languages. What is called for now is a detailed /StS/ occurs in al three positions, as in
and fully explicit account if the environment in Szczeczin ‘Stettin’ (a town), jeszcze ‘still’ and
which typical allophones occur. It is possible barszcz ‘beetroot soup’. This phonotactic
for the two languages to have corresponding sequence is impossible in English, although it
72
is possible to find it distributed across a word ‘decisions’ on the part of the speaker (and
boundary as in /freS’tSI:z/ ‘fresh cheese’. Oft- learner), they distinguish optional choices
quoted is the absence, in Spanish, of English from obligatory choices: optional or free
consonant sequences pr clusters like /s+[p-t- choice exists where the speaker selects a
k] + r/ in words like spray, stray and scream; phoneme, i.e., decides whether to say /pin/ or
while the word-final clusters /[n-l] + d/ as in /bin/; obligatory choice or non-choice is when,
world or sound of English are alien to Spanish. having selected the phoneme /p/, he is
constrained by the environment it occurs in to
So far we have restricted our observations to select one of its allophones. Thus the
the segmental phonologies of the two taxonomic models does provide an interesting
languages under CA. of equal or greater and plausible hypothesis about relative
importance is CA of the suprasegmental difficulties of pronunciation. Admittedly, as
phenomena: the features of stress / rhythm Kohler points out, the predicted relativities of
and intonation in particular. Space will not difficulty are not always upheld in practice:
permit us to enter into any details of although English differs from German in
suprasegmental CA. suffice it to mention the lacking initial consonant clusters such as /Sm-
interesting work of Schubiger (1965), who . St-, Sl-/ the Englishman seems to have little
establishes the functional parallelism between or no difficulty in pronouncing such clusters.
English intonation and the German modal
particles, and Zimmermmann’s (1972) A second failing of taxonomic phonology in CA
account of the relationships between is its inability to differentiate productive from
topicalization, word order and intonation in receptive difficulty: it is assumed that what is
the same two languages. difficult to perceive by the learner will ipso
facto be difficult for him to produce. Such is
Phonological models not the case. Examples are legion of an
asymmetry between the learner’s receptive
The range of models available for syntactic and productive control of phonological
analysis is large. For phonological analysis we segments. The English speaker may hear the
have a two-way choice between taxonomic /k/: /x/ contrast between German /lkə/ ‘loose’
phonology (the model which we have been and /lx/ ‘hole’ but be unable to produce the
using throughout this section) and generative /x/. Kohler claims that “/º/ is extremely
phonology. The question inevitably arises of troublesome to produce for most speakers,
the relative merits of these two models. The but very easy to detect” (op. cit.: 85).
taxonomic approach, as we have seen, has
the aim of ‘setting out phoneme systems, Generative phonology stems from America
combinatorial possibilities of phonemes (Chomsky and Halle, 1968) but is rooted in
(phonotactics) and non-distinctive variations European phonological theory of the 1940s.
of these units in different languages’ (Kohler, like generative syntax, generative phonology
1971: 84). Kohler goes on to say: “it can be assumes that surface-structure phonology is
said that on the whole this theoretical derived from the deep-structure phonology by
assumption works pretty well” (ibid). The means of transformations: “The phonological
main value of the phoneme-and-allophone rules… mediate between the systematic
approach is that it identifies two categories of phonemic level (at which all distinctive feature
pronunciation problem which L2 learners face: information is specified) and the systematic
errors resulting from phonemic asymmetries phonetic level (at which all phonetic
between the two languages, and those information is specified)” (Southword and
resulting from allophonic differences. The Daswani), 1974: 77).
assumption, normally upheld by observation
of learners’ speech, is that the first category This is the first weakness of the model, for
will be the source of more fundamental purposes of CA: the phonological deep
distortions, often leading to unintelligibility structure is assumed to contain forms which
while the second category merely leads to are deleted from the surface representation –
‘foreign accent’ without much impairment of ‘king’ for example is given the deep structure
communication. In fact, it is on the basis of /k®Ng/ with the subsequent deletion of /g/”.
the difference between phonemic and the phonological deep structure not only lacks
allophonic contrasts between English and psychological reality, but seems to contradict
Spanish that Stockwell and Bowen (op. cit.: it. With its postulation of these “quasi-mystical
16) draw up an eight-point scale of underlying forms”. Given the choice between
pronunciation difficulty. Seeing language taxonomic and generative phonology, while
performance as a series of segmental accepting that the latter is probably more
73
powerful for ‘pure’ linguistic purposes, we reliant infants, as well as adults learning an L2
should, as Burgschmidt and Gotz (op. cit.: in the natural setting, are, upon leis for
199) do, opt for the former and weaker, for communication. It is these insights, together
the simple reason that it is more practical and with a renewal of interest among linguists in
concrete. problems of semantics (including lexical
semantics) that promise a heightening of
There is however one element of generative activity in Contrastive Lexicology, which has
phonology, the element it inherited from been relatively neglected as one of the three
Prague School phonology, which has proved branches of microlinguistic CA (Roos, 1976;
useful in phonological CA: the concept of Dagut, 1977). While explicit Contrastive
distinctive features. Distinctive feature Lexicology has suffered from this neglect, one
phonology operates on the assumption that should bear in mind that many of the
the phoneme is not the most convenient unit problems to which it will ultimately have to
for phonological analysis, since it can be address itself have been the concern of
analyzed into a set of phonological scholars in related disciplines throughout this
‘components’ or features, which are more century. In the 1920s and 30s Edward Sapir,
fundamental than the phoneme itself. Thus and B. L. Whorf, concerned themselves with
the English phoneme /t/ is a composite of the the problem of linguistic determinism, a
features /+ voiceless/, /+ apical/, /+ stop/, hypothesis claiming that, since language
which distinguish it from /d/, from the labials determines our perception of reality, and since
/p, b/, from the palatals /tS, Z, S/ and from languages are structured differently, different
the velars /k, g/ and so on. There are two language communities have different views of
obvious advantages in this approach. The first what is, objectively, the ‘same’ reality:
is the gain in economy: whereas a language “Languages have a tendency to ‘impose
may use from 30 to 40 phonemes, it is structure on the real world’ by treating some
possible exhaustively to characterize such a distinctions as crucial, and ignoring others”
language using no more than a dozen (Leech, 1974: 30). The Sapir-Whorf
distinctive features. Further economy is hypothesis, then, views language as the
gained by the binary of distinctive feature determinant of perceived reality. This view of
specifications: the presence (+) and the determinism can, and has been, reversed, into
absence (-) of one and the same feature can a claim that culture is reflected in language:
be used as a classificatory index, sparing the “the language of a particular society is an
analyst the multiplication of categories. The integral part of its culture, and … the lexical
second advantage, of particular interest to the distinctions drawn by each language will tend
contrastivist, is the universality of distinctive to reflect the culturally important features of
features: phonemes, in contradistinction to objects, institutions and activities in the
features are certainly not universal, as we society in which the language operates”
have seen. The universal set of features can (Lyons, 1968: 432). Here we have a two-
thus serve as tertium comparationis for stage view of determinism: first culture
phonological CA. in using it we would be given determines language, and then the language
“a much better chance of making fair determines our view of reality.
comparisons between the systems of one
language and those of another” (O’Connor, The Sapir-Whorf hypotheses seems to have
op. cit.: 210). been a particular source of stimulation for
anthropologists. It is they who have
Contrastive lexicology investigated cultural relativity, and so in doing
have shed much light on matters of
The layman’s misconception of second- semantico-lexical relativity. The two bets-
language learning is that it is purely a matter known areas of endeavor on the part of
of the learner learning the lexical equivalents anthropologists are the studies of color
of L2 corresponding to his L1 words. The categories (Berlin and Kay, 1969) and of
structuralist movement in linguistics, and the kinship terms (Lounsbury, 1956;
allied Audio-Lingual Method, with their Goodenough, 1956). It is in this tradition that
emphasis on the priority of grammatical Kalisz (1976) produced his CA of Polish amd
patterns, tended, in contrast to the layman’s English kinship terms.
view, to neglect the role which vocabulary
undoubtedly plays in the process of A second area in which contrastive lexicology
communication. Recent research on language has been kept alive is that of translation. Here
acquisition –of the L1 as well as the L2- has again cultural barriers to effective translation
redressed the balance, in pointing out how have been in the forefront, notably among the
74
Bible translators (Nida, 1964; Wonderly, question which will be one of our concerns in
1968). Wonderly’s book Bible Translations for the rest of this section on lexical CA.
Popular Use has a chapter devoteed to lexical
problems, of which very many are We must now, however, equate lexicology
illuminating. Spanish cimiento is an with lexicography: the latter is one of several
acceptable translation of ‘foundation’ in some practical applications of the former. Likewise,
countries, and more familiar than the lexicon of a language is not the same as a
fundamento: it must, however, be avoided in (monolingual) dictionary of that language.
Peru, since its use there would lead to Both Nowakowsky (1977) and Leech (1974)
confusion with cemento ‘cement’. Similarly, in emphasize the distinction between a
some Spanish-speaking countries dictionary and the lexicon. Leech (ibid.: 202)
‘mature/ripe’ (from Greek teleios) can only be draws a distinction between the practical
applied to grain and fruit, not to people. dictionary or “reference-book on the living-
Wonderly suggests the need for providing room or library shelf” and the theoretical
expansions in translation in certain cases: ‘inbuilt’ dictionary “which every one of us
“the meaning of ‘to serve’ (douleuein) is carries around as part of his mental
delimited contextually as to the quality of equipment as a speaker of a language” and
service… by introducing words for ‘slavery’ constitutes his ‘semantic competence’. This
and ‘master’ into the context”: definition is in line with our general conviction,
expressed elsewhere in this book that a CA is
Romans ‘so that we Que no estuviéramos ya en a differential account of the monolingual’s L1
6:6 may no esclavitud, sirviendo al competence and the L2 competence which, as
more serve’ pecado como a un patrón.
a learner, he aspires to. It is the task of
(Wonderly, 1968: 10)
contrastive lexicology, therefore, to compare
linguistic accounts, stated within the same
Wilss (1977), in his work of translation theory,
lexicological framework, of the lexical
discusses problems of cultural and linguistic
competence necessarily possessed by
relativity attendant on the rendering into an
speakers of the two languages concerned.
L2 of ‘einzelner fur die jeweilige
This is a large-scale and arduous undertaking,
Sprachgemeinscraft charackteristischer
as we shall presently discover, and not to be
Worter’ (individual words that are
confused with such exercises as the writing of
characteristic of a certain speech community).
bilingual dictionaries, not even if they are
He lists such words as: esprit, patrie, charme,
conceived contrastively, as is the case of the
gentleman, fairness, Sehnsucht, Ostoplitik,
Romanian-English CA Project, which has,
Tuchtigkeit (p. 44).
among other things, set itself the task of
producing a contrastive bilingual dictionary of
And of course, where there are L2 learners
the 20 000 most frequent words in Romanian
and translators, there are bilingual
and English.
dictionaries. This, bilingual lexicography, is
the third area in which a practical concern for,
As on the other linguistic levels, the
if not a theoretical commitment to contrastive
contrastive analysis proper presupposes the
lexicology has been maintained. Any
prior analysis of the lexicons of L1 and L2. To
reasonably good bilingual dictionary bears
quote Leech (op. cit.) again: “The lexicon will
witness to this. Consider the entry under
be considered as an unordered list or set of
hawk in Cassell’s New German Dictionary
lexical entries. A lexical entry, in turn, will be
(1957). Three key-words appear:
considered as a combination of three
Hawk1 Die Falke, Habitch (bird of prey)
specifications: a morphological specification, …
a syntactic specification, … and a semantic
Hawk2 Verhokern, feilbieten (offer for sale) specification”. For several reasons, not the
Hawk3 Sich rauspern (clear one’s throat)
least of which is the enormity of the task
required, I shall not adopt this approach to
We have here, then, a 1:3 correspondence in
lexicology for the conduct of lexical CA.
equating the English and the German lexical
instead of producing an ‘unordered list or set’
items; hawk4 in the sense of a ‘plasterer’s
I shall advocate the preselection of various
tool’ is not included. Derivates of hawk1 such
semantic domains (or fields for the purpose of
as hawk-eyed, hawk moth, hawk’s beard,
delimiting the scope of the CA; and I suggest
though at least as rare as hawk4 are included.
further that the lexical entries identified as
We are already in a position to criticize
belonging to the particular fields selected
Cassell’s, on the strength of this one entry.
should be studied and specified according to
This raises the question of what the ideal
their strictly semantic properties: the only
bilingual dictionary should offer its users, a
75
syntactic information pertinent will be in the these four lexical realizations depends on the
form of statements of the co-occurrence values selected for the variables A, x, B in the
restrictions imposed on particular lexical formula. Such verba dicendi as answer, deny,
items. In fact, while not denying that the etc., are not analysable by this formula, but
lexicon constitutes a highly complex and would call for a more complex one containing
ultimate monolithic system (how else could such further variables as antecedent speech
one use it?), for our present purposes it will act and speaker’s presuppositions. Lehmann
be an advantage to view it as a system of (op. cit.) identifies a number of contrasts
subsystems: these subsystems are the lexical between the four English verbs and their
fields we have mentioned. The view we take German ‘equivalents’ sagen sprechen,
of lexis is, a polysystemic one. erzahlen, redden.
Opting for this approach is not to deny the 1. SAY can have as its grammatical subject a
relevance to our enquiries of the general person, ‘text’ or institution:
principles of lexical design, which we further
assume to be true for all human languages. My mother / The brochure / Scotland Yard
Although each field will have its says…
idiosyncrasies, in terms of the number and
nature of its constituent lexemes, as well as of SAGEN prefers a human subject and
the ways in which they interrelate, these rejects ‘text’:
relationships will be of recurrent types; we are
thus in a position to view language diversity, Ihre Brochure sagt…
and contrast, in the lexicon, against a
background of universal formal constraints. 2. SPEAK refers to the faculty and quality of
Another task we set ourselves, therefore, in oral communication:
this selection is to characterize the kinds of
relationships into which lexical items enter He speaks six languages: he’s a French
with each other, within the same field. speaker
The concept of word field, which has received TALK, however, refers to quantity:
much attention in diachronic work from the
German linguists Trier and Weisgerber, was He’s a great talker
introduced for the purpose of delimiting the
lexicon into cohesive subsystems. It has REDEN carries both the qualities of SPEAK
affinities with the thesaurus (cf. Roget’s), and and TALK:
contrasts with the conventional dictionary in
identifying within the lexicon a number of Er ist ein gutter Redner
semantic, cognitive, attitudinal or notional
areas of concern; the dictionary by contrast, is Er redet zu viel
organized on the simple alphabetical principle.
Hartmann (1970) lists word fields that have 3. TELL conveys the fact that the addressee
been studied; these include: OFFENCE, JOY, was given information, was commanded,
VISUAL, PERCEPTION, SOUNDS, FACIAL or was entertained:
EXPRESSION, COLORS, EATING, VERBA
DICENDI, PARTS OF THE BODY, VEHICLES, the smoke told us a new Pope had been
COOKING, ARTIFACTS FOR SITTING, PIPE found.
JOINTS; to name but a few.
He told the kids to make less noise.
An interesting recent CA of verba dicendi in
English and German is Lehmann (1977). The He told her a dirty joke.
verba dicendi constitute a notional class of
verbs, and moreover an intuitively plausible SAGEN corresponds with TELL in its
class. Their function is to refer to speech acts, informative and imperative functions:
the basic semantic conditions for which are
uniformly: A says x to B. more precise Sein Gesicht sagte uns, daB er argelich
specification determines the selection of one war.
member from the class: say, speak, talk, tell.
In other words, the selection of any one of Er sagte der kindern, ruhig zu bleiben.
76
Whereas the ‘entertain’ function is carried linguistic semantics is the COMPONENT, to
by ERZAHLEN: which we now turn.
77
analyzed, either totally or partially, in terms of any comparative-contrastive enterprise.
a finite set of semantic components which are Second, it defines for him that background of
themselves independent of the particular likeness against which the idiosyncrasies of L1
semantic structure of any given language” and L2 stand out, and which sets the process
(Lyons, op. cit.: 472) of interference in motion.
Both linguistics and psychology are in a state Within this new context the study of errors
at the present time of what Chomsky has takes on a new importance and will I believe
called “flux and agitation” (Chomsky 1966). contribute to a verification or rejection of the
What seemed to be well-established doctrine new hypothesis.
a few years ago is now the subject of
extensive debate. The consequence of this for This hypothesis states that a human infant is
language teaching is likely to be far reaching born with an innate predisposition to acquire
and we are perhaps only now beginning to language; that he must be exposed to
feel its effects. One effect has been perhaps to language for the acquisition process to star;
shift the emphasis away from a preoccupation that he possesses an internal mechanism of
with teaching toward a study of learning. In unknown nature which enables him from the
the first instance this has shown itself as a limited data available to him to construct a
renewed attack upon the problem of the grammar of a particular language. How he
acquisition of the mother tongue. This has does this is largely unknown and is the field of
inevitably led to a consideration of the intensive study at the present time by
question whether there are many parallels linguists and psychologists. Miller (1964) has
between the processes of acquiring the pointed out that if we wished to create an
mother tongue and the learning of a second automaton to replicate a child’s performance,
language. The usefulness of the distinction the order in which it tested various aspects of
between acquisition and learning has been the grammar could only be decided after
emphasized by Lambert (1966) and the careful analysis of the successive stages of
possibility that the latter may benefit from a language acquisition by human children. the
study of the former has been suggested by first steps therefore in such a study are seen
Carrol (1966). to be a longitudinal description of a child’s
language throughout the course of its
The differences between the two are obvious development. From such a description it is
but not for that reason easy to explain: that eventually hoped to develop a picture of the
the learning of the mother tongue is procedures adopted by the child to acquire
inevitable, whereas, alas, we all know that language (McNeill 1966).
there is no such inevitability about the
learning of a second language; that the The application of this hypothesis to second
learning of the mother tongue is part of the language learning is not new and is essentially
whole maturational process of the child, whilst that proposed fifty years ago by H. E. Palmer
learning a second language normally begins (1917). Palmer maintained that we were all
only after the maturational process is largely endowed by nature with the capacity for
complete; that the infant starts with no overt assimilating language and that this capacity
language behavior, while in the case of the remained available to us in a latent state after
second language learner such behavior, of acquisition of a primary language. The adult
course, exists; that the motivation (if we can was seen as capable as the child of acquiring
properly use the term in the context) for a foreign language. Recent work (Lenneberg
learning a first language is quite different from 1966) suggests that the child who fails for any
that for learning a second language. reason, i.e., deafness, to acquire a primary
language before the age of twelve thereafter
On examination it becomes clear that these rapidly loses the capacity to acquire language
obvious differences imply nothing about the behavior at all. This finding does not of course
process that take place in the learning of first carry with it the implication that the language
and second language. Indeed the most learning capacity to those who have
widespread hypothesis about how languages successfully learned a primary language also
are learned, which I have called behaviorist, is atrophies in the same way. It still remains to
assumed to apply in both circumstances. be shown that the process of learning a
These hypotheses are well enough known not second language is of a fundamentally
to require detailing here, and so are the different nature from the process of primary
objections to them. If then these hypotheses acquisition.
about language learning are being questioned
87
If we postulate the same mechanism, then we the important evidence. As Brown and Fraser
may also postulate that the procedures or (1964) point out, the best evidence that a
strategies adopted by the learner of the child possesses construction rules is the
second language are fundamentally the same. occurrence of systematic errors, since, when
The principal feature that then differentiates the child speaks correctly, it is quite possible
the two operations is the presence or absence that he is only repeating something that he
of motivation. has heard. Since we do not know what the
total input has been we cannot rule out this
If the acquisition of the first language is a possibility. It is by reducing the language to a
fulfillment of the predisposition to develop simpler system than it is that the child reveals
language behavior, then the learning of the his tendency to induce rules.
second language involves the replacement of
the predisposition of the infant by some other In the case of the second language learner it
force. What this consists of is in the context of might be supposed that we do have some
this paper irrelevant. knowledge of what the input has been, since
this is largely within the control of the
Let us say therefore that, given motivation, it teacher. Nevertheless it would be wise to
is inevitable that a human being will learn a introduce a qualification here about the
second language if he is exposed to the control of input (which is of course what we
language data. Study of language aptitude call the syllabus). The simple fact of
does in some measure support such a view presenting a certain linguistic form to a
since motivation and intelligence appear to be learner in the classroom does not necessarily
the two principal factors which correlate qualify it for the status of input, for the reason
significantly with achievement in a second that input is ‘what goes in’ not what is
language. available for going in, and we may reasonably
suppose that it is the learner who controls this
I propose therefore as a working hypothesis input, or more properly his intake. This may
that some at least of the strategies adopted well be determined by the characteristics of
by the learner of a second language are his language acquisition mechanism and not
substantially the same as those by which a by those of the syllabus. After all, in the
first language is acquired. Such a proposal mother tongue learning situation the data
does not imply that the course or sequence of available as input is relatively vast, but it is
learning is the same in both cases. the child who selects what shall be the input.
We can now return to the consideration of Ferguson (1966) has recently made the point
errors made by learners. When a two-year-old that our syllabuses have been based at best
child produces an utterance such as “This upon impressionistic judgments and vaguely
mummy chair” we do not normally call this conceived theoretical principles where they
deviant, ill-informed, faulty, incorrect, or have had any considered foundations at all.
whatever. We do not regard it as an error in The suggestion that we should take more
any sense at all, but rather as a normal account of the learner’s needs in planning our
childlike communication which provides syllabuses is not new, but has not apparently
evidence of the state of his linguistic led to any investigations, perhaps because of
development at that moment. Our response to the methodological difficulties of determining
that behavior has certain of the characteristics what the learner’s needs might actually be.
of what would be called ‘correction’ in a Carroll (1955) made such a proposal when he
classroom situation. Adults have a very strong suggested it might be worth creating a
tendency to repeat and expand the child’s problem-solving situation for the learner in
utterance in an adult version; something like which he must find, by enquiring either of the
“Yes, dear, that’s mummy’s char”. teacher or a dictionary appropriate verbal
responses for solving the problem. He pointed
No one expects a child learning his mother out that such a hypothesis contained certain
tongue to produce from the earliest stages features of what was believed to occur in the
only forms which in adult terms are correct or process of language acquisition by the child.
non-deviant. We interpret his ‘incorrect’
utterances as being evidence that he is in the A similar proposal actually leading to an
process of acquiring language and indeed, for experiment was made by Mager but not in
those who attempt to describe his knowledge connection with language teaching (Mager
of the language at any point in its 1961, pp. 405-13); it is nevertheless worth
development, it is the ‘errors’ which provide quoting his own words.
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distinction between those errors which are the
“Whatever sequencing criterion is used it is product of such chance circumstances and
one which the user calls a ‘logical’ sequence. those which reveal his underlying knowledge
But although there are several schemes by of the language to date, or, as we may call it,
which sequencing can be accomplished and, his transitional competence. The errors of
although it is generally agreed that an performance will characteristically be
effective sequence is one which is meaningful unsystematic and the errors of competence,
to the learner, the information sequence to be systematic. It will be useful therefore
assimilated by the learner is traditionally hereafter to refer to errors of performance as
dictated entirely by the instructor. We mistakes, reserving the term error to refer to
generally fail to consult the learner in the the systematic errors of the learner from
matter except to ask him to maximize the which we are able to reconstruct his
effectiveness of whatever sequence we have knowledge of the language to date, i.e., his
already decided upon”. transitional competence.
He points out as the conclusions he draws Mistakes are of no significance to the process
from his small scale experiment that the next of language learning. However the problem of
step would be to determine whether the determining what is a learner’s mistake and
learner-generated sequence, or, as we might what a learner’s error is one of some difficulty
call it, his built-in syllabus, is in some way and involves a much more sophisticated study
more efficient than the instructor-generated and analysis of errors than is usually accorded
sequence. The problem is to determine them.
whether there exists such a built-in syllabus
and to describe it. In such an investigation A learner’s errors, then, provide evidence of
that the study of learners’ errors would the system of the language that he is using
assume the role it already plays in the study (i.e., has learned) at a particular point in the
of child language acquisition, since, as has course (and it must be repeated that he is
been pointed out, the key concept in both using some system, although it is not yet the
cases is that the learner is using a definite right system). They are significant in three
system of language at every point in his different ways. First to the teacher, in that
development, although it is not the adult they tell him, if he undertakes a systematic
system in the one case, nor that of the second analysis, how far towards the goal the learner
language in the other. The learners’ errors are has progressed and, consequently, what
evidence of this system and are themselves remains for him to learn. Second, they
systematic. provide to the researcher evidence of how
language is learned or acquired, what
The use of the term systematic in this context strategies or procedures the learner is
implies, of course, that there may be errors employing in his discovery of the language.
which are random, or, more properly, the Thirdly (and in a sense this is their most
systematic nature of which cannot be readily important aspect) they are indispensable to
discerned. The opposition between systematic the learner himself, because we can regard
and nonsystematic errors is important. We are the making of errors as a device the learner
all aware that in normal adult speech in our uses in order to learn. It is a way the learner
native language we are continually committing has of testing his hypotheses about the nature
errors of one sort or another. These, as we of the language he is learning. The making of
have been so often reminded recently, are errors then is a strategy employed by children
due to memory lapses, physical states such as acquiring their mother tongue and by those
tiredness, and psychological conditions such learning a second language.
as strong emotion. These are adventitious
artifacts of linguistic performance and do not Although the following dialogue was recorded
reflect a defect in our knowledge of our own during the study of child language acquisition
language. We are normally immediately aware (Van Buren 1967) it bears unmistakable
of them when they occur and can correct similarities to dialogues which are a daily
them with more or less complete assurance. It experience in the second language teaching
would be quite unreasonable to expect the classroom:
learner of a second language not to exhibit
such slips of the tongue (or pen), since he is Mother: Did Billy have his egg cut up for him
subject to similar external and internal at breakfast?
conditions when performing in his first or Child: Yes, I showeds him.
second language. We must therefore make a Mother: You what?
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Child: I showed him. necessary at this point to posit a distinction
Mother: You showed him? between the two. Whilst one may suppose
Child: I seed him. that the first language learner has an
Mother: Ah, you saw him. unlimited number of hypotheses about the
Child: Yes, I saw him. nature of the language he is learning which
must be tested (although strong reasons have
Here the child, within a short exchange been put forward for doubting this) we may
appears to have tested three hypotheses: one certainly take it that the task of the second
relating to the concord of subject and verb in language learner is a simpler one: that the
a past tense, another about the meaning of only hypotheses he needs to test are: “Are
show and see and a third about the form of the systems of the new language the same or
the irregular past tense of see. It only remains different from those of the language I know’?”
to be pointed out that if the child had “And if different, what is their nature?”
answered I saw him immediately, we would Evidence for this is that a large number, but
have no means of knowing whether he had by no means all, of his errors, are related to
merely repeated a model sentence or had the systems of his mother tongue. These are
already learned the three rules just ascribed to interference from the habits of the
mentioned. Only a longitudinal study of the mother tongue, as it is sometimes expressed.
child’s development could answer such a In the light of the new hypotheses they are
question. It is also interesting to observe the best not regarded as the persistence of old
techniques used by the mother to ‘correct’ the habits, but rather as signs that the learner is
child. Only in the case of one error did she investigating the systems of the new
provide the correct form herself: you saw him. language. Saporta (1966) makes his point
In both the other cases, it was sufficient for clear.
her to query the child’s utterance in such a
form as: you what? Or you showed him? “The internal structure of the (language
Simple provision of the correct form may not acquisition) device, i.e., the learner, has gone
always be the only, or indeed the most relatively unexplored except to point out that
effective, form of correction since it bars the one of its components is a grammar of the
way to the learner testing alternative learner’s native language. It has generally
hypotheses. Making a learner try to discover been assumed that the effect of this
the right form could often be more instructive component has been inhibitory rather than
to both learner and teacher. This is the import facilitative” (p. 91).
of Carroll’s proposal already referred to.
It will be evident that the position taken here
We may note here that the utterance of a is that the learner’s possession of his native
correct form cannot be taken as proof that the language is facilitative and that errors are not
learner has learned the systems which would to be regarded as signs of inhibition, but
generate that form in a native speaker, since simply as evidence of his strategies of
he may be merely repeating a heard learning.
utterance, in which case we should class such
behavior, not as language, but in Spolky’s We have been reminded recently of Von
term (Spolky 1966) “language-like behavior”. Humboldt’s statement that we cannot really
now we must overlook the fact that an teach language, we can only create conditions
utterance which is superficially nondeviant is in which it will develop spontaneously in the
not evidence of a mastery of the language mind in its own way. We shall never improve
systems which would generate it in a native our ability to create such favorable conditions
speaker since such an utterance must be until we learn more about the way a learner
semantically related to the situational context. learns and what his built-in syllabus is. When
The learner who produced ‘I want to know the we do know this (and the learner’s errors will,
English’ might have been uttering an is systematically studied, tell us something
unexceptionable sentiment, but it is more about this) we may begin to be more critical
likely that he was expressing the wish to know of our cherished notions. We may be able to
the English language. Only the situational allow the learner’s innate strategies to dictate
context would show whether his utterance our practice and determine our syllabus; we
was an error or not. may learn to adapt ourselves to his needs
rather than impose upon him our
Although it has been suggested that the preconceptions of how he ought to learn, what
strategies of learning a first and second he ought to learn, and when he ought to learn
language may be the same, it is nevertheless it.
90
2. There are several words that can take
Contrasting Spanish and English plural forms in Spanish where English has
Grammar Systems a mass noun:
INFINITIVES
QUESTIONS
5. The definite article has a plural form.
1. There is not set word order for questions,
and auxiliaries play no part:
NUMBER
91
2. Learners have difficulty with do/does/did? PERSONAL PRONOUNS
VERBS
WORD ORDER
2. In many cases where in English there are 1. ‘Subject-verb’ and ‘verb-subject’ do not
two different words, or a word is used with regularly correspond to statement and
two different structures, Spanish has question respectively:
verbs with both transitive and intransitive
possibilities: (got up, wait, do)
92
6. Adverbials and object complements are
regularly placed before a direct object:
NEGATIVES
POSSESSIVES
93
A COURSE IN PHONOLOGY
Roca and Johnson
94
1. BILABIAL. Both lips they try to express themselves in English,
2. LABIODENTAL. Lower lip and upper teeth. especially during the initial stages of language
3. DENTAL. Tongue and upper teeth. acquisition.
4. ALVEORLAR. Tongue and gum ridge.
5. PALATAL. Tongue and hard palate. There are hundreds of textbooks for college
6. VELAR. Tongue and soft palate. classes in Linguistics that present a
7. NASAL. Velum lowered, nasal cavity ‘comparative’ approach to English and Spanish
opened. pronunciation patterns and other grammatical
8. GLOTTAL.. passage between vocal cords features of both languages. Professors
closed. (Donald) Bowen and (Robert) Stockwell, both
from UCLA, were among the first
http://www.bilingualquestions.org/qa207.htm ‘comparative’ linguists to explore the
similarities and differences between English
207. subject: phonological difficulties. My and Spanish. In many Spanish grammar
Spanish students have many difficulties with books –and in many English dictionaries- you
their phonetics. They use the phonemic can find detailed information about the sound
system of their native language when they system of each language.
speak English. I would like to do a
phonological analysis: find specific examples Many textbooks for college courses in English
of pronunciation mistakes that I have and/or Spanish Linguistics would help. You
observed in my students. How can you help may wish to contact your local college library
me to understand the differences between the and see what they offer.
two languages? Any particular book you could
recommend? THANK YOU for your interest in providing
the best instructional program for All
ANSWER your students!!!
96