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of Victimology
2015 Revista
de Victimología
English edition
N1 Journal
of Victimology
2015 Revista
de Victimología
English edition
2015
Revista de Victimologia
Journal of Victimology
Número 1 | 2015
Equipo editorial
Directores Enrique Echeburúa Odriozola, Profesor de Psicología Clínica de la Universidad del Pais Vasco
Josep M. Tamarit Sumalla, Profesor de Derecho penal de la Universitat Oberta de Catalunya
y de la Universitat de Lleida
Equipo de redacción Gema Varona Martínez, Profesora de Criminología de la Universidad del País Vasco
Maria Jesús Guardiola Lago, Profesora de Derecho penal de la Universidad Autónoma
de Barcelona
María del Mar Gómez, Profesora de Psicología Clínica de la Universidad Complutense
de Madrid
Ignacia Arruabarrena, Profesora de Psicología Social de la Universidad del País Vasco
Reservados todos los derechos. Queda prohibida cualquier forma total o parcial de reproducción, distribución,
comunicación pública y/o transformación de esta obra, sin contar con la autorización previa de la editorial.
índice general
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com | P. 5-8
ARTÍCULOS
Dyadic Concordance in Victimization within the Family: Results from a New Approach for a
Nationally Representative Sample of USA Families. Murray A. Straus .......................... 19
Dyadic Concordance Types .......................................................................... 20
Method ....................................................................................................... 22
Sample ................................................................................................... 22
Identification of DCTs ........................................................................... 22
Data Analysis .......................................................................................... 23
Results ........................................................................................................ 23
Violent Socialization .............................................................................. 23
Problematic Behavior of Marital and Cohabiting Partners ....................... 25
Physical and Psychological Abuse by Partners.......................................... 27
Discussion ................................................................................................... 29
Summary ............................................................................................... 29
Limitations ............................................................................................. 30
Unique Contributions of Dyadic Concordance Types ............................. 30
Research Implications ............................................................................ 31
Implications for Research and Practice ................................................... 32
Conclusions ................................................................................................. 33
References ................................................................................................... 34
The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today. John P.
J. Dussich ...................................................................................................... 37
Introduction ................................................................................................ 38
The Beliefs that Preceded Victimology.................................................... 38
The Values of Victimology ..................................................................... 40
The Language of Victimology ................................................................ 40
People Creating and Sharing ........................................................................ 42
The Pioneers of Victimology .................................................................. 42 5
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 5-8
ÍNDICE GENERAL
De ser víctimas a dejar de serlo: un largo proceso. Enrique Echeburúa y María Soledad
Cruz-Sáez..................................................................................................... 83
Introducción................................................................................................. 84
Concepto de víctima.................................................................................... 85
Victimización en la infancia.......................................................................... 87
Estrategias de afrontamiento ante los sucesos traumáticos............................... 88
Los sentimientos de venganza.................................................................. 88
El valor del perdón.................................................................................. 90
El olvido activo....................................................................................... 91
Víctimas vulnerables y víctimas resistentes..................................................... 91
Superación del rol de víctima........................................................................ 92
Conclusiones................................................................................................ 93
Referencias................................................................................................... 94
Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para Víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder. María de la Luz
Lima............................................................................................................. 97
Introducción................................................................................................. 98
Principios................................................................................................ 99
Tipología................................................................................................ 102
Fondos y subvenciones de la Naciones Unidas............................................... 103
El Fondo de Contribuciones Voluntarias de las Naciones Unidas para las
Víctimas de la Tortura ............................................................................. 104
Fondos de apoyo a los órganos jurisdiccionales de Derechos Humanos.......... 109
Fondos de Asistencia Legal del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Hu-
manos..................................................................................................... 109
Fondo de Asistencia Legal de Víctimas de la Corte Interamericana...... 112
Fondo de Asistencia Legal para las Víctimas en relación a la Comisión
6 Interamericana de Derechos Humanos............................................... 113
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 5-8
ÍNDICE GENERAL
Fondos de asistencia y reparación para víctimas de delitos y del abuso del po-
der de los países............................................................................................ 114
Fondo público para el pago de indemnizaciones y reparaciones para vícti-
mas de delitos de Estado de México (1969).............................................. 116
Conclusiones................................................................................................ 126
Referencias................................................................................................... 126
Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence. Noemí Pereda.... 133
Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Evidence..................... 134
Research evidence: What we know about the effects of restorative justice on
victims?........................................................................................................ 137
Discussion.................................................................................................... 139
Social and professional implications............................................................... 145
References.................................................................................................... 147
crónica
CONFERENCIA. «Future Directions in Victimology», 28 de enero de 2015, Lincoln Law School
(Reino Unido), primera conferencia del grupo de trabajo de victimología de la Sociedad Bri-
tánica de Criminología........................................................................................ 179
SEMINARIO. «Security and Restorative Ways of Dealing with Conflicts», 11 y 12 de febrero
de 2015, Oslo (Noruega), University College, organizado dentro del proyecto FP7 de la Unión
Europea, ALTERNATIVE. (www.alternativeproject.eu) .................................................. 180
JORNADA. «Violencia interpersonal: maltrato animal y terapias con víctimas. Aproximación
victimológica y jurídica», 22 de abril de 2015, Instituto Vasco de Criminología (Donostia-San 7
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 5-8
ÍNDICE GENERAL
noticias
Naciones Unidas............................................................................................... 182
España........................................................................................................... 182
recensiones de libros
European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. 2014. Victims of crime in the EU: The extent
and nature of support for victims. Luxemburgo: Publicaciones de la Oficina de la Unión Eu-
ropea (121 pp.). ISBN 978-92-9239-522-3. Doi: 10.2811/77450................................... 184
Gómez Colomer, Juan Luis. 2014. Estatuto jurídico de la víctima del delito (La posición jurí-
dica de la víctima del delito ante la Justicia Penal. Un análisis basado en el Derecho compa-
rado y en las grandes reformas españolas que se avecinan). Cizur Menor (Navarra): Aranzadi
(547 pp.)......................................................................................................... 186
Trespaderne Beracierto, M.ª Isabel. 2014. Argumentos para un nuevo enjuiciamiento de la
responsabilidad por defectuosa asistencia en la organización sanitaria. Albolote (Granada):
Comares (242 pp.)............................................................................................. 187
otros............................................................................................................. 189
8
foreword y presentación REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
foreword
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com | P. 11-12
Marc Groenhuijsen
President of the World Society of Victimology (WSV)
Jan van Dijk, John Dussich and Enrique Echeburua all rank among the world
leading researchers in our profession. If and when the first issue sets the standard
for all subsequent volumes, we will all greatly benefit from this new initiative.
As President of the World Society of Victimology, I congratulate the
founders of this academic enterprise. I wish them well in their efforts to be
successful in engaging in this new responsibility. And I express my happiness
for all victimologists worldwide for having an additional source of knowledge.
Perhaps this can assist us in our modest effort to make this world a better place
for fellow citizens who have suffered from terrible events.
12
presentación
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com | P. 13-15
15
artículos REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
article
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.01 | P. 19-36
Murray A. Straus
Family Research Laboratory, University of New Hampshire
Durham, NH 03824 603-862-2594 murray.straus@unh.edu
Website: http://pubpages.unh.edu/~mas2
abstract
This article presents empirical results on an approach to victimization research and
practice intended to provide a practical way to take into account the frequent overlap
of victimization and perpetration. The approach is to begin research or interventions
by identifying the Dyadic Concordance Type (DCT) of the cases. For example, the DCTs
for cases of partner physical violence are Female-Only victim, Male-only victim, and Both
victims. They are identified by determining if the female partner had been attacked, if
the male partner had been attacked, and then cross-classifying those two variables. For
parent-child violence the three DCTs are named Parent-Only, Child-Only, and Both
victims of violence by the other. The percent in each of these DCTs covering three
domains of victimization: (1) Parent-child relationships (concordance in being a victim
of violence by father and mother and concordance in victimized by violence between
parents). (2) Problematic behaviors of partners (drunkenness and chronic aggression of
partner). (3) Partner abuse (physical assault, chronic denigration, and intransigence by
a marital or cohabiting partner). An important percentage of families were found in all
three DCTs. However, the most frequent type was Both victims. That is, when there
is victimization in a family relationships, both parties in the relationship are typically
victims, rather than one being the victim and the other the perpetrator. Implication for
victimization theory, research and practice are suggested.
1 Other publications on this and related issues can be downloaded from http//:www.pubpages.
unh.edu/~mas2. Earlier phases of the work was partly supported by National Institute of
Mental Health grant T32MH15161. 19
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MURRAY A. STRAUS
key words
Dyad, family, abuse, violence, parent, child, crime.
Most of what we know about victimization within families is about the indi-
vidual family members who are either victims or perpetrators. That, of course, is
critically important information. However, it is also important to recognize that
victimization of one family member by another is inherently a dyadic phenom-
enon, even if the victim «does nothing (for example not getting help) because
that can be a very consequential behavior. The assumption of this article is that
both victims and offenders can be better understood and more effectively helped
if research and practice conceptualized and measured victimization at the dyadic
level, or at the family systems level of which dyadic analysis is a part. This article
is intended to facilitate doing that by presenting a conceptual and measurement
approach to identifying dyadic patterns of victimization called Dyadic Concordance
Types (DCTs). DCTs classify the cases in a study or receiving assistance into three
categories: Female-Only victim, Male-Only victim, and Both victims.
The objectives of the article are (1) Introduce the conceptual and mea-
surement approach of DCTs to victimization research and practice. (2) Illustrate
the applicability of DCTs to victimization in both parent-child relationships and
relationships between married and cohabiting partners, and to different types of
within-family victimizing behaviors such as violence, drunkenness, and intransi-
gence. (3) Present results for a nationally representative sample of USA families
on the percent in each DCTs for eight seven behaviors, for example, the percent
of Female-Only victim of physical assault, the percent of Male-Only victims of
assault, and the percent of couples in which Both partners were victims of being
assaulted by the other. (4) Suggest ways in which identification of the DCTs of
the cases in a study or intervention can help understand the causes and effects of
victimization and enhance efforts to help both victims and offenders.
a sole victim or more than one such as both parent and child or both husband
and wife, and if a sole victim, whether it was the mother or the father or the
wife or the husband. The both victims category is especially likely to occur in
the family. It also applies to other ongoing dyads, but this article is restricted to
intra-family dyads, such as marital partners, and parent and child. The theory
underlying DCTs is described in Straus (In Press).
Identification of DCTs is practical in both research and victim services. For
example, to identify DCTs for violence in the parent-child relationship, requires
knowing only whether the child was a victim of assault by the parent and whether
the parent was victim of assault by the child.When these two dichotomous variables
available, it is possible to almost instantly identify the three DCTs: Child-Only Victim,
Parent-Only, and Both victims. Similarly, if the focus is on violence in the relationship
of married and dating couples, by asking the presenting partner if they have been as-
saulted, and also if they have hit their partner, a simple cross-tabulation results in four
logically possible cells. One of them identifies cases of Female-Only victims, another
of Male-Only victims, a third identifies couples in which Both partners were victims.
The fourth of the possible cells identifies couples in which Neither was a victim. For
statistical analysis this serves as the «reference» category.
A study by Ulman (2003) of a nationally representative sample of USA
families found that either the child or the parent were victims of violence by
the other in 78% of the families. Cross tabulation of the child victimization by
the parent victimization revealed that the child was the only victim in 48% of
those families, the parent the only victim in 17% of the families, and both child
and parent were victims in 35% of the families. These dyadic aspects of victim-
ization have important implications, but they are less likely to be noticed when
individual-level victimization of the child and of the parent are considered sepa-
rately. The differences in the percent in each of these three DCTs also illustrates
the importance of cultural norms for understanding patterns of victimization. In
most societies there are norms permitting or requiring parents to hit children, and
norms condemning children for hitting. Without these norms, 48% percent in the
Child-Only victim DCT would probably be much lower, and the 17% in the Par-
ent-Only type and the 35% in the Both DCT would be much higher.
Many other social factors can influence the percent in each DCT such
as the resources available to potential victims, socially scripted power hierar-
chies, reciprocity in social interaction, assortative mating and social and genetic
inheritance. Individual differences such as level of aggressiveness, fear, attach-
ment anxiety, or self-efficacy, are extremely important.
DCTs Based On Concordance In Victimizing Others. The above
examples are of DCTs to identify concordance in victimization by the other mem-
ber of a dyad. In addition, DCTs are an important way to describe and analyze con- 21
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MURRAY A. STRAUS
Method
Sample
The behaviors for which intra-family DCTs presented in this article are all the
behaviors for which dyadic data was available for the 6,002 adults who partici-
pated in the Second National Family Violence Survey (Gelles & Straus, 1988; Straus
& Gelles, 1986, 1990). Dyadic data consist of having a measure of the same
variable for both partners in a dyad. The data itself, and a detailed description
of the study, including the questionnaire and all other key documents, can be
downloaded from the Interuniversity Consortium For Political And Social Research
website http://dx.doi.org and requesting study 9211 by Gelles and Straus.
Although more recent data would be advantageous, recent studies with
dyadic data were not available. For example, the National Intimate Partner and
Sexual Violence Survey (Black et al., 2011) could not be used because each study
participant was asked only about their own victimization, whereas for dyadic
analysis each would have to be asked about both their own and that of their
partner. This is a standard and proven procedure. One example is the Conflict
Tactics Scales or CTS (Straus & Douglas, 2004; Straus, Hamby, Boney-McCoy, &
Sugarman, 1996; Straus & Mattingly, 2007).
All study procedures were carried out in compliance with the proce-
dures on protection of human subjects specified by the Internal Review Board
of the University of New Hampshire.
Identification of DCTs
Most of the dyadic data was for partners in a married or cohabiting relationship.
22 Therefore, most of the DCTs in this article identify couples in which the victim-
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 19-36
Dyadic Concordance in Victimization within the Family: Results from a New Approach for a Nationally ...
Data Analysis
Results
Violent Socialization
boys and girls was similar: For both, they were more often the victims of this
type of violence by the mother than the father, except that for boys it was more
24 often by the father and for girls at this age more often by the mother.
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 19-36
Dyadic Concordance in Victimization within the Family: Results from a New Approach for a Nationally ...
25
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MURRAY A. STRAUS
sented. However, because one purpose of the article is to illustrate the method
of analyzing DCTs, both are in Figure 3.
Although the percent in each DCT differs when the criterion is chron-
ic victimization (3 or more instances of drunk partner) compared to any vic-
timization (1 or more instances), the results for one or more instance and 3
more drunk occasions are parallel. Both panels show that women are much
more often the sole victim of being in a relationship with a drunk partner than
men. This, of course, reflects the well-established tendency of more men than
women to have a drinking problem. But DCTs provide additional informa-
tion. Using either the one or more instances or the three or more instances of
drunkenness, Figure 3 shows a very high prevalence of both partners suffering
this type of victimization. The implication for efforts to prevent or treat this
type of victimization is that that this problem needs to be addressed as a couple
behavior in from a fifth to half of the cases.
Chronic Aggression. Figure 4 presents results on concordance in vic-
timization from being partnered with someone who is chronically aggressive to
persons other than their partner. (Aggression against the partner is addressed in the
next section). No studies of the relationships of couples with a highly aggressive
partner have been located. But it seems reasonable to assume this is victimizing
experience because it is likely to be stressful because of the difficult social rela-
26 tionships of such a person and the stigma of being his or her partner.
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27
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MURRAY A. STRAUS
for estimates based on data provided by male participants in the study and the
lined bars are for data provided by female participants. Comparison of the bars
in each pair shows that the results are very similar using data provided by men
and women.
Self-Defense. The half of violent couples in which both partners were
assaulted might have occurred because the women were acting is self-defense.
Those that were acting in self-defense are a group that is urgently need of help.
However, far from all of the women in the Both victims category were acting
in self-defense. For the current sample, according to male respondents, in 49%
of the cases where there was a violent incident, the female partner was the first
to hit. According to female respondents themselves, they were the first hit in
51% of such cases. These results are consistent with a systematic analysis of 16
studies (Straus, 2012). Seven of the studies asked who had hit first. The percent
of women who initiated violence ranged from 25% to 61%, with a median of
46%. Of the nine studies which asked participants to judge if they had acted
in self-defense, the percent of women who believed they acted in self-defense
ranged from 5 to 42% with a median of 20%.Thus, according to women them-
selves, none of the nine studies found that a majority of women believed they
acted in self-defense.
Chronic Denigration. Figure 6 provides another opportunity to ex-
amine the results of the cut point used to identify a DCT. The left panel used a
28 score at or above the 50th percentile in Psychological Aggression as the criterion
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Dyadic Concordance in Victimization within the Family: Results from a New Approach for a Nationally ...
of chronically denigrating the partner. The right panel used a score at or above
the 80th percentile as the criterion. When the criterion was the 50th percentile,
both partners were victims in 78% of the relationships in this large and repre-
sentative sample according to both male and female study participants. When
the criterion was truly extreme chronicity as measured by having a partner
who at the 80th percentile, there were more cases of Female-Only victims and
also more cases of Male-Only victims. However, even at this extreme level of
denigration, the results using data provided by both men and women partici-
pants show that, when there is a pattern of denigration in the relationships of a
couple, the typical situation is both partners are being victimized. These results
are consistent with many studies of psychological aggression which have found
similar rates of male and female victims (O’leary & Woodin, 2009).
Intransigence. A final aspect of victimization investigated was intran-
sigence when there was disagreement between partners. This was measured
by reversing the Negotiation scale of the Conflict Tactics Scales. A high score
indicates refusal to negotiate disagreements. Dyadic Concordance Types were
identified for relationships in which a partner was chronically intransigent as in-
dicated by a score at or above the 80th percentile. The results were not graphed,
but can be summarized as follows: The Female-Only type was 14% of such cases
according to male study participants and 25% according to female participants.
The Male-Only type was 13% of such cases according to both male and female
study participants. For 73% of the couples, both were victims of an intransigent
partner according to male study participants and 62% according to female par-
ticipants. Thus, when there was chronic intransigence, both partners were vic-
tims of this aspect of victimization among more than two thirds of the couples.
It seems reasonable to infer from this that efforts to reduce this form of vic-
timization will usually require helping both partners deal with disagreements.
Discussion
Summary
Limitations
Data 25 years old. Some things will have changed, such as more equality
between men and women in society and in marriage. However DCTs refer to
cases in which the focal behavior occurred, not the entire sample.The relevance
of such cases is probably as great now as 25 years ago because the adverse effect
are probably very similar.
Data Provided By One Partner. Although the results in this article
refer to the behavior of partners in a dyad, the data used was provided by just
one of the partners (or in the case of corporal punishment by an adult child).
The implications for research are discussed below in the section on Method-
ological Implications.
No Theory Tested. Although the results show many interesting char-
acteristics of American families in the degree to which victimization was expe-
rienced similarly by male and female partners and by both, they do not provide
an explanation of what leads a family to be in the Male-Only, Female-Only, or
Both DCT, and do not provide information on what difference being in one
DCT compared to the other two DCTs makes for them and for their children.
Those crucial questions are addressed in other papers. Two of them are sum-
marized below.
The value of the broad applicability of DCTs depends not only on their appli-
cability to many types of victimization, as shown by the results in this article, but
also on the extent which DCTs make a difference in enhancing understanding
victimization and helping victims. Two examples the way DCTs provide infor-
mation that is in addition to what would otherwise be found follow.
Partner Violence and Depression. A study of the relation of partner
violence to depression among 11,048 University student couples in 15 nations
(Straus & Winstok, 2013; Winstok & Straus, 2014) found that, according to
both male and female participants, and consistent with almost all other studies,
half the couples were in the Both victims of assault DCT category. This prob-
30 ably would have been missed if DCTs were not identified. Turning to the link
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Dyadic Concordance in Victimization within the Family: Results from a New Approach for a Nationally ...
Research Implications
Need For Couple-Level Analyses. The results in this article suggest the
need to measure victimization at the couple-level as well as the individual-level.
This provides information that is in addition to information on each partner. It
identifying cases in which both partners were victimized, or if only one, which
one it was. This is an extremely important first step in research because it needs
to be taken into account in developing the next steps, such as analyses to un-
derstand the causes and effects of victimization. The causes could be different
for relationships in which only the female partner is victimized, only, the male
partner, or both. The same applies to research on the effects of victimization. 31
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 19-36
MURRAY A. STRAUS
Conclusions
Identifying the DCT of each case in an intervention or research should be one
of the default initial steps in research to understand the process which result
in victimization and in interventions to help victims. The results presented in
this article, as well as many other studies indicate that identifying the DCTs
will reveal that in half or more of intra-family victimizations, both the present-
ing victim and also the presenting perpetrator need help. An early example, is
the study of parents who were victims of repeated and severe aggression by
the child (Patterson, 1982; Patterson, 1995; Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992;
Reid, Patterson, & Snyder, 2002; Snyder & Patterson, 1987). The presenting
victims were the parents, but dyadic analysis revealed that the parents tended to 33
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MURRAY A. STRAUS
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36
article
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.02 | P. 37-81
T
he Evolution of International Victimology
and its Current Status in the World Today
La evolución de la Victimología Internacional y su situación
actual en el mundo de hoy
John P. J. Dussich
California State University, Fresno
abstract
Over the last seventy eight years, the creation of the victimology concepts, the growth
of victims’ rights laws, the expansion of victim assistance programs, the deepening and
spreading of victim focused education and training, and the sophistication of victimo-
logical research has created a dynamic synergy that has changed the way victims are
treated in a large proportion of the nations, rallying around the principles of the UN
Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power.
Victimology today is the product of dynamic cultural changes. The evolution of vic-
timology is immersed in traditional roots, which involved beliefs, values, languages,
laws, research, organizations, events, institutions, and, above all, pioneers, as the main
influences that formed the early concepts of the victim, the new discipline of vic-
timology, the dynamic movement of victims’ rights, and the innovative practices of
victim assistance. All these parts matured into the victimology we have today.Victimol-
ogy continues to be the sustaining resource for the full implementation of the all the
victim related United Nations’ instruments, victims’ rights laws, and victim assistance
programs. One day soon there will be an UN instrument that will address prevention,
rights and remedies to restore all victims.
resumen
Durante los últimos setenta ocho años, la creación de los conceptos victimológica, el
crecimiento de las leyes de los derechos de las víctimas, la expansión de los programas
de asistencia a las víctimas, la profundización y difusión de educación y la entre-
namiento enfocada a la víctima, y la sofisticación de la investigación centrado a la
victimología que ha creado una dinámica sinérgica que ha cambiado la forma en que
las víctimas son tratadas en una gran proporción de las Naciones Unidas en torno a
la Declaración de Principios Fundamentales de Justicia para las Víctimas de Delitos 37
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
Introduction
Victimology today is the product of approximately 78 years of dynamic cultural
change. The challenge with this manuscript is to identify those cultural roots,
which involved beliefs, values, languages, norms, rules, organizations, institu-
tions, and pioneers as the main influences that formed the early concepts of the
victim, the new discipline of victimology, the dynamic movement of victims’
rights, and the innovative practices of victim assistance that evolved into the
mature victimology we have today.
Belief systems that become organized into religions gave rise to the early ideas
of sacrifice and directly influenced our modern concepts of victim. One of the
earliest mentioned examples of what can be considered the «first crime victim»
was in the Old Testament with the killing of Able by his brother Cain (Man-
zanera, 2003 p. 5; Bible, Genesis 4:4-12; Dussich, 2008). Although, over the ages
the crime of murder has been associated with the expression «The Mark of
Cain,» no such similar recognition for victims, as the «Mark of Able,» has been
used. The ironic notoriety of Cain and the virtual shunning of Able represent
the reality of how victims have been mostly ignored throughout biblical and le-
gal history through the process of social labeling (van Dijk, 2006). Many of the
various perceptions of how victims are treated today can be found in the early
Hebrew and Christian Testaments: as an innocent victim (qua sacrificial offer-
ing to God from the perspective at the time of those writings) and with Able
38 murdered by Cain (as one intentionally injured from the perspective of con-
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
temporary writings) (Bible, Genesis 4:4-12); victim blaming in Job (Bible, Job
2:11); expression of compassion by John for the mother of Jesus (Bible, John,
19: 26-27); for compensation to raped women (Bible, Deuteronomy, 22:28-29);
to pay for an injured person’s loss through restitution (Bible, Exodus 22: 1 & 7);
the helping hand with love and kindness of the good Samaritan (Bible, Luke
10:25-37); and, even using restorative practices (Bible, Luke 19:1-10). In sum
there are many religious references about persons intentionally injured or killed
(either as an offering to God or as a wrong doing for personal benefit). These
references were and still are significant influences to those cultures which have
used these references as normative guidelines which have become laws in many
different societies throughout the world.
It is important to also mention that in Islamic societies references to
victims are also found throughout the Koran (Quar‘an). Islamic law (Shari’a),
is practiced differently in various countries. One country, Saudi Arabia, is an
example where Islamic law is widespread. A basic premise with Shari’a is that
it considers conflicts as actions against individuals and not against the state.
This condition makes the legal system more victim oriented. Many crimes
are dealt with through personal arbitration and may never be reported to the
police. Even with serious crimes such as murder, the Quar’an allows and en-
courages retaliation and compensation (restitution) outside the legal system
without formal participation of the courts. Since it encourages the victim to
forgive the offender in conjunction with restitution (diyya) it has the effect of
removing and animosity between the victim and offender. These diyya prac-
tices are strictly controlled by rules. In those instances where the offender is
not know, payment (compensation) to the victim will be made by the state
treasury (Reichel, 2002).
Predating most ancient written law was the law of retaliation, referred
to as lex talionis. Thus those injured were expected to take revenge against the
aggressor. In some primitive cultures retaliation could be avoided if the offender
would return the property stolen or compensation was made to the injured par-
ty. One of the oldest written laws is considered to be the Codes of Hammurabi
of ancient Babylonia from 1728 – 1686 BC which allowed certain categories of
victims to receive compensation either paid by certain offenders or by the state
(Painado, 1982). Much later in 450 BC the early codification of Roman Law
called the Twelve Tables required compensation for victims as a way to prevent
private retaliation against the offender (Margadant, 1965). The principles of
these laws were carried into the Middle Ages referred to as the Golden Age of
the victims with the use of composition (compensation) seen in the Germanic
common laws (Schafer, 1970). The Positive School of Criminology supported
the idea of compensation (Lombroso, 1876; Garófalo, 1885; Ferri, 1892). 39
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
In large part our values are based on religious beliefs. Values are another im-
portant element of culture and involve judgments of what is good or bad
and desirable or undesirable. Those values that promote social order by de-
fending the group’s interests rather than private interests are rewarded by
the group. A culture’s values shape its mores and formal norms ultimately
becoming written laws (Broom and Selznick, 1958). When beliefs teach that
injuring innocent persons is not in the best interests of the group, then prac-
tices are developed to protect those who are vulnerable and help those who
are harmed. When these practices are accepted and societies are structured to
support these responses so that they are orderly and long lasting, institutions
are formed. The wishes of the society are carried out by such institutions as:
families, schools, religions, governments, businesses, etc. The earliest responses
to conflicts were retaliatory and hence institutions that formally responded
to conflicts emerged and were considered to be appropriate and necessary
for the protection of society but not to the victim Beccaria, 1764; Mon-
dolfo, 1960; Beloof, 1999). When a person or persons were injured or killed,
the value of life was violated and those involved took on different roles: of-
fenders, victims, witnesses, mediators and by-standers. The behaviors of these
roles were determined by the institutions in concert with society’s rules and
laws. As governments emerged to fulfill their perceived needs, different laws
evolved accommodated those needs. Over time, the role of victims changed
from sacrificial, to retaliatory, to retributive, to administrative, and now in
some nations increasingly to restorative.
The earliest meanings of the word victim in the Hebrew (korban), Muslim
(udhiya) and Christian (victim) texts rather than someone who suffered at
the hands of an offender was instead someone intended as a sacrifice «hu-
man, divine, animal, or inanimate» (Viano, 1976). The first use of the English
word «victim» in 1497 was taken from the Latin word «victima» as applied to
living beings killed as religious sacrifices (Drapkin, 1980; Oxford Dictionary,
1983 as cited in Wemmers, 2009). The Latin word «victima» was also used to
mean a sacrifice and was applied to the innocent Jesus in the seminal text-
book Institutio Christianae religionis for the Protestant faith in 1536 written
in Latin, by the French theologian John Calvin. This became the foundation
of the Protestant religion and was Calvin’s magnum opus for the Protestant
Reformation and influenced most of the European countries throughout the
40 middle sixteenth century. It was soon translated into French, Italian, English,
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
German, Greek, Dutch, and others (Wikipedia, 2015). It seems that the first
time the word «victim» appeared in English to mean a human person was in
1736 «as an honorary name for Jesus Christ, the Crucified, in a translation
of the New Testament. Christ was called the expiatory victim: the person who
through his victimhood redeemed mankind» (van Dijk, 2008, p. 17). After its
early appearance in Latin, the word victima appeared in Old European with
víh, wéoh, wíg; in Old High German with wíh, wíhi; in Old Norse with vé; in
Gothic with weihs; and, in Sanskrit with vinak ti (Webster’s, 1971: Dussich,
2006a); Today the work for victim in these European modern languages still
retains the original meaning of offering, as in Dutch slachtoffer; in German
Opfer (Wemmers, 2009); in Norwegian and Danish offer; and in Swedish offret
Although these words contain the meaning of offering, today they no longer
refer only to sacrifices; they refer to all types of persons who suffer – includ-
ing crime victims.
Literature, as another important disseminator of culture, contains
many of the seeds that mentioned the words and concepts of victims as
sacrifices especially in Roman and Greek tragedies, and later as sufferers of
diseases, crime, exploitation, mental illness and circumstances in such well
known works by Shakespeare especially in Hamlet, Othello, King Lear and
Macbeth (Barnet et al., 1998); Daniel Defoe, in his book A Journal of the Plague
Year where he recounts experiences of being a victim of the plague; Kahlil
Gibran (1923 in The Prophet with his often quoted phrase «Yea, the guilty
is oftentimes the victim of the injured;» Franz Werfel (1922) on the theme
of victim blaming in his book Nicht der Mörder: de Ermordete ist schuldig (Not
the murderer; the murdered one is guilty); Thomas de Quincey ( ) with his
On Murder Considered as One of the Fine Arts, and his preoccupation of the
theme in many of his works on a murder or violation of a female victim;
the Marquis de Sade preoccupied with 18th century perverse libertine ex-
ploitation of women and the poor (Bloch 1901); and Aldous Huxley (1932)
who wrote about mental illness and victims and introduced the notion of a
«victim-friend» in his book The Brave New World; and, Miguel de Cervantes
as a victim of circumstances from his two periods of imprisonment reflected
in his metaphorical novel Don Quixote mimicking his own struggles with the
illusions of power and grandeur.
The evolution of the concept of victim, to the word victim, to many
related words, to the writing of articles and books, to seminars and symposia on
victimology, to an international movement, to multiple victimology theories, to
extensive victim centered research, to laws and to practices to enhance victims’
rights have changed the way modern societies understand victims and respond
to them. Fewer people suffer and the human condition has been improved.
However, the challenge continues. 41
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JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
ination fueled his motives (Šeparović, 1985). His focus on the breadth of victi-
mology eventually expanded beyond specific injuries and damages from crime
to include the study of all forms of injury and damage: disasters, accidents, wars,
discrimination and other events which cause injury. This broader perspective
he called «general victimology» (Rock, 1994, p. xvii). These innovations were
realized over the next seven and a half decades. By virtue of the magnitude of
Mendelsohn’s vision, the extensiveness of his writings and the enormous en-
ergy he expended in promoting his ideas for this new discipline, he has truly
earned the title, «Father of Victimology.»
To this list of first generation victimology pioneers, I would like to add:
Hans J. Schneider (hosted the Third International Symposium on Victimol-
ogy in 1979, where he launched the World Society of Victimology in which
he served as its founding and first president from 1979 to 1985, and authored
the first German language textbook on victimology 1975), Willem H. Nagel
(was one of the first in the Netherlands to conduct research about victims and
introduced victimology to his country with the publishing of an article Victi-
mology in the Journal of Criminal Justice in 1959), and Henri Ellenberger (one
of the pioneers in psychiatry to study and write about victimology in Canada
especially the psychological dynamics between offender and victim where he
discussed his concept of «victimogenesis» the vulnerability of persons whose
risk of becoming a victim was significant with certain persons (1954).
All of the above first-generation pioneers made significant early contri-
butions in the face of very limited prior information about victimology (sparse
research, mostly no books or articles, and few conferences) and added their
creativity and insights to the furtherance of victimology. In addition they each
participated in discussions with other like-minded scholars, suggested innova-
tive theorems, developed new research ideas and ways to ultimately improve
the status of victims, suggested improved methods of research, proposed how
help victims recover, offered ways to prevent their re-victimization and ways
to prevent vulnerable persons from being victimized in the first instance. The
vehicles they used to disseminate these ideas were mainly through personal
contacts among colleagues and students, publications, teachings and the hosting
of conferences focused on victim issues. They served as the first resource base, a
human fountain-head, from which most of the seminal information about the
new science of victims grew.
The field of victimology would not have evolved further had it not
been for the second generation of pioneers, those who were the students and
progeny of the above pioneers. These were a larger number of scholars and
practitioners who had direct contact with the first generation of pioneers and
kept the momentum of the movement going and helped implement many
of Mendelsohn’s recommendations. These pioneers, by virtue of the volume 43
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JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
The comings together of mostly scholars and practitioners who had similar
interests that they wanted to talk about were indeed special events. These were
unique opportunities where they could share their thoughts about the para-
digms within victimology, seek support for their intellectual risks and where
they could come away with some satisfaction they had achieved a modicum
of success with their investments of time and energy. These events allowed the
participants to speak and hypothesize without the burden of explaining ele-
mentary concepts and thus were able to dwell at the upper echelons of interac-
tions about these new victimological topics. These gatherings provided special
parsimony of discourse that facilitated access to new insights and emphasized
compatibilities and stimulated future directions. From these meetings emerged
a fermentation which launched a kind of victimology fervor that was infective
for both theorists and practitioners. Not only was it tremendously interesting
from a scientific point of view, it was also compelling from a humanistic per-
spective. One might even say there was a sense of heightened morality, perhaps
nobility or a calling that attracted many neophytes to this new field. These
sentiments created a synergy among the participants who attended these victi-
44 mology events. Some events focused on theory; some on research, some on law,
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
some on practice and some events even tried to address all of these topics at
once, like the international symposia which are still held triennially.
The aftermath of two World Wars, the holocaust, the subsequent es-
tablishment of the United Nations in 1945 and the creation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, touched the conscience of the world com-
munity to the extent of resolving that all mankind should be free from fear. For
criminologists this sentiment broadened so as to include concern not just for
rights of criminals but also for potential and actual victims (Redo, 2012, p. 56).
Within the development of criminology, the concern for victims’ rights came
much later than the concern for offenders’ rights. Unfortunately for victimol-
ogists, there has always been a pervasive «blind-spot» for the topic of victims in
many unexpected places. In the USA, the first edition of the America’s premier
law dictionary, the word «victim» did not appear (Black, 1891); in one of the
earliest textbook on criminology by Edwin Sutherland, although the first two
editions had a small chapter on victims of crime, in all subsequent editions it
was permanently removed (Sutherland, 1924), in the Encyclopedia of Sociology
– 1974, and even the US Department of Justice admitted that up to that time
(1981) the public and the criminal justice system focused mostly on offenders
and that little mention had been made to victims (Rock, 1994, p. xvii). In well
know references dealing with the law and crime in the UK like Harrap’s Dictio-
nary of Law and Society – 1979, Penguin Dictionary of Sociology – 1988, the Oxford
University Press’ A Concise Dictionary of Law - 1990, the A Blackwell Dictionary
of Twentieth-Century Social Thought – 1993, and The Social Science Encyclopedia –
1989, not a single reference had the word victim in them (Rock, 1994, p. xvii).
Of course there were some rare exceptions and today that is much less the
case. However, other non-English speaking counties also have experienced the
formal neglect of concern for victims in their legislative process (de la Cuesta,
Vidosa & Jorge Mesas, 1998). Yet, even at the United Nations, in spite of the
significant emergence of the field of victimology in the 20th Century, the neg-
ligence of concern for victims has lagged well behind the concern for criminal
offenders even within their activities, instruments and literature to this day
(Redo, 2012, p. 57).Yet it was the persistence of the pioneers to meet and talk
that has moved our discipline forward.
Many precursors to the formal fora of today were the individual uni-
versity lectures, separate local sessions, national meetings within larger events
on broader topics. Thus, victimology was discussed at criminology events from
time to time. Slowly the concepts and terms about victims, their relationship to
criminals and the criminal justice system, and they became part of the broader
criminological dialectic.
It appears that the first conference on victimology was organized for
the Dutch-Flemish Society of Criminology in 1958 by Professor Paul Cornil of 45
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JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
Brussels. The four notable keynote speakers were: Professor Willen Nagel from
Leiden; Professor Willy Callewaert from Ghent; and Professor Willem Noach
from Utrecht. Several papers from this event were subsequently published in the
Revue de droit penal et de criminologie in 1959 (Wemmers, 2009).
Perhaps the first national symposium to be held in Japan on the topic
of victimology was titled The Problems of Victimology, and held at the Tokyo
Medical and Dental University, November 14, 1959. This event was organized
by Professor Dr. Shufu Yoshimasu, Faculty of Medicine, and Professor Dr.Tane-
motsu Furuhata, President of the Japanese Academy of Criminology. Proceed-
ings were published in the Japanese Journal of Legal Medicine and Criminology
Tokyo, Vol 25, No. 6/ 1959. The keynote speakers were: Professor Tanemotsu
Furuhata; Associate Professor Osamu Nakata; Dr. K. Hirose; Chief of Crime
Prevention Section, Tokyo Police T. Onojima and Professor Shufu Yoshimasu
(Mendelsohn, 1976; Fujimoto, 1982).
Clearly the most significant and impactful event in the field of victimolo-
gy was the First Symposium on Victimology held in Jerusalem in 1973 organized
by Israel Drapkin. As a reference to its criminological parentage, it is important
to note that it was at the Sixth International Congress in Madrid of 1970 that
the idea for this first victimology symposium was proposed (Marchiori, 2001).
This gathering of victimology pioneers supported and stimulated each other,
provided new solutions for the problems being addressed. This unique forum
dramatically moved the body of new ideas forward with the publishing of the
one-plus-five volume proceedings coedited by Israel Drapkin and Emilio Viano.
Two year after the First Symposium in Israel a most unique gathering of
about fifty scholars (attended mostly by «First and Second Generation Pioneers»
and practitioners) organized by Emilio Viano called the International Study In-
stitute on Victimology and funded by the Scientific Affairs Committee of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US National Science Foundation.
It was held in the small isolated lake-side village of Bellagio, Italy from July 1
to 12 in 1977. After twelve days of intense and constructive discussions about
this new discipline, mostly which emanated from the first symposium and its six
volume proceedings, conducted between individuals, in small gatherings (some
indoor and some outdoor), plenary sessions, and single lectures at all times of
the day and evenings and during all the meals, new friendships and lifelong
collaborations were formed and greatly enhanced the synergy and exchange
of ideas over the next forty years. Under the gentle leadership of Emilio Viano,
this small group of participants were given an incredible opportunity to meet,
talk and bond into a working consensus based community joining together in
a true gemeinschaft team pulling together to help shape the future challenges in
this new arena. Since then it has been fondly referred to by its participants as
46 the «Bellagio Family.»
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
Theory
when giving evidence should be received with greater caution than those of
minor boys of the same age; 5.The depositions of girls under 16 years should be
taken with still more reserve in questions of assaults against decency; 6. Deposi-
tions of the group of minor girls; 7. Minors with pathological constitutions (as
cited in Rock, 1994 p 4). While these were not meant to serve as theoretical
categories, they rather served as practical ways to deal with rape witnesses and
victims in the preparation of a legal defense, they are instructive to help under-
stand how Mendelsohn started his later work, first with all crime victims, and
later with his extended theory for all types of victims (see below).
Beniamin Mendelsohn (1956) in the very early phase of his work pro-
posed the term «penal couple» which focused on crime victims. He then creat-
ed a scheme for six types of crime victims based on their degree of shared guilt
with the offender which was useful to him as a defense attorney. These were:
«the ‘completely innocent victim,’ (the ‘ideal victim’); the ‘victim with minor
guilt’ (‘victim due to his ignorance’); the ‘victim as guilty as the offender’ (‘vol-
untary victim’); the ‘victim more guilty than the offender’ (‘provoker victim’
and ‘imprudent victim’); the ‘most guilty victim’ and the ‘victim who is guilty
alone’ (‘aggressive victim’); and, the ‘simulating victim’ and the ‘imaginary vic-
tim’.»(Mendelsohn, 1956 as cited in Schafer, 1977 p 36).
Hans von Hentig (1948) proposed a more extensive list of 13 victim
types which focused on biological, psychological and social factors that ren-
dered victims vulnerable, which he called crime-precipitating victims. These
were: the young, the female, the old, the mentally defective, the immigrants, mi-
norities, dull normals, the depressed, the acquisitive, the wanton, the lonesome
and heartbroken, tormentors, and the blocked.
One of the more tentative propositions came from a Spanish crimi-
nologist Luis Jiménz de Asúa who proposed only two classifications of victims:
indifferent and determined (1961). Although simplistic, these propositions were
noted by two significant Argentinian victimologists as worthy of discussion
(Neuman, 1984; Marchiori, 2001). Another early example of a simple categori-
zation among victims was offered by Ezzat Fattah (1967) based on five degrees
of participation: non-participating victim; latent victim; provocative victim; par-
ticipating victim; and false victim.
Thorsten Sellin and Marvin Wolfgang (1964) also made an early contri-
bution to victimological theory with a 5-part victim taxonomy which focused
on situational issues. After some later refinements by Wolfgang, these were: pri-
mary victimizations (personal or individual victims), secondary victimizations
(impersonal target), tertiary victimizations (the public or the administration of
the society as victim), mutual victimizations (victims who are themselves of-
fenders), and «no victimization» (no immediate recognizable victim). 49
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JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
ogy of Mendelsohn. She developed a five category typology which are: the
biophysical victim – who suffer injustices because of physical characteristics,
the natural surrounding victim – who suffers from natural disasters, victims of
environmental interface – who suffer from air, water, noise, and soil pollution,
victims of the social milieu – who suffer from social victimization from polit-
ical, economic and cultural assaults, and, the technological victim – who suffer
from mechanical and cybernetic operations lie computer billing error, car acci-
dents, or wiretap misuse.
Elias Neuman (1984) using a crime victimological perspective pro-
posed a classification of victims that was modern and dynamic. Victims were
divided into four main categories: individuals, families, collectives, and victims
of the society or of the social system.
John Dussich (1985a; 1985b; 1988) also created a theoretical model
linked to the perspectives of Mendelsohn’s General Victimology called the So-
cial Coping Model which was presented at the Fifth International Symposium
on Victimology in 1985 in Zagreb. The seminar research for this model was
completed in 1983 in Hannover, Germany at the Lower-Saxony Criminologi-
cal Research Institute and published in 1985.This model was expanded and re-
named Psycho-Social Coping Model: A Theoretical Model For Understanding
General Victimization and Facilitating Recovery and presented at the American
Society of Criminology’s 58th Annual Meeting, Los Angeles, CA, November
2nd (Dussich, 2006b). This last version is a grand theory to explain all forms of
human victimization. It uses behavioral versus legal concepts and its purpose
is to be explanatory and utilitarian. Its primary concepts are personal resource
management and psycho-social coping strategies. Six taxonomies are organized
into three levels of coping: prior to victimization, during victimization and after
victimization. For each of these three levels two opposing taxonomies address
conditions which can facilitate recovery from victimization; and, which can in-
crease vulnerability to victimization. This theoretical model has been used as the
foundation for research projects in Spain, USA, India, and, Japan; and, it has
been applied to the delivery of victim services to facilitate recovery in a number
of disasters, the after-math of a war and with victims of crimes in a number of
countries (Colombia, China, El Salador, Japan and Bosnia).
Richard Knudten (1992) proposed «A Dynamic Theory of Victimiza-
tion» which is a comprehensive theory that covers the entire area of human
mistreatment. His theory is made up of «forty-four interlinked propositions»
which are categorized into five major areas of victimology: criminal/penal,
political, economic, familial, and medical.
Another list of twelve categories which focused on similar categories
as Mendelsohn’s early victim guilt typology but also added general victimolo- 51
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
gy concepts was offered by Ofer Zur (1994). These are: the ideal victim; vic-
tims like children, those who were targets of random shootings, unexpected
natural disasters, and who were unconscious; adults who were in the wrong
place at the wrong time; persons attacked waking on a dark street; people
who engaged in risky behavior; those who contracted sexually transmitted
diseases from prostitutes, or those who enticed the perpetrator, or were will-
ing to participate in dangerous games; one who provoked the commission of
a crime; an abusive husband killed by his abused wife, those who join cults
who then become brainwashed and harmed; one injured while committing a
crime; a perpetrator killed by another in self-defense or a competent person
who committed suicide; one whose false accusation may have been volitional
or involitional; and, those who made false allegations of assault and delusional
individuals.
While the above theoretical contributions to victimology area not ex-
haustive, they do represent those that are known to this author. In almost each
case, the theoretical content was an extension of previous attempts of prior
contributions. Again the evolutional process can be seen as the theories grow in
breadth and depth. Each one has made a contribution and each has also been
tested in attempts to disprove them. As is usual with the testing of theoretical
model, some parts are made more credible and other less credible. This is as it
should be.
Victimological Research
In its most simple form, research is getting information about something. However,
academia expects more elaboration. Thus, research is also, an orderly method of
gathering, examining, and interpreting information to increase the understanding about
an activity that interests us. So we have moved from the simple 300 item question-
naire used by Beniamin Mendelsohn (1937) to understand the criminal and all
those involved in the crime, including the victim, so as to better prepare him-
self for being a more effective defense attorney some 78 years ago in the small
country of Rumania to the vast international victimization surveys conducted
by a multinational team of social scientists. This effort of advanced victimo-
logical research was started in 1989 and was made up of three leading victi-
mologists: Jan van Dijk, from the Dutch Ministry of Justice, Pat Mayhew, from
the British Home Office, and Martin Killias, from the Lausanne University in
Switzerland (1993). This project became known as the International Crime
Victim Survey (ICVS) and has involved 70 countries with key data collection
from five separate time periods: 1989, 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2004/5 (van Dijk,
52 Kesteren & Smit, 2008).
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
faithfully into practice.» (Joutsen, 1998, p 23). It is interesting that in one of the
most ancient laws from about 2000 BCE, the Code of Hammurabi, citizens of
Babylon had to accept three obligations: an assertion of the power of the state;
protection of the weaker from the stronger; and restoration of equity between the
offender and the victim. Using todays terms, one might observe that the third ob-
ligation of this code contained the basic essence of what we would today call
victims’ rights (Gordon, 1957; Wallace, 1998).
Two documents can be considered as international progenitors to our
modern day victims’ rights: the Magna Carta signed by King John of England
in 1215 to establish the first national constitution to protect citizens from the
abuses of unfair government practices with rights; and, the United Nations’
Universal Declaration of Basic Human Rights, adopted three years after the end
of World War II on December 10, 1948 to never again allow human suffering
from war and genocide. The first sentence of its Preamble states: «Whereas recog-
nition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the
human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.»
Both the UN charter itself, and this Declaration, were conceived as
roadmaps that would lead to all persons being protected by rights. With these
two major documents as foundations against fear, suffering, tyranny and abuses
of power, and for individual rights, the United Nations with the collaboration
of many nations, experts, inter-governmental agencies and non-governmental
organizations, including the World Society of Victimology, began a long process
started on 1 December 1950 with the passage of UN Resolution 415 (V) to
take up the functions of the International Penal and Penitentiary Commission
which five years later initiated the quinquennial congresses on the Preven-
tion of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders and created an Ad Hoc Advi-
sory Committee of Experts, which was later renamed on 21 May 1971 with
ECOSOC resolution 1584 (L), as the Committee on Crime Prevention and
Control (CCPC). At the fourth session of the CCPC in 1976, some members
requested an agenda item on«‘Gilded criminality’: offences and offenders be-
yond the reach of the law» which would focus on «abuses of economic and po-
litical power that victimized large numbers of people.» Subsequently this theme
was further developed in the agendas of the Sixth and Seventh Congresses on
the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders. It was at the Sev-
enth Congress in Milan, Italy that a World Society of Victimology delegation of
about 30 victimologists, led by LeRoy Lamborn and Irvin Waller fresh from the
WSV’s Fifth Symposium (just finished in Zagreb, Croatia the week prior – Au-
gust 18-23) was in attendance. Many of them were able to engage key delegates
of the congress to support the Declaration. Following these discussions, the UN
Secretary General Javier Pèrez de Cuèllar, prepared a draft of the Declaration of
56 Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power which the
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
Seventh Congress submitted to the General Assembly in New York and three
months later it was adopted on 29 November 1985 (United Nations Audiovi-
sual Library of International Law, 2012).
On June 28, 1985, using very similar principles as the Declaration of
Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, the Coun-
cil of Europe’s Committee of Ministers adopted the Recommendation no. R
(85) 11 on the Position of the Victim in the Framework of Criminal Law and
Procedure.This document was «echoed and expanded on in other international
documents of a similar nature» (Groenhuijsen and Letschert, 2012 p. 4). Some
of the early progeny of this «soft law» document are twenty-two countries
from three legal systems (the civil law, common law and Nordic legal families)
that have implemented the Recommendation no. R(85)11: Austria, Belgium,
Cyprus, Denmark, England and Wales, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ire-
land, Italy, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal,
Scotland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland (Zurich) and Turkey (Hoegen & Brienen,
2003).
On 17 July 1998, under the aegis of the United Nations General As-
sembly a special five-week diplomatic conference was formed in Rome. After
extensive discussions the Rome Statute was adopted to create the legal basis
for establishing a permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) conceived
as being responsible for prosecuting «four core international crimes: genocide,
crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression;» it also creat-
ed the Trust Fund for Victims.This fund advocates for the victims of those being
prosecuted by the Court by providing resources for their physical, material or
psychological needs. This treaty came into force on July 1, 2002 (International
Criminal Court, 2015). The most remarkable feature of this treaty is that it
serves as a worldwide model to prosecute some of the most heinous crimes’
since the end of World War II which heretofore were outside the limits of
most national legal jurisdictions. Another attractive feature is that the ICC has
procedures which are acceptable to both common law and civil law systems.
For victimologists the most attractive characteristic is found in its Article 68 –
Protection of the victims and witnesses and their participation in the proceedings; which
«offers a more universal model of how the legal system can respect legitimate
victims’ rights without prejudice to a fair trial for the accused» (Groenhuijsen
and Letschert, 2012 p.11).
Today there are bold manifestations of the United Nations victims’
rights’ Declaration of Basic Principals of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse
of Power and other related instruments, victimology organizations at the inter-
national and national levels, multiple victimology research institutes in different
countries, a half a dozen journals that focus on victim issues, literally thousands
of laws supporting victims’ rights the earth over, most large cities in the world 57
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
JOHN P. J. DUSSICH
providing victim services. Out of 196 nations in the world, 175 offer victim
compensation, victimology courses are being taught in universities around the
world and it is estimated that approximately 400 books have been published
related to victimology in many different languages. It is not an exaggeration to
say that as a discipline victimology has arrived; while still in its youth, it contin-
ues to grow in many dimensions recognizing the needs of an expanding range
of victims in a complex world. With regard to the legal evolution of the role
of the victim in the criminal process, «It probably represents the single greatest
‘revolution’ in criminal procedure in twenty years» (Beloof, 1999, p. xxv).
In spite of the many victims’ rights that have been created, of
special concern in many countries is the lack of enforceable rights. The
problem of enforcement is not unique. In Europe in 2000, Hoegen and Brienen
had found that not one of the 22 European countries they studied fully imple-
mented the victims’ rights contained in the Recommendation (85) 11 of the
Council of Europe (2000). A major problem with victims’ rights today is that in
most places they are not being enforced (Sullivan, 1998; Beloof, 1999). That is,
there are no sanctions if authorities fail to respect victims’ rights and no rewards
if the authorities comply with victims’ rights.
While the international rights documents mentioned above have pri-
marily focused broadly on crime and abuse of power victims’ rights, the many
other specific victims’ rights documents are not mentioned here. Some are for:
child victims; victims of terrorism; victims of domestic violence; victims of
human trafficking; victims of human rights violations; identity theft victims;
traffic accident victims; cruise ship victims; torture victims; etc. Each type of
these victims’ rights documents, is either already in existence, is currently be-
ing developed, or is being considered. Eventually, they all seem to evolve in
similar ways as have been shown above with documents which cover multiple
type victims. They developed with specific causal threads of activities which
included collaborative efforts with: enthusiastic activists, committed organiza-
tions, devoted lawyers, and dedicated researchers. These efforts have been fused
into a synergy of action ultimately leading to refined victims’ rights instruments
which attempt to serve the needs of all victims throughout international society.
In the following years after the First Symposium on Victimology, many aca-
demicians, activists and legal reformers unleashed an information explosion of
groundbreaking proportions with innovative applications and pioneering laws
to help insure support for programs serving a broad base of victims’ needs. From
58 the near vacuum of earlier information, books, articles, dissertations, official
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
Justice, 2004) in South Korea (Kyun-min, 2014) and Australia (Finestone, 1996).
Another form of reparation is restitution, usually defined as money, materials
or services given to the victim by the offender to help defray the cost of the
injury he/she caused. In some cases it can be informal - initiated between
victim and offender without the involvement of the criminal justice system;
or formal - when the judge uses it as part of the criminal sentence. Two major
problems with restitution in most jurisdictions are: most offenders have inade-
quate funds and almost no private property; and, weak enforcement to monitor
these restitution orders by the courts. Another option for the victim is to use
the civil courts. In civil court the victim makes the key decisions rather than
the prosecutor; the elements of proof are easier to achieve (the preponderance
of the evidence) rather than those found in a criminal trial (beyond a reasonable
doubt); and, the settlement amounts are usually much larger. Another option for
some victims is insurance which is paid by private insurance companies. How-
ever, the dilemma is that most criminal don’t have private insurance. Usually
a victim who has insurance is easily paid as long as a formal report has been
made to the police. Although the claim amounts are fixed, they are usually more
than with restitution, but less than those resulting from civil settlements. With
these four opportunities for some method of reparation, the victim’s financial
needs can be addressed. Another victim service challenge has to do with the
structural rigidity of the criminal justice system in making decisions about how
to manage the conflicts that are not criminal in nature but are also brought to
the criminal justice system to solve. Some of this rigidity has to do with main-
taining the authority of the state and little to do with finding humane solutions
for victims (Vidosa, 2000).Thus, a significant part of the challenge of delivering
adequate victim services includes the willingness to change outdated attitudes
and practices.
One of the more recent responses to crime victimization requiring
change is the use of mediation within the context of restorative justice. While
restorative justice proponents tout this new model of dealing with conflicts as
a process that includes both victim and offender equally, in reality most restor-
ative justice programs help the offender more and the victim less. However, in
spite of this unequal treatment, taking a more comprehensive restoration into
consideration rather than only traditional justice or individual recovery, can be
a major improvement over how victims are treated in most of the assistance
programs today. With restorative justice the principle idea is to heal the victim,
the offender and the community so that things are put as «right as possible» to a
satisfactory state (Zehr, 2002 p.37).The key tool in restorative justice that offers
a way to resolve the conflict between victim and offender is mediation (Vidosa,
2003). It is the most widely used method within the restorative justice approach
60 referred to as victim-offender mediation. One of the most important appli-
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
campaign to convert the Declaration to a Convention within the next three years;
7. encourage researchers to focus on victim intervention techniques which are
now essentially being taken for granted; and, 8. pass laws that require all police
officers, prosecutors and judges to have a basic victimology course as it applies to
their profession in their training prior to becoming licensed. Considering what
has been done thus far, it seems reasonable that these goals are within the reach
of the 21st Century.
Victimology continues to be the sustaining resource for the full im-
plementation of the all the victim related United Nations’ instruments victims’
rights laws and victim assistance programs. With the science of victims nour-
ishing our brave hope for the future we can dream that one day soon there
will be a UN convention on behalf of all types of victims. That it will address
prevention, rights and remedies to restore all those who suffer needlessly.Victi-
mology, after all, is not an end unto itself; it is a means to changing how society
can reduce the unnecessary pain and suffering of future generations. The world
still has hundreds of thousands of persons who are victimized, who are placed in
bondage, who suffer pointlessly and who need to recover from their pain. More
must be done.Victimology can show the way.
«Those who do not move, do not notice their chains.»
Rosa Luxemberg
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
Appendix
Hans von Hentig, published his criminology book, The Criminal and his
Victim with the last chapter (XII) devoted to «The Contributions of the
Victim to the Genesis of Crime.»
1953 Margery Fry brought a victim compensation scheme before the How-
ard League of Penal Reform which was not accepted.
1955 First UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Of-
fenders - Geneva, Switzerland August 22 - September 3.
1956 Margery Fry announced on the British Broadcasting House radio her
compensation scheme.
1957 Margery Fry published an article, «Justice for Victims» on victim com-
pensation in the London newspaper The Observer.
1958 Beniamin Mendelsohn published his expanded explanation of victi-
mology «La Victimologie» in the French journal Revue Francaise de Psy-
chanalyse.
Marvin Wolfgang conducted his major study on homicide victims from
whence his term «victim precipitation» emerged.
1959 The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the
Rights of the Child on November 20. This marked the first major in-
ternational consensus on the fundamental principles of children’s rights.
1960 Second UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of
Offenders - London, England August 8 - 19.
Stephen Schafer published the first book on the subject of restitution
titled Restitution to the Victim. He also includes significant information
on compensation.
1961 One of the first victimology texts in Argentina is published by Spanish
criminologist Luis Jiménez de Asúa titled: Victimología in Estudios de
derecho penal y criminología, which contained a simplistic but contro-
versial legal categorization of victims.
1963 New Zealand passed the 1st victim compensation law in the world
which went into effect on January 1 of 1964.
1965 Third UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of
Offenders - Stockholm, Sweden August 9 – 18
Koichi Miyazawa publishes the first Japanese textbook on victimology
titled Basic Theory of Victimology which was a product of his doctoral
dissertation.
Kan-Mei Chang introduces victimology to Taiwan with his article
72 «The Contributions of Victimology» after studying in Japan at the To-
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The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
1992 Rape in America: A Report to the Nation,’ clarifies the scope and devastat-
ing effect of rape in the United States, including the fact that 683,000
women are raped annually.
The Korean Association of Victimology is established by Kun-Sik Min
which subsequently established the Korean Journal of Victimology in that
same year.
The Indian Society of Victimology is founded to advocate the cause of
victims of crime in India.
1994 The Eight International Symposium on Victimology was held in Ad-
elaide, Australia and organized by Christopher Sumner August 21-26
with the support of the Australian Institute of Criminology .
The American Correctional Association Victims Committee publishes
the landmark Report and Recommendations on Victims of Juvenile Crime,
which offers guidelines for improving victims’ rights and services when
the offender is a juvenile.
President Clinton signs a comprehensive package of federal victims’
rights legislation as part of the Violent Crime Control and Law En-
forcement Act. The Act includes: Violence Against Women Act, which
authorizes more than $1 billion in funding for programs to combat
violence against women.
1995 Ninth UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Of-
fenders, Conference Title: «Crime» - Cairo, Egypt April 28 - May 5.
The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action is approved in Sep-
tember at the Fourth World Conference on Women.
The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission was created
in July under the «Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation
Act» and began its discussions in December. The final report was pre-
sented in December of 1998 (Leman-Langlois, 2000, p.150).
The first class graduates from the US National Victim Assistance Acade-
my in Washington, D.C. Supported by the Office for Victims of Crime,
the university-based Academy provides an academically credited 45-
hour curriculum on victimology, victims’ rights, and other topics.
1996 Federal Victims’ Rights Constitutional Amendments are introduced
in both houses of Congress with bipartisan support. Both presidential
candidates and the Attorney General endorse the concept of a Victims’
Rights Constitutional Amendment.
OVC launches a number of international crime victim initiatives in-
78 cluding working to foster worldwide implementation of a United Na-
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 37-81
The Evolution of International Victimology and its Current Status in the World Today
Sources: Adapted and modified from material compiled by the National Vic-
tim Center with the support and assistance of the Department of Justice Office
for Victims of Crime; Victims’ Assistance Legal Organization, Inc. (VALOR);
the many national, state and local victim service providers who offered docu-
mentation of their key victims’ rights landmark activities; from Harvey Wallace,
Victimology.1998, Allyn & Bacon; and, John Dussich, 2006a; Compilation of In-
ternational Victims’ Rights Instruments Third (Revised) Edition Marc Groen-
huijsen and Rianne Letchert (Eds.) INTERVICT Wolf Legal Publishers, 2012.
81
artículo
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.03 | P. 83-96
D
e ser víctimas a dejar de serlo:
un largo proceso
How to stop being a victim: A long process
Enrique Echeburúa
enrique.echeburua@ehu.es
Facultad de Psicología. Universidad del País Vasco. UPV/EHU
resumen
La violencia interpersonal constituye un grave problema de salud pública en la mayor
parte de los países del mundo. En la pasada década ha habido un aumento consi-
derable en la atención que se ha prestado a las víctimas de delitos violentos entre
los profesionales sanitarios y de la justicia. Aunque la atención se ha centrado en los
programas de prevención y de asistencia, quedan muchos ámbitos por desarrollar. No
todas las víctimas expuestas a la violencia interpersonal sufren consecuencias nega-
tivas o problemas psicológicos; la gravedad del impacto emocional depende de una
variedad de factores. No hay un «síndrome» de victimización o un conjunto especí-
fico de síntomas que caracteriza a todas las víctimas. Asimismo los niños victimizados
constituyen un grupo heterogéneo que muestra una diversidad de respuestas físicas,
conductuales, cognitivas y emocionales. Las diferencias individuales en la vulnerabi-
lidad y resiliencia de las personas son responsables de la severidad de la victimización.
Entre las respuestas de afrontamiento utilizadas por las víctimas figuran los senti-
mientos de venganza, el perdón y el olvido. Se hacen algunas sugerencias para superar
el rol de víctima. Estas ideas pueden ser de interés para organizar mejor la asistencia
a las víctimas de delitos violentos.
palabras clave
Víctimas de delitos violentos; síndrome de vcitimización; vulnerabilidad; resiliencia;
superación de la victimización.
abstract
Interpersonal violence is considered a major public health problem in most coun-
tries of the world. The past decade has seen a phenomenal increase in attention paid
to victims of violent crimes among health care and criminal justice professionals.
While this focus has spurred the development of prevention and treatment programs,
much work remains to be done. Not all victims exposed to interpersonal violence 83
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ENRIQUE ECHEBURÚA | MARÍA SOLEDAD CRUZ-SÁEZ
key words
Victims of violent crimes; syndrome of victimization; vulnerability; resilience; over-
come the victimization.
«Algo quedó muerto en mí. Perdí la sonrisa para siempre. Después perdí las lágrimas.
Y le voy a decir una cosa: se puede vivir sin sonreír, pero no se puede vivir sin llorar»
(Mujer alemana de 84 años agredida sexualmente cuando era una adolescente
por soldados americanos al final de la II Guerra Mundial).
Introducción
La sociedad ha experimentado una mayor atracción por los delincuentes que
por las víctimas, es decir, por el lado oscuro del espejo. Por ello, la victimología,
ya desde sus comienzos (en los años 40 del siglo pasado), se ha esforzado por
convertirse en una imagen especular de la criminología, pretendiendo completar
el punto de vista hegemónico de esta última e introduciendo una segunda mirada
sobre los procesos de violencia entre los seres humanos (Baca, 2010; Tamarit,
2013).
En una sociedad de bienestar económico las víctimas son incómodas
para la gente porque recuerdan la fragilidad del ser humano y exponen con
toda su crudeza la falta de límites de la crueldad humana. La normalidad de la
vida cotidiana de una persona puede verse rota de modo abrupto y sin sentido
alguno. Las víctimas han sido desatendidas porque la fascinación por el agresor y
la atracción morbosa por la violencia son una cortina de humo que ha ocultado
a la víctima (Echeburúa y Redondo, 2010).
La comunidad debe ser solidaria con las víctimas. La organización social
actual constituye una sociedad de riesgos, donde prima la libertad sobre la segu-
ridad. Esta situación tiene ventajas, pero también implica más riesgos. Por ello,
84 el conjunto social tiene una obligación de asumir una solidaridad activa con las
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De ser víctimas a dejar de serlo: un largo proceso
Concepto de víctima
La víctima de un delito violento es un ser humano que sufre un malestar emo-
cional a causa del daño intencionado provocado por otro ser humano. En esta
definición hay dos componentes: el hecho violento en sí (agresión sexual, vio-
lencia contra la pareja, acoso, acto terrorista, tortura, entre otros) y el daño psi-
cológico sufrido por la víctima, que se experimenta de forma inmediata (lesión
psíquica) o que puede incluso cronificarse (secuelas emocionales) (Echeburúa,
2004; Pereda, 2013a). 85
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ENRIQUE ECHEBURÚA | MARÍA SOLEDAD CRUZ-SÁEZ
gráficas, gracias a las cuales puede recuperarse y mirar hacia adelante. En caso
contrario, el trauma puede cronificarse con una estructura coriácea que resulta
muy resistente al tratamiento: en estos casos las víctimas solo hablan para abo-
minar de su suerte, se lamen el dolor y la herida supura por todas partes. Si esto
ocurre, la herida se ha cerrado en falso, sin que haya cicatrizado adecuadamente.
No es lo mismo ser víctima que hacerse la víctima (instalarse en el victi-
mismo). En este último caso el ser víctima pasa de una categoría adjetiva a ser
una categoría sustantiva. Sentirse víctima es un estado de ánimo muy tóxico. De
hecho, hay víctimas que son víctimas (y que aspiran a dejar de serlo), víctimas
que quieren ser más que víctimas (en función de la instalación en el victimis-
mo) y víctimas que no son víctimas (en función, por ejemplo, de un trastorno
histriónico de la personalidad, de la distorsión subjetiva de un abuso sexual
ocurrido supuestamente tiempo atrás o de la utilización torticera de la victimi-
zación, como ocurre, por ejemplo, en los casos de simulación del maltrato). A su
vez, los agresores pueden ser también víctimas. Es lo que sucede en el caso de
los niños soldados o de los excombatientes que padecen un trastorno de estrés
postraumático (Baca, 2010).
Conviene, por último, distinguir entre las víctimas (que sufren por el
daño psicológico causado a ellas o a sus seres queridos) y los beneficiarios de ayu-
das (que es un concepto administrativo más restrictivo y limitado exclusivamen-
te a ciertos tipos de víctimas vinculadas directamente con la persona fallecida).
Victimización en la infancia
Los menores, al encontrarse en una situación de dependencia respecto a los
adultos, al ser menos conscientes de los riesgos, al contar con menos estrategias
de afrontamiento e incluso al haber una cierta tolerancia social respecto a la
violencia contra la infancia, constituyen un grupo de edad muy vulnerable para
la victimización. Las formas de violencia pueden variar según la edad y etapa
del desarrollo. Es más, en muchas ocasiones los menores no son conscientes de
la victimización sufrida (Pereda, Guilera y Abad, 2014).
Muchos niños pueden ser víctimas de múltiples formas de victimiza-
ción (polivictimización), lo que conlleva mayores y más graves repercusiones
psicológicas. Es decir, sufrir una victimización en la infancia vuelve a los meno-
res más vulnerables para experimentar otras victimizaciones y, por ello, les pone
en riesgo de experimentar trastornos mentales en el futuro (Finkelhor, Shattuk,
Turner, Ormrod y Hamby, 2011).
Un fenómeno reciente, que afecta más a los adolescentes entre 12 y 18
años, es la victimización juvenil on-line, especialmente el ciberacoso y las solici- 87
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El deseo de venganza consiste en forzar a quien haya hecho algo malo a sufrir
el mismo dolor que él infligió y a asegurarse de que esa persona o grupo no
volverá a cometer daños otra vez. Los actos de venganza pueden incluso causar
placer a quien los efectúa, debido al sentimiento de rencor hacia la persona
agredida (Castilla del Pino, 2001).
Toda víctima, por el mero hecho de serlo, puede sentir un intenso deseo
de venganza que no puede evitar. De cuantas leyes se han descrito en la historia
de la psicología, la del talión es quizá la que está más profundamente inscrita en
la naturaleza humana.
No se debe a una víctima impedir expresar su deseo de venganza por-
que las leyes no modifican ni anulan las emociones. Los sentimientos de ven-
ganza son tan psicológicamente necesarios como socialmente inadmisibles. La
venganza está excluida de nuestra civilización, pero no está excluida de nuestros
corazones. Sin embargo, no hay sociedad posible sin la dolorosa renuncia a ese
profundo impulso (Baca, 2006).
En la venganza es fundamental, además del recuerdo del daño, la per-
88 cepción de humillación: la víctima se siente, más que dañada, humillada, con una
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De ser víctimas a dejar de serlo: un largo proceso
El olvido activo
vida no puede ser nunca igual que la de antes) o lesiva e incluso destructiva
para el sujeto que ha sufrido el suceso traumático (Bomyea, Risbrough y Lang,
2012).
Por ello, hay que combatir ciertos sentimientos irracionales en las
víctimas, como la construcción del enemigo, vinculada a las actitudes de revancha,
o la perpetuación como víctimas. El estatus de víctima no se debe convertir en
algo que confiere una identidad sustantiva a la persona. El enquistamiento de
una persona como víctima supone un pesado lastre que debilita y estanca a la
persona en el ayer doloroso, manteniéndola esclava del miedo, del rencor y de
los sentimientos de venganza. Sobre la base de este estatus adquirido la víctima
aspirará a convertirse en un agente social con prerrogativas derivadas del he-
cho de la victimización: se buscará un culpable y se aspirará a una reparación
total imposible, lo que lleva a una situación de insatisfacción permanente
(Baca, 2003b).
La actitud saludable de una víctima es modular emocionalmente el re-
cuerdo, no enterrarlo. Para que exista un buen olvido, debe haber una buena
memoria. Solo así un pasado traumático puede convertirse en un pasado histórico.
El objetivo fundamental es aprender a corregir la mirada para centrarnos en los
recuerdos positivos. Una cosa es recordar y otra bien distinta es vivir en el ren-
cor de la amargura (Echeburúa, 2014).
Conclusiones
Los delitos violentos quiebran la sensación de seguridad del ser humano. Lo
que deteriora el bienestar emocional de la víctima es el carácter intencional
del daño sufrido. Ante un accidente o una desgracia de la naturaleza cabe más
fácilmente la resignación, pero esta no es posible (o lo es de manera mucho más
incompleta) cuando la víctima atribuye su dolor a un acto violento consciente
de otro ser humano.
La victimización ha obligado a la víctima a una etapa de deconstrucción
forzada: lo que antes le servía a la víctima para vivir ya no le sirve para continuar
adelante. El objetivo es pasar a la siguiente fase: fase de reconstrucción de nuevos
objetivos personales.
Las víctimas no pueden, ni deben, olvidar el pasado, pero tampoco pue-
den quedar atrapadas en el túnel del tiempo. El recuerdo no puede ser un
fantasma obsesivo ni un arma arrojadiza vengativa. Hay que transformar el su-
frimiento insufrible en un dolor tolerable sin cerrar las heridas en falso. De lo que
se trata, en definitiva, es de que las víctimas comiencen de nuevo a vivir y no
meramente se resignen a sobrevivir. Siempre hay que mirar hacia el futuro. Es,
por ello, erróneo hablar de supervivientes (Echeburúa, 2004). 93
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Referencias
Baca, E. (2003a). La actitud ante la víctima: reacciones personales, sociales y pro-
fesionales. En E. Baca y M.L. Cabanas (Eds.), Las víctimas de la violencia
(pp. 239-273). Madrid: Triacastela.
Baca, E. (2003b). La construcción del enemigo. En E. Baca y M.L. Cabanas
(Eds.), Las víctimas de la violencia (pp. 13-28). Madrid: Triacastela.
Baca, E. (2006). Los procesos de desvictimización y sus condicionantes y obstá-
culos. En E. Baca, E. Echeburúa y J.M. Tamarit (Eds.), Manual de Victi-
mología (pp. 253-283).Valencia: Tirant Lo Blanch.
Baca, E., Echeburúa, E. y Tamarit, J.M. (Eds.) (2006). Manual de Victimología Va-
lencia: Tirant Lo Blanch.
Baca, E. (2010). Presencia y apariencia de la víctima. En J.M. Tamarit (Ed.), Víc-
timas olvidadas (pp. 23-41).Valencia: Tirant Lo Blanch.
Beristáin, A. (2004). Las víctimas y el perdón: hacia la superación del trauma. En
E. Echeburúa, Superar un trauma. El tratamiento de las víctimas de sucesos
violentos (pp. 191-199). Madrid: Pirámide.
Bomyea, J., Risbrough, V. y Lang, A.J. (2012). A consideration of select pre-
trauma factors as key vulnerabilities in PTSD. Clinical Psychology Review,
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Bonanno, G.A. (2005). Resilience in the face of potential trauma. Current Direc-
tions in Psychological Science, 14, 135-138.
Calhoun, L.G. y Tedeschi, R.G. (Eds.) (2006). Handbook of posttraumatic growth:
Research and practice. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Castilla del Pino, C. (2001). Teoría de los sentimientos, Barcelona: Tusquets.
Cerezo, A.I. (2010). El protagonismo de las víctimas en la elaboración de las leyes pe-
nales. Valencia: Tirant Lo Blanch.
Echeburúa, E. (2004). Superar un trauma. El tratamiento de las víctimas de sucesos
violentos. Madrid: Pirámide.
Echeburúa, E. (2013). El valor psicológico del perdón en las víctimas y en los
ofensores. Cuaderno del Instituto Vasco de Criminología, 27, 65-72.
Echeburúa, E. (2014). Modulación emocional de la memoria: de las vivencias
traumáticas a los recuerdos biográficos. Cuaderno del Instituto Vasco de
Criminología, 28, 169-176.
Echeburúa, E. y Corral, P. (2009). ¿Por qué las víctimas no reaccionan de la mis-
ma manera ante un mismo suceso traumático? Factores de protección
94 y factores de vulnerabilidad. En A. Medina, M.J. Moreno, R. Lillo y J.A.
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96
artículo
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.04 | P. 97-131
F
ondos de Ayuda o Reparación para
víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
Funds for Relief and to Provide Redress for
Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power
resumen
El siguiente artículo es un enfoque descriptivo con respecto algunos fondos de ayuda
o reparación para víctimas que consideramos representativos ya sea de delitos o de
abuso de poder y violaciones de Derechos Humanos. Presenta la importancia de
que los operadores que trabajan con víctimas tengan en cuenta los Estándares como
guía para el diseño, implementación y evaluación de la política pública en el tema.
Establece, además, los principios de calidad que deben regir al Fondo. Ofrece una ti-
pología basada en el alcance u órgano operador de los fondos. A modo de ejemplo, se
analizan fondos innovadores dentro de la tipología ofrecida, detallando los estándares
que los guían, sus beneficiarios, procedimiento, mecanismos de asistencia o repara-
ción y formas de vinculación; finalmente se ofrece además un cuadro que ayudará
a académicos y tomadores de decisiones a dimensionar rápidamente la diversidad y
alcance de los fondos.
palabras clave
Asistencia Victimal, Reparación, Derecho Victimal,Victimología, Fondos y Fideico-
misos,Víctimas de delito,Víctimas de abuso de poder, Estándares.
abstract
This paper presents a descriptive overview regarding some meaningful Funds for relief
and to provide redress for victims, whether of crime or abuse of power and human
rights violations. It presents the importance of standards to guide the design, imple-
mentation and evaluation of the Funds’ policies. It also establishes the quality principles
that should govern the Funds. It provides a typology based on the scope and operator
body of the Funds. As an example, innovative funds are analyzed, detailing the stan-
dards that guide them, their beneficiaries, procedure, and mechanisms for assistance or
reparation and types of cooperation; and finally a table is provided, to aid scholars and
decision makers make a quick analysis of the diversity and scope of the funds.
key words
Victims Assistance, Reparation, Victimal Law, Victimology, Funds and Trust funds,
Crime Victims, Abuse of Power Victims. Standards.
97
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MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
Introducción
Para analizar el tema relativo a Fondos de ayuda o Reparación para Víctimas
de delitos y del abuso de poder debemos remitirnos forzosamente a recordar la
Declaración sobre los principios fundamentales de justicia para las víctimas de delitos y
del abuso de poder (A/RES/40/34, 1985), aprobada por la Asamblea General de
las Naciones Unidas en noviembre de 1985, que éste año cumple 30 años de
haberse emitido.
Ésta constituye la base de derecho indicativo o Soft law (estándar) para el
tema y marca la hoja de ruta para el diseño, implementación y vigilancia
de las políticas públicas que desarrollen los gobiernos la comunidad interna-
cional aplicando los principios internacionales relacionados con el tratamiento
de las víctimas que garanticen el desarrollo de la justicia y la asistencia a las
víctimas del delito y a las víctimas del abuso de poder.
Los fondos de ayuda o reparación a los que dedicaremos este artículo
son mecanismos para administrar los activos dirigidos a la ayuda o
reparación del daño de las víctimas del delito o del abuso del poder,
individual y colectivo, a través de diversas herramientas financieras.
Estos fondos deben tomar para su diseño, implementación y evaluación los
contenidos de la Declaración como su punto de partida.
Cuando el tomador de decisiones decide desarrollar el tema, lo primero
que necesita es fijar claramente el alcance del sujeto de protección, defi-
niendo lo que entiende por víctimas de delitos y de abuso de poder, concepto
contenido en la Declaración, que es utilizado como punto de referencia en
casi todos los documentos relativos a los fondos de ayuda y reparación para las
víctimas del mundo, cuando se establecen en sus documentos los requisitos de
elegibilidad.
Por ello, recordemos la definición deVíctima contenida en la misma (1985):
. Se entenderá por «víctimas» las personas que, individual o colectivamente,
1
hayan sufrido daños, inclusive lesiones físicas o mentales, sufrimiento emocional,
pérdida financiera o menoscabo sustancial de los derechos fundamentales, como
consecuencia de acciones u omisiones que violen la legislación penal vigente en los
Estados Miembros, incluida la que proscribe el abuso de poder.
. Podrá considerarse «víctima» a una persona, con arreglo a la presente Declara-
2
ción, independientemente de que se identifique, aprehenda, enjuicie o condene al
perpetrador e independientemente de la relación familiar entre el perpetrador y la
víctima. En la expresión «víctima» se incluye además, en su caso, a los familiares
o personas a cargo que tengan relación inmediata con la víctima directa y a las
personas que hayan sufrido daños al intervenir para asistir a la víctima en peligro
98 o para prevenir la victimización.
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Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
Principios
En el tema relacionado con los activos que van dirigidos a víctimas de delitos
y del abuso de poder resulta importante contar con principios que guíen a
los tomadores de decisiones y a los redactores de los mismos para que tomen
en cuenta los criterios y principios derivados de los estándares internacionales
(Lima, 2006).
La Ley General de Víctimas de México (2011) establece en su artículo
5° varios principios, algunos de ellos aplicables a este tema. Los retomamos y
proponemos otros para considerarlos al redactar los documentos que dispongan
el destino de los activos y las modalidades que se vayan a crear dirigidas a las
víctimas de delitos y del abuso de poder.
A. Principio de dignidad. La dignidad humana es un valor, principio y
derecho fundamental base y condición de todos los demás. Implica la
comprensión de la persona como titular y sujeto de derechos y a no ser
objeto de violencia o arbitrariedades por parte de las autoridades del Fon-
do o de los particulares. En virtud de la dignidad humana de la víctima,
todos los actores del proceso están obligados en todo momento a respetar
su autonomía y a considerarla y tratarla como fin de su actuación, garan- 99
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MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
Tipología
A. Estándar
B. Del Fondo
Dado que las secuelas físicas y psicológicas que sufren las víctimas de la tortura
pueden ser devastadoras y perdurar en las víctimas durante mucho tiempo, afec-
tando igualmente a sus familiares, el 16 de diciembre de 1981 la Asamblea General
estableció en la resolución 36/151 el Fondo de Contribuciones Voluntarias de las
Naciones Unidas para la Víctimas de la Tortura (A/RES/36/151, 1981), con el fin
de que pudiera recibir contribuciones voluntarias para distribuirlas por los caus-
104 es establecido de asistencia, en forma de ayuda humanitaria, legal y financiera a
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
Para poder ser elegidos y recibir una subvención los solicitantes deben ser (Fon-
do de Contribuciones Voluntarias de las Naciones Unidas para las Víctimas de la
Tortura. Directrices para las Organizaciones Solicitantes y los Beneficiarios de
Subvenciones, 2013):
• Entidades no gubernamentales, como organizaciones de la sociedad civil
• Centros de rehabilitación especializados 105
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MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
E. Procedimiento
F. Mecanismos de asistencia
G. Mecanismos de vinculación
H. Innovación
Para evaluar el resultado del trabajo realizado por las organizaciones civiles que
operan las subvenciones, resultan novedosos y útiles los diez estudios de casos
que los operadores de los fondos deben presentar como parte de los mecanis-
mos de evaluación establecidos por los lineamientos de operación de dicho
Fondo, así se determina que se deberá presentar:
• La historia de la víctima (incluidas las fechas, los lugares, el contexto en
el que la ésta sufrió tortura y por quién; así como información sobre las
secuelas físicas y psicológicas que padece)
• La fecha y forma en que la víctima entró en contacto con la organización
• El tipo de asistencia prestada o que prestará la organización con la sub-
vención del Fondo (incluidos pormenores sobre el número, el tipo y la
frecuencia de consultas)
• Los resultados que se prevé obtener o que ya se han obtenido gracias a
la asistencia prestada con la subvención
• La asistencia que se prestará a la víctima en el futuro
• El desglose de los gastos incurridos de dos estudios de casos de los diez
que presentan
Igualmente es innovador que en aras de un mejor entendimiento y evalua-
ción del trabajo hecho y planeado, así como del manejo de la subvención, el hecho
de que los miembros del Consejo, la Secretaría del Fondo o cualquier otro miembro
del personal de las Naciones Unidas puedan visitar el lugar donde se ejecutan los
proyectos y reunirse con el personal de las organizaciones que apliquen los mismos,
así como a las víctimas de la tortura o miembros de sus familias que recibe asistencia
con la subvención del Fondo. Las organizaciones tienen la obligación de facilitar
la visita, organizar reuniones y propiciar el acceso a los documentos financieros y
administrativos durante la misma a la persona que realiza dicha evaluación.
Se les pide, por ejemplo, que describan los tipos de asistencia prestados
a las víctimas, metodología de la terapia, los métodos utilizados para monitorear
108 y evaluar los resultados, así como el procedimiento por el que se pone fin a la
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
A. Estándar
B. Del Fondo
Con el ánimo de tener recursos y mecanismos para dar acceso a la justicia a las
presuntas víctimas de violaciones graves a derechos humanos es que en junio de
2008 la XXXVIII Asamblea General de la OEA, reunida en Medellín aprobó la
resolución 2426 sobre la creación de un Fondo de Asistencia Legal del Sistema
Interamericano de Derechos Humanos con el objetivo de:
« [..] facilitar el acceso al sistema interamericano de derechos humanos a aque-
llas personas que actualmente no tienen recursos necesarios para llevar su caso
al sistema». Asimismo, dicha resolución estableció que dicho Fondo entrará en
vigencia una vez el Consejo Permanente de la OEA apruebe su reglamento.»
(AG/RES/2426, 2008)
En esta resolución se estableció que dicho Fondo estaría compuesto
por dos cuentas separadas, una para la Comisión Interamericana y otra para la
Corte Interamericana y se alimentaría de contribuciones voluntarias. En cada
una de ellas se depositarían los aportes que se realizaren a favor de cada uno de
los organismos del Sistema. Cuando no se determinase el destino del aporte, se
entenderá que el 50% es para cada una de las instituciones.
Asimismo, se estableció que la aprobación de la ayuda legal sería deter-
minada por la Comisión y por la Corte, de acuerdo a los reglamentos que cada
órgano expidiese para este fin.
El 11 de noviembre de 2009 el pleno del Consejo Permanente de la
110 OEA aprobó el Reglamento para el Funcionamiento del Fondo de Asistencia
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Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
E. Innovación
A. Del Fondo
C. Procedimiento
D. Mecanismos de asistencia
A. Del Fondo
C. Procedimiento
D. Mecanismos de asistencia
A. El primero, cuando hay que darles a las víctimas resarcimiento por parte
de los delincuentes o terceros responsables de su conducta equitativa-
mente, y si procede, a las víctimas, sus familiares o las personas a su cargo.
Ese resarcimiento comprende la devolución de los bienes o el pago por
los daños o pérdidas sufridos, el reembolso de los gastos realizados como
consecuencia de la victimización, la prestación de servicios y la resti-
tución de derechos. Cuando funcionarios públicos u otros agentes que
actúen a título oficial o cuasi oficial hayan violado la legislación penal
nacional, las víctimas serán resarcidas por el Estado cuyos funcionarios
o agentes hayan sido responsables de los daños causados. En los casos en
que ya no exista el gobierno bajo cuya autoridad se produjo la acción u
omisión victimizadora, el Estado o gobierno sucesor deberá proveer ese
resarcimiento de las víctimas.
B. El segundo escenario es relativo a la indemnización cuando no sea su-
ficiente el resarcimiento procedente del delincuente o de otras fuentes;
los Estados entonces procurarán indemnizar financieramente preferen-
temente a:
• A las víctimas de delitos que hayan sufrido importantes lesiones
corporales o menoscabo de su salud física o mental como con-
secuencia de delitos graves
• Y a familiares de las víctimas, en particular a las personas a car-
go de las mismas que hayan muerto o hayan quedado física o
mentalmente incapacitadas como consecuencia de la victimiza-
ción. Es en este caso, cuando la Declaración recomienda que se
fomenten el establecimiento, el reforzamiento y la ampliación
de fondos nacionales para indemnizar a las víctimas, sugiriendo
se establezcan otros fondos con ese propósito, incluidos los casos
en los que el Estado de nacionalidad de la víctima no esté en
condiciones de indemnizarla por el daño sufrido.
C. Y el tercer escenario el relativo a la asistencia. Así establece que las víc-
timas recibirán la asistencia material, médica, psicológica y social que
sea necesaria por conducto de los medios gubernamentales, voluntarios,
comunitarios y autóctonos. Debiendo informarse a las víctimas de tal
disponibilidad de servicios sanitarios y sociales y demás asistencia per-
tinente, y facilitado su acceso a ellos. Proporcionará además servicios
y asistencia a las víctimas, prestándoles atención según sus necesidades
especiales por la índole de los daños sufridos o debido a los factores
mencionados en la declaración.
Será interesante en otro estudio realizar un análisis desde el Derecho
Comparado que nos permita valorar empíricamente fondos de diversas latitu- 115
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
des a fin de contrastarlos y explorar su eficacia y éxito respecto del fin funda-
mental que persiguen que es el de dar acceso a la justicia a las víctimas de delitos
y del abuso de poder.
Vamos a analizar un fondo, pionero en su clase, que fue elegido por
haber sido establecido en México en 1996 antes de que las Naciones Unidas
aprobara la Declaración sobre los principios fundamentales de justicia para las
víctimas de delitos y del abuso de poder (1985) y que como podremos observar
tiene conceptos, alcance y fines realmente excepcionales para la época en la que
fue aprobado.
A. Del Fondo
C. Mecanismos de asistencia
D. Procedimiento
E. Mecanismos de vinculación
F. Innovación
Esta Ley permitió ver a las víctimas desde otra perspectiva, como sujetos de
derechos, con posibilidades de tener por primera vez instancias gubernamen-
tales creadas de manera expresa para atenderlas. Tenía, desde esta ley, el acceso a
un servicio público otorgado por el Estado. Con esto el Estado complementa
su política criminal además de dar un trato más humano y justo a las víctimas.
En el momento que se aprobó el estándar de la ONU, varios expertos
mexicanos la pusimos de ejemplo, teniendo así trascendencia internacional.
Esta ley nos ofreció una nueva forma de hacer las cosas, aportando res-
puesta inmediata para las víctimas con necesidades urgentes y que están en el
abandono y brindando servicios de atención obligatorios: médico, laboral, edu-
cativo y asistencial, que antes no se proporcionaban y creando el Fondo Público
para el pago de indemnizaciones con mecanismos innovadores para recabar
recursos que se destinen al mismo. Esta Ley por sus novedades marca el primer
antecedente pionero en México de lo que llamé en 1992 el «Derecho Victimal».
1 Por ser este un análisis complejo solo se han mencionado algunos datos de manera sintética. 119
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
121
122
n
Fecha de Mecanismos de Administración e integración
Fondo Objetivo Beneficiarios
creación asistencia y reparación del Fondo
El Fondo Fidu- Se estableció el 9 Hacer frente a las necesidades Atención inmediata y urgente. Obtiene recursos mediante contri- Víctimas de crímenes individuales, co-
ciario para las de septiembre de más apremiantes de las vícti- Asistencia. Rehabilitación buciones voluntarias efectuadas por munitarias o masivas que caen dentro
Víctimas (FFV) 2002 por resolución mas, cuyos delitos compren- física y psicológica. Apoyo gobiernos, organizaciones internacio- de la competencia de la Corte Penal
MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
de la Corte Penal ICC-ASP/1/Res.6 didos en la jurisdicción de material. Intervención pri- nales, particulares, el producto de las Internacional
Internacional de la Asamblea de los la Corte Penal Internacional maria. Refugios. Programas multas o decomisos cuyo importe la Víctimas a quienes deben otorgar la repa-
Estados Partes (ICC) educativos. Programas de Corte haya ordenado que se gire al ración emanada de un mandato dictado
reintegración a niños soldados. Fondo Fiduciario, el por la Corte y sus familias
Protección de confidencialidad producto de las indemnizaciones
y seguridad. Reparación del ordenadas por la Corte y los recursos
daño. Restitución. Compensa- financieros, distintos de las cuotas
ción. Rehabilitación. Repara- que la Asamblea de los Estados Partes
ciones simbólica asigne
Fondo de Asis- Se estableció en 2008 Facilitar el acceso al Sistema La ayuda legal será determi- Se nutrirá con aportes de capital Personas que actualmente no tienen
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
tencia Legal del por Resolución de Interamericano de Derechos nada por la Comisión y por voluntarios de Estados miembros de la recursos necesarios para llevar su caso al
Sistema Inte- la Asamblea General Humanos a aquellas personas la Corte, de acuerdo a los OEA, observadores permanentes y de sistema
ramericano de de la Organización que no tienen recursos ne- reglamentos que cada órgano otros que deseen colaborar
Derechos Hu- de Estados Ameri- cesarios para llevar su caso al expida para este fin El Fondo está compuesto por dos
manos canos (OEA) AG/ sistema cuentas separadas, una para la Co-
RES/2426 y por la misión Interamericana y otra para la
Resolución del Con- Corte Interamericana.
sejo Permanente de la En cada una de ellas se depositarán los
OEA CP/RES. 963 aportes que se realicen a favor de cada
de 2009 que aprobó uno de los organismos del sistema.
el Reglamento para Cuando no se determine el destino
el funcionamiento del del aporte se entenderá que el 50% es
Fondo de Asistencia para cada una de las instituciones
Legal del sistema
interamericano de
derechos humanos
l
n
Fecha de Mecanismos de Administración e integración
Fondo Objetivo Beneficiarios
creación asistencia y reparación del Fondo
Fondo de Asis- Se estableció en 2010 Dar acceso a la justicia a las Asesoría legal La Secretaría de la Corte adminis- Presuntas víctimas, testigos o peritos de
tencia Legal del el Reglamento para el presuntas víctimas de abusos Gastos relacionados con la trará el Fondo de Asistencia Legal de violaciones graves de los derechos humanos,
sistema intera- Funcionamiento del de poder sin recursos suficien- comparecencia Víctimas. pertenezcan a un país que haya ratificado
mericano, de la Fondo de Asistencia tes para solventar los gastos Gastos relacionados con la Recibe donaciones a través de la la Convención Interamericana de derechos
Corte Interame- Legal, el cual entró del litigio remisión de documentos Asamblea General de la OEA Humanos o también llamada Pacto de San
ricana en vigor el 1 de junio probatorios José, con carencia de recursos suficientes
de 2010 para solventar los gastos del litigo
Fondo de Asis- Se estableció en 2010 Dar acceso a la justicia a las Asesoría legal Existe un Consejo Directivo del Presuntas víctimas, testigos o peritos con
tencia Legal del el Reglamento de la víctimas de abusos de poder Gastos relacionados con la Fondo de Asistencia Legal de Vícti- la carencia de recursos suficientes para
Sistema intera- Comisión Interameri- sin recursos suficientes para comparecencia mas integrado por un representante sufragar total o parcialmente los gastos
mericano, de la cana de Derechos Hu- solventar los gastos del litigio Gastos relacionados con la de la Comisión Interamericana y un descritos en el artículo 4 del Reglamento
Comisión Intera- manos sobre el Fondo remisión de documentos representante de la Secretaría General
mericana de Asistencia Legal probatorios de la OEA.
para las víctimas en Recibe fondos a través de donativos
relación a la Comisión asignados por la Asamblea General de
Interamericana de la OEA
Derechos Humanos,
que entró en vigor el
1 de marzo de 2011
l
Fondos de Ayuda o Reparación para víctimas de delitos y abuso de poder
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
123
124
n
Fecha de Mecanismos de Administración e integración
Fondo Objetivo Beneficiarios
creación asistencia y reparación del Fondo
Fondo de repara- Se estableció en 1969 Dar respuesta inmediata para Asistencia médica El Fondo se integra por lo recabado Víctimas de delitos que han sufrido daño
ciones para vícti- el Fondo a través de las víctimas de delitos, brin- Asistencia laboral por multas y cauciones que se hagan material como consecuencia de un delito
mas de delitos. Ley sobre Auxilio a las dando servicios de atención Apoyos educativos efectivas, cantidades recabadas por contenido en el Código Penal del Estado
MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
(Edo. De México) Víctimas del Estado desde organismos públicos o Apoyos asistenciales reparación del daño debido directa- de México,
de México (1969) por privados. Auxilios inmediatos mente al Estado, el 5% de la utilidad Víctimas de delitos con sentencia que or-
medio del DECRE- Realizar el pago de reparacio- líquida de todas las industrias y ser- denan el pago de reparaciones del daño y
TO No 126 de la H. nes de daño para las víctimas vicios existentes en los reclusorios que carezcan de recursos propios con que
XLIII Legislatura del que la autoridad determine estatales y por aportaciones diversas subvenir a sus necesidades inmediatas
Estado de México hechas por el Estado o particulares
El Fondo será regulado por el Depar-
tamento de Prevención y Readapta-
ción Social en coordinación con la
Dirección General de Gobernación y
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 97-131
125
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MARÍA DE LA LUZ LIMA
Conclusiones
Es fundamental que los hacedores de políticas públicas en atención a víctimas
conozcan las opciones exitosas que hay para resolver el problema de recursos, ya
que a veces pueden ser miles las personas que deban indemnizar.
Los creadores de los Fondos de ayuda o reparación deben tomar como
punto de partida para su diseño, implementación y evaluación los contenidos
de la Declaración de Principios fundamentales para las víctimas de delitos y del
abuso del poder.
Es necesario que en la normatividad de los fondos se determine cla-
ramente el alcance del sujeto de protección, definiendo qué se entiende por
víctimas de delitos y de abuso de poder, concepto contenido en la Declaración
en comento, así como los requisitos de elegibilidad.
En el tema relacionado con los activos que van dirigidos a víctimas de de-
litos y del abuso de poder, resulta importante contar con principios que guíen a los
tomadores de decisiones y a los redactores de los mismos, para que tomen en cuenta
los criterios derivados de los estándares internacionales de derechos humanos.
Este estudio se realizó con un enfoque descriptivo, en el que elegimos
algunos fondos que consideramos representativos para aportar una tipología.
Más adelante deben ser estudiados con rigor otros fonos de otras latitudes para
contrastarlos desde el Derecho Comparado a fin de analizar sus objetivos, simi-
litudes y alcances con el fin de ubicar las mejores prácticas en el tema.Y quisié-
ramos para terminar mencionar que sin lugar a dudas estos mecanismos fueron
creados con la intención de mejorar el acceso a justicia a las víctimas de delitos
y del abusos de poder, así que merecen una comprobación empírica de la con-
cordancia entre sus objetivos y sus resultados, recabando dificultades prácticas
que se dan al operarlos con la intención de construir un estándar de principios
y reglas mínimas que deban guiarlos.
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131
article
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.05 | P. 133-150
Noemí Pereda
Grup de Recerca en Victimització Infantil i Adolescent (GReVIA)
Institut de Recerca en Cervell, Cognició i Conducta (IR3C)
Universitat de Barcelona
abstract
This study is a review of publications which have presented empirical results on the
psychological outcomes of restorative justice in child victims. Children constitute one
of the most victimised groups in society, and they are also at a heightened risk of secon-
dary victimisation within the legal system. Few studies to date have assessed the possible
benefits of the application of restorative processes to judicial intervention in these cases.
The results presented here show that research in this area is still in its infancy. However,
although caution is in order, the programs carried out so far indicate that children can
benefit greatly from processes of restorative justice and from a philosophy based on its
principles which supports the participation of children and youths in the system.
keywords
Children; restorative justice; victimology; developmental victimology.
resumen
El objetivo del presente estudio ha sido llevar a cabo una revisión de aquellas publi-
caciones que han obtenido resultados empíricos sobre las consecuencias psicológicas
de la justicia restaurativa en menores víctimas. Los niños y niñas son uno de los
colectivos más victimizado de la sociedad, a lo que hay que añadir el alto riesgo de
victimización secundaria que puede darse por parte del sistema judicial. Sin embar-
go escasos trabajos han analizado los beneficios que puede suponer la aplicación de
procesos restaurativos a la intervención judicial con estos casos. Si bien debemos ser
cautos, dado que los resultados obtenidos muestran que la investigación en este ám-
bito debe todavía avanzar mucho, los programas existentes y evaluados hasta el mo-
mento indican que los menores pueden beneficiarse enormemente de los procesos
de justicia restaurativa y de una de una filosofía de trabajo basada en sus principios,
que apoya la participación de menores en el sistema.
palabras clave
Infancia; justicia restaurativa; victimología; victimología del desarrollo. 133
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
NOEMÍ PEREDA
The emphasis, therefore, is on the repair and resolution of the damage caused
(see Daly & Immarigeon, 1998). This is especially positive for child victims in
the welfare system in which the punishment of the perpetrator –in many cases
a person in their immediate environment, for whom they feel affection– does
not relieve the pain of the victimisation but often compounds it because of a fe-
eling of being responsible for the punishment (Fortin, 2009). What is more, the
children most likely to be involved in court proceedings and under the greatest
pressure to make statements are victims of sex crimes and the more severe forms
of abuse. The emotional vulnerability of these children is a reality that is not
always taken into account in traditional justice system (Whitcomb, 1992).
But restorative justice is a new perspective in the judicial system. At this
stage in its development, it requires empirical evidence to show that its inter-
ventions are successful and actually achieve their goal of repairing the damage
caused by crime and preventing future harm, as happens in other disciplines
(McNeece & Thyer, 2004).
There is a significant body of theory in the field of restorative justice
regarding offenders (see Bonta, Jesseman, Rugge, & Cormier, 2006) and espe-
cially in the area of juvenile justice (see Livingstone, Macdonald, & Carr, 2013).
Restorative justice has demonstrated its value; it reduces recidivism and increa-
ses the social reintegration of offenders, minimising the stigma and promoting
the recognition of responsibility towards the victim. However, the literature on
the potential positive effects of restorative justice on victims remains scarce.
Poulson (2003) carried out a review of seven different articles from
four different countries, four of which used VOM programmes and the other
three FGC programmes. The study demonstrated the superiority of the pro-
cess of restorative justice over the system of retributive justice with regard to
victims’ satisfaction and emotional state, and their sense of security, justice and
forgiveness. In turn, the effects on the offender also indicate greater satisfaction
and regret.
The review by Umbreit, Coates and Vos (2004) of 50 mediation pro-
cesses relating to five countries presented similar results. The high level of satis-
faction of victims and victimisers, the impression reported by both parties that
the process had been fair, the agreement on the restitution, the type of sanction
imposed on the offender and the lower rates of recidivism are all results that
support and validate its use.
In the same vein, one of the few meta-analyses in the field of restora-
tive justice (Latimer, Dowden, & Muise, 2005) showed that the 35 restorative
justice programmes reviewed (eight conferencing processes and 27 VOM) were
more effective than the retributive justice system in generating greater victim 135
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
NOEMÍ PEREDA
and offender satisfaction, greater compliance with the agreed restitution, and a
lower rate of recidivism.
In addition to the subjective satisfaction that victims express after these
processes, Angel (2005) showed that the methods of restorative justice in adult
victims are more effective in reducing post-trauma symptoms than the retribu-
tive justice system, at least in victims of robberies and burglaries. In that study,
victims involved in a restorative justice process presented improvements in their
psychological state similar to those obtained with cognitive behavioural therapy,
which today represents the most effective form of psychological intervention
with victims of violence (Foa, Keane, Friedman, & Cohen, 2009).
Similarly, in a review of 36 studies carried out between 1986 and 2005
of the effectiveness of restorative justice in reducing recidivism among offen-
ders and improving recovery among the victims, Sherman & Strang (2007)
reported positive results.They conclude that the evidence from randomised and
non-randomised control trials and from studies of victims’ opinions or views
are consistent in showing a significant reduction in the damage caused.
The results of all these reviews suggest that restorative justice processes
have a positive effect on many of the difficulties experienced by victims (see
also, the book based on qualitative interviews with victims of violent crime by
Van Camp, 2014). However, the idealised vision of restorative justice as the so-
lution to all the problems created by the participation of the victim in legal pro-
ceedings has been challenged by more critical analyses and results, which also
warn of the risks (see Braithwaite 1999, or the more recent reviews by Kenney
& Clairmont, 2009, and Choi, Bazemore, & Gilbert, 2012). In general, child
victims have not received a great deal of attention from theorists in this field.
In view of the relative scarcity of research in this area, in this paper
we aim to conduct a review of previous studies that have published empirical
results on the psychological outcomes of restorative justice in child victims,
regarding the courts and the welfare system. Our analysis will focus on the
restorative interventions that have demonstrated their effectiveness in impro-
ving the emotional state of child victims. The present review aims to provide
guidance for practitioners regarding the possibility of implementing restorative
practices in this age group, above all in the context of the welfare system. We
hope to help to improve current practices in these cases, and to reduce the risk
that the professional care provided to child victims will have adverse outcomes.
This paper is divided into several parts. First it focuses on those studies
that have analysed the effects of restorative justice on child victims.The last part
presents the conclusions regarding this area of study. Social and professional im-
136 plications derived from the article are also discussed in the last section.
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence
ce and receive a penalty, while in many cases that are submitted to the principles
of retributive justice, after numerous court hearings, the victim learns that the
case has been dismissed or the charges against the aggressor have been dropped
for lack of evidence (see Daly, Bouhours, Curtis-Fawley,Weber, & Scholl, 2007).
In Canada, Pennell and Burford (2000) concluded from studies con-
ducted in 32 families with a total of 91 children that restorative conferencing
is effective in reducing domestic violence and in promoting the welfare of its
participants. Both the aggressors (usually the biological parents) and the child
victims expressed their satisfaction with the results at the end of the programme.
Two-thirds of family members stated that the family situation had improved as
a result of the process, and this proportion rose to 85% when the question was
posed specifically to victims and aggressors. While children under the age of 12
were not present during the restorative process, they were also able to air their
views and their desires for the future through letters that were read during the
process, or by appointing a representative to transmit their opinions.These chil-
dren presented significant improvements in their emotional state after the pro-
cess in comparison with a control group (Burford & Pennell, 1998). From their
qualitative findings, Burford, Pennell, and Edwards (2011) have also showed the
benefits of involving families in decision making to develop a plan for presen-
ting in court even when children are removed on an involuntary and emergen-
cy basis. Although considerable effort is required by professionals to collaborate
around the principles of family engagement, the authors defend the benefits of
the restorative justice perspective when working in the child welfare system.
Based on data from the RISE experiments, Gal and Moyal (2011)
compared 36 children and 196 adult victims of various crimes and found that
restorative conferences were significantly more satisfying than courts for both
children and adults. The authors also observed an interaction between confe-
rencing and age group, in that juvenile victims benefited less from conferences
than adults; however, the young victims were mainly harmed by violence, while
the adult victims sub-group was mainly harmed through property crimes.Thus,
the authors concluded that the correlation between the level of psychological
and physical harm caused by different crimes should be explored and that the
satisfaction of both adult and young victims with conferences should be asses-
sed before any conclusions regarding the value of these processes could be re-
ached. They also noted that professionals need specialised training to deal with
child victims and should bear in mind the special needs of this group before
considering restorative processes.
Sheets et al. (2008) collected survey data from families whose child had
been removed by child welfare authorities due to abuse or neglect, using the
Texas online case management system, IMPACT (Information Management
138 Protecting Adults and Children through Technology). The treatment group
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence
consisted of 468 cases having a family conference within the first 180 days of
removal. The control group consisted of 3,598 families having standard prac-
tice or Permanency Planning Team meetings. Findings indicated that both pa-
rents and relatives were more satisfied with conferences than with Permanency
Planning Team meetings, by indicating greater feelings of empowerment, and a
greater sense of what was expected of them among others. In addition, whether
placed in foster or relative care, the children whose families participated in FGC
were less anxious than children from families experiencing traditional services.
The qualitative study of the Kedem family conference programme in
Israel (Shachaf-Friedman & Timor, 2008) involved a small sample of seven vic-
tims including two children. The results exemplify the high degree of satisfac-
tion, the enhancement of feelings of respect, justice and empowerment, and the
sense of control reported by most victims involved in the process of restorative
justice. Despite the positive results, however, the authors stress the need to as-
sess the expectations and interests of victims prior to their participation in the
conferencing programme, since these expectations have an important influence
on the results; the authors conclude that not all victims feel that they have be-
nefited from these processes, and that it is the responsibility of the professionals
to decide who should and who should not participate.
Discussion
In light of the above findings the few studies that have assessed the advisa-
bility of the involvement of children in restorative justice programs (though
usually not as the primary focus of their research) have argued in favour of
their participation. The reports express both high satisfaction with the process
and improvements in the children’s emotional well-being. Other authors have
also defend the use of FGC or family meetings from a theoretical perspective,
although they also admit that more research is needed to fully explore how
effective these programs are in supporting families to make plans that allow
children to be safely cared for by their own families (Evans, 2011). For chil-
dren who have suffered domestic violence, empowerment is probably one of
the main benefits of restorative justice; it allows them to explain what hap-
pened, and the aggressor’s acknowledgement of the offence gives credence to
their account. In fact, perhaps contrary to expectations, child victims of sexual
abuse show the highest level of satisfaction with restorative justice, since the
process can help to break down the victim’s feelings of isolation, guilt, and
stigmatisation (Daly, 2006).
Children are likely to be the main protagonists in restorative justice
processes, since research has shown their high vulnerability to violence at both 139
140
Table 1. Descriptive summary of the studies reviewed.
1 Maxwell et al. New 100 14 of the n.s. Victim’s satisfac- Victims’ reports to FGC Victims felt they were
(2004) Zealand (58 involved victims were tion with their the professionals treated with respect (90%);
in RJ) under 20 participation in the involved in the they felt they had the op-
years old restorative pro- restorative justice portunity to say what they
gram. program. wanted (86%); they had a
chance to explain the effect
of the offending (83%);
their needs were met (71%).
Eighty-one percent felt
better after the conference.
2 Daly (2006); Australia 385 Mean age Sexual offence. Indirect benefits of Files of the cases. C Almost all conferences were
Daly et al. (118 involved of 8.6 – 13 conference versus finalized by an admission
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
(2007) in RJ) years old. court cases for the to a sexual offence (94%);
victims. conference processes were
faster than court (a median
of 2.5 months).
3 Pennell & Bur- Canada 32 families Children Family vio- Protection of child Follow-up inter- FGDM Two thirds (76) of the
ford (2000) involved in were under lence. and adult family views with family interviewees said the family
RJ the age of 18 members and group members was ‘better off ’ because of
(91 children) years. unification of the and reviews of child the conference. The mean
family group. protective services’ number of maltreatment
files for the presence events per family decreased
of indicators of child from 7.28 (SD = 5.40) be-
maltreatment and fore the conference to 3.66
adult abuse. (SD = 4.51) after it.
l
n
Age of the Type of Assessment Restorative
Authors (year) Country N Variables Outcomes
sample victimization instruments justice
4 Gal & Moyal Australia 36 children Under the Property The effect of An ad hoc summat- C Conferences made victims
(2011) involved in age of 18 crimes and conferencing on ed satisfaction scale slightly, and insignificantly,
RJ years. violent crimes. victims’ overall ranging from 0, least less satisfied compared with
satisfaction. satisfied, to 32, most courts (Cohen’s d = –0.28,
satisfied. p = 0.406).
5 Sheets et al. Unites 468 families n.s. n.s. Family satisfaction Survey data on FGDM Both parents and relatives
(2009) States experiencing with the inter- client satisfaction for felt more empowered, F
a removal vention and child parents and relatives, (1,1066)=18.8, p<.001,
and involved well-being. and a telephone had a clearer sense of what
in RJ interview for the was expected of them, F
children’s caregivers (1,1066)=14.3, p<.001 and
(relatives or were better able to identify
foster parents) 3–6 issues in the family plan of
months post service, F (1,1066)=25.4,
conference regarding p<.001 as a result of having
child well-being. participated in a FGDM
conference.
The children whose fami-
lies participated in FGDM
were less anxious than
children from families
experiencing traditional
services, F (1,83)=3.56,
p<.065, though the effect is
marginal.
l
Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
141
142
n
Age of the Type of Assessment Restorative
Authors (year) Country N Variables Outcomes
sample victimization instruments justice
6 Shachaf-Fried- Israel 7 victims who The two n.s. Victims thoughts In-depth telephone FGC Overall, the findings in-
NOEMÍ PEREDA
man & Timor participated children had and feelings about interviews and a dicate that most of the
(2008) in the FGC 14 and 16 the FGC program. semi-structured participants felt satisfaction,
Kedem pro- years old. questionnaire used mutual respect, and a sense
gram in previous studies of just process and out-
(2 children) (Umbreit & Fercelo, comes. In these cases, the
1997). participants reported that
they felt their needs and
expectations had been met.
The same participants also
indicated empowerment,
sense of control, and less
fear prior to the process.
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
the individual (Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, & Hamby, 2009) and the mass le-
vel (Parmar, Roseman, Siegrist, & Sowa, 2010). In turn, the law provides that
children have the right to be heard and that their wishes as victims should be
taken into account; they should choose whether or not to participate in the
judicial process and they also decide the extent of their involvement. Their
interests are the primary concern at all times. However, these rights are not fre-
quently respected in the traditional justice system. Restorative justice emerges
as a new approach that respects these rights and includes a number of strategies
or initiatives that might be expected to alleviate the stress caused by children’s
involvement in the justice system.
Professionals should not forget that children’s participation in the justi-
ce system and their right to testify are provided for by the UN Convention on
the Rights of the Child (CRC)1, which increases their perception of control
and empowerment in a process in which they (especially if they are very young)
are otherwise passive actors (Zehr, 1990). And since the CRC also stipulates
that the authorities are obliged act to safeguard the interests of the child,2 the
principles of restorative justice emerge as an appropriate means to act on these
interests. The same rights-based restorative justice principles have been applied
to the juvenile justice system (Moore & Mitchell, 2009). Furthermore, the right
to be heard and to express views and concerns, the right to effective assistan-
ce and the right to reparation are among the guidelines on justice in matters
involving child victims and witnesses of crime adopted by the UN Economic
and Social Council in its Resolution 2005/20 of 22 July 2005. In the process of
traditional justice, especially in the field of criminal justice, these recommenda-
tions and guidelines may not be appropriately applied. Restorative justice pro-
cedures, on the other hand, uphold these guidelines and respect the rights of the
child and are themselves included in Article 30 (‘Restorative justice measures’)
of the Model Law on Justice in Matters Involving Child Victims and Witnesses
of Crime, passed by UNICEF in Vienna in 2009. So, after an experience of
victimisation, children may actively participate in the court proceedings or at
1 Art. 12.1. ‘States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own
views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the
child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child’.
Art. 12.2. ‘For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be
heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or
through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural
rules of national law’.
2 Art. 3.1. ‘In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social
welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best
interests of the child shall be a primary consideration’. 143
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
NOEMÍ PEREDA
least, decide whether or not they wish to take part. The child’s age and alleged
immaturity, then, should not be a determining factor or a justification for pro-
hibiting their participation in these processes.
At this stage, the results are preliminary and a great deal of research
remains to be done. Clearly, caution is in order. Nevertheless, the programmes
evaluated so far indicate that children can benefit enormously from restorative
justice processes (Daly & Curtis-Fawley, 2006) and from a working philosophy
based on its principles which supports their participation in the system. The
first great strength of restorative justice processes is that they provide more in-
formation to the child, increasing their perception of being in control of the si-
tuation and reducing the risk of psychological problems. In turn, increasing the
child’s participation throughout the process gives them a voice and at the same
time increases their sense of empowerment, self-worth, and self-esteem. The
flexibility and informality of the setting in comparison with the court system
reduces the risk of secondary victimisation, since it reduces the perceived threat,
is easier to comprehend, and is better suited to the child’s needs and capabilities.
Furthermore, the option of meeting the aggressor inside a safe environment,
hearing his or her explanations, apologies, and acceptance of responsibility, is
likely to enhance the victim’s feeling of security; it may help to overcome
feelings of anger and fear and alleviate post-traumatic symptoms. Finally, ex-
pressing one’s reactions to victimisation and the associated pain, being able
to express one’s emotions to people of reference, and receiving their support
reduces feelings of guilt and restores trust in others (Daly, 2006; Gal, 2011). In
cases of domestic violence especially this means that different family members
do not perceive their family ties as being under threat, and that the relationship
between the victim and the victimiser can be rebuilt if desired; indeed, this has
been already demonstrated (Daly & Curtis-Fawley, 2006).
As we noted above, it is mainly due to sexual offences that children
and youths come into contact with the justice system. Nonetheless, restorative
justice has only rarely been applied in these situations, or in those involving
aggression between members of the same family) and, especially from feminist
positions, its principles have been considered unsuitable for offences of this kind
(see Cossins, 2008).The upshot is that children have not benefited from the po-
tential advantages of restorative justice in the areas of crime in which they are
particularly vulnerable. The argument is that sexual and other serious offences
must be treated by the court system so that the grave violation of social norms
can be resolved by a judge; however, the truth is that very few crimes of this
type actually reach the courts and still fewer end with a conviction and effective
punishment (for a review of arguments both for and against the application of
restorative justice for these crimes, see Daly & Stubbs, 2006). Furthermore, in
144 crimes against children, the social requirement of sentencing and punishment
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Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence
is not usually shared by their victims, who merely want a fair trial and emo-
tional and material restitution for themselves rather than a punishment for the
offender (Fortin, 2009). Whatever the case, restorative justice processes should
be commensurate to the gravity of the offence; its values are certainly not irre-
concilable with punishment, provided that this punishment is not seen as an
end in itself (Zehr, 1990).
4 Directive 2012/29/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2012
establishing minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime,
and replacing Council Framework Decision 2001/220/JHA. 145
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 133-150
NOEMÍ PEREDA
that children’s rights must be respected during the whole process and that prac-
titioners need to take into account children’s ability to form their own views
and their right to be heard in criminal proceedings. Consequently, individual
assessments by trained practitioners should be carried out to identify children’s
vulnerabilities and capacities to participate in a restorative justice process.
It is not always necessary for the child to be physically present in the
restorative process. The child may prefer decisions regarding the offender to
be taken by a neutral adult as a disinterested party, and then to be informed of
what happened (Lawrence, 2003). However, it is extremely important to listen
closely to the story of the child in his or her own words, even if there are adults
present who can explain what happened more clearly or in greater detail; it has
been shown that providing this story is crucial to reducing feelings of guilt (Gal,
2011). Though the classical legal setting is intimidating for child victims who
have to make statements (Morgan & Zedner, 1992), the link they establish with
the professionals and the trust they build up can reduce its traumatic impact,
and in fact giving testimony has not been associated with an increased level of
psychological distress in these children (Berliner & Conte, 1995). The impor-
tant thing is to listen to what the child wants and to give them the chance to
make decisions, so that they can begin to feel a certain degree of control in a
situation which may well appear overwhelming. Following Braithwaite (2002),
we should ensure that restorative justice gives victims the opportunity to talk,
that what they say is listened to properly, and that they can understand what is
happening.The child must be an active part of the process. Given the scarcity of
studies of the effects of restorative interventions on child victims, one may won-
der, as Dalrymple asks (1997: 235), whether this is just ‘another adult decision
making forum in which children feel as disempowered as they do in reviews or
case conferences?’.The review by Nixon, Burford, Quinn and Edelbaum (2005)
on the involvement of children in FGCs in 17 countries shows that their degree
of participation in these practices is lower than one might wish, referring to the
safety of children, their age or their inability to comprehend the situation. The
authors also note that the decision to participate is not discussed with the child
or the child’s family, but is usually taken by the professionals involved.
To avoid situations of this kind, professionals require experience and
specific training in victimology and child development in order to be able to
detect and manage scenarios that reproduce pre-existing dynamics of submis-
sion or power imbalances. Children are especially vulnerable to pressure from
their figures of reference, and the ability of professionals to control these situa-
tions is absolutely essential to the attainment of satisfactory outcomes. Indeed,
the lack of specialised training among professionals is one of the major threats
146 to the success of restorative justice processes (Kenney & Clairmont, 2009).
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Restorative Justice in Child Victims: A Review of the Empirical Evidence
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artículo
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com
DOI 10.12827/RVJV.1.06 | P. 151-176
resumen
Los diálogos realizados en el presente artículo tienen como propósito impulsar un
abordaje no reduccionista de la violencia de género. Se parte de una crítica sobre
cómo ciertos discursos de género han simplificado este problema social. A conti-
nuación, se subraya la importancia de trabajar bajo un enfoque integral, que priori-
ce estrategias preventivas desde distintos ámbitos, y las potencialidades de la ayuda
profesional para hacer frente a las expectativas y necesidades de las víctimas. En este
contexto, se asume la inclusión de los hombres como elemento clave del proceso
de trasformación hacia la disminución de la violencia. Las conclusiones señalan la
importancia de que los Estados diseñen políticas y programas según los modernos
hallazgos en Victimología.
palabras clave
Violencia de género; atención a las víctimas; masculinidades; prevención del delito.
abstract
The dialogues between Victimology and gender violence developed in this article
are a proposal for a non-reductionist approach to the gender violence issue.We begin
with a review of how some gender discourses have simplified the social problem
of violence towards female partner or former partner. Secondly, we highlight the
key words
Gender violence; victim assistance; masculinities; crime prevention.
Introducción
La Victimología ha desarrollado un papel fundamental en la promoción y pro-
tección de los derechos de las mujeres víctimas de violencia de género. Sus
expectativas y necesidades en sentido económico, social y emocional, puestas
en evidencia por la Victimología (promocional) de los años 80, han favorecido
una serie de modificaciones legislativas y posturas sociales. Al mismo tiempo
que las víctimas conquistan paulatinamente su espacio, ha ido prosperando una
corriente crítica sobre la idoneidad del Derecho penal como instrumento le-
gítimo para su protección. Este turbulento escenario propició un cambio en la
concepción de victimidad, producto de la Victimología (crítica) de los años 90.
En efecto, de una condición vinculada al status jurídico por el reconocimiento
social del daño, se pasaría a una victimindad definida por su potencial manipu-
lativo, hasta el punto de discutirse la existencia de una «industria de víctimas».
(Herrera, 1996; Tamarit, 2006)
Estas tensiones, antes que contraproducentes, han permitido el avance
de los estudios victimológicos. Entre otras cuestiones, han posibilitado que en
la actualidad se entiendan con mayor profundidad las causas y consecuencias de
la violencia de género, en todas sus formas de manifestación y, en particular, en
materia de malos tratos hacia la mujer pareja o ex pareja1. Igualmente, han via-
bilizado que se comprendan las limitaciones del Sistema de Justicia penal para
hacer frente a la misma. El resultado no es otro que el rechazo de los discursos
generalistas y el inicio de programas que consideren los conocimientos propor-
cionados por las investigaciones empíricas.
1 Para una discusión con mayor profundidad sobre la terminología violencia hacia la mujer,
152 violencia de género y violencia intrafamiliar consultar Sordi- Stock (2014).
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
Victimología y violencia de género: diálogos en favor de un abordaje no reduccionista de la violencia
lejos de representar a todas las mujeres de la vida real. Las mujeres reales que llegan
al sistema judicial son un dualismo: agresivas y débiles; desagradables y apreciables,
o sea, no virtuosas o malas (Smart, 1998). Asimismo, enfocar el Derecho penal en la
victimización de las mujeres refuerza la idea de que estas necesitan del hombre para
su emancipación y acaba por generar más dependencia (van Swaaningen, 2011).
Lo que se pretende demostrar aquí es que si bien del pensamiento pro-
victimal se derivan logros institucionales, sociales y legislativos, como «reflujo»,
deja patente una huella crítica fruto de su gradual utilización populista (He-
rrera, 2009). Las mujeres han pasado a ser asistidas en centros especializados y
encuentran abrigo público en casas-refugio (es decir, estaban pendientes de los
servicios del Estado providente), pero nadie les ha garantizado el necesario cam-
bio en las estructuras sociales para que el control de sus vidas sea una realidad
(Herrera, 2009). Aún más, los colectivos de apoyo a las víctimas pasan a ser en-
tendidos como subculturas que activan políticas retributivas –populismo puni-
tivo– y se pone a prueba la creencia de que el Derecho penal es un instrumento
adecuado en la lucha para la emancipación de la mujer (Pratt, 2006; Silvestri,
2006). A las feministas, por ejemplo, se les adjudica el calificativo de «empre-
sarias morales atípicas»2 por desafiar los valores convencionales por medio de
campañas para la penalización de nuevas conductas, como los malos tratos en las
relaciones de pareja o ex pareja (Herrera, 1996, 2006).
El turbulento escenario descrito es denunciado igualmente a través de
investigaciones empíricas. Éstas se han transformado en una importante fuente
de datos, bien sobre la no coincidencia de los intereses de las víctimas y el fun-
cionamiento del Sistema de Justicia penal, bien sobre la fragilidad de la profe-
sionalidad de los operadores para tratar las cuestiones de género (Medina, 2002,
Tamarit, 2005). Ponen de manifiesto que el empoderamiento de las mujeres
suele venir de la ayuda proporcionada por los servicios de asistencia, estructu-
rados en torno a la prestación de apoyo, asesoramiento y soporte de aquéllas
que acuden a los tribunales (órdenes de protección, informaciones sobre el fun-
cionamiento de la justicia penal etc.), independientemente de lo que decida la
Justicia (Douglas, 2012). La Justicia penal pasa a ser vista como un instrumento
para poner fin a la relación abusiva, que, a veces, puede volverse contra la mujer
y ponerla en situaciones de riesgo todavía más graves (Jacobson y Gottman,
1998). Además, cuando sus testimonios no encajan con lo que los policías, jueces
o abogados entienden por víctima (ideal), sus experiencias son menospreciadas
o desconsideradas (Douglas, 2012).
La mirada crítica sobre las alianzas entre Victimologia, Derecho penal y
los postulados feministas insiste en el hecho de que el Derecho penal tradicional
es un aliado poco fiable y debe reconstruirse para poder abarcar las diferentes
necesidades y expectativas de las mujeres. El Derecho debe insertarse en el
abordaje del cuidado, de la cooperación, de la creatividad, de la pluralidad, dón-
de la identidad del sujeto asume un papel central (van Swaaningen, 2011). Para
ello, hace falta superar el pensamiento binario de ayuda a la víctima o al agresor,
con el fin de trabajar a favor de una idea más comunitaria de derechos (Hoyle,
1998; Hudson, 2003).
La Justicia, por tanto, es objeto de una reconceptualización de valores,
procedimientos y sanciones, una vez que se direcciona al «otro en concreto» en
lugar del «otro generalizado». Compatibilizar los intereses de las víctimas y las
consecuencias al agresor, rehabilitación y reparación, forma parte del mismo
propósito. (van Swaaningen, 1989; 2011)
Este proceso de reconstrucción del Derecho ha favorecido que, en la
virada del siglo, se prefieran leyes de carácter integral para el enfrentamiento de
la violencia de género.Vale de ejemplo la Ley Orgánica 1/2004, de Medidas de
Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género, en España. Paralelamente, se
apuesta por estrategias innovadoras, direccionadas a aprovechar mejor el cambio
a largo plazo en las actitudes, normas y prácticas que perpetúan la violencia.
Tanto es así, que el modelo ecológico se ha tornado uno de los más in-
fluyentes para describir el conjunto de esfuerzos en el combate a la violencia de
género. En sentido amplio, se subraya la necesidad de analizar la interacción entre
los individuos y los contextos donde la violencia se produce, actuando sobre dis-
tintos sistemas - micro, meso, macro y exosistema3 (Tolman y Edleson, 2011). El
3 Se estimulan, por ejemplo, trabajos desde el entorno inmediato de los sujetos, como familia
y escuela, pues facilitan el desarrollo de habilidades para afrontar las situaciones estresantes de
forma positiva (microsistema).Al tiempo, se hace fundamental promocionar las redes sociales del
sujeto que dan soporte a situaciones que sobrepasen los recursos personales de los individuos
(mesosistema). Desde una perspectiva más amplia, la organización del medio en el que vive
el individuo, como sistema económico, político, medios de comunicación etc. (exosistema),
requiere la utilización de nuevas tecnologías y estrategias en contra de la normalización de la
violencia. Aquí se destaca con mayor énfasis la coordinación entre el sistema de policía y de
justicia para la persecución de los casos de violencia. La estructura social y cultural, o sea, el
sistema de actitudes y creencias en orden social e institucional (macrosistema) por su vez exige
un trabajo de cambios de actitudes y alternativas; sea para permitir la resolución de conflictos de
156 forma positiva sea para abolir estereotipos descalificadores. (Tolman y Edleson, 2011)
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
Victimología y violencia de género: diálogos en favor de un abordaje no reduccionista de la violencia
años. Los resultados indican que, apróximadamente, una de cada cinco mujeres ha
sido víctima de violencia física y/o sexual por parte de su pareja (actual o previa).
Sin embargo, solo una de cada tres víctimas ha denunciado el incidente grave más
reciente a la policía o a algún otro tipo de servicio.
No sorprende, pues, que la Organización Mundial de la Salud haya he-
cho hincapié para que la violencia de género sea comprendida como una grave
violación de los derechos humanos y una cuestión de salud pública (OMS 2002;
2003a). Asimismo, destaca que se trata de un «problema polifacético»: con raíces
biológicas, psicológicas, sociales y medio medioambientales. Por esto, debe ser
abordada desde múltiples niveles y diferentes sectores. Uno de los últimos estu-
dios rebeló la «omnipresencia y la alta prevalencia de la violencia contra las mu-
jeres en una amplia gama de contextos culturales y geográficos». Por otro lado,
manifestó que, empíricamente, «las mujeres están en mayor riesgo de violencia
por parte de la pareja que de cualquier otro tipo de agresor» (García et al., 2006).
Parte de la comunidad científica, no obstante, insinúa que la secuencia
de los episodios de violencia en la pareja se asemeja a los episodios de violencia
en general. Aquí sobresalen los estudios, no poco polémicos, de Straus (2005,
2009), más conocidos como CTS, en razón del instrumento Conflict Tactics Scales
desarrollado para medir la agresión física en la pareja. Primeramente, reconoce
que la desigualdad de género explica no solo la violencia hacia la mujer, sino
también la violencia perpetrada por las mujeres hacia los hombres. En segun-
do lugar, asume que la violencia en el seno de la pareja tiene múltiples causas,
pero la política social y la práctica clínica tienden a ignorar, o incluso prohibir
explícitamente, la validez de otros factores como problemas con la bebida, la
personalidad antisocial etc. Igualmente, destaca la simetría de género en la per-
petración de la violencia y la asimetría de los resultados. La simetría de género
en la comisión de un acto violento no significa que el resultado (daño) de la
violencia también sea simétrico: la agresión del hombre hacia la mujer provoca
más miedo, más daños psicológicos, agresiones más intensas y probablemente
más muertes. Por último, sostiene que la prioridad en los servicios para las víc-
timas y el control judicial deben continuar dirigiéndose hacia los hombres, ya
que de sus conductas resulta un mayor daño.
En definitiva, Straus (2005, 2009) y otros autores que siguen su línea
de pensamiento (Véase Dutton, 2006; Felson y Lane, 2010; Straus y Medeiros,
2006), defienden que la violencia es una multiplicación de hechos interactivos
y que una solución adecuada requiere abordar el comportamiento de los parti-
cipantes en la secuencia interactiva. Dónde la tasa de violencia masculina es alta,
la tasa femenina también es alta. Así que, considerar el patriarcado como la ex-
plicación para la violencia de género trae consigo una consecuencia clave para
la estrategias de prevención y programas de tratamiento: implica asumir que,
158 por un lado, las mujeres son las únicas agredidas y, por el otro, que los hombres
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
Victimología y violencia de género: diálogos en favor de un abordaje no reduccionista de la violencia
otra parte, el crimen puede constituirse en un recurso del ‘hacer género’; una
práctica mediante la cual hombres y mujeres se diferencian unos de otros (Mes-
serschmidt, 1993). El género no existe solo, sino interrelacionado con el otro y
con las diferencias de clase, etnia, edad etc. El crimen apenas será entendido si
contextualizado en una «construcción relacional»: la identidad de género es un
proceso que está en constante reconstrucción, que se reinventa y se rearticula en
las relaciones micro y macro (Connell, 2005; Messerschmidt, 2005).
El desafío consiste en que no existe un parámetro concreto que de-
termina el comportamiento masculino, incluyéndose el comportamiento cri-
minoso (Messerschmidt, 2005). Existen varias formas de masculinidad que se
establecen culturalmente. Por ejemplo, las masculinidades de los individuos de
clase baja, que enfatizan la agresividad y dureza, y la masculinidades de los indi-
viduos de clase alta, que giran en torno a los temas de ambición, responsabilidad
y empleo profesional (la imagen del burócrata) (Messerschmidt, 1993).
El impacto del ‘hacer género’ en los hombres es escasamente investigado
o explicado desde una visión esencialista, fundamentada en las teorías de los
roles de los sexos (Messerschmidt, 1993). Esto se debe en gran parte al hecho de
que se encuentra muy extendida la idea de que investigar sobre género es sinó-
nimo de estudiar mujeres. Una discusión responsable, en términos de relaciones
de poder, requiere igualmente el estudio del comportamiento de los hombres
y, por tanto, de las diferencias culturales de construcción de las masculinidades.
Entender las diferentes identidades entre hombres violentos y no violentos nos
ofrece una comprensión más detallada sobre las relaciones de género en las
sociedades industrializadas y, por consiguiente, nos permite reflexionar sobre
la posibilidad de cambio del comportamiento masculino en aras a lograr una
sociedad más igualitaria (Messerschmidt, 2005).
El mérito de las teorías de la masculinidad ha sido demostrar la fragi-
lidad de las explicaciones esencialistas sobre el comportamiento violento mas-
culino para contextualizar la construcción del mismo en un escenario múltiple.
Aunque desde el campo empírico se viene demostrando que los hombres co-
meten un mayor número de crímenes, por lo general más violentos, no quiere
decir que todos los hombres sean violentos o que todas las mujeres tengan las
mismas probabilidades de ser víctimas.
¿Perfil de víctima?
Los estudios sobre víctimas vienen poniendo en evidencia que el género junto
con otras variables como la clase social y la etnia, se comporta como fuente de
estigma y de exclusión (Larrauri, 2007; Laurezo, 2008). El resultado es el reem-
160 plazo del discurso oficial sobre un perfil de víctima. Actualmente, se observa
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
Victimología y violencia de género: diálogos en favor de un abordaje no reduccionista de la violencia
nia gitana, que viven en el medio rural y son de procedencia extranjera, presentan
dificultad para denunciar y, posteriormente, para mantenerse en el procedimiento
judicial. En lo que se refiere al caso de las víctimas inmigrantes, merece la pena
recordar el estudio de Gracia et al. (2010), quienes demostraron que la mayor
exposición de este colectivo a este tipo de violencia se corresponde, entre otras
cuestiones, con el escaso control social informal.
El foco en los factores de riesgo y colectivos vulnerables ofrece una visión
sobre las distintas posibilidades de victimización de la mujer. Actualmente, el papel
de «ama de casa sumisa» es residual, ya que muchas se han incorporado al mercado
de trabajo (Baca et al., 2006). Asimismo, en una pareja económicamente acomo-
dada y con un nivel cultural elevado no se puede hablar de riesgos semejantes a los
de una familia en el paro, en situación marginal, con problemas de alcohol/drogas
etc. (Laurenzo, 2008). La victimización de algunos colectivos necesita ser analizada
desde un punto de vista multidimensional. Volviendo al caso de las inmigrantes,
tendrían que considerarse las desigualdades estructurales; la debilidad emocional
por ser extranjera (cuadro de «estrés mantenido» por el miedo, soledad, lejanía de
personas queridas, necesidad de mantener u obtener el permiso de trabajo o resi-
dencia, dificultad de aprender el idioma etc.) e incluso la consecuencia del propio
empoderamiento ocasionado por el conflicto de culturas (García, 2010).
En definitiva, es preciso tener en cuenta que en ciertos casos se pro-
duce violencia de género sin la presencia de alguno de los factores de riesgo.
Asimismo, en otros casos, no se produce la violencia a pesar de la existencia de
ellos (Medina, 2002). Consiguientemente, la atención diseñada a las víctimas
(vinculada o desvinculada de la Justicia penal), exige un sistema centrado en
mujeres reales guiado por profesionales preparados para atender sus necesidades.
4 Para el año de 2015 el Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer publicará una Guía sobre ambos pro-
gramas y evaluará el impacto de los mismos (Juan Ignacio Paz Rodríguez, Asesor Técnico del
Gabinete de Estudios y Programas del IAM, comunicación personal). 163
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
BÁRBARA SORDI STOCK
Epílogo
Los razonamientos aquí desglosados revelan como punto convergente de los
diálogos entre Victimología y violencia de género la apuesta definitiva en estra- 167
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BÁRBARA SORDI STOCK
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Smart, C. (1998).The Woman of Legal Discourse. In K. Daly, & L. Maher (Eds.),
Criminology at the Crossroads. Feminist Readings in Crime and Justice (pp.
21-37). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Sordi- Stock, B. (2014). Análisis político criminal de los programas de rehabilitación
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lem. In R. D. Loseke, R. J. Gelles, & M. M. Cavanaugh (Eds.), Current
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Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 151-176
BÁRBARA SORDI STOCK
176
c rónica, noticias,
recensiones de libros
y otros REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
crónica, noticias,
recensiones de libros y otros1
REVISTA DE VICTIMOLOGÍA | JOURNAL OF VICTIMOLOGY
Online ISSN 2385-779X
www.revistadevictimologia.com | www.journalofvictimology.com | P. 179-189
crónica
conferencia
«Future Directions in Victimology», 28 de enero de 2015,
Lincoln Law School (Reino Unido), primera conferencia
del grupo de trabajo de victimología de la
Sociedad Británica de Criminología
1 Sección elaborada por Gema Varona Martínez, doctora investigadora permanente en el Insti-
tuto Vasco de Criminología/Kriminologiaren Euskal Institutua (UPV/EHU) y presidenta de
la Sociedad Vasca de Victimología/Euskal Viktimologia Sozietatea.
La Revista de Victimología da la bienvenida a cualquier información que desee incluirse en
esta sección en futuras ediciones con el objeto de difundir el conocimiento y las acciones
victimológicas con una perspectiva fundamentalmente internacional y comparada. 179
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 179-189
CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
seminario
«Security and Restorative Ways of Dealing with Conflicts»,
11 y 12 de febrero de 2015, Oslo (Noruega),
University College, organizado dentro del proyecto FP7
de la Unión Europea, ALTERNATIVE
(www.alternativeproject.eu)
Hungría, Serbia Irlanda del Norte y Austria). Todo ello con el fin último de
estrechar los lazos entre profesionales que trabajan en los temas de seguridad y
resolución de conflictos (mediadores, facilitadores, agentes públicos, asociacio-
nes de grupos de minorías o que trabajen la interculturalidad, etcétera).
jornada
«Violencia interpersonal: maltrato animal y terapias con
víctimas. Aproximación victimológica y jurídica»,
22 de abril de 2015, Instituto Vasco de Criminología
(Donostia-San Sebastián, España), co-organizada por la
Sociedad Vasca de Victimología, Animalex, A.P.A. Bilbao
y la Coordinadora de Profesionales por la Prevención
de Abusos (CoPPA)
noticias
Naciones Unidas
España
La Ley 4/2015, de 27 de abril, del Estatuto de la víctima del delito, fue publica-
da en el BOE núm. 101, de 28 de abril de 2015. El proyecto de ley fue aprobado
por el Gobierno el 8 de agosto de 2014. Supone la primera norma española
que recoge de forma conjunta los derechos procesales y extraprocesales de las
víctimas de delitos. Constituye el instrumento a través del cual se transpone la
Directiva 2012/29/UE2. El Proyecto puede leerse a la luz de los resultados de
dos tesis doctorales defendidas recientemente3.
3 Daza Bonachela, María del Mar. 2014.Victimología hoy, derecho victimal europeo y español
y atención a las víctimas de delitos en España. Tesis doctoral defendida en la Facultad de
182 Derecho de la Universidad de Granada.
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CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
Entre otros aspectos novedosos de la Ley del Estatuto4, que irán siendo
abordados en diferentes artículos de esta Revista, en sus sucesivos números, des-
tacamos ahora los cuatro siguientes:
a) Inclusión de los familiares de personas desaparecidas dentro del concep-
to de víctima.
b) Mención a los principios básicos de la justicia restaurativa, a falta de una
regulación estatal, en particular desde la perspectiva de las víctimas.
c) Fomento de la sensibilización social en favor de las víctimas, así como
la autorregulación de los medios de comunicación social de titularidad
pública y privada en orden a preservar la intimidad, la dignidad y los
demás derechos de las víctimas5.
d) Ampliación de la protección y atención dada por los servicios de asis-
tencia a la víctima.
Si bien esta Ley supone la introducción de mejoras en nuestro ordena-
miento, Daza (2014) reivindica que la evaluación prevista sea realmente indi-
vidual, previéndose una escucha activa de las víctimas más allá de la protoco-
lización de la respuesta que, en todo caso, debe contar con la participación de
las diferentes agencias que, desde abajo, trabajan con las víctimas y conocen sus
realidades. Por otra parte, esta autora indica la necesidad de distinguir entre los
destinatarios de los derechos procesales, las ayudas económicas y los servicios
de atención o apoyo informativo y psicosocial. Desde una perspectiva de Tra-
bajo Social, Caravaca (2015) diferencia las víctimas de los delitos como sujetos
de derechos y como sujetos de intervención social. Desde una perspectiva más
jurídica, Daza (2014) aborda un enfoque de derechos humanos para evitar una
visión asistencial, incidiendo en la teoría del pensamiento complejo que fomen-
te la percepción de lo global, de la responsabilidad y la solidaridad. Ello puede
relacionarse con los problemas que plantea la percepción de discriminación
en el tratamiento de diferentes modalidades victimales (por ejemplo, las vícti-
mas de delitos –o accidentes– relacionados con el transporte por carretera o el
transporte ferroviario, denominados como «delitos con pluralidad de afectados
o efectos catastróficos» en la Exposición de Motivos del Estatuto). Véase tam-
Caravaca Llamas, Carmen. 2015. Medios de asistencia y ayuda a las víctimas del delito en
el ordenamiento español. Un nuevo enfoque de la Victimología desde la perspectiva de la
política social. Tesis doctoral presentada en la Facultad de Trabajo Social de la Universidad de
Murcia. Departamento de Sociología y Política social.
5 Asimismo, mediante este Proyecto se modifica el art. 682 de la Ley de Enjuiciamiento Crim-
inal española para restringir el acceso de medios audiovisuales a los juicios. 183
Revista de Victimología | Journal of Victimology. P. 179-189
CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
recensiones de libros
European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. 2014.
Victims of crime in the EU: The extent and nature of support
for victims. Luxemburgo: Publicaciones de la Oficina
de la Unión Europea (121 pp.). ISBN 978-92-9239-522-3.
Doi: 10.2811/77450
Este texto recoge, a modo de informe, una revisión de los servicios de apoyo a
las víctimas, disponibles en cada país de los veintiocho que componen la Unión
Europea, con el objetivo de favorecer la igualdad en el acceso a la justicia, de-
recho recogido en su Carta de Derechos Fundamentales. El punto de partida
es, por tanto, el recordatorio –en ocasiones cuestionado o malinterpretado– de
que los derechos de las víctimas son derechos humanos. A partir de ahí, la
Agencia Europea de los Derechos Fundamentales ha recopilado información
concerniente a cada Estado, no tanto desde una perspectiva abstracta de los
estándares de derechos humanos aplicables, sino de los procesos que median
entre su proclamación o recogida en los textos y su aplicación efectiva a escala
de la persona concernida (p. 103). Es aquí donde el concepto de partenariado
entre todas las agencias o instituciones y personas implicadas en esa aplicación
efectiva cobra sentido.
El estudio comienza señalando la alta victimización oculta que obedece,
entre otros factores, al desconocimiento sobre los derechos, los recursos dispo-
nibles, los costes (en tiempo y dinero), la victimización secundaria padecida,
el temor a represalias, los sentimientos de culpa y/o vergüenza, y la falta de
confianza en las instituciones o las personas que las representan. Dentro de la
diversidad, permitida por la Directiva 2012/29/UE, en este texto se pone de re-
lieve que todos los servicios de apoyo básico a las víctimas deben ser gratuitos e
independientes de consideraciones relativas a su estatuto jurídico de residencia
o al hecho de haber denunciado o no la infracción penal. En este sentido, en la
página 9, dentro de un glosario de términos empleados en el informe, se reco-
ge una interesante definición de víctima como aquella persona que se percibe
víctima de una infracción penal, una persona que razonablemente demanda o
podría demandar que sus derechos protegidos por el derecho penal han sido
184 conculcados. También se detiene en esa página en el término «vulnerabilidad»
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CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
para advertir que esa palabra o similares se utilizan para referirse a las situaciones
de las personas que se encuentran en ellas y no pretenden, en modo alguno,
problematizar a dichas personas («do not intend in any way to locate problems
in people»).
A lo largo de cinco capítulos, se abordan:
a) los derechos de las víctimas en el marco europeo e interno, señalando la
disparidad de marcos jurídicos;
b) los aspectos jurídico-procesales, de protección, de trato digno, infor-
mativos y de derivación a otros servicios especializados, incidiendo en
la necesidad de formación de los diferentes profesionales de la justicia
penal.
c) los servicios de apoyo a las víctimas existentes en los Estados miembros,
distinguiendo su carácter público o privado, los aspectos organizacio-
nales, territoriales y la participación de voluntariado, así como el papel
armonizador o promotor de diferentes organizaciones europeas.
d) los servicios específicos para determinados grupos de víctimas.
e) los estándares e indicadores para evaluar la actuación de dichos servi-
cios, tanto en su calidad, particularmente en contextos transfronterizos,
como en otros aspectos que permiten valorar mejor el acceso efectivo a
la justicia.
En algunos Estados los servicios de apoyo a las víctimas comenza-
ron a funcionar en la década de los setenta, bajo impulso de movimiento
sociales, como el de la defensa de los derechos humanos de las mujeres. La
mayoría de ellos empezaron desde la iniciativa privada y el voluntariado ha
sido un factor clave en su desarrollo. La positivización de los derechos de
las víctimas en el marco de la Unión Europea, y sus diferentes iniciativas en
relación con ellos, han favorecido el desarrollo de dichos servicios a escala
estatal, si bien las diferencias entre cada país son todavía muy importan-
tes. La aplicación real de la Directiva 2012/29/UE deberá salvar los retos
planteados por inercias institucionales, culturas profesionales y jurídicas, y
aspectos económicos y sociales.
El estudio termina con una conclusiones generales, en el sentido apun-
tado en el apartado anterior, y cuatro anexos. El primero de ellos recoge un lis-
tado de servicios de apoyo a las víctimas en general en cada Estado miembro. El
segundo se trata de un listado de organizaciones europeas relevantes para dichos
servicios. El tercero proporciona una tabla comparativa entre las exigencias de
la Decisión marco de 2001 y de la Directiva 2009/29/UE que la sustituye. El
último permite acceder a tablas comparativas sobre la regulación de determina-
dos aspectos tratados anteriormente. 185
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CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
6 Véase también Ordeñana Gezuraga, Ixusko. 2014. El estatuto jurídico de la víctima en el derecho
jurisdiccional penal español. Análisis de lege data y lege ferenda a partir de la normativa europea en la
186 materia. Oñati: IVAP.
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CRÓNICA, NOTICIAS, RECENSIONES DE LIBROS Y OTROS
otros
Como ejemplo de acciones institucionales que promueven la reparación sim-
bólica hacia las víctimas directas e indirectas de delitos violentos, más allá de las
acciones internacionales y comparadas, más conocidas, sobre víctimas de graves
violaciones de derechos humanos y de violencia vial, destaca la iniciativa de la
Oficina del Fiscal del Distrito del Condado Riverside (EE. UU.). Esta Oficina
inauguró en el año 2009 una pared con los nombres grabados en ella de las
víctimas de homicidios, dentro del Patio Memorial de las Víctimas, abierto al
público durante las horas de dicha Oficina. En la actualidad, se encuentran más
de 2.000 nombres que han podido ser encontrados en los ficheros del con-
dado. Cada año, durante la Semana por los Derechos de las Víctimas del Delito, se
añaden nuevos nombres. El objetivo es ser un reconocimiento simbólico, para
las víctimas y la sociedad, de la pérdida sufrida ante diferentes supuestos de ho-
micidio. Pueden verse varias fotos y más información en http://www.rivcoda.
org/opencms/victimwitness/victimwall.html. Sería deseable evaluar, desde un
prisma victimológico, el impacto de esta iniciativa –y otras similares que pueden
extenderse en otros lugares y países– en la recuperación victimal, atendiendo las
diferentes variables de cada contexto.
189