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Edición © 2014 Asociación Museo Primera edición


Milosz Giersz de Arte de Lima 1350 ejemplares
Cecilia Pardo Paseo Colón 125, Lima
Teléfono 204 0000 ISBN 978-9972718-40-3
Coordinación editorial www.mali.pe
y producción Proyecto Editorial No.
Pamela Castro de la Mata © De los textos: 11501001300666
Cecilia Pardo los autores
Hecho el depósito legal en la
Asistente de coordinación © De las fotografías: Biblioteca Nacional del Perú
Katherine Román Asociación Museo de Arte de Lima, Nº – 2014-07507
Alejandra Valverde Ministerio de Cultura – Proyecto de
Investigación Arqueológica Castillo Reservados todos los derechos.
Corrección de estilo y traducción de Huarmey, las instituciones Prohibida la reproducción total
Javier Flores Espinoza (véase sección de créditos o parcial sin previa autorización
fotográficos y reproducciones) expresa del Museo de Arte de
Fotografías Lima – MALI
Daniel Giannoni © De las obras:
Milosz Giersz los autores
Patrycja Przadka Giersz

Concepto y diseño
vm& estudio gráfico
El Museo de Arte de Lima – MALI
Ralph Bauer
tiene como sede el histórico
Verónica Majluf
Palacio de la Exposición gracias al
generoso apoyo de la Municipalidad
Retoque
Metropolitana de Lima.
Lápiz Roto

Impresión
Gráfica Biblos
Jirón Morococha 152,
Surquillo, Lima
EL PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACIÓN ARQUEOLÓGICA PROYECTO DE CATALOGACIÓN
CASTILLO DE HARMEY (PIACH) Y CONSERVACIÓN

Director Colaboradores Coordinación y supervisión


Milosz Giersz Mateusz Baca Pamela Castro de la Mata
Miron Bogacki
Co-director Julia Chyla Inventario y catalogación
Roberto Pimentel Santiago del Castillo Dextre Roberto Pimentel
Ángel de la Flor Fernández Patricia Quiñonez
Investigadores Claudia García Meza
Patrycja Przadka Giersz Emilia Jastrzebska Conservación
Wieslaw Wieckowski Karolina Juszczyk Martín Blum
Jakub Kaniszewski Maribel Medina
Asesor científico Jacek Kosciuk Marcela Rosselló
Krzysztof Makowski Aleksandra Lisek Milagros Servat
Krzysztof Misiewicz
Wieslaw Malkowski
Gonzalo Presbitero Rodríguez
Patricia Quiñonez Cuzcano
David Rodríguez
Dagmara Socha
Monika Solka
Weronika Tomczyk

La temporada de campo 2012 del Proyecto de Investigación


Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey fue financiada por el Centro
Nacional de Ciencia de la República de Polonia
(NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609). Las temporadas 2012-2014 de
campo del Proyecto Arqueológico Castillo de Huarmey fueron
apoyadas por las subvenciones del Centro Nacional de Ciencia
de la República de Polonia (NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609), la
National Geographic Society (EC0637-13, GEFNE85-13 ,
GEFNE116-14 y W335-14) y el apoyo financiero de la Compañía
Minera Antamina.
Contenido 22 La muestra de un descubrimiento.
Castillo de Huarmey en el MALI
Cecilia Pardo

34 El fenómeno Wari:
tras las huellas de un imperio prehispánico
Milosz Giersz y
Krzysztof Makowski

68 El hallazgo del mausoleo imperial


Milosz Giersz

100 Ajuar personal: las mujeres de


la élite wari y su atuendo
Patrycja Prza adka Giersz

128 El ajuar funerario de las damas


nobles de Castillo de Huarmey.
Selección
188 Élites imperiales y símbolos de poder 280 Ensayos en inglés
Krzysztof Makowski

333 Créditos fotográficos


210 Los rituales funerarios y la identidad y de reproducciones
de los difuntos en el mausoleo de
Castillo de Huarmey
Wieslaw Wieckowski 335 Referencias

222 Los objetos de metal en el mausoleo


wari de Huarmey
María Inés Velarde y
Pamela Castro de la Mata

240 Objetos de plata de Castillo de


Huarmey: corrosión y tratamiento
Marcela Rosselló

250 Dos khipus wari del Horizonte Medio


provenientes de Castillo de Huarmey
Gary Urton

258 Los textiles de Castillo de Huarmey.


Selección

268 Otras colecciones de Huarmey


295

The Discovery of the Imperial Mausoleum The archaeological discovery of the intact context of an ancient elite tomb
provides a fascinating laboratory for scholars with different specialities,
whose work changes our image of the past forever. The tomb of Tutankhamun,
Milosz Giersz which was discovered in the 1920s by Howard Carter; the tomb of the Lord
Director of the Castillo de Huarmey Archaeological Research Project of Sipán, found by Walter Alva in 1987; the tomb of Philip II of Macedon
(the father of Alexander the Great), found by Manolis Andronikos in 1977
Warsaw University
at Vergina (in northern Greece); or the tomb of the Maya ruler K’inich Janaab’
Pakal, which was discovered at Palenque in the 1950s by Alberto Ruz—these
magnificent discoveries all helped the experts rewrite forgotten sections of
the history of humankind.

The Central Andes are a particular instance in the world’s landscape of


high cultures and civilisations of the past. Both the people in the Pacific
coastal strip and the inhabitants of the high Andean areas rendered a special
cult to their ancestors. Over seven thousand years ago, the Chinchorro people
of the Atacama desert were extraordinarily skilled in the practices meant
to preserve human bodies after their death, and they intentionally prepared
A cyclical conception of the cosmos and of human beings has played a key the most ancient mummies known to the world.1 With the rise of complex
role in most religious traditions, both past and present. Throughout the societies and the first Andean empires, the care and attention the living gave
history of humankind, in different times and places, the immaterial entity to their dead evolved even more. The body of the still-living lord and those
of the living being—the soul, or any other transcendental vital energy— of his dead ancestors, preserved as bundles and periodically presented in
the conceptualisation of death as a passage, and the beliefs held regarding this manner during special events, had the leading role in the rites and cere-
the otherworld have conditioned, in one way or another, the way people monies celebrated in the new, specially built areas, related with the ancestor
and social groups act. But the hope of a life after death is not just limited cult: the mausoleums or funeral towers known as chullpas.2 A successful State
to eschatology. The perspective of staying posthumously within the social known as Wari, which several scholars consider was the first pre-Hispanic
milieu as part of a collective memory made different civilisations commemo- Andean empire, and which after expanding from Ayacucho held sway over
rate their major ancestors. Alongside the erection of monuments or statues, a large part of Peru’s highlands, coast and tropical forest, had a decisive role
the desire to preserve the material remains of the deceased and commemo- in the dissemination of this peculiar type of mallqui-cult.3 The achievement
rate them with a menhir, a dolmen, a statue or an inscription was highly attained by a few successful leaders would have been enough to mark the
popular, as well as building enormous architectonic complexes devoted to conquest and the transformation of a territorial State into an Empire which
venerating them. On the other hand, in many cases the preparation of the lorded over several peoples, cultures, and languages, just like the Tahuantin-
deceased for eternal life was related with sophisticated mortuary ceremonies, suyu, the Inca Empire, which rose some centuries later.
and with providing them with material goods equal to the status they had
in life. In the case of some of the ancient kings or emperors with almost Comparatively to any past complex society, the study of diversity and social
limitless resources at their command, their burials, impressive grave goods status in the ancient Wari Empire could be undertaken by analysing funerary
and many secondary offerings, including boats, horse chariots, furniture patterns. Unfortunately, none of the tombs of the uppermost Wari elite
and human offerings from all of the royal court, show the obsession people survived intact to modern times. At Huari, the presumed imperial capital
had with life in the afterworld. One need only to recall here the royal city, the monumental megalithic tombs of Cheqo Wasi (Fig. 28) and the large
cemetery of Ur in southern Iraq, with the famed Death Pit full of the ladies mausoleums with mortuary galleries of Monjachayuq (Fig. 29), which probably
of the court who had been buried in front of the tomb of the king of ancient belonged to the Wari emperors,4 were looted hundreds of years ago. However,
Mesopotamia; or the still unexcavated mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang at the study of the architectural remains of these burial monuments suggests
Mount Li, the last residence of the first Emperor of a unified China, who that the looted tombs originally had accesses to facilitate social relations
was accompanied on his last journey by over 7,000 polychrome terracotta between the living and their ancestors.5 Nor have funeral contexts of individuals
warriors and horses. from the upper Wari hierarchy been located outside the Ayacucho imperial
heartland except for the tomb of the “Wari Lord of Vilcabamba”, which was
Not many funerary monuments are known for the uppermost elite of remote discovered in 2011 at Espíritu Pampa, a tropical and humid area that is part
times, but those that were built in different times and places in prehistory of the Amazon region.6
and world history without a doubt fascinate their visitors. Although they
really cannot be compared, they are always unique and unsurpassable in their Between August 2012 and September 2013, the binational Polish-Peruvian
own cultural context. ‘Royal’ tombs may be buried underground or hidden team, headed by myself, excavated the largest intact burial chamber of all
inside a mound, like the royal Celt tomb in Hochdorf (Germany), the seventh the graves found at Castillo de Huarmey, in the coastal region of Ancash,
century A.D. ship burial laden with treasure found at Sutton Hoo (England), which dates to the Middle Horizon. This is a discovery that surpasses by far
or the spectacular frozen bodies buried at the Pazyryk and Ukok kurgans all that had been previously found within the areas of the Wari and Tiwanaku
belonging to the ancient nomadic chieftains of the Altai Mountains (Russia). cultures, not only in the number but in the quality of the offerings. Castillo
In a few cases they may also be part of a veritable necropolis like that of de Huarmey is the first excavated example of a large Wari mausoleum and
Memphis, with the famed pyramids of Giza, and the one in the Valley of site of ancestor worship on the Peruvian North Coast, an area that lies on the
the Kings (both in Egypt), or the ancient necropolis of the Persian rulers at borders of the world controlled by the first Andean empire.
Naqsh-e Rostam, close to ancient Persepolis (Iran). Their construction was
not necessarily a capricious act by a despotic ruler seeking to prepare his own Some Background
final resting place. The most impressive funeral monuments were the result
of the immense grief caused by the loss of a loved one, like the tomb of Fu In June 1918, Julio C. Tello came upon several finely carved wooden objects
Hao, one of the wives of emperor Wu Ding of the Shang Dynasty, which was on sale in Lima. These beautiful objects, which were of clear pre-Hispanic
discovered intact at Yin Xu (China), or the impressive mausoleum of Taj Mahal, provenance, had been fascinatingly preserved, and according to the dealer,
which was erected by Sha Jahan, the ruler of the Mughal Empire (India) as had been found in the Huarmey Valley. Tello was obsessed with the peculiarness
a posthumous offering to his wife Mumtaz Mahal. of these artefacts and dreamed of preparing an archaeological expedition
to eventually open a museum. The dream of the father of Peruvian archaeology
came true on January 8th, 1919.7 His first expedition left Lima and headed
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to the Huarmey and Culebras River Valleys, where he made several inter- Despite some fabulous and fortuitous finds, Castillo de Huarmey had never
esting discoveries,8 (Fig. 30 a-b) but was unable to locate the place where the been the subject of a study based on the systematic excavation of primary
wooden artefacts that had driven his scientific journey came from. His team archaeological contexts prior to the creation of the PIACH, but there indeed
unfortunately had to change plans and flee to the neighbouring highlands were some previous, albeit unsuccessful, attempts to begin this kind of
due to a virulent bubonic plague outbreak.9 Despite his heightened archaeo- study. The most important contributions were made by Heiko Prümers,24 who
logical interest in the Chavín culture, Tello never forgot the original goal carried out an intensive exploration of the lower Huarmey Valley in 1985-86
of his first expedition. Eleven years later he asked Eugenio Yacovleff, his and prepared a monographic study of the Castillo. This German archaeologist
assistant, to continue the unfinished survey of the Huarmey Valley.10 Tello was unfortunately unable to obtain the institutional backing essential for
himself visited this valley whenever he travelled from Lima to Nepeña, an agreement, and which was required in order to work at a site that has
and whilst carrying out his research at Punkurí and Cerro Blanco. It was monumental architecture. He therefore had to limit himself to a study of the
during one of these journeys—probably on July 27th, 1934—that the renowned textiles that Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering and he himself had recovered in
Peruvian archaeologist purchased another very rare artefact from the manager the tombs that had been looted around El Castillo’s platform. Prümers also
of Huarmey’s Hotel Royal, in this case a tanned-leather and painted drum cleaned five looter’s pits and recovered interesting grave goods: pottery, a
that came from one of the valley’s pre-Hispanic cemeteries (see Figs. 230-232).11 pyro-engraved gourd, and several weaving utensils such as spindles, spindle
This membranophone instrument, which is decorated with the painted repre- whorls, balls of fibre, combs and a sword.
sentation of a front-facing figure with two staffs in his hands and a shining
halo, and which is derived from Tiwanaku and Wari art, bears witness to the In January 2010, the Polish specialists from Warsaw University made a full
significance the coastal area of Ancash had during the Middle Horizon. Every- archaeological survey of the site, thus beginning the first long-term archaeo-
thing seems to indicate that at the time Julio C. Tello made his pioneering logical project which considered area excavations at Castillo de Huarmey.
archaeological explorations, Castillo de Huarmey lay forgotten under the The survey compared different non-destructive methods: Global Positioning
desert dust as an untouched monument, as the adjacent fields were managed System (GPS) Real Time Kinetic (RTK) mapping, aerial kite photogrammetry,
directly by their owners, who did not allow any pillage whatsoever or let a caesium magnetometry, and spatial analysis of surface artefact distribution
house be built close by that could harm it.12 This changed dramatically in (Fig. 31 a-b). The data they provided were combined using a geographical
the 1970s. The earthquake that struck on May 31st, 1970 damaged the monu- information systems database in order to record the monumental adobe brick,
mental edifice and probably—so local inhabitants claim—revealed some intact stone and wood architecture and the vast adjoining necropolis, so as to reflect
tombs and rich artefacts hidden in the heart of the adobe brick-and-stone the surface underlying the site.25 The subsequent processing of the data
platform. From this moment on Castillo was pillaged by gangs of pre-Colum- obtained during the non-destructive research season allowed us to prepare
bian treasure hunters known as “huaqueros” and even by the local popula- and visualize two-dimensional and three-dimensional models, which served
tion, who not only sacked the ancient tombs but also removed materials as as the starting point for the excavations. These were made as part of a project
if it was a quarry, using the adobe bricks, the earth and the wooden beams. jointly run by Warsaw University and the Pontificia Universidad Católica
The photographs of the complex taken by Frédéric André Engel13 and Alberto del Perú, as part of a bilateral agreement between both universities.
Bueno Mendoza14 in 1979 clearly show that Castillo de Huarmey had already
been seriously damaged by clandestine diggers. The numerous fragments of Castillo de Huarmey: the Venue of the Living and the Dead
newspapers the PIACH found in the rubble during the systematic excavations
confirms the early dates for the large-scale pillaging of the site. The site of Castillo de Huarmey is located one kilometre to the east of the
city of Huarmey, in the province of the same name, in the region of Ancash.
Ernesto Tabío15 and Duccio Bonavía16 began their research in the Huarmey It is the biggest Middle Horizon (A.D. 600 - 1050) site in the southern North
Valley basin and in the nearby desert areas in 1958-1960, almost three Coast of Peru, and the only one known yet where the Wari presence can be
decades after the exploration undertaken by Eugenio Yacovleff. Both visited glanced at its full splendour. This centre is at the southern end of the Huarmey
the site; Bonavía apparently did so on several occasions and even witnessed— River Valley, at the entrance to a small, dry, adjacent ravine some four kilome-
in February, 1977—the major destruction brought about by clandestine tres to the east of the Pacific Ocean. The site comprises forty-five hectares,
diggers.17 Subsequent studies made by Donald Thompson18 and Hans Hork- with close to seventeen hectares that have remains of monumental architec-
heimer19 in this valley did not focus on Middle Horizon vestiges, nor on ture and scattered burial areas (Fig. 32). The archaeological complexes were
Castillo in particular. The site was visited and briefly studied only in 1979 clearly multifunctional and included areas for public, domestic, and ritual
by the above-mentioned Frédéric André Engel—who made the first sketch activities. Most of the structures are visible on the surface. The central sector
of the site and recorded it with photographs—and Alberto Bueno Mendoza— with monumental architecture includes two main buildings that form one
who published an article regarding the problem raised by illicit “huaquería”.20 single architectonic complex. The section that most stands out is the one known
The first studies performed at this site were limited to a surface reconnais- as El Castillo, and which had previously been erroneously interpreted as a
sance and to studying certain archaeological artefacts preserved in museum typical coastal huaca formed by burial platforms, which gave the whole
collections, whose provenance from Castillo de Huarmey had been proven. building a pyramid-like look.26
In 1963, the German archaeologist Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering made two
short visits to this site encouraged by Yoshitaro Amano, the founder of the The monument, which was built with adobe bricks and stones, thanks to the
museum in Lima that bears his name. There Ubbelohde-Doering managed not-too-common architectural technique of using enormous wooden beams,
to assemble a large collection of textiles, ceramic fragments and wooden arte- sprawls over practically the entire summit of a large rocky spur that extends
facts that are now in the Museum für Völkerkunde at Munich. These mate- outwards towards the valley. It is an architectural work unique in its kind.
rials were never published and the museum does not have a written or photo- It comprises two groups built along slightly different architectural axes,
graphic record except for a catalogue of the textile pieces collected in the whose core was formed by enormous chullpa-tower-shaped mausoleums with
Huarmey Valley, which was prepared by Elsa Ubbelohde-Doering, his wife.21 a regular plan and several stories high (Fig. 33).

William Conklin made a very important investigation22 when he analysed In time, the site’s expansion due to the erection of smaller chullpas around
the textiles collected by Yoshitaro Amano and held by his namesake museum, the main one turned the “Castillo” into a type of “pantheon” or temple where
which are assumed to have come from Campanario and El Castillo23 (see the Wari ancestors were worshipped. Its funeral bundles were inhumated
Figs. 233-245). Based on the study of the techniques and on the iconographic in dozens of collective chambers (Fig. 34) enclosed on the lower slopes of the
representations in the textiles, Conklin claimed that during the Middle rocky spur with retaining walls made using semi-edged stones (Fig. 35), thus
Horizon El Castillo de Huarmey possibly was a major southern centre influ- giving form, during its last construction phase, to one single architectural
enced by Moche, and he ascribed these textiles, which clearly date to the Wari complex that was about 200 m long, 65 m wide and 19 m high (Fig. 33). Access
epoch, to the native Mochica style. to the top was possible thanks to the construction of a system of monumental
297

stairways, whose design changed from one phase to the other along with the work, separating the debris from the fragments of archaeological artefacts,
expansion of the whole complex (Fig. 36). Masons of different origins and the result of the extensive depredation carried out by the looters. After a
different cultural and technological background must have participated in while the top part of the original adobe brick walls appeared and gradually
the construction of the monument. The orthogonal layout of the mausoleums revealed a network of perpendicular walls that formed a complex built
in the shape of chullpa-towers, with niches in the walls and chambers with adobe bricks. We soon realised that we were unearthing an impressive
partially carved in the rock, as well as the new and infrequent use of large building with an orthogonal layout that was enclosed by massive external
wooden beams (Fig. 37) in the construction of the monument—all elements walls, decorated with an ochre clay plaster. Small rooms gradually became
of a clearly foreign origin—27 is in contrast with the use of smooth- and visible in its almost quadrangular plan (about 13.5 x 11.5 metres) that were
cane-moulded parallelepiped adobe bricks28 that were often adorned with the organised in almost symmetrical fashion and were interconnected by a
marks made by their makers (human hands and feet, dog tracks, geometric labyrinthine system of entrances. The main room, 4.3 metres long and 3.4
figures) of clear local provenance. metres wide, with an entrance on the northeastern side, stood out amongst
them (Fig. 39). The walls and the floor had been carefully plastered. Four
Towards the south, below the rocky spur with the chullpa mausoleums on lateral niches of approximately 0.6 metres wide and 0.5 metres deep adorned
its summit, is a monumental building atop a low-standing platform that at the long walls. Although the walls of this group had only been preserved
present seems to have been trimmed when the agricultural fields were up to half their height, the other mortuary towers recorded at the site had
expanded using heavy machinery. During the heyday of this centre in the some similar niches that had preserved the original, carefully worked wooden
Middle Horizon, however, this low platform was much larger than the upper beams (Fig. 40), and thus suggested that the niches in the main room of
section of the complex that has the chullpas. Due to the expansion of agricul- the mausoleum may have been about one metre high. At the centre of this
tural fields and human settlements, as well as possible natural causes related ceremonial area there was a quadrangular bench that measured 2.3 metres
with harmful climate events (large landslides corresponding to large-scale on its side, and which had been built as if it was a throne. The first unusually
El Niño-Southern Oscillations [ENSOs]), all that has survived to the present shaped, trapezoidal adobe bricks, which were on average sixty centimetres
day is but a segment of this ceremonial and/or residential group with raised long, forty-five to twenty centimetres wide and fifteen centimetres tall, were
buildings and a quadrangular patio that measured twenty metres on its side. clearly visible below the floor and in between the pits that had been made
Our excavations at the centre of the quadrangular patio showed that more by the looters. We continued cleaning and recording, and realised that these
than two metres below the original adobe brick pavement, there were archi- adobe bricks formed a rectangular seal 6.3 metres long and 5.2 metres wide
tectural remains related with an earlier phase dated to the Early Intermediate (Fig. 41). A solid layer of rubble was found below the seal, which had been
Period. The artefacts found and the presence of the relatively small and disturbed in some parts by the clandestine diggers. This layer of fill, which
typical quadrangular adobe bricks, with the marks left by the cane moulds, had over thirty tons of stone and was one metre wide on average, had been
show that these remains correspond to the local Virú-Gallinazo/Moche tradi- placed in an area defined by a chamber hewn into the rock, and completed
tion. These buildings consisted of raised platforms of a monumental nature. with walls of smooth-moulded parallelepiped adobe bricks that were 4.65-3.9
Throughout the Middle Horizon, these platforms were covered with several metres long and 3.6-3.35 metres wide. Although the layer of rubble was
layers of architectural fill that included gravel, woven mats, river cobblestones, completely sterile, we soon realised that it held something very important:
and two mortuary contexts (probably dedicated human offerings), as well as hundreds of pupae left by the larvae of muscomorph flies,30 which began to
multiple camelid offerings (Fig. 38). The raised buildings around the patio appear between the wall of hewn rock and the stone filling, gave us the first
were originally roofed, as is evidenced by several lined holes filled with solid indication of the presence of some organic deposit stored below. Another
gravel and sealed with flat stones; these surely were the base of the original sign of a potential find, much clearer than the first one, was found after
columns, which were probably made out of carved wood. This type of architec- lifting the first twenty-five centimetres of the layer of rubble. At the centre
ture recalls the typical palace of the pre-Hispanic Andes, with large walled of the chamber, and pointing towards the centre of the bench in the upper
plazas over platforms with roofed porticos and audiencias, which were used room, there rose a massive rod 1.17 meters long, with a handle that had a
to re-legitimise the power of the rulers vis-à-vis their vassals during festivities five centimetres diametre on average, decorated with small grouped incisions,
of a ritual nature: a place where the secular and the sacred world merged 29. and had a palette 9.5 centimeters wide and 5.5 centimeters thick on its point,
which has circular concavities as well as remains of incrusted metal.
Several minor structures rise around the monumental area. The geophysical
survey undertaken with the help of fluxgate magnetic gradiometers and After carefully removing every layer of rubble we found a second layer of fill
caesium magnetometers—which was carried out as part of the studies that formed by earth, broken adobe bricks, debris from carved stones and some
the PIACH made in one of these elevated platforms on the northern part of round stones. In it we found the first articulated bones belonging to six
the site overlooking the agricultural fields—revealed the presence of adobe presumed teenage human offerings, which lacked textile wrapping and had
brick architecture with an orthogonal layout, along with several rectangular no associated grave goods. The bodies of the presumably sacrificed individuals
enclosures surrounded by perimetrical walls and arranged around a presumed had collapsed in prone or supine position over the fifty-four individuals buried
central patio. The presence of locally manufactured, Middle Horizon utili- in the main room of the burial chamber. The latter were seated with their
tarian wares, including the typical storage and food and beverage production legs bent, most of them leaning on the walls of the chamber and had originally
forms, as well as the abundant organic remains—a large number of frag- been wrapped inside funeral bundles (Fig. 42 a-b). The fragments of the
mented camelid-bone remains have been recorded amongst the latter— bundles preserved in the central part of the chamber suggest that they were
suggest that the Castillo de Huarmey complex comprised not just the necrop- made with a two-coloured white and green cloth, and had also been wrapped
olis and ceremonial areas, but also food production areas, residential sectors with thick netting (Fig. 43).
and specialised workshop areas.
The patient cleaning of the human-bone remains and the large set of associated
The Archaeological Context of the Find artefacts disclosed a complex funerary context, which had been organised
following quite sophisticated rules. Most of the more than fifty individuals
The PIACH’s second field season began in September 2012 and it uncovered buried in the central section of the chamber were adult women of different
the mausoleum and the intact tomb. Due to our previous work, the expectations ages, accompanied by teenagers—quite possibly women, too—who comprised
of finding intact mortuary contexts at the site were extremely low if not a fifth part of the total. Four individuals with a higher social status were
non-existent. The harshness of time and of systematic looting had left the inhumed in three rectangular sub-chambers, separated on the northeast side
monument in such a frightening condition that it did not raise much hope. from the large chamber and covered by a crafted wooden beam 2.6 metres
Tons of scattered debris would mean months of work cleaning contexts long (Fig. 44). The sub-chambers were subsequently covered by the northern
disturbed by clandestine diggers and a low probability of finding at least one wall of the room with the bench that was built on the upper story. A woman
undamaged part. Day after day, our team carried out detailed and monotonous over fifty years of age was buried in the northeastern sub-chamber, which has
298

the shape of a quadrangle one metre long on its side, along with a teenager, allotted for the burial of fifty-eight noble women. Once this was over, the
thirteen-fifteen years old. The central sub-chamber, which is of rectangular lateral entrances were sealed for good. The sub-chambers of the women with
shape and measures 0.75 by 0.7 metres, was the last abode of the main lady, the highest status were also protected with a large wooden beam. The funeral
who was about sixty years old. The final sub-chamber, which lies more to ritual was completed with different offerings placed on top of the bundles.
the southeast and is also of rectangular shape, measured 0.6 by 0.7 metres The metal rattles with wooden handles were placed close to the bundles of the
and housed the remains of a middle-aged woman about thirty-five to forty most important individuals (Figs. 46 and 47). The large, carved looms, which
years old. All of them were placed in the sub-chambers with exceptionally had been placed on both sides of the wooden rod placed at the centre of the
rich grave goods, and were covered with earth and fine gravel before the chamber, were now intentionally broken and/or partially burned (Fig.48).
wooden-beam seal was placed. Several offerings of fine pottery were smashed during the penultimate act of
the ceremony, which ended with the sacrifice of six teenagers cast down from
Over one thousand three hundred prestige items were found alongside the the top along with the earth, mud and stones which formed a leveling layer.
women buried in the central part of the chamber and in the three lateral sub-
chambers, which comprised the personal grave goods or additional mortuary Two additional burials were made on the northeast side, on the other side
offerings. These items included jewellery (metal, wood and bone ear orna- of the main entrance to the chamber, in what was some kind of antechamber.
ments, necklaces, pectorals, pendants, tupus and rings, amongst other items), The bodies of an adult woman and an adult man were buried in seated positions
weapons (an axe, knives, spear throwers), paraphernalia (wood containers, inside depressions in the rock (Fig. 52). The woman was oriented towards the
rattles, a whistle), weaving utensils (looms, spindles, spindle whorls, spoons chamber whilst the man turned his back to the entrance and looked towards
with pigments), and ceramic, metal and carved stone vessels (jars, bottles, the northeast side. The personal grave goods of these individuals and their
pilgrim flasks, cups and bowls).31 All of the offerings stand out due to their health conditions suggest that they did not belong to the elite. Their presence
finish and the materials used, such as gold, silver and bronze. The ornamental within the context of the imperial mausoleum surely had another purpose.
earpieces, which are a type of male noble attire, here embellish the grave goods Everything seems to indicate that this couple was prepared whilst they were
of noble women. The hundreds of objects offered to the deceased for their last alive. Their bodies were mutilated years before their death: both were missing
journey to the otherworld, and which were considered luxury items within the left foot. This detail brings to mind not just the case of the royal tombs
the areas of the Wari and Tiwanaku cultures (e.g. the objects made out of gold, of Sipán,36 but also the significance offerings of mutilated feet—both real ones
silver, bronze, and obsidian, the kero cups, the tropical seashells, fine textiles, as well as under the guise of foot-vessels—had in the Tiwanaku and Wari
and others), emphasise the uppermost social status of the aristocratic women traditions.37
buried in the tomb,32 who undoubtedly were part of the Empire’s upper elite.33
The high social standing of the women buried also shows in their ante-mortem After the funerary ritual, the chamber was covered with tons of rubble and
health conditions, which suggest a life almost free of physiological stress, was sealed off with a layer of trapezoidal adobe bricks. The antechamber was
serious illnesses and major traumas.34 given a special treatment: a solid adobe brick fill was built up to the height
of the perimetrical wall of the main chamber. Ten cavities with a rectangular
The Funeral Rite and the Ceremonies of Death opening were left inside this fill. Each of them held a large jar or a pair of
mammiform face-neck bottles (Fig. 49). The vessels were originally full of maize
We can reconstruct the sophisticated burial ritual that was held over a chicha seasoned with beans, the favourite beverage of the main lady and
thousand years ago thanks to the patient cleaning and recording of the archi- the other members of the court buried in the funeral chamber.38 Once the
tecture, the human-bone remains, and the hundreds of associated artefacts chicha jars had been placed, the cavities were sealed off with four layers of
that was done using modern techniques (remote detection and aerial photo- adobe brick. With the event finished, the builders of Castillo de Huarmey then
grammetry using kites and drones, the development of layered three-dimen- proceeded to plan and build the next story in the mausoleum (Figs. 50 and 51).
sional digital models during the excavation, the accurate mapping of all
artefacts and bones with a total station and the subsequent distribution The Erection of the Imperial Mausoleum
analysis applying GIS) (Fig. 45).
The construction of the orthogonal mausoleum, which includes at least
The study of the tomb and the architecture of the entire pantheon evinced twenty-one rectangular rooms over an area of about one hundred fifty-five-
the intention of legitimising the new political power wielded by the Wari elite square-metres, began with the erection of the main room with niches and
in the Huarmey Valley. This would be achieved by promoting the erection a bench immediately above the trapezoidal adobe brick seal. This room was
of a peculiar monumental complex formed by a palace abutting the temple then surrounded by other, smaller rooms. Three sections can be distinguished
where the ancestors were to be worshipped. The latter were buried in a type in the plan of the mausoleum: the front, middle and back sections. In the
of funeral structure of clear foreign origin: multi-storied chullpa-tower shaped front section, located on the northeast, at least seven small rooms (one to
mausoleums built on the summit of a rocky hill. The main mausoleum incor- seven square metres) interconnected by a passageway system are visible.
porated the core of the subsequent pantheon, and comprised chullpas and The central section comprises the main enclosure with an area of 14.6-square-
smaller chambers that were attached to the mausoleum or hidden between metres and has four niches and a bench; it is connected with the front section
the rock and the large retaining walls forming the false façades of the complex. by a single entrance, one metre wide on its northeast wall. On both sides
Its erection began with the construction of the burial chamber that was found. of the main room there are two almost symmetrical groups of four rooms
The chamber was partially hewn out of the rock and closed to the north and interconnected with each other and with the passageway system in the front
west with adobe brick walls, leaving two entrances on each short side (one section. These eight rooms have an almost identical area of about two-square-
to the northeast and another one to the southwest); it was 0.75 to 1.35 metres metres. The back section, which lies to the southwest of the mausoleum
deep due to the irregular shape of the bedrock, which descends more on the and has its back turned to the main room, is comprised of four lateral elongated
north side. At the back of the tomb there is some sort of canal carved in stone rooms that are about 2.5-square-metres each and have internal divisions,
that comes out on the other side of the southwestern wall below one of the and a central room with an area of nine-square-metres. The rooms in the
sealed entrances, and which meanders down to the sub-chambers built on the back section were completely closed off and there was no connection between
northeastern corner. It is possible that this canal was dedicated to some type them or with another part of the mausoleum, at least in the floor plan that
of liquid offering made to the most prominent dead buried in the tomb, which has survived to the present day. In the middle room in the back section
is so typical a trait of the cult given to Wari mallquis.35 The people buried in we found four quadrangular chambers measuring 0.6 metres at the side and
the chamber were not inhumed at the same time: the high presence of fly which were on average 0.5 metres deep (Fig. 53). These chambers contained
pupae, bugs, snakes and their eggs found inside the bundles and crania of the human and animal bones which were found completely disarticulated. We soon
buried dead shows that the chamber was open or at most protected by a light realised that these contexts were not the result of looting, and were instead
structure during the time dedicated to the ceremonial extension [prórroga] some type of typical secondary burial. The chambers could therefore be inter-
299

preted as a peculiar type of pre-Hispanic ossuary or reliquary, where bodies, Interpretation, Discussion, and Conclusions
or parts of them, were buried along with fragments of clothing, grave goods
and offerings which had been removed and transported from their original It is clear that the multiple-female elite tomb located below the multi-storied,
context, perhaps even over long distances. Secondary burials and the manipu- chullpa-tower type main mausoleum, built on the highest part of the entire
lation of bodies have been recorded in the final stage of the Moche culture,39 Middle Horizon monumental complex, is the first excavated example of such
but the contexts at Castillo de Huarmey have significant differences with a complex mortuary context from the time of the Wari Empire. Although
these northern examples. The lower number of bones, which are at the same it is true that its discovery came as a surprise, the process of excavation and
time well-selected, and the potentially easy access to the four chambers, lead subsequent documentation and preservation of the artefacts by the PIACH’s
us instead to a different hypothesis. Since they could be easily reached, the team and the experts from the MALI’s workshop produced a myriad of ques-
bones may have been some type of cult object. It should be recalled that some tions, and thus gave rise to a new academic discussion. The complexity of
authors suggest that in Huari, the bones removed during the reopening of the the various problems that arose throughout the research process—which is
tombs stood for the ancestral mummies and were physically worshipped in not yet over and will surely continue in subsequent years—does not allow us
ceremonies related with the ancestor cult40 something similar has also been to solve them all, and instead invites us to solve the major issues.
recorded at Tiahuanaco.41
Although the rest of the mausoleum had been much devastated by clandestine A diversity in styles and manufacturing techniques is characteristic of all of
diggers, the archaeological materials recovered in the rubble and in the deepest the artistic media present in the context found. The ceramic pieces in styles
parts of the rooms allow us to better understand the function such a particular from the imperial heartland (Chaquipampa B, Viñaque, Huamanga) are in
building had. Abundant animal bone materials were recovered in the closed harmony with bottles in styles from the South Coast (Atarco), the Central
lateral rooms in the back section, which contain not just remains of camelids Coast (Nievería, Teatino), and even the northern highlands (Cajamarca
but also of rare animals like the condor (Vultur gryphus), a bird that had a Serrano), as well as with the local prevailing mould-stamped ceramic style,
highly symbolic significance in State and religious content during pre-Hispanic which is often decorated with simple polychrome designs derived from the
times (Fig. 54). All this suggests that the back section, which was separated classic Wari styles, and which occasionally combines with survivals of North
from the other architectonic segments of the mausoleum, probably had the Coast forms and motifs (Fig. 55). The presence of exotic pottery, the stone-
function of a gallery of offerings and of human relics. On the other hand, the carved kero, the valves or objects made out of Spondylus sp. shells, obsidian,
small rooms in the central and front sections, which were well connected and turquoise and fine metals, all indicate a strong long-distance interaction
large enough, may have acted as a mortuary gallery and/or offerings gallery. that was probably facilitated by the early expansion and the economic organ-
This interpretation is suggested by the discovery of hundreds of fragments isation of the Wari Empire. The same is envisaged in the diversification of
of fine vessels and textiles in various styles and shapes, the finding of the textile and metalworking styles and techniques.
extremely rare Wari khipus,42 (see Figs. 210 a-b and 211 a-b), and of fragments
of mummified and tattooed bodies. The function of the main chamber with The excellent preservation conditions found on the Ancash coast allowed
four niches and a bench remains an enigma. Was this the hall were an impor- many textiles to survive to the present day in perfect condition. Although the
tant mallqui was exhibited and worshipped, bundled and placed on the bench, textiles in the tomb were not as well preserved due to the process of decompo-
surrounded by other mummified ancestors in the niches?43 Or was it instead sition of the many human bodies placed in a pit partially hewn in the rock,
an exclusively ceremonial room where the living worshipped their ancestors the fragments that have been recovered and others, found in the mausoleum’s
in sophisticated esoteric rituals? Answering these questions is clearly not easy, upper story, let us sketch a vast range of the most renowned techniques and
given the loss of empirical evidence caused by the looters. styles. Cotton and wool, spun and twisted in brilliant colours thanks to the
dying process, were considered the most important materials. The Middle
In our search of parallels to the mausoleum of Castillo de Huarmey in other Horizon textiles found in the remains left behind by the looters at Castillo de
monumental edifices of a similar nature, we turned first to the “temples” or Huarmey were once mistakenly known as Moche-Wari textiles.47 After years
mausoleums of the Callejón de Huaylas. The best examples of these buildings of research and debates it was found that the technique that characterises
are in Willkawain44 and Honcopampa.45 These are structures that are up to these pieces was in use in the Central and South Coasts as well as on the
three stories high and have several rooms in each of them. They may have North Coast, and that designs of Nasca and Wari origin prevailed in their
ventilation ducts and eaves, and reach a height of up to ten metres. These decoration. The themes of Moche and Recuay origin are less recurring. Tapestry,
highland chullpas are usually built over quadrangular platforms. Although particularly fretted tapestry or kelim, with cotton warps and camelid fibre
the buildings at Wilkawain or Ama Punku—in Honcopampa—have been wefts, was a technique used above all in the unku tunics and in the embroi-
looted, human bone remains were found inside their rooms. For some scholars,46 deries made by the skilled weavers of Castillo de Huarmey. But other textiles
however, the variations in the size and patterning of the internal divisions were found alongside the locally manufactured ones that had a southern
require that we distinguish various classes of mortuary monuments, and provenance, e.g. painted textiles, pieces coloured in tie-dye, or bands woven
this has strong implications for the social organisation of their beneficiaries. with the supplementary warp technique.
The differences in construction are obvious, but they are derived from envir­
onmental differences and differential access to raw materials. At Castillo The precious metals used in manufacturing ornaments, utensils and tools,
de Huarmey the monoliths were replaced with coastal adobe bricks, adorned along with their metalworking techniques and complex decoration, were
with a fine ochre plaster. The big granodiorite slabs with which the roofs of different in the grave goods of these noble women and in those of the simple
the chullpa temples were made in the Callejón de Huaylas, were supposedly common weavers, and acted as status markers. On the other hand, objects
substituted with heavy beams of carved wood. Were there other superimposed made with copper or its alloys confirm the widespread diffusion of the use
stories? Although the walls of the first story of the Castillo de Huarmey of copper alloys throughout the Middle Horizon.48
mausoleum were only preserved up to one metre high, in other smaller
mortuary towers we were fortunately able to record all of the first floor as The presence or the absence of art styles with dates recently well established,
well as some remains of the second upper level, where the only entrance both from our excavations and previously published ones, allows us to place
to the whole group was located. From a structural standpoint, the massive the mausoleum in time at around the late eighth and early eleventh centuries
walls of the mausoleum could have withstood two or more stories above the of the Christian era, i.e. essentially in Middle Horizon 249 in Dorothy Menzel’s
level of the niches-and-bench room. All of the data convinced us that the chronology.50 The absence of Moche IV-style pieces is significant and suggests a
building we found had the role of a mortuary mausoleum and temple dedicated date after the temple of the Huaca de la Luna was abandoned. We find it likely51
to the cult of the ancestors buried in the burial chamber, and perhaps also in that the abandonment of the centres of power on the North Coast around A.D.
the galleries in the various stories, as well as in the dozens of smaller chullpas 800 is causally related with the conquest of the Huarmey and Culebras River
and chambers adjacent to the main tower. Valleys by a coalition of southern people, who are known in the archaeological
300

literature as the Wari. No less significant is the absence of Middle Lambayeque (1) Arriaza, Bernardo T. Beyond Death. The (14) Bueno Mendoza. “Huarmey: la
pottery in the style that Shimada calls “Middle Sicán,” 52 as well as the local Chinchorro Mummies of Ancient Chile. huaquería.”
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution
Incised Casma53or Incised Huarmey54 ceramic styles, whose appearance has (15) Tabío, Ernesto. Prehistoria de la costa
Press, 1995.
often been ascribed—erroneously as we see—to the Middle Horizon. del Perú. Havana: Academia de Ciencias de
(2) Isbell, William H. Mummies and Cuba, 1977.
Mortuary Monuments. A Postprocessual
As for the strong presence of its own style both in pottery as well as in textiles, (16) Bonavía, Duccio. Los Gavilanes.
Prehistory of Central Andean Social Orga-
the contexts excavated along the coast evince that just like in the case of the Precerámico peruano: mar desierto y oasis
nization. Austin: University of Texas Press,
Inca, Wari-style objects from Ayacucho were rare and much prized. Local en la historia del hombre. Lima: Corpo-
1997.
ración Financiera de Desarrollo / Instituto
craftsmen continued manufacturing artefacts in accordance with their idiosyn-
(3) Amongst others, Menzel, Dorothy. Arqueológico Alemán, 1980.
crasies, or made up new designs by combining forms and decorations of “Style and time in the Middle Horizon,”
(17) Bonavía. Los Gavilanes, p. 439.
different origins.55 But the ideology expressed by the most prestigious pieces, Ñawpa Pacha 2, pp. 1-106, 1964; Isbell,
which have Wari iconography and which were found alongside the fifty-eight William H., and Gordon F. McEwan (18) Thompson, Donald. “Archaeological
noble ladies of Huarmey, was striking; besides, the State’s emphasis on the (Eds.), Huari Administrative Structure: Investigations in the Huarmey Valley,
Prehistoric Monumental Architecture Peru,” in Actas y memorias del XXXVI
essential differences in status was surely attractive for the emerging elites of
and State Government. Washington, Congreso International de Americanistas,
the new centres of power located in far removed provinces.56 D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1991; Schreiber, España 1964, Vol. I. Seville: 1966, pp.
Katharina J. Wari Imperialism in 541-548.
So when analysing the discoveries made at Castillo de Huarmey, are we really Middle Horizon Peru. Anthropological
(19) Horkheimer, Hans. “Identificación y
recovering some pieces of the lost history of the first pre-Hispanic Andean Papers. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan,
bibliografía de importantes sitios prehis-
Museum of Anthropology, 1992.
empire, prior to the Inca? This site has parallels in more complex mortuary pánicos del Perú,” Arqueológicas 8: 1-51,
contexts both at Conchopata as well as at the capital city itself of Huari.57 (4) Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Prefer- 1965.
First of all, it is a mortuary complex formed by chambers of varied shape ences: A Huari Case Study from Middle
(20) Bueno Mendoza. Op. cit.
Horizon Peru,” Latin American Antiquity
that are directly associated with a palatial building, as is the case of the “royal”
15 (1): 3-32, 2004. (21) Prümers, Heiko. Der Fundort ‘El
mausoleums at Huari in Ayacucho.58 The orthogonal layout of the various
Castillo’ in Huarmeytal, Peru. Ein Beitrag
mortuary galleries as well as the effort invested in hewing a chamber out (5) Hastorf, Christine. “Andean luxury
zum Problem des Moche-Huari Textilstils.
foods: special food for the ancestors, deities
of the bedrock, the mortuary pattern, the exceptional offerings of prestigious Mundus Reihe Alt-Amerikanistik. Band 4.
and the elite,” Antiquity 77 (297): 545-554,
objects related to the exercise of power and the imperial administration 2003.
Bonn: Holos Verlag, 1990.
(kero cups with remains of chicha, khipus, bronze weapons and exotic animals, (22) Conklin, William J. “Moche textile
(6) Fonseca Santa Cruz, Javier. “El rostro
amongst others), all confirm that Castillo de Huarmey constituted a significant structures,” in Rowe, Ann Pollard, Eliza-
oculto de Espíritu Pampa, Vilcabamba,
Wari presence on the southern North Coast of Peru. The strong links between Cusco,” Arqueología Iberoamericana 10:
beth Benson, and Anne-Louise Schaffer
the central Wari area and the areas over which the Ayacuchano empire held (Eds.), The Junius B. Bird Precolumbian
5-7, 2011.
Textile Conference. Washington D.C.: The
sway on the Southern, Central, and Northern Coast are clear in the architec-
(7) Daggett, Richard E. “Julio C. Tello: An Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks,
ture and in the mortuary preferences, as well as in the forms and in the Account of His Rise to Prominence in 1979, pp. 165-184.
iconography depicted on the luxury items found. Even so, the significance Peruvian Archaeology,” in Burger, Richard
(23) According to the data found in the
and complexity of Castillo de Huarmey stand out once we bear in mind the L. (Ed.), The life and writings of Julio C.
archives of the Museo Amano, in Yoshitaro
mausoleum with the main subterranean chamber and the more than twenty Tello: America’s first indigenous archaeolo-
Amano’s nomenclature the name of
gist. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press,
different rooms, as well as the other chullpas and subterranean chambers “El Campanario” corresponded to the
2009, pp. 7-54.
that—along with the mausoleum—formed a sort of ancestor pantheon. monument at Castillo and all of the ceme-
There are obvious differences in the materials, the techniques and in some (8) Tello, Julio César. “Cuadernos de teries adjacent to the monumental area,
investigación de la Primera Expedición which lie on the southern slopes of the
of the architectural designs given that their builders probably were not from
Huaylas de 1919 en los valles de Huarmey Cerro Campanario.
Ayacucho. At Huari and Conchopata, chamber tombs were built inside the y Culebras.” Fuente: Grupo I Huaylas.
ceremonial architectural—and eventually residential—areas, and their (24) Prümers, Heiko. Der Fundort ‘El
Archivo Julio C. Tello del Museo de Arqueo­
Castillo’; and “‘El Castillo’ de Huarmey:
construction seems to have entailed a change in the use given to the complex. logía de San Marcos.
una plataforma funeraria del Horizonte
In Castillo de Huarmey, the palace and the temple for the funerary cult (9) The expedition led by Julio C. Tello Medio,” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4:
coexist side by side. This difference was probably due to the social and political travelled up the Huarmey valley to the 289-312, 2000.
context. Several noble lineages which lived or met periodically in the same Callejón de Huaylas, where major discov-
(25) Bogacki, Miron, Milosz Giersz,
urban space seem to have vied for power in the Huari imperial heartland. eries were made at sites like Pomakayán,
Patrycja Przadka-Giersz, Wieslaw
Katak, Yauya, Pomabamba, Huari
Castillo de Huarmey is the monument that materialised the hierarchies of Malkowski and Krzysztof Misiewicz.
and particularly at Chavín de Huántar;
power, and the place where the ancestors of the ruling lineage were worshipped Daggett. “Julio C. Tello,” pp. 20-21.
“Detección remota y análisis con GIS de
in the central mausoleum, surrounded by the chullpas and tombs of other, distribución de artefactos en superficie en
(10) Yacovleff, Eugenio. Informe acerca del el Castillo de Huarmey,” in Milosz Giersz
lower-ranking, chiefly curaca families. Where did they come from? What kinds
viaje a Huarmey III - 1930. Caja: 18 Grupo and Iván Ghezzi (Eds.), Arqueología de la
of relations did they have with the capital city and with other imperial centres Huaylas, Folios 601- 602. Archivo Julio C. costa de Ancash. Andes. Boletín del Centro
of power spread throughout the Andes? We expect to be able to answer these Tello, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San de Estudios Precolombinos de la Univer-
questions in the near future thanks to the application of new archaeometric Marcos. sidad de Varsovia, vol. 8. Warsaw - Lima.
methods and stable isotope and DNA analyses, both of the nobility buried Polish Latin American Studies Society
(11) Falcón Huayta, Víctor, and Rosa
and Institut Français d’Études Andines.
in the ancestral pantheon as well as of their subjects who built this particular Martínez Navarro. “Un tambor de cuero
Varsovia-Lima 2011, pp. 311-326.
monumental centre, which still overlooks the nostalgic coastal desert on the pintado del Museo Nacional de Arque-
shores of the Pacific Ocean. ología, Antropología e Historia del Perú,” (26) Prümers. Der Fundort ‘El Castillo’;
Anales del Museo de América 16: 9-28, and “El Castillo de Huarmey.”
2009.
(27) In the Virú Valley, horizontal wooden
(12) Bueno Mendoza, Alberto. “Huarmey: beams integrated into the body of the
la huaquería es un problema nacional,” building have been recorded at sites such
Espacio 2: 20-25, 1979. as Gallinazo (Strong, William Duncan, and
Clifford Evans Jr. Cultural Stratigraphy in
(13) The documents and the photographs
the Viru Valley, Northern Peru. New York:
taken by Frédéric André Engel in 1979 are
Columbia Studies in Archaeology and
held by the Centro de Investigación de
Ethnology, Vol. 4, 1952, p. 212), Castillo de
Zonas Áridas (CIZA) at La Molina, Lima.
Tomaval (Kroeber, Alfred L. Archaeological
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301

Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, (37) Trigo Rodríguez, David, and Roberto (49) The Middle Horizon’s Epoch 2 has (56) It was assumed since the study done
1930: 78; Strong and Evans. Cultural Hidalgo Rocabado. Tiwanaku - Huari: los been traditionally dated to A.D. 700-850, by Menzel, “Style and time,” that a new
Stratigraphy, pp. 110, 212 and PI. Xllc; miembros inferiores y sus representaciones and was recently refined and extended to centre of power and prestige arose on the
Willey, Gordon Randolph. Prehistoric en las ofrendas del Horizonte Medio. (El A.D. 800-1000. North Central coast during the late Middle
Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru. simbolismo del rito de corte de piernas en Horizon, and that it probably had its focal
(50) Menzel. “Style and time in the Middle
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin la iconografía de los Andes). La Paz: point in the Huarmey Valley, where a
Horizon.”
155. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti- Producciones Cima, 2012. mould-stamped pottery [alfarería impresa
tution, 1953: 164 and PI. 23), and Castillo (51) See the essay by Milosz Giersz and de molde] was manufactured that had
(38) The analyses Lima’s Palynology and
de Sarraque (Willey. Prehistoric Settlement Krzysztof Makowski in this volume. designs derived from the Wari repertoire.
Palaeobotany Laboratory made of the
Patterns, p. 172). They can also be found at Menzel placed its rise in Epoch 3 (A.D.
grains of starch and of the phytoliths in the (52) Shimada, Izumi. “La cultura Sicán.
Huaca Las Estacas in Túcume (Trimborn, 775-850 according to the initial estimates;
sediments of the vessels found in the Caracterización arqueológica,” in Mendoza
Hermann. El reino de Lambayeque en el Epoch 3 was recently related with Epoch 4
niches in the seal in the antechamber, as Samillán, Eric (Ed.), Presencia histórica de
antiguo Perú. Collectanea Instituti and was dated to A.D. 1000-1050).
well as those in the kero-cups and the Lambayeque. Lima: Ediciones y Represen-
Anthropos No. 19. St. Augustin: Hans
bottles [botellas cantimplora] found in the taciones Falcón, 1985. (57) See the essay by Milosz Giersz and
Völkerund Kulturen-Anthopos Institut,
main lady’s sub-chamber, showed that all Krzysztof Makowski in this volume.
1979: 51-67). Although Prümers (“ ‘El (53) Collier, Donald. “Archaeological Inves-
of these vessels were used to store liquids
Castillo’ de Huarmey,” p. 294) interprets tigations in the Casma Valley, Peru.” Akten (58) According to Isbell and Korpisaari,
made out of Zea mays, with a slight touch
them as a tradition native to Peru’s North des 34 Internationalen Amerikanisten “Burial in the Wari and the Tiwanaku
of Phaseolus sp. and some other herbs.
Coast, it should be noted that both of the Kongresses, Wien, 1960. Horn, Vienna: heartlands,” the “royal [Wari] burials”
traditions mentioned above have a strong (39) Nelson, Andrew, and Luis Jaime Verlag Ferdinand Berger, 1962, pp. comprise their types 5c and 9, and are
foreign component. The use of horizontal Castillo. “Huesos a la deriva. Tafonomía y 411-417. classified as “Megalithic Wari Internments”
beams is more common in highland tradi- tratamiento funerario en entierros Mochica or “Megalithic Monumental” tombs. These
tions, and their use on the coast was (54) Thompson, Donald E. “Postclassic
Tardío de San José de Moro.” Boletín de buildings housed several individuals who
certainly limited to the periods when innovations in architecture and settlement
Arqueología PUCP, 1: 137-163, 1997. were placed in various structures inside
interregional contacts between the coast, patterns in the Casma Valley, Peru,” South-
the same room or building. It is possible
(40) Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Prefer- western Journal of Anthropology 20 (1):
the highlands, and the tropical forest that a crypt occupied the central area in at
ences”. 91-105, 1964; and “Archeological Investiga-
intensified (the late Early Horizon and least one of the mortuary rooms, whereas
the beginning of the Early Intermediate tions.”
(41) Blom, Deborah E., and John Wayne all others seem to have been secondary.
Period, the Middle Horizon), and to Janusek. “Making Place: Humans as (55) According to the chronological system Each crypt may have held the remains of
changes in the palaeoclimate that favoured Dedications in Tiwanaku.” World Archae- proposed by Menzel, op. cit., the Wari more than one individual.
harvesting wood on the arid Pacific coast. ology 36: 123-141, 2004. Empire managed to impose its style during
(28) The cane-moulded adobe bricks were Middle Horizon 1B and 2A, and its weak-
(42) See the essay by Gary Urton in this
probably derived from the destruction and ening was required for local traditions—
volume.
reuse of previous buildings—which were classified as styles belonging to Middle
related with the presence of groups bearing (43) According to the looters who were his Horizon 2B, 3 and 4—to reappear. Even so,
the Virú-Gallinazo and Moche material informants, Prümers. “‘El Castillo’ de some of these traditions are found associ-
culture—that were found and studied by Huarmey,” p. 294, the niches had a ated in primary contexts with Middle
our team in the earliest strata under the mortuary role with lateral burials that had Horizon 1B/2A pieces, whilst others are
foundations of the monumental platform humble grave goods, whereas the main associated with Middle Horizon 2B pieces.
with the central patio. contexts with very rich grave goods would A consensus was also recently reached
have been in the sealed rooms, in whose upon that Huari continued manufacturing
(29) See the essay by Krzysztof Makowski walls the niches were inserted. its distinctive pottery up to around A.D.
in this volume. 1000, as is shown by the C14 samples from
(44) Bennett, Wendell C. The North High-
Conchopata.
(30) Flies of the Muscomorpha infraorder. lands of Peru. Excavations in the Callejon
de Huaylas and Chavin de Huantar. New
(31) See the essay “The funerary of the
York: Anthropological Papers of the
noble women of Castillo de Huarmey. A
American Museum of Natural History 39
selection”, in this volume.
(1), 1944.
(32) See the essay by Patrycja Przadka
(45) Isbell, William H. “Honcopampa
Giersz in this volume.
Monumental Ruins in Peru’s North High-
(33) See the essay by Krzysztof Makowski lands,” Expedition 3 (33): 27-37, 1991;
in this volume. Tschauner, Hartmut. “Honco Pampa:
arquitectura de élite del Horizonte Medio
(34) See the essay by Wieslaw Wieckowski
en Callejón de Huaylas,” in Ibarra
in this volume.
Ascencios, Bebel (Ed.), Arqueología de la
(35) It is worth recalling that some impor- sierra de Ancash. Propuestas y perspectivas.
tant Wari tombs at Conchopata, Huari or Lima: Instituto Cultural Runa, 2003, pp.
Espíritu Pampa (and perhaps in Tiahua- 194-220.
naco too) had an aperture, breathing hole
(46) Tschauner. “Honco Pampa: arquitec-
or ttoco above the mortuary chamber that
tura de élite,” p. 200.
reached right up to the tomb, and which
could be used on certain occasions to place (47) Based on our controlled excavations I
some objects or liquids as offerings. See concur with Luis Jaime Castillo and Flora
Isbell, William H. “Mortuary Preferences;” Ugaz (“El contexto y la tecnología de los
Janusek, John W. Ancient Tiwanaku. Case textiles mochica,” in Lavalle, José Antonio
Studies in Early Societies. New York: de (Ed.), Tejidos milenarios del Perú. Lima:
Cambridge University Press, 2008; Isbell, AFP Integra, 1999: 248) as regards the
William H., and Antti Korpisaari. “Burial problems raised by this inaccurate nomen-
in the Wari and the Tiwanaku heartlands: clature that only survives in textiles. It is
similarities, differences, and meanings,” worth pointing out that the presumed
Diálogo Andino. Revista de Historia, “stylistic fusion” of the Moche and Wari
Geografía y Cultura Andina 39: 91-122, traditions is limited only to possible remi-
2012. niscences of some northern techniques
(which are local techniques in this area)
(36) Alva, Walter, Sipán: descubrimiento e
and geometric iconographic elements.
investigación. Lima: edición del autor, 2004.
(48) See the essay by María Inés Velarde
and Pamela Castro de la Mata in this
volume.
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