INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 2005, 40 (1), 3750

Affective dimension in cognitive maps of Barcelona and Sao Paulo

Zulmira Aurea Cruz Bomfim Universidade Federal do Ceara, Brazil Enric Pol Urrutia Universitat de Barcelona, Spain

his paper analyses the relationship between city and affection as revealed through an investigation into the feelings and emotions of a sample of inhabitants of Barcelona and Sao Paulo towards their cities. A study of affection in the context of a city has its origin in the assumption that it is possible to develop an ethical-affective rationality in the creation of spaces of both public and private interest, a dimension that can serve to optimize the action of the inhabitants of a city. The theoretical/methodological approach adopted was essentially interdisciplinary, with a basis in social psychology, as can be seen in the data-gathering instrument. In order to assess the citys affective dimension, individual interviews were carried out and a questionnaire was applied to individuals in groups. In the latter subjects were asked to make a drawing representing their city and to answer some questions regarding this pictorial representation. The sample consisted of 200 subjects, half of whom were from Barcelona and half from Sao Paulo. Most were in the age range 1835, undergraduate or graduate students, with females and residents of the metropolitan areas of the two cities studied being in the majority. The qualitative data were classified according to their meaning and content, using the categories that had been established in the pilot study, namely contrasts, insecurity, pleasantness, and belonging. A statistical analysis was then performed on the resulting categories. After being categorized, catalogued, and qualified by metaphors, the responses gave the following images: city of contrast, city of attraction, city of destruction, city of surprises, city of movement, and pleasant city. These images show feelings and emotions about Barcelona and Sao Paulo that act as representations. This presents the need to revise the affective dimension in the meaning structure of cognitive maps as proposed by Lynch. As a result, the new category of affective maps is therefore proposed, as being the category that expresses affective meanings and serves as an indication of the level of esteem for the city, two aspects that act as reference points for the involvement and participation of a citys inhabitants.

e travail analyse la relation entre la ville et laffectivite dans le cadre dune recherche sur les sentiments et les emotions quun echantillon de citoyens de Barcelone et de Sao Paulo ressentent envers leur ville. Etudier laffectivite dans le contexte de la ville part de la supposition quun possible developpement dune rationalite ethique-affective est capable de produire des espaces dinteret public et prive, dimension qui peut optimiser laction des habitants de la ville. Le point de vue theorique/methodologique adopte a ete essentiellement interdisciplinaire mais de base psychosociale, comme le montre linstrument de recueil des renseignements. La dimension affective de la ville a ete evaluee par des entretiens individuels et par un questionnaire administre en groupes. Lors de ladministration du questionnaire, on a demande aux participants deffectuer un dessin representant leur ville et de repondre a quelques questions sur le dessin quils venaient de faire. Lechantillon ` comprend 200 participants, de Barcelone et de Sao Paulo a egalite. La plupart etaient ages entre 18 et 35 ans, ` etaient des etudiants universitaires de premier cycle ou ayant gradue, avec une plus forte presence de femmes et dhabitants des banlieues metropolitaines des villes etudiees. Les renseignements qualitatifs ont ete classes selon leurs signification et contenu, en suivant les categories qui avaient ete etablies lors de letude pilote. Ces categories sont les suivantes: contrastes, insecurite, attrait et appartenance. Une analyse statistique fut realisee aupres des ` categories resultantes. Apres les avoir categorisees, cataloguees et qualifiees par des metaphores, les reponses ont ` fourni les images suivantes: ville de contraste, ville dattraction, ville de destruction, ville de surprises, ville de mouvements et ville belle. Ces images montrent des sentiments et des emotions sur Barcelone et Sao Paulo qui agissent comme des representations. Ceci nous renvoi au besoin dune revision de la dimension affective dans la structure de signification des cartes mentales proposees par Lynch. Consequemment, la nouvelle categorie de cartes affectives est proposee comme etant celle qui articule les significations affectives et permet une approche

Correspondence should be addressed to Zulmeira Aurea Cruz Bomfim, Universidade Federal do Ceara, Avenida da Univerdidade 2762, Campus do Benfica, , 60.020-180 Fortaleza-Ceara-Brazil (E-mail: zulaurea@uol.com.br).).
# 2005 International Union of Psychological Science

http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/00207594.html

DOI: 10.1080/00207590444000122

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du degre destimation pour la ville, deux aspects qui jouent un role de reference dans limplication et la participation des citoyens. ste trabajo analiza la relacion entre ciudad y afectividad a partir de una investigacion sobre los sentimientos y emociones de una muestra de habitantes de Barcelona y Sao Paulo tienen hacia su ciudad. Estudiar la afectividad en el contexto de la ciudad parte del supuesto de que es posible el desarrollo de una racionalidad etico-afectiva en la generacion de espacios de interes publico y privado, dimension que puede optimizar la accion de los habitantes de la ciudad. El enfoque teorico/metodologico adoptado fue esencialmente interdisciplinario, pero de base psicosocial, como se refleja en el instrumento de recogida de datos. Para evaluar la dimension afectiva de la ciudad, se realizaron entrevistas individuales y se aplico un cuestionario de autocumplimentacion en situacion de grupos. Se les pidio a los sujetos que realizaran un dibujo representando su ciudad y respondieran algunas preguntas sobre el dibujo que acababan de hacer. La muestra estuvo formada por 200 personas, mitad de Barcelona y mitad de Sao Paulo, con edades comprendidas mayoritariamente entre 18 y 35 anos, mayoritariamente estudiantes de licenciatura y postgrado, con mayor presencia de mujeres y de residentes en las areas metropolitanas de las ciudades estudiadas. Los datos cualitativos fueron clasificados segun su significado y contenido, siguiendo las categoras que se haban establecido en la prueba piloto. Estas categoras son las siguientes: contrastes, inseguridad, agradabilidad y pertenencia. Posteriormente se aplico un analisis estadstico a las categoras resultantes. Despues de haber categorizado, catalogado y calificado por metaforas, las respuestas proporcionaron las siguientes imagenes: ciudad de contrastes, ciudad atractiva, ciudad destructiva, ciudad de sorpresas, ciudad con movimiento y ciudad bella. Estas imagenes muestran sentimientos y emociones sobre Barcelona y Sao Paulo que actuan como representaciones. Esto plantea la necesidad de una revision de la dimension afectiva en la estructura de significado de los mapas cognitivos propuesto por Lynch. Como resultado, se propone la categora de los mapas afectivos, como la que articula los significados afectivos y permite acercarse al grado de estima por la ciudad, aspectos que juegan un papel referencial en la implicacion y participacion ciudadana.

It is as difficult to assess the feelings and emotions of subjects from an urban population as it is to identify and name them individually. Perceptions, emotions, and feelings, considered elements of an internal language, can often be as intangible as external expressions. The pathway from perception to verbalization is a complex process. That pathway is reflected in the reality of day-to-day life and is created over and over every day by the citys inhabitants. Perceptions, emotions, and feelings are expressions of the social structure, and it is a considerable methodological challenge to approach them within the framework of cognitive processes alone. For this reason it was necessary to devise a methodology that could facilitate the process of reaching the intangible. The drawing and discourse of the inhabitants of Barcelona and Sao Paulo were taken as the starting point for the attempt to evaluate feelings and emotions associated with these cities. A comparison was made between the two cities considering their very different urban structures, as viewed by the users, and some principles for applying the feelings and emotion methodology linked to the urban aspects were formulated. The investigation follows a research pattern that involves several interdisciplinary dimensions: social psychology, environmental psychology, sociology, geography, architecture, and urbanism.

However, the predominant dimension is a confluence of social and environmental psychology through investigation of the affective category. Affect, as a category of social and environmental psychology, is seen, in the present study, as the synthesis of the interface between the individual and the city. It is seen as integrating aspects of knowledge, perception, and spatial orientation in overcoming dichotomies such as subjectivity and objectivity, at the same time as being part of the reflection on the possibility of developing an ethical-affective rationality in the city (Sawaia, 1995, p. 24), capable of generating relational spaces for public and private needs. Previous studies, carried out in two different locations on the outskirts of Brasilia in Nova Gama and Pedregal (in 1990), and in the city of Fortaleza (in 1997), focused on attempting to learn about the social meaning of the dwellers in their places of residence and their city, respectively (Bomfim, 1990; Bomfim, Domcio, & Terceiro, 1997). The intention was to confront the collective knowledge of the population about their urban space and their daily lives with the urban policies implemented by previous government administrations. There is knowledge of daily life that must be taken into consideration when setting up goals and policies for urban planning. In practice, it has been observed that the community knows what it needs

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in its everyday life in the city. What the inhabitants really need is to be heard and be taken into consideration. The current study adds the affectionate aspect as a significant aggregated factor in the perception and knowledge of the city in the forms of appropriation and organization of territory, using it as a way of developing citizenship. LEADING ASPECTS OF THE INVESTIGATION: CITY, CITIZENSHIP, TERRITORY, AFFECTION, AND SYMBOLISM OF SPACE The urban phenomenon, the territorial aspect and, more specifically, the city are social constructions. Citizenship is the quality of being a citizen directly related to the territorial space where the individual lives and builds his or her lifestyle. The worthiness of the individual depends on their location. It is the status given to those who are full members of a community where everybody is considered equal regarding all rights and obligations that entitle them to that status (Rivero, 2001). Citizenship is therefore a key to democratic political access where everyone is an equal member of society with equal access to services in relation to the territory and developed space used for living in the city. It is well known, however, that the government machine seldom manages the territory (city) adequately, to enable people to ascertain individual rights and an even distribution of goods and services. The city, on the one hand, can be a territory where new levels of consciousness can be raised, labour organized, and political expedience instrumented to enable the humanizing of a community. On the other hand, it can also be a space to alienate and usurp rights, both individually and collectively. Santos (1998) calls for a reflection on the concept of citizenship. In his opinion, the urban phenomenon is associated with the rights of being a citizen because it provides new levels of consciousness, labour organization, and political expedience. The organization of territory is associated with the political transformation of society. His idea of citizenship cannot be decided beforehand because it is historical. As history changes, its definition also changes. According to the author, the current definition of citizenship is dominated by the economy to the detriment of cultural debates. According to him, today cultural debates are left in the background so that they can give way to economic power. It is in that sense that, for Santos, the concept of citizenship cannot be detached from the territorial

aspect. As he says, there are social inequalities that are first of all territorial inequalities because they derive from the place where each group gathers. Its treatment cannot be foreign to the territorial realities. The citizen is the individual in one place. The republic will only become democratic when all citizens are considered as equals, regardless of where they may be (Santos, 1998). To comprehend cities is to know that urbanization is intrinsic to the way of life, and vice-versa. Lefebvre (2001) speaks of analogies about images of social and city life. These images present themselves as a relationship between social symbolism and elements of space, reminding us that the idea of social structures is sensitive to the effects of spatial organization. They are strategically steered by the elite in power. In the language of architects, there is a direct relation between architectural creation and social life. Lefebvre considers the need to investigate both the way of life and the means of urbanization, since in order to study the city, it is necessary to see it as the projection of social relations onto the ground, indicating a method that will not overlook any aspect of society, lifestyles, history, economic organization, and social and technical divisions. The most powerful groups are the main agents of urbanization. They are the ones who create the models for consumption, housing, and entertainment, and then transform them into reference models for the population as a whole. The adjustment between a lifestyle model and an urbanization model may serve as a criterion for measuring the evolution of kinds of lifestyles as well as the evolution of urbanization. Lefebvre (2001) shows that the lack of interest of the population in urban matters is due to their lack of participation in the decision-making process on a larger scale. This distancing of the individual from the urbanization process makes him powerless before the changes in urban life, thus making his supporting role increasingly distant. Seldom are any of the urban transformations preceded by community discussions or by representative groups. The participatory distancing of the individual citizen in the urban transformations brought about by public officials is even more frequent in post-industrial cities, making the emancipation process even more utopian. It is a moot question whether citizenship always depends on the power of the state or if it is also considered a public good, ingrained in the community so that individuals will be able to build on it, thus becoming agents in the process of emancipation.

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Construction in a city with input from its citizens undergoes a process of authentic selfesteem based on peoples participation and promotes a sense of identity and appropriation. Citizenship is not an external process but a joint participation among individuals, community, and city administration. The citizens participation in the planning and visualization of any possible developmental impact and action plans by the city allows for a sense and a desire to do something to better the life of a community regardless of any urban interventions, with no particular relation to daily life. In order to discuss this process a little better, it is necessary to understand the symbolism of space and the subtleties built into the city. Social psychology and environmental psychology have studied the relation between city and symbolism of space. The city, while being a spatial structure built for the community, reflects more than just a physical structure, but also a dialogue with the symbolic. The knowledge or the representation that an individual has about their city is in itself subjective and a collective fact, because it is not only what exists concretely that gains prominence in peoples minds but also what the community reinforces. Socially and historically based environmental psychology studies the concept of urban social identity with the understanding that it may come from the sentiment of belonging to a concrete place or places, along with the valued and emotional meaning that bonds them together (Valera & Pol, 1994). Yi-Fu Tuam (1983) explains the identity of place as that aspect of an individual that allows the creation of a safety net and a bond to the space created. The place is the home, the old house, the old neighbourhood, the old city, or the country. While the place is security, space is freedom. According to the author, people bond to the former and aim for the latter. Space is more abstract than place. What starts as undefined space turns into a place as knowledge of it improves and it is assigned a certain value. The concepts of space and place cannot be defined without each other. If space is considered to be something that allows movement, then place is pause; each pause in movement makes it possible for location to turn it into a place (Tuam, 1983, p. 6). The meaning of urban space has been mentioned in environmental psychology as an important factor in understanding ones surroundings, especially in the context of human value development (Valera, 2002). The author highlights the

symbolic and affectionate elements as part of the wealth of psychological, social, and cultural meanings. The affection aspect has been approached as an important factor of meaning. However, few studies have been developed in relation to the images the population has about the city surroundings concerning its affection, emotions, sentiments, or even perhaps the possibility of considering affection as a leading force in city space, in addition to perception and representation. In this study cognitive maps will be considered as expressions of the symbolic in the interaction of the individual and their environment. Maps appear to be a method of movement and as a way to make known the unknown, using cities, the environment, communities, etc. The affection dimension may be present in the cognitive map of the city, so it will be discussed. The development of cognitive maps is a procedure through which people acquire, encode, store, record, and decode information about places and attributes of any phenomenon within the urban space. It should be borne in mind that each person has a mental map of the city, even if fragmented, of streets, boulevards, or certain neighbourhoods in relation to others. The method of elaborating these maps is to externalize them so that experiences are gathered from interviewees in a way that can be observed. Afterwards, the maps precision is analysed according to such parameters as incompatibility with reality, level of structure, and type of consensus amongst many individuals. Milgram and Jodelet (1976) developed an investigation that sought to clarify the relation between social representations and the city, studying the cities of Paris and New York through cognitive mapping and drawings of mental maps. Seen from different approaches, one study may have different results. They consider the social and cognitive dimensions to be fundamental in understanding the environment, in perfect tune with the social psychology approach in which they see the inseparable subjectobject relationship as a social and psychological phenomenon. For studying cities it is interesting to see social representations as a portal into the world of symbolism of the populations daily routine, because it tells us how dwellers build their reality based on their cultural reality. However, not every mental map may be considered a social representation because others do not necessarily share the same map of a citys significant points. Milgram and Jodelet (1976) pointed to the conditions under which a mental map can be considered a social representation:

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first, that all internal models represent more social objects; second, that characteristics have to be shared in maps of a significant number of people; and third, there has to be a greater presence of social meanings than geographical ones. The theory of cognitive maps developed by Lynch (1998) from the environmental psychology perspective comes from the idea that urban space can be read. That is, there is a list of recognizable symbols that determines whether a city is more or less legible. For Lynch, the main function of this legibility is orientation. An easily legible environment raises the depths and intensity for the potential of human experience. Besides the function of orientation, the environments image has a practical and emotional importance. An efficient environmental image gives the bearer a strong sense of emotional security. Complete chaos with no harmony never results in anything pleasant, but the element of surprise has a certain value in the environment. The meaning given by the observer to an environments image is, for Lynch, one of the dimensions that should be analysed in the urban space in the city. Lynchs theory discusses the images elements (identity) and the spatial relationship of the object and the observer with other objects (structures). Each individual creates and takes his or her own image, but there seem to be fundamental differences among members of the same group. There is a group image or consensus among a considerable number of individuals. Valera (2002) approaches the importance of the social representation theory in environmental psychology as a way to bypass the cognitive theory of cognitive maps. That is, an attempt by environmental psychology to enlarge the space representation theme over Lynchs (1998) and Downs and Steas (1977) extreme reductionism of cognitive maps. It is through cognitive maps that social representations reach the urban environment analysis. It is in social representation that analysis of urban surroundings considers the social and cognitive aspects. It could be clearly said that both theories benefit from cognitive maps and social representations, since each theory includes aspects that lead to a greater understanding of the social and cognitive phenomenon related to the environment. Milgram and Jodelet (1976) emphasize the idea of social content of cognitive maps, stating that the city is an essential product of human social activity whose symbols are represented in elements of urban space both structurally and by imagecreation by their inhabitants.

Valera (2002) evaluated Lynchs theory, where meaning is only an added-on value, and opted for the development of cognitive aspects. He says that spatial meaning was both implied and expressly contemplated in Lynchs initial works, although in a limited way. It is precisely the development of aspects of image of a city made by their own inhabitants that needs to be discussed, especially as a way of expressing feelings and emotions regarding city space. In theories about the cognitive method, the distancing of the integrated affection aspect from the cognitive aspect is notorious. The main thinkers, Tolman (1948), Lynch (1998), and Downs and Stea (1977), developed the idea that these are mental representations of reality, products of the psychological and perceptive processes that allow definition and determine a spatial set that carries great importance in human action and conduct. Perception and cognition are, therefore, the psychic dimensions considered for the process representing the space and human conduct orientation regarding the urban space. The symbolic and meaningful aspect is mentioned, although only to a limited extent. Integration of the affection aspect in conduct orientation in social and spatial predispositions receives even less mention. Can affection, then, or the emotions and feelings related to the city space be a form of evaluating a community as indicative of their way of establishing citizenship? Traditionally, duality is present in modern sciences, in the understanding of their subject, requiring a more global wisdom that takes subjects in their entirety without having to separate subject from object, body from mind, individual from group, biological from cultural, internal from external, etc. Vygotsky (1991) understands the thought originating from motivation, i.e., desires, needs, and emotions. He does not separate the intellect from thought and emotion. These dimensions are intertwined in the comprehension of the human psyche. The basis of thought is motive. Lane (1994) establishes emotional mediation in the core of the human psyche and adds affection as a new category, made up of long-lasting feelings. Damasio (1998) sees emotions and feelings as creators of central biological aspects, establishing a bridge between the rational and nonrational processes, between the cortex and the subcortex. Nowadays one of the major challenges for social and community psychology is the intervention that splits the separation of mind and body, subjectivity and objectivity, reason and emotion, and at the

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same time enables integration between uniqueness and the ordinary (Granjo, 1996). It is the practice of emancipation that allows social psychology to understand an intervention in the community not only from the point of view of social and material determinations, which lead to oppression and social alienation, but also from one that can reach sensitive dimensions of emotions and feelings in everyday life. In that sense, emotions and feelings may be faced as ethical processes of emancipation. Sawaia (1999) suggests that the category of affection is an emancipator of sentiment and ethical and political action, supported by Espinozas philosophy of happiness. The author says that in order to overcome the schism between individual and commonality, or the idea of subjectivity associated with social noncommitment, individuality, and superficial feelings brought on by post-modern societies, these may break down, thus enhancing the intensity of the growth of happiness and the individuals potential to exist. That is why searching for passions is a way to seek out mans real possibilities and his own emancipation. What experiences favour the creation of a participatory lifestyle in the city that promotes a formation of spaces with which to relate, using affection as an integrating category? Could the city be a focus of development in citizen-involved constructions based on dialogues between individuality and commonality ingrained in everyday life? One participatory experience developed by Segovia City Council in Spain (Ayuntamiento de Segovia, 1999) illustrates this possibility of having emotions and feelings as an important instrument of intervention in the city. This study involved 900 students of various ages and 25 teachers from 11 different schools who coordinated an investigation called the Segovia Emotional Map action. They tried to collect more immediate emotions, such as smells, sounds, imagespleasant and unpleasant sensationsfrom several city neighbourhoods, through distinct and expressive techniques (photos, drawings, poems, texts). The experimental goal was for the children and adolescents to reflect on their city and define themselves within the city, so they could learn how to become involved in a process of participation, expressing their opinions and demanding a better city for all (Ayuntamiento de Segovia, 1999). Citizens participation in city planning goals as an environment educational tool to find ways to participate in the decision-making process was the end result accomplished by this experiment. The children and adolescents from Segovia met with

city officials to express their concerns and tell officials what they liked and what they did not like about the city and to request changes. To plan, to rehabilitate, to educate for citizenship, to develop abilities as citizens, is a proposal that could be fully experienced in the city as a conquered space. For Valente-Pereira (1991), rehabilitating the urban space means a whole new urban policy for the purpose of revamping the citys image, to regain the citys worthiness, regain its old respect and to bring it back to the old status quo that no longer was (Valente-Pereira, 1991, p. 28). According to this author, it is necessary to differentiate intervention from rehabilitation. In the latter, there is a concern with consequences in social processes, concepts, and values that have created todays city. It is upon terms of concepts and urban values that rehabilitation should depend. The search for the good old concepts is related to the idea of moving forward and not going back. It is evolution based on learning about ones roots and realizing what is still required for us to reach for the new without eliminating the old and, therefore, retaining esteem for the city and the people who live there. Micro-social and macro-social instances, dialogues between the individual and the community, need to be considered in a citizens intervention proposal. The psychological and social dimensions based on affection as a leading aspect should involve many spheres of daily life that go from the public level to the innermost individual spheres. METHOD Participants The sample consisted of 200 subjects, half from Barcelona and half from Sao Paulo, mostly aged 18 to 35, the majority being women and native inhabitants of the citys metropolitan area. They were born and live in the city itself or in its metropolitan area; some are newcomers. As to their occupation, most are graduates and postgraduate students; a few are employees earning a single minimum wage and some are retired. Measurement The data were collected through a questionnaire, applied individually in undergraduate and postgraduate classes from the universities of Barcelona and Sao Paulo. Some were applied individually, directly to the subject, in the presence of the

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investigator. On one side of the questionnaire, the subject was asked to make a drawing of the city; on the other side, there were questions about the drawing (such as: What does your drawing mean to you? How do you feel about it? What words can summarize your feelings? What do you think about day-to-day life in the city?). Procedure The data collected were submitted both to a qualitative assessment (based on an analysis of the drawings structure, according to Lynchs theory) and to an interpretative analysis of the feelings, especially as expressed by the summary words. The drawings were classified into Lynchs categories: landmarks, districts, paths, nodes, and edges, with the incorporation of an additional category: metaphorical drawings, representing ideas, moods or mind states, apart from a citys structures. The data were also quantified in a 010, fourdimensional scale of feelings and emotions about the city: contrasts, insecurity, pleasantness, and belonging. The aim of this plan of analysis was to generate hypotheses about the influence of the city in the affection people have for the cities in which they live, without ignoring the possible interference of other sociodemographic variables with affection. The category of contrasts includes contradictory feelings, emotions, and words with a positive/ negative polarization. Insecurity stands for references to what is unexpected, unstable, and somehow negative. Pleasantness refers to positive feelings and to connectivity. The belonging category encompasses all the feelings, emotions, and words of self-identification with ones place.

In accordance with Lynchs theory of cognitive maps, the drawings were classified into the following categories: landmarks, districts, paths, nodes, and edges. A fourth category was detected and named metaphors. Lynchs categories are isomorphic with the urban space, varying from large to small; metaphors refer to affective rather than structural contents. After following the above-mentioned steps, the next stage was to analyse the images of Barcelona and Sao Paulo, supported by the articulation of responses from each individual, summarized in affective maps, which include: drawing, significance, quality, feeling, metaphor, and meaning. It should be noted that, in the categories that relate to drawings, only the classification between metaphorical and isomorphic drawings (Lynch) was considered. See the example in Table 1.

RESULTS: IMAGES OF BARCELONA AND SAO PAULO The images of the cities of Barcelona and Sao Paulo acquired during the qualitative analysis were: contrasts, attraction, destruction, surprise, pleasantness, and movement. Table 2 shows these images with the respective feelings they represent. Note that Barcelona and Sao Paulo share a common image: Both have been considered poles of considerable attraction, and yet both have considerable unpleasantness. Their common image is usually associated with large cities, fostering ambiguous feelings in their inhabitants: the attractiveness of a large city (leisure) versus the high cost of living there (unpleasantness).

TABLE 1 Summary of process of categorization geared towards preparation of affective map of the city Identification No. Sex Age Schooling City Length of residence (if not local) Structure *Lynchs cognitive map: drawing of monuments, paths, limits, confluence and neighbourhood *Metaphor: drawing which expresses, by analogy, the feelings or state of mind of the respondent Significance Respondents explanation of drawing Quality Attributes of the drawing and of the city, indicated by the respondent Feelings Respondents affective response to the drawing and to the city Metaphor Respondents comparison between the city and something else, which serves for elaboration of metaphors Meaning Interpretation given by the investigator to the articulation of meaning between the city metaphors and other dimensions attributed by respondent (quality and feelings)

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On the other hand, Barcelona and Sao Paulo were associated with different images, these being, respectively, the City of Attraction and the City of Destruction. The image of attraction characterizes Barcelona as an export model, especially for the arts, culture, and urbanization. To a lesser degree, Sao Paulo is also seen as the City of Attraction, due to its job opportunities and cultural life. However, it is more strongly pictured as the City of Destruction, with large numbers and amounts of buildings, concrete, misery, and pollution, signs of decadence, poverty, and extreme social differences. This negative image is not really associated with Barcelona. Another significant image for Barcelona (17%) is that of the Pleasant City. Answers referring to beauty, colour, and pleasantness in this category reveal a strong sense of belonging and childhood remembrances. Another category for Barcelona (14%) and Sao Paulo (8%) is that of the Surprising City, continuously displaying a novelty that is perceived positively or negatively by its inhabitants. Next, the images of Barcelona and Sao Paulo will be further detailed, with some of their corresponding metaphors. City of Contrasts The attraction vs. hassle aspect of Barcelona is a good example of a large, modern city with many

incentives and great cultural diversity, open to people in general, facing typical urban problems, so that it can be characterized by contrasting qualities such as: noisy/quiet, polluted/healthy, artificial/natural, colourful/grey, joyful/serious, warm/dangerous. Its contrasting nature also appears in the relation between attractiveness and insecurity: On one hand, it is pleasant, attractive, good-looking, and rich; on the other hand, it has poverty, prostitution, pollution, and stress. Its attractiveness (cultural variegation) contrasts also with an intercultural isolation and anonymity. That contrasting image is illustrated by two metaphors: the chewing gum and the red apple with a rotten side. The chewing gum metaphor shows that Barcelona is appealing to taste, but it can also make one tired if one keeps chewing it all day long. In the other metaphor, the half-rotten red apple is apparently beautiful and can be nutritious, but it has damaged parts: poverty, prostitution, pollution, stress, and lack of safety. As it happens, Sao Paulos contrasts are particularly social in nature. It is an attractive city, but with a high cost. The attractions are mostly related to cultural and artistic life and to job opportunities. The positive feelings of pleasure and pleasantness and the joy of living there contrast with

TABLE 2 Images of Barcelona (BCN) and Sao Paulo (SP), according to qualities and feelings of respondents from these cities Images (order of importance) Contrasts BCN (1st) SP (1st) Quality of BCN and SP Attraction/suffocation; noise/peace; clean/dirty; pollution/nature; colourful/grey; rich/poor; welcoming/mysterious Feelings about BCN and SP Cheerful/serious; happy/sad; euphoria/depression; acceptance/distancing; liberty/prison; love/hate; coldness/warmth; pleasure/displeasure; anxiety/hope Lovingness; happiness; love; belonging; well-being; anger; affect; absence; frustration; nostalgia; admiration; solitude; pleasure; emotional instability Solitude; sadness; discouragement; hate; conformity; despair; stress; impotence; anxiety; lack of hope; dissatisfaction; insensibility; anger; disinterest; falsehood; horror; uncaring; lack of support Memories; pleasure; pertinence; enjoyment; unconditionality; love of life; joy Ambiguity; hospitality; inhospitality; strangeness; insecurity Curiosity; insecurity; isolation; proximity; pertinence

Attraction BCN (2nd) SP (3rd)

Attractive; beautiful; cultural; diverse; opportunities; leisure; interesting; pretty; varied; wealth; impressive; multithemed; intercultural

Destruction BCN (6th) SP (2nd)

Massification; decadence; ecological imbalance; artificiality; depreciation; ambiguity; individualism; poverty; pollution; lack of space; suffocation; isolation; anonymity; chaos; disorder; prostitution

Pleasantness BCN (3rd) SP (absent) Movement BCN (4th) SP (4th) Surprising BCN (5th) SP (5th)

Beauty; colour; nature

Evolution; identity; transformation; unfinished project; novelty Novelty; liberty; flexibility; openness; differentiation; multiplicity

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sadness and anger. Other contrasting feelings found about Sao Paulo are: euphoria/depression, acceptance/refusal, proximity/distance, freedom/ imprisonment, love/hate, coldness/warmth, relaxation/hurry, day (routine)/night (serenity, freedom), angst/confidence, satisfaction/deception, pride/ frustration, despair/hope, comfort/confusion. There are seemingly paradoxical qualities such as: order/disorder, progress/misery, civilization/ barbarity, justice/unfairness, discomfort/luxury, prosperity/danger, chaos/functionality, pattern/ exception, sameness/novelty, cleanliness/dirtiness, domination/submission, collectivity/individuality, synthesis/analysis, dating/separation. For one subject, a youngster, Sao Paulo is like night and day: the day means work, routine, stress; the night is partying, going out with friends, leisure, and culture. For another, a 50-year old woman, the contrast is represented by a pineapple: thorns outside, possibly sweet inside. Another subject, a 21-year old, expresses an ambiguous feeling about Sao Paulo by saying that she loves her city and yet cannot stand it at times.

related to ones being born there. It is a wonderful city because of the feeling of identification that exists there, in spite of all the contrasts, a city of joy and of mood changes, of observation and impatience. Affection, tenderness, absence, solitude, and faith can be found there. Despite loving the city where one was born, danger has to be faced (death, violence, and burglary). Anger is also present when it comes to road traffic. The feeling of belonging is associated to attractiveness, not to any other image such as pleasantness. It can be seen either as a clock city or a volcano city.

City of Destruction In Barcelona, the image of degradation and destruction is related to the lack of green areas, to the high density of population, and the priority of cars over people. Feelings can also be ambiguous: It is either a boat city or a sewer city in its characteristic solitude and isolation. In Sao Paulo, decadence is expressed by pressure, hassle, and the impossibility of staying neutral. Massification takes precedence over individuality. Once there, it is essential to blend in. Pollution and concrete, in the midst of high-rise buildings, are an expression of decadence, poverty, inequalities, illness, disease (respiratory problems), and death. The most common feelings are: sadness, gloom, resignation, hopelessness, impotence, angst, solitude, lack of union and affection, indifference, dissatisfaction, apathy, fear, dread, restlessness, stress, discomfort, annoyance, separation, insensibility, coldness, heedlessness, disloyalty, anger, horror, hatred, despair, abandonment, superficiality, impersonality, indifference, selfishness, diversity, imprisonment, massification, chaos, disorder. Sao Paulo can be compared to a battlefield, lacking mutual respect, or a trap, where a wrong step may be fatal (for distinct reasons: finances, health, or psyche), and one is swallowed by the city. In this category, a few existing benefits could be mentioned, such as the access to culture, arts, and information, but they are not sufficient to encourage the expression of positive feelings. City of Movement The idea of the City of Movement, in Barcelona, has to do with a permanent search for its own identity. It is a city in continuous evolution, movement, and transformation, like a living being, the life of a person growing up through

City of Attraction The image of Barcelona as the City of Attraction is distinguished mainly by the attractiveness of its high-level cultural diversity, offering beauty, knowledge, opportunities for business and the arts, and fostering ideas and thoughts. In Barcelona, one is always facing an opportunity of choice. Feelings related to pleasure and welfare belong to this category. Pleasure, however, is not always present. Subjects have pointed out some frustration due to the difference between what is available there and what is feasible for the individual. Barcelona is also attractive for its identification with the history of urbanism. Organization and quality are important characteristics of the city. Its attractiveness combines several elements of beauty, entertainment, multiculturality, nature, and modernity, together with shopping centres, leisure, architectural design, and surprises. The menu city metaphor is an example of this category: Like a good restaurant, it offers good food, but in the end the bill is not cheap. Or, like a theme park, it brings together culture and beauty. In Sao Paulo, the City of Attraction is especially characterized by the chance to gain access to culture, diversity, and work. It is the city of opportunities and tolerance towards difference. There are feelings of pleasantness and belonging

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different phases, or even the Church of the Sacred Family, the construction of which never comes to an end. Like an open-ended project, Barcelona always gives rise to a new intervening action. Feelings can be ambiguous: welcome/ uneasiness, or also reserve/total enjoyment. Movement, in Sao Paulo, has a special meaning, marked by the multiple choices of what to do depending on where one is. In Barcelona, on the other hand, movement is rather innovation and change. Speed is part of the City of Movement in Sao Paulo, as startling as an alarm clock, sometimes resembling New York City. In Sao Paulo, movement is dynamism; in Barcelona, it is transformation. However, both cities appear rather similar when it comes to peoples internal movement. City of Surprises The image of Barcelona as a surprise represents all the novelty engendered by the city and the freedom

of self-realization; like a music box, which plays a different song each time it is opened. This image may or may not be associated with feelings of belonging. In Sao Paulo, the idea of surprise is connected to the novelty and curiosity of the city, like a maze. Pleasant City The Pleasant City is defined in Barcelona as the green city, the sea, and the mountains. In the words of a female resident, the sea and the mountains prevail in Barcelona. Answers referring to beauty, colour, and pleasantness fall into this category, and reveal a strong sense of belonging and childhood remembrances. Here are feelings of pleasure in enjoying ones free time and of belonging to the city. A feeling of unconditional love appears also in this category. That was the case of Barcelona alone, the subjects from Sao Paulo not giving any such answers.

Figure 1. Drawing of Barcelona that shows the image of contrasts.

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Figure 2. Drawing of Sao Paulo that shows the image of contrasts.

Considering the order of importance of the appearance of images of Barcelona and Sao Paulo, two differences should be pointed out, especially amongst images of attraction, destruction, and pleasantness, whilst similarity is to be found in the images of contrasts, movement, and surprises. The drawings In both samples, metaphoric drawings occurred less frequently than isomorphic ones. In Barcelona, the main features found in isomorphic drawings (cognitive maps) were landmarks: the Church of the Sacred Family, the statue of Columbus, and the towers of the Olympic Village; borders: mountain and sea, Montjuic and Tibidabo; a path: the Ramblas; and a node:

Plaza de Catalunya. Sao Paulos sample showed far fewer icons, one of the most recurrent being the Paulista Avenue. STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF QUALITATIVE DATA With regard to the statistical organization of the qualitative data, the variables of item 5 in the research instrument (Lykert scale) were divided into dependent (pertinence, contrasts, pleasantness and lack of security), independent (city), and control (sex, age, schooling, employment status, own monthly income). The aim of this analysis plan was to generate hypotheses about the influence of the city upon peoples affection for the cities in which they live,

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Figure 3. Drawing of Barcelona that shows the image of attractiveness.

without ignoring the possible interference of other sociodemographic variables for affection. Of the scores attributed by respondents to each of the variables for the categories pertinence, contrasts, pleasantness, and lack of security, the respective indices (averages) were calculated for each category. They were considered as being indicative of affect, with contrast and lack of security being most related to a negative rating of the city and pleasantness and pertinence to a positive rating. CONCLUSION: ON COGNITIVE AND AFFECTIVE MAPS The present paper shows the importance of affection as a means to assess an individuals feeling of appropriation and orientation in his/her city. The drawings and discourse of the inhabitants of Barcelona and Sao Paulo show how emotions and feelings can work as driving vectors in the assessment of peoples esteem towards their city, which is essential for their participation in city life as true citizens.

The metaphors are, par excellence, the linguistic form best suited to apprehend feelings such as those of appropriation and orientation. Drawings, due to their power to summarize, can aggregate affections and emotions and work as triggers for the easy expression of such psychological aspects. Metaphors complement this process by working as a means to help assess the affections and emotions expressed. Drawings and metaphors appeared as a possible means to access feelings without elaborating too much on them. Therefore, in a parallel between metaphors and feelings, both can be said to have one characteristic in common: the cultivation of intimacy. Both reflect reality as it is lived. The figurative use of language depends on beliefs and values and, on the other hand, makes for a connection with the community. Metaphors engender collective insight and feelings connect one to the community. Both feelings and metaphors are synthetic. Images and feelings take part in the formation of the metaphor. Due to these characteristics, the metaphor allows for systematic procedures geared towards the development of a methodology of affection apprehension.

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Figure 4. Index of affective categories in Barcelona and Sao Paulo according to respondents.

The initial plan was to extract affective maps from cognitive ones, assuming that subjects would draw the latter. Surprisingly, although the subjects were making a drawing of the city, there was not necessarily any spatial orientation or location in terms of Lynchs cognitive maps. Maps always convey location, which is not necessarily true for images. Maps, on the contrary, are intended to be a reference for someone else. Maps are collective, whilst images are an abstract, individual representation. Images can occasionally foster the sense of location. Every map is an image, but not all images are maps. Nevertheless, in both maps and images there is a dialogue between the affective and the cognitive. In images, however, the affective is more likely to prevail over the cognitive, since cognition is not its target, as it is for cognitive maps. So why have images been emphasized in this research? The authors of the present study believe that it is due to the way subjects made their drawings, expressing feelings rather than orientation. Furthermore, that observation corroborates current understanding about globalized cities, according to which they stimulate the use of images rather than the concrete icons and meanings of urban structure. Therefore, apprehending the space through images impairs the process of appropriation of the city by its citizens. Following the dual model of aproppriation (Pol, 1996), in the case of images, identification is stronger than action-transformation. Image-based appropriation fosters identification, not action-transformation. This analysis applies indistinctly to Barcelona and Sao Paulo, but a few differences are note worthy. In Barcelona, there were more answers with icons, symbols, monuments, and a more positive esteem on the part of its citizen towards the city than in Sao Paulo. Indeed, Barcelona

currently has a policy of investment in marginal areas so as to promote urban and social revitalization. Globalized cities have abandoned their icons in order to give way to symbols that are in vogue, stimulating their inhabitants pride for the city, not for their own interests, but to be sold and exported as a model. International architecture is nowadays based on images rather than on icons (Arantes, 2000). Answers in Sao Paulo presented few icons (either monuments or meaningful spaces), low esteem, and a significant feeling of destruction and decadence. The absence of icons and symbolic urban spaces is common to globalized cities in general, but the low esteem has to do with the particularly large number of marginal areas in that city. Icons are not dealt with because their reference objects are neither used nor appropriatednot because people are unaware of their existence. Sao Paulo has a history, and historical buildings, but only one subject mentioned Patio do Colegio as a symbol of the city. On the other hand, metaphorical drawings occurred more frequently in Sao Paulo. Not isomorphic with the city, they are a rich expression of affection, either positively or negatively. Some subjects reportedly like the city and chose it to live in, in spite of its decadence. This feeling reveals a potential process of citizen participation that should be encouraged, reversing the present social marginalization and urban disqualification so as to raise the citys self-esteem. Urban re-qualification projects are a possible means to improve it, as long as they are based on participative interventions and oriented towards the construction of responsible citizenship. These findings point to an affection-oriented citizenship, considered a social-spatial conduct.

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