Primordial Time and Future Time:

Maya Era Day Mythology in the

Context of the Tortuguero 2012 Prophecy
CARL D. CALLAWAY

Abstract período de 13 bak'tunes del calendario Maya.

The Maya 2012 prophecy on Tortuguero Mon-
ument 6 foretells events that will occur at the
close of the current Maya "era" and at the end
of the thirteenth Bak'tun period of the Maya
calendar. This article explores the mythic and
astronomical events that occurred previously
at the start of the Maya era in 3114 BC cor-
responding to the close of the first thirteenth
Bak'tun period. These two 13 Bak'tun period-
endings, separated by a span of approximately
5,125 years, are like two bookends on a single
shelf that inextricably link ancient Maya con-
ceptions of time, mythic history, and prophecy.
The article demonstrates how in this case the
past is very much prologue. Mythic events and
godly actions recorded at the beginning of the
era parallel actions that will occur at the end of
the era. In addition, new insights will be shared
into how ancient Maya scribes linked era day
events to temple dedications and architecture
to reflect the Sun's daily solar trek—a journey
charted and revered by ancient peoples from
all comers of the Americas.
Este artículo investiga los eventos nuticos y
astronómicos que habían ocurrido al inicio de
la era Maya en el 3114 aC, que corresponde al
cierre del primer período de 13 bak'tunes. Es-
tos dos períodos finales de 13 bak'tunes, que
abarcan un intervalo de tiempo de aproxima-
damente 5,125 años entre ellos, son como dos
sujeta-libros en un estante que enlazan inex-
tricablemente la antigua concepción Maya del
tiempo, con la historia mítica, y la profecía.
Este artículo demuestra cómo en este caso
el pasado sirve como prólogo. Los eventos
míticos y las acciones de los dioses registra-
das al comienzo de la era hacen un paralelo
con las acciones que se producirán al final de
la misma. Además, la siguiente presentación
compartirá nuevas ideas acerca de la forma en
que los antiguos escribas Mayas vinculaban
eventos diurnos de la era con dedicaciones y
arquitectura de los templos, donde reflejaban
la actividad solar diaria—la actividad solar ha
sido registrada y venerada por las poblaciones
antiguas de cada parte de las Americas.

Resumen Classic Maya (AD 250-900) creation mythology is

La profecía maya del 2012 en el monumento a rich and varied cosmos that reveals a unique view
6 de Tortuguero predice eventos que ocurrirán of world origins. My research seeks to organize and
al cierre de la "era" actual Maya y al final del understand those gods and events that transpired

Carl D. Callaway is a PhD candidate at La Trobe University, Australia, in the Archaeology Program, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sci-
ences. He received a bachelor of arts degree in anthropology with a minor degree in Native American studies in 1994 from the University
of California Davis. In 2006 he obtained a master's degree in art history at the University of Texas at Austin. The topic of his master's study
was a réévaluation of the Maya "cross" from Palenque, Mexico. Currently, his dissertation project at La Trobe is a catalog of Maya era
day inscriptions that describe the mythic events surrounding the "zero date" of the Maya calendar that occurred on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw
8 Kumk'u.

© 2011 by the University of Texas Press, PO Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819

 FIGURE 1. Vase of the Seven Gods (K2796). Photo courtesy of Justin Kerr.
during a single day—the so-called zero date of the
Maya calendar, corresponding to August 11/13,
3114 BC (Thompson 1927, 1935). This day starts
the current Maya "era" that commenced according
to their ancient calendar on the end of the previous
thirteenth Bak'tun cycle (13 x 144,000 days or ap-
proximately 5,125 years) and is expressed in arabic
notation as 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk'u.
Being the establishment of a new cosmic era, the
era day was a busy one. At present, inscript:ons tell
of at least fifteen distinct mythic events that took
place, with still more actions and gods yet to be
fully deciphered. These events emphasize the orderly
framework of the cosmos that was thought to mani-
fest at the creation of the world. They include the
establishment of astronomical and calendar counts
and the changing of a cosmic altar/pedestal (Freidel
et al. 1993; Looper 1995; MacLeod 1991; Schele
1992). The footsteps of several gods are measured
and calibrated as well by noting the exact place-
ment of each god's "holy foot" along a celestial path
(Bricker 2002:6; Callaway 2009:78). Maya scribes
also painted vivid "snapshots" of several pivotal mo-
ments during era day. One such painting (Figure 1)
appears on a chocolate cup that depicts a congress of
seven gods who gather within the underworld court
of God L (Coe 1973:106-109). Illustrated pages
from the Dresden Codex, page 60 (Figure 3a), a
38 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
Postclassic Maya screen-fold book, depict a clash
between two Titan-like figures, a God N Bakab and
the Bolon Yokte' (Eberl and Prager 2005). The cryp-
tic nature of these images and texts guard well their
meaning from the uninitiated, yet one fact remains
a mathematical certainty: the Maya calendar places
these actions somewhere within the course of the
predawn, sunrise, sunset, and nighttime hours of the
first day. It is a volatile time that totters on the very
cusp of a new cosmic era—a moment when the old
counts and gods diminish and fade, only to be re-
newed and reborn.
Creation itself is a drawn-out saga with a long
gestation period. From Maya Colonial mythic histo-
ries like the Popol Vuh, it is known that the current
era is the last of four creations to take place, with
the previous three being failed attempts to create
humans (Christenson 2003; Tedlock 1996). So cre-
ation does not occur as an instantaneous act within
a single day or even a biblical week. The era date is
but one of many important days that cosmic forces
choose to unfold. In general terms, Maya inscriptions
relate that the era day saga itself occurs in three dis-
tinct stages: pre-^ra day, era day, and post-era day
(Callaway 2009:75-76). Pre-era day was, in part, a
period of reorganization that eventually closed at the
end of the previous era on the thirteenth Bak'tun.
Immediately thereafter, on the dawn of the first day
FIGURE 2. Vase of the Eleven Gods (K7750). Photo courtesy of Justin Kerr.
of the new era, a new order emerged, with gods per-
forming numerous actions such as the changing and
establishment of stone altars/pedestals (Freidel et al.
1993; Looper 1995; MacLeod 1991; Schele 1992).
In the post-era day stage, a whole range of activities
transpired over the next thousand years, including
the dedication of sacred temples and the birth and
accessions of various gods.
Time nurtures the very root of the cosmogonie act.
Yet, time does not permit an in-depth analysis of all
era day actions, a task that is beyond the scope of the
current article. There are a few moments, however, to
offer a small glimpse into the mythic landscape that
gave birth to our present creation. It is a landscape
of myth punctuated by rituals, gods, and enigmatic
rites. To make sense of it, one must always consider
the gods who were the architects of the cosmos. Only
through a detailed study of Maya deities are mythic
actions fully understood. Who is the Bolon Yokte'?
What forces of nature does he embody, and why does
he attack the God N Bakab? Answering these ques-
tions allows one to peer into the mind and heart of
the penitent scribe who painted and carved the godly
narrative into the stones we now attempt to decipher.
The first of two passages under review here derive
from a set of chocolate cups known as the Vase of the
Seven Gods (Figure 1) (Coe 1973:106-109) and the
Vase of the Eleven Gods (Figure 2) (Grube 1998).
Afterward, we will examine pages from the Dresden
Codex, a Maya screen-fold book. The pages recount
events that occurred shortly before and on the era
date (Callaway 2009; Grofe 2007:61-94). Finally,
new insights from Coba Stela 1 text will be shared.
Toward the end of this article, I will show how these
cosmogonie acts anticipate similar godly actions
and rites recorded on Tortuguero Monument 6 that
foretell of the future 2012 thirteenth Bak'tun end-
ing and the reappearance of the Bolon Yokte' God
(Gronemeyer and MacLeod 2010:56).
The Vase of the Seven Gods and the Vase
of the Eleven Gods
The Vase of the Seven Gods (K2796) and the Vase of
the Eleven Gods (K7750) are two cups that display
scenes that are mythic "snapshots" of gods assembled
in the underworld court of God L to establish "order"
at the dawn of the new cycle. Both depict parallel im-
ages and texts, yet they differ in some very important
ways. An examination of these commonalities and
differences reveals understandings about the mythic
event recounted and the gods portrayed. One vase
(K7750, Figure 2) is in the shape of a rectangular
box, while the other (K2796, Figure 1) is in the
shape of a cylindrical cup. The painters of each cup
depicted God L sitting within a mountain temple on
a spotted jaguar throne. Facing him are more seated
gods bearing tribute bundles. The entire scene takes
place within the incubus of a primordial mountain.
VOLUME XXIV 2011 39

l^''"-iix:"s;'*^r •-!
FIGURE 3A. Dresden Codex page 60, section a. Modified by
the author after Förstemann (1887).
The Concept of Tz'ak
Parallel events are described on both vases in the
secondary text that accompanies the painted scene.
In fact, the first fifteen glyph blocks of each pas-
sage are exact mirrors of one another (Figure 5).
The third glyph in the sequence (block A2) after
the era date 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk'u is the verb. Due to
erosion and overpainting by the restorer, the paral-
lel verb on the Vase of the Eleven Gods is not as
clear, but enough of the verbal suffixing survives
to tell us that it is the same. Scribes used the verb
tz'ak, a word that essentially means "to order," to
describe the pivotal moment. Several scholars have
made a study of the word tz'ak and the unique pairs
of logograms that substitute for it within Maya script
(Carrasco 2005:460^63; Knowlton 2002:11-13;
Riese 1984:284-285; Stuart 2003; Wagner 2005:30;
Wald 2007:139-147). Linguist Robert Wald's work
(2007:139-147) on Maya verbs is especially perti-
nent to the discussion, and my commentary draws
from his in-depth analysis of this verb.
40 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
FIGURE 3B. Head of God N, Dresden
Codex page 60, section a. Modified
by the author after Kingsborough
(1831-1848).
4. Dresden Codex
page 61. Modified by the
author after Förstemann
(1887).
The verbal suffixing attached to this verb allows
for the plausible reading TZ'AK-ji-ya for /tz'a<h>k-
j-iiy/, meaning "was set in order back then." The verb
is conjugated in the passive. Why is such a derivation
significant? Grammatically speaking, it means that
there is no stated agent of the action, and it implies
that no one god directs the organization (even though
God L seems to be directing actions from his jaguar
throne). A creation event in which there is no single
god or causal force that brings about the world is
an idea that is very pan-Mesoamerican. According
to the first chapters of the Popol Vuh creation story,
the world is built not by a single cosmic force or god
but through a conversation between two or more
primordial gods (Christenson 2003:70; Tedlock
1996). Specifically, the Popol Vuh states that Heart
of Sky, along with Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent,
"reached an accord, bringing together their thoughts"
(Christenson 2003:70).
 K2796 K7750
FIGURE 5. Comparison of secondary texts on Vases K2796
and K7750. Photos by Justin Kerr.
The word tz'ak itself is pregnant with multiple
meanings, not the least of which are "to order," "to
order by stacking," and "to count and to cure" in the
modem Mayan lexicon (Barrera Vásquez 1980:871-
872). The general meaning across Mayan languages
of the word is "to order," but it pertains to a specific
type of ordering related to positioning objects that
follow one another in an unalienable order, such as a
line of bricks or a stack of tortillas (Wald 2007:139-
147). This is no haphazard arrangement but one that
indicates order that is inherently sequential, like links
in a chain or even the bones in a human arm. For this
reason, tz'ak can describe the setting and curing of
two broken bones. The Diccionario Maya Cordemex
(Barrera Vásquez 1980:871-872) also lists tz'ak as
'''para siempre, cosa sin fin" for "always, a thing
without end," as in "hay trabajos sin fin del mundo''
for "there are works without worldly end" (Barbara
The
TZ'AK B'UL
FIGURE 6. The Tz'akbul title from Naranjo Alt 1. Drawing
by Ian Graham.
MacLeod, personal communication 2004). From
these few definitions, we see that, as a whole, tz'ak
embodies an idea of eternal and meaningful order. To
understand the order tz'ak encompasses, we must see
how Maya scribes employed the word when writing.
Maya scribes employed the word in the script
as a title for successive rulers of a dynasty and in
calendar contexts dealing with the count of days.
For instance, upon taking power, rulers acquire the
title tz'akbul prefixed by an ordinal number (e.g.,
the tenth, eleventh, or twelfth tz'akbul) to indicate
where they are placed in a line of succession (Fig-
ure 6). A related example is found on the rear wall
of Palenque's Temple XVIII. Here, the surviving
stucco glyphs indicate that the three sons of Pakal the
Great were depicted beneath their respective name
captions (Stuart 2005:153). Another caption reads
"tihmaj awohl atz'akbuj" for "you are pleased you
order them," referring most likely to Pakal him-
self (Stuart 2005:153). The ordering of the dynasty
replicates the order first accomplished by the found-
ing gods and is a duty that is pleasing to the heart
of a king.
Early on in the decipherment of the script, it was
noticed that the glyph for tz'ak was used to indicate
a change between two distinct events separated by
Distance Numbers and dates (Riese 1984:284-285).
For this reason, tz'ak was given the title the "Dis-
tance Number indicator," since it heralded that a
shift in date and event was about to occur and that
one passage was ending and another was about to
commence (Riese 1984:284-285). An example from
Toniná's Ballcourt Panel (Figure 7) illustrates the
glyph (B3a, Dlb) in this capacity by signaling the
division between two main passages that occur on
two different dates.
VOLUME XXIV 2011 41

FIGURE 7. Toniná's Ballcourt Panel. Photo by Carl Callaway.
Scribes often superimposed over the "normal"
form of the TZ'AK logogram (T573) portraits of
two ordered pairs or paired signs, as on Palenque's
Tablet of the 96 Glyphs (blocks C l , D8, E7; Fig-
ure 8). The relationship between these two paired
logograms defines the concept of tz'ak, and, as Wald
. Palenque's Tablet of the 96 Glyphs. Drawing by Linda Schele courtesy of David Schele.
42 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
explains, "the relationship alluded to by their use,
provides a clue allowing the reader to recognise the
root word as tz'ak" (2007:144). The logograms can
include pictures of cloud/rain, wind/rain, and day/
night, among others. For instance, the logograms
[MUYAL/HA'], [IK'/HA'], [K'IN/AK'AB], and
[YAX, K'AN] stand for [cloud/rain], [wind/water],
[day/night], [blue-green/yellow], respectively; the
glyphs for [K'IN/UH], [EK'/UH], [WAJ/HA'], and
[KOKAN/CH'ICH'] stand for [Sun/Moon], [star/
Moon], [tortilla/water], and ["stingray spine"/blood] ;
finally, [IXIK/WINIK] and [CHAN/KAB] stand for
[woman/man] and [sky/earth] (Wald 2007:141-147).
Some of these paired concepts also have a spatial
dimension, as seen in Rio Azul Tomb 12 (Barbara
MacLeod, personal communication 2008). Here the
pair [K'IN/AK'AB] for [day/night] is associated
with the glyphs for East and West, while the [EK'/
UH] for [star/Moon] pertain to the glyphs for North
and South (Stuart 1987:162). I suggest that these
pairings are an example of the "things for always and
without end" explained in the Cordemex dictionary
(Barrera Vásquez 1980:871-872) and embody the
meaningful order that was set by the gods at the start
of the new era. They are part of a charter of sacred
order practiced by the gods and given to humans
to maintain.
 With the concept of tz'ak somewhat clarified, the
investigator now tries to comprehend what is being
ordered on the two vases. From the string of godly
titles following the verb, it is clear that what is being
ordered are the gods themselves. The next questions
to consider are. Who are these gods? What forces of
nature do they represent, if at all?
Many faces of the gods represented on the Vase
of the Seven Gods reflect facial features attributed
directly to the solar deity (Figure 9); these charac-
teristics include square-shaped eye orbits, a large
"Roman" nose, a buck-toothed T-shaped incisor,
and "barbels" emanating from the corners of the
mouth. A K'IN (Sun) sign can also be stamped on
the forehead, arm, or cheek (Shellhas 1904:27; Taube
1992:50-56; Thompson 1970:236). Present on the
vase are portraits of a solar deity known as GI, an as-
pect of the primordial dawn (Stuart 2005:167-170),
and the Jaguar God of the Underworld, who has ties
to the underworld night Sun (Thompson 1970:292-
293). The Huk Chapaat Tz'ikin K'inich Ajaw (Boot
2005b:250-256) is present as well, a god found to be
statistically related to the solar zenith/nadir (Grofe
2011). Also appearing on the vase is the skeletal
deer god (Zender and Guenter 2003:104-109), also
known as the "Deer" Sun, whose recent identifica-
tion at Piedras Negras by Chinchilla Mazariegos
(2006:40-58) and Stuart (2009) shows it to be an-
other aspect of the multifaceted solar deity. The Deer
Sun with a pair of cross-bones in its eyes is a com-
mon glyphic solar portrait for the K'IN Sun sign
(Thompson 1962:366). So at least four of the gods
represented have direct connections to the Sun and,
in some cases, represent the Sun during different
times of the day. With the gods of dawn, underworld
Sun, and zenith/nadir present, what is being ordered
at the start of the era are, in part, solar stations.
The Sun God (in his various forms) has come be-
fore God L (the god of merchant travelers) bearing
tribute to ensure a safe journey. Finally, the closing
passage from the K7750 text names the location
where the scene takes place—at K'inichil. As Stuart
(2011a:224) explains, this mythical locale means
"Great Sun Place" and perhaps refers to the Sun's
realm when all was "still in primordial darkness
when Creation occurred."
Crossed-Eyes
"Roman" Nose
Mouth Barbels Buck. Tooth T-Shaped Incisor
FIGURE 9. A bust of the Sun God from Palenque. Photo by
Carl Callaway.
Solar Alignments with Era Day
Monuments
A strong showing of the solar deity on era day is
an intriguing presence, to say the least. The August
11/13 era date is very close to the solar zenith at the
southern Maya latitudes (Malmström 1973; Merrill
1945). As Aveni explains, the date is "close to one
of two annual dates in the year when the sun passes
[directly] overhead" (2009:86-87). The intentional-
ity of the era date with the solar zenith has not been
proven with any real confidence, but it remains a
distinct possibility. If the solar trek on era day was
thought to be significant, then like-in-kind era day
monuments should also manifest strong solar connec-
tions. Interestingly, there are direct solar alignments
with several other monuments that recount the deeds
of gods on era day. These solar alignments could be
just coincidental, but in the light of the above solar
identifications, they are well worth considering. One
obvious alignment is with Panel 1 from Chichén
Itzá's temple known as the Caracol.
Panel 1 contains the last inscription at Chichén
Itzá that refers to the life of K'ak' Upakal in con-
nection with the seventeenth Tun of K'atun 1 Ajaw
(beginning on 10.2.16.0.1 and closing on 10.2.17.0.0
circa AD 885-886) (Boot 2005a:330; Campillo
1999:40; Voß 2001:165). In general. Panel 1 refers
to rites and rituals surrounding the seventeenth Tun
period-ending in conjunction with the founding of
the Caracol. The era day text on this monument is
VOLUME XXIV 2011 43
 7 - ( r

10

FIGURE 11. Caracol Panel 1 sitting above a stylobate niche.

Modified by the author after Ruppert (1935:Figure 171).

FIGURE 10. Caracol, Panel 1

lateral text. Drawing by
Alexander Voß.

written along the outer edge as a "reversed text" and

is comprised of a verbal couplet that describes the
changing of the cosmic altar/pedestal on 13.0.0.0.0
4 Ajaw 8 Kumk'u at the start of the era (Figure 10).
The era day event is then linked to two more events:
the "binding" of the 3-11 Pik calendar station and
the seventeenth Tun of K'atun 1 Ajaw period-ending
(Grube et al. 2003:6; MacLeod 2008:2).
The correlation of the era day events with all these FIGURE 12. Alignment of Panel 1 corresponding to the zenith
other cycles is fascinating in itself, but there are solar passage of the Sun. Modified by the author after Aveni
alignments to consider with Panel 1 as well. Panel 1 (1980:Figures 90-91).
once sat directly above or in a stylobate niche divid-
ing the upper platform stairway (Figure 11) (Ruppert
1935:136). The central axis of this niche has an Milbrath 1999:66, Figure 3.1b). Interestingly, the
alignment that corresponds to the zenith passage of May zenith sunset orientation in the Yucatán Penin-
the Sun at sunset (Figure 12). The niche has two side sula coincides with the beginning of the rainy season
walls aligned at an azimuth of 292°54' (22 degrees and the maize planting (Milbrath 1999:66). With its
north of west) and faces the position of the setting unique position, it is very likely that this stairway
Sun on the solar zenith (Aveni 1980:Figures 89-91; niche could have been used as a platform to observe

44 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
the Sun's descent. If the stairway niche was used to
observe the setting of the Sun, then Panel 1 's posi-
tion was also aligned to target the zenith passage and
witnessed the zenith event twice a year. Tying Panel
1 inscriptions to the zenith Sun certainly makes for
good ritual drama. It not only links the dedication
of the Caracol to the zenith passage but also ties the
dedication to the Sun God's deeds on era day. If this
is the case, scribes are intentionally calibrating the
solar zenith at Chichén Itzá's Caracol to correspond
with a like-in-kind solar event at the start of the era.
In the final analysis, more data are needed to confirm
such a correspondence.
Pages 60 and 61 of the Dresden Codex
We turn now from monuments to books. Pages 60
and 61 of the Dresden Codex host several era day
events. As noted previously, the top of page 60 (Fig-
ure 3a) references the era date in the text and depicts
a God N Bakab (standing at the viewer's left) within
his turtle-shell carapace being confronted by two
figures of the Bolon Yokte' (standing at the viewer's
right) brandishing raised spear-throwers. The names
of these gods are referenced in the above text. God N
is named in glyph block B2 with the variant name Itz
Mam K'an Ahk." The Bolon Yokte' title is recorded
clearly at block C l . Unfortunately, the glyph block
that holds the verb (A2) is eroded, and so the stated
action cannot be translated. Verification that Bolon
Yokte' is indeed attacking God N comes from look-
ing at the same figures on page 60 as recorded in the
Kingsborough ( 1831-1848) rendition of the Dresden
Codex, which preserved many details now lost. The
Kingsborough facsimile of page 60 shows blood
gushing from the forehead of God N (Figure 3b).
Faint traces of these blood markings are still visible
on the forehead and cheek of God N in later photo-
graphs in the Förstemann edition of the book. The
attack stance of the Bolon Yokte' along with the fore-
head injuries of God N are good evidence of a clash
between gods. So the question arises, What force of
nature does the Bolon Yokte' represent, if any? Bran-
dishing such fearsome weapons as the spear-thrower
(and in other cases a rope, a spear, and a shield), he
is shown to possess a warlike destructive force (Eberl
and Prager 2005) and with it disorder. What happens
when he attacks the God N Bakab, and what would
be the result? To answer these questions, we need to
understand the role God N plays in the creation of
both space and calendar cycles.
In the Classic and Postclassic Periods, one of God
N's duties within the cosmic order was similar to
that of Atlas from Greek mythology, who supported
the heavens. God N is consistently depicted in the
iconography as one who holds apart sky from earth
(Thompson 1970:276). It is clear that the God N seen
during the Classic Period is related to the Bakabs
during the Postclassic. His Atlas-like abilities are
well attested in Diego de Landa's description of
this god:
Among the multitude of gods worshipped by
these people they adored four, each of whom
was called Bacab. These, they said, were four
brothers whom God, when he created the
world, placed at its four quarters to hold up
the sky, so that it should not fall. They also
state that these Bacabs were saved when the
world was destroyed by a deluge. Other names
are <also> given to each of these, and with
them they designate the world quarter where
God set them to hold up the sky [translation by
Thompson 1970:276].
The God N stone figures at Mayapán also show the
role that God N plays in the creation of the K'atun
count. There are over twenty stone turtles and God N
(as a turtle) figurines found in Mayapán houses
(Proskouriakoff et al. 1962:331-333). As Kari Taube
(1988) pointed out, a few of the turtles have thirteen
separate Ajaw glyphs carved on their outer rims (Fig-
ure 13a). Taube makes the connection between these
turtles and the pictures of K'atun "wheels" (count-
ing off a period of 13 K'atun periods) that pop up in
colonial literature. Landa reported that the Maya of
Yucatán utilized these K'atun wheels in their com-
putations (Pharo 2006:59; Tozzer 1941:168). A close
inspection of the stone turtles shows that some are
anthropomorphic representations of God N (Pharo
2006:59), and at least one of these God N figurines
has AJAW glyphs (another K'atun count) carved
around the outer rim of its carapace (Figure 13b).
Taking the Mayapán data into account and applying
VOLUME XXIV 2011 45
FIGURE 13A.

FIGURE 13A-B. Mayapán turtle figurines. Drawn by Carl

Callaway.

it to God N's role as a sky-bearer, it is determined

that the record of K'atuns was believed to exist on
the very carapace of God N. With God N as the sky-
bearer, the result of an attack by the Bolon Yok Te' is
nothing short of disastrous for space and time. Logic
dictates that with the threatening of the God N sky-
bearer, the count of the K'atuns is adversely affected,
since time (K'atun cycle count) and space (sky pillar)
are nested in the same god.
Turning now to page 61 in the Dresden Codex
(Figure 4), the first two columns on the page detail
events (Al-B 10) occurring on and shortly before era
13C. God N turtle figurines from Mayapán. Photo
from Proskouriakoff et al. (1962:Figures 1 and 2).
day (Thompson 1972:81). The passage is very tricky
to interpret because of its multilayered voices. This
is no solitary count of days. The count is a poetic
tapestry of interwoven texts with multiple threads
that wrap around one another, forming a single
strand—the passage itself. One is a numerical strand

46 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
consisting of the K'in, Winal, Tun, Bak'tun, and Coba Stela 1
Piktun period counts; another strand tells of those The last monument to be reviewed is Coba Stela 1
gods who are "custodians of time and commensurated (Figure 14). The back of Stela 1 contains by far the
cycles" (Barbara MacLeod, personal communication most elaborate Long Count to record the era date
2008) and who assist in renewing the various cycles (Thompson et al. 1932:182). The Long Count shows
present; the last strand contains mythopoetic expres- twenty cycles above a K'atun, with each period carry-
sions describing the pre-era day and era day events ing a numerical coefficient of 13—this expanded
as cycles that emerge from and sink into the "watery" system has recently been designated a "Grand Long
depths of primordial time. Mathematically speaking, Count" by Stuart (2011a:231). The numbers 13 and
it states a series of numerical sums or counts (e .g., 20 20 replicate the same symmetry found within the
days) that count to and from the era base date, which 260-day sacred calendar, whose days are comprised
is located near the center of the passage (Thompson
1972:81).* The verb the scribe chooses to describe
the action is pat (Grofe 2007:60, 129), "to make,
mould, fashion" (blocks A3 and A8), which is known
from other contexts as a verb frequently connected
to the making of temples and houses (Stuart and
Houston 1998).^ Here the verb refers to the creation
of gods and time periods. Reading from the top of the
column, the title for a triadic group of gods appears
in the first part of the passage at block A2.'' Next it
is said that a Piktun and 18 Bak'tuns are made in
conjunction with two Bakab gods (recorded at glyph
blocks A5-B5), a K'atun, eight Tuns, and a god
called 16 Yok'in. Note that the gods are formulated
hand in hand with the renewal of time periods. In
the case of the Bakab and the K'atuns, both emerge
together side by side.
The focus is now shifted to the last four glyph
blocks prior to the era date 4 Ajaw 8 Kumk'u. The
verbpa<h>taj, "got formed," is stated again, and the
passage (A8) speaks of the making of another god/
cycle prior to creation day. The entity made is the
Aj Winik, or the 20-day period—the base number of
Maya counting; next is a count of 20 days from 19
to zero (Callaway 2009:80-81). The creation of the
number 20 followed by a numerical count of twenty
days corresponds to a similar pre-era day story de-
tailed in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel
from colonial Yucatán; it is a story translator Ralph
Roys (1967:116) titled "The Creation of the Winal."
The story recounts the birth of the Winal and his
measured steps as he circumnavigates the sky, laying
out a trajectory of days by which the Sun and stars
Z,A 1-4
will be measured (Bricker 2002:1-20; Brotherston
1992:288). FIGURE 14. Coba Stela 1 back. Drawing by Ian Graham.

VOLUME XXIV 2011 47

of factors of 13 and 20 equaling 260 days; the single cruller undemeath, a jaguar ear (carved, incidentally,
unit of the highest cycle equals 20^' x 360, which in around a protruding shell of the same shape in the
tum equals 2.0670522 10^^ tropical years (Freidel limestone), and a "barbel" curling out of the comer
et al. 1993:63). The span of time conceived by such of the mouth. These types of nose, squarish eye orbit,
a Grand Long Count is so large that it approaches and mouth barbel are again shared features of the Sun
a number that dwarfs the estimated age of our own God (Thompson 1970:236). The addition of the eye
cosmos (approximately 14 billion years); the highest cruller and the jaguar ear marks this god as a likely
of these Coba Stela 1 cycles to change from 13 to one candidate for the Jaguar God of the Underworld,
will take slightly under 42 nonillion years (41,341,0 who is associated with the night Sun (Thompson
50,000,000,000,000,000,000,000 years, to be exact) 1970:292-293) and fire rituals recorded in the Initial
(Schele and Freidel 1990:430). Series (Grube 2000) and is the face commonly fea-
The extraordinary vast time depth of the Stela tured on incensario stands used to bum fire or incense
1 Long Count is not its only remarkable feature. It (Carrasco 2005). Also, the prefixed numeral 7 is, in
holds an elaborate passage detailing era day events its head variant form, the head of the Jaguar God of
over a span of sixteen glyphic blocks, starting at the Underworld (Sven Gronemeyer, personal com-
glyph block M18 and mnning through to P5. Unfor- munication 2011). The next glyph block at N20 is a
tunately, due to weathering, most of these blocks are possible T16 yax sign attached to a head possessing a
barely discemable. Only blocks M18-N19 can be large circular eye orbit and an ear tip with a sharp an-
read with any real assurance (Figure 15a and b), since gular cut (indicative of a bat or fish fin). The Corpus
they replicate the standard era day passage relating
the changing of the altar/pedestal event followed by
the completion of the thirteenth Bak'tun, a passage
that is parallel to those found at Copan, Chichén Itzá,
La Corona, Palenque, Piedras Negras, and Quiriguá.
Yet, by looking at early photos of the era day passage
(Thompson et al. 1932) of the glyphs following the
changing of the altar/pedestal event, new details are
forthcoming. Following the tzutz oxlajun bak'tun col-
location (blocks M19-N19) are two head variants of
what are very likely two distinct god names (blocks
M20-N20) (Figure 15b). Block M20 displays the
numeral 7 followed by a head with these features: a
large "Roman" nose, a square-shaped eye with an eye

FIGURE 15A. Coba Stela 1

back, text blocks M18-
N21 .Photo after Thompson 15B. Drawing of Coba Stela 1, text blocks M18-
etal.(1932:Plate2). N21. Drawing by Carl Callaway.

48 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
(Graham and Von Euw 1997:22-23) drawings and
photos record one more distinguishing feature—the
tip of a possible upturned nose. Altogether, these
traits are characteristic of the Sutz'bat head. The Jag-
uar God of the Underworld and the Bat God are two
deities appearing on Kerr vases K2796 and K7750,
with the latter vase displaying full portraits of both
the Jaguar God of the Underworld (right-most god
in the upper row) and the Sutz' Bat God (left-most
god in the lower row) seated before the throne of
God L. As we will see, Fire-Mouth Jaguar and Blue-
Green Bat are two gods that play important roles in
renewing major calendar cycles, as is indicated on
Tortuguero Monument 6.
The following is a general summary of the actions
discussed so far that took place near or at the close
of the thirteenth Bak'tun:
1. Dresden Codex page 61. Shortly prior to era
day, a count of time periods (Piktun Bak'tun,
Tun Winal, and K'in) is "made" alongside gods
(Bakab, Waklajun Yok'in, and the Aj Winik). Per-
ceived action: the calibration of time periods of
the Long Count beside the renewal of gods and the
formation of the number 20.
2. The Vase of the Seven Gods and the Vase of the
Eleven Gods. A congress of supernaturals gath-
ers in the underworld court of God L. Perceived
action: the "ordering" of gods, four of which are
aspects of the Sun.
3. Dresden Codex page 60. The Bolon Yokte' arrives
with spear-thro wer and darts. Perceived action: an
attack on God N (sky-earth pillar and bearer of the
K'atun count).
4. Coba Stela 1. Jaguar and Blue-Green Bat dei-
ties (the two gods who are also pictured on vase
K7750) are present in conjunction with the chang-
ing of the altar/pedestal episode.
Tortuguero Monument 6
Out of thousands of surviving Maya texts, the pas-
sage from Tortuguero Monument 6 contains the only
known inscription pertaining to the close of the future
thirteenth Bak'tun cycle on December 21,2012. The
monument was possibly reused as the capstone to a
tomb but was originally a temple sanctuary panel. Its
written chronicle details the life and ceremonies of
Balam Ajaw, Jaguar Lord, who was bom in AD 612,
received kingship at age 32, and ruled for over 35
years, but not after launching several lengthy and
successful military campaigns (Arellano Hernández
2006; Gronemeyer 2004, 2006; Gronemeyer and
MacLeod 2010; MacLeod 2011; MacLeod and Van
Stone 2011; Mathews 1975; Riese 1978,1980).
A passage from Tortuguero Monument 6 echoes
a very similar re-creation of gods and actions seen
in the Dresden Codex pages prior to era day. Rhe-
torically speaking, the passage acts very much as a
prelude to the 2012 prophecy by detailing the activity
of gods and the rites of renewal concerning a massive
count of days called a Kalabtun cycle (approximately
157 thousand years) (Gronemeyer and MacLeod
2010:55-56). Here is an excerpt (Figure 16) of this
text (blocks L3-L12) transcribed and paraphrased by
Gronemeyer and MacLeod:
That one, many lords did he invest.
Nine times were strengthened
the Precious Maize Lord,
the primordial Square-nosed Beast,
the force and breath.
They have authorized this, their gods
Black Fire-Mouth Jaguar and Blue-Green Bat.
These indeed awaken the hearts of
eight turtle Bakabs? and the four raccoons
who set in order the first Kalabtun
at the First Round Earth-place [2010:59].
On a Classic Period Hotun ending, prior to the thir-
teenth Bak'tun, the text reads that the following
gods gather: the Precious Maize Lord, primordial
Square-Nosed Beast, Black Fire-Mouth Jaguar, and
Blue-Green Bat. These gods awaken the hearts of
eight turtle Bakabs and the four raccoons whose
duty it is to set in orderly motion the time cycle
of the Kalabtun. The event happens at the "first
round earth place," a locale, as Gronemeyer and
MacLeod (2010:56) have pointed out, that reflects
a similar place recounted in the creation story of the
Winal (Roys 1967:116-119), where the number 20
circumambulates the sky with a measured pace while
laying out a count of days. This gathering of gods
in conjunction with renewal of time periods returns
VOLUME XXIV 2011 49
 to similar deeds at the start of the era when gods
and time counts are renewed side by side. This pre-
occupation with the cosmic order of gods and cycles
VI) shows that creation is an ongoing drama that must be
continually reaffirmed (Farriss 1987:574) at the start
of every major calendar cycle. It is a cosmic order to
which all human history submits, one that is dictated
by the divine charter embodied by tz'ak, the "order"
that was practiced by the gods at the foundation of
the cosmos.
The affirmation of the Kalabtun cycle seems rather
abrupt and bizarre at first within what is mostly a his-
torical text on the life and times of the Tortuguero
king Balam Ajaw (even more bizarre is that it follows
a parentage statement naming both his mother and
father). Yet in relation to time this is no ordinary text.
The Kalabtun cycle is being evoked in anticipation
of the future 13 Bak'tun period recorded in the final
passage on Monument 6, where it is clearly predicted
that the Bolon Yokte' will preside. It also gives a
glimpse at how primordial, present, and future time
are fantastically linked within the minds of the an-
cient scribe. By evoking the Kalabtun cycle, Balam
Ajaw is collapsing deep, cosmic time and godly
deeds with historical time and kingly deeds to claim
a connection with the farthest reaches of time and an-
cestry (Farris 1987:579). It is a strategy that is similar
to what K'inich Janab Pakal of Palenque uses on the
Temple of the Inscriptions West Panel, when the king
connects the anniversary of his accession to the ac-
cession of a primordial god 1.25 million years prior
(Guenter 2007; Schele and Mathews 1998:106). On
the same tablet, Pakal then forecasts into the far dis-
tant future and connects his reign to the future twelfth
and fourteenth Bak'tuns (MacLeod and Van Stone
^.<=^ 2011 ) as well as the future Piktun ending on October
o
23, AD 4772 (Guenter 2007; Schele and Mathews
1998:107). So the primordial rites and myths con-
nected to the Kalabtun cycle are not confined to the
past. On the contrary, they can also be activated in the
present moment.
In a mythic mind-set, primordial acts (i.e., first
FIGURE 16. Excerpt from Tor-
sunrise, first sunset, first renewal of a cycle, etc.)
tuguero Monument 6, blocks
L3-L12. Drawing by Ian
are replayed in the circular course of time so that
Graham. in the past, present, and distant future there is only

50 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
primordial time, with its initial acts being repeated
again and again (Van der Leeuw 1958:336) in ex-
actly the same manner. Yet how is it in the case of
Balam Ajaw of Tortuguero and Pakal of Palenque
that a dead king can officiate a future period-ending?
Dead relatives often appear on monuments officiat-
ing rites, as is the case on Palenque's Temple XXI
Panel, where a deceased Pakal is pictured handing
a personified bloodletter to Kinich Ahkal Mo' Nahb
III, who was born 38 years after the death of Pakal
(Barbara MacLeod, personal communication 2011).
In the primordial mind-set, even death does not bar a
king from performing a future sacral act, as Quiriguá
Zoomorph G explicitly states. Scribes on Zoomorph
G (the king's death monument) record that the king
K'ahk' Tiliw has died and record his death date
(11 Ik' 5 yax) in blocks N' l-M'2 of the text. In the
very next passage, they count forward to the tenth
Bak'tun. The text then clearly states that the 5 K'atun
Lord (who is K'ahk' Tiliw) is there to commemorate
future period-ending rites with a k'al binding event
(blocks N'2-M'3). So here is an explicit statement
that a dead king will commemorate a future rite
beyond the grave (Looper 2007:98). Neither death
nor the confines of the present moment restricts a
king from navigating time and performing sacred
acts that no doubt were thought to preserve the or-
der and life of the community. We witness here that
primordial time, especially deep-time rites linked to
enormous spans of time, embodied a mythic set of
truths that is not of "a logical nor historical order: it
is above all a religious and more specially a magical
order" (Raffael Pettazzoni 1948, quoted in Van der
Leeuw 1958:331) and one that allows a dead king to
navigate through time beyond his own death. So by
connecting his life and ancestry to the past Kalabtun
and future Bak'tun cycles and the gods who preside
over them, Balam Ajaw of Tortuguero is perfectly
in step with his contemporaries as he reaffirms his
connection to the eternal cosmic drama and the flow
of time.
Conclusion
Prior to modern science and the Enlightenment, a
major task of myth and religion was not only to
convey an understanding of self but also to give
meaningful order to the world (Assmann 2006:35).
Order then becomes the sacred foundation on which
the era day story rests. The "totality of meaningful
order" (Assmann 2006:33) is embodied in the godly
action of tz'ak, which describes the sequential order
of deities, space, time, and ritual actions that was first
practiced by the gods and later given to humans to
maintain and replicate. It is not just an order related
to knowledge of the world but a cosmic order arising
out of the great mystery of the universe, the myste-
rium tremendum (Campbell 2001:1-5), which partly
reveals itself through the intricate machinations of
the Maya calendar, its divinations and mathematics.'
From our small glimpse of Maya era day activities,
we see that the establishment of order at the start of
the era stands at the very core of the cosmogonie
act. The ordering of the gods is paramount, espe-
cially gods related to the Sun. The ordering of the
Sun God coincides with other era day and pre-era
day events, such as the organization of space-time
via the threatened destruction and renewal of the
Bakab sky-bearer, the formation of the number 20.
These acts echo what will happen near the close of
the future 13 Bak'tun period in the year 2012, when
the primordial gods return again to reset the count of
days as they did in the regeneration of the Kalabtun
cycle. As the writings of the Book of Chilam Balam
ofChumayel dictate (Roys 1967:109), what occurs
in the past K'atun will happen in the future K'atun.
Past, in other words, is very much prologue.
Acknowledgments
I want to thank John B. Carlson for his many efforts
in arranging these discussions on the 2012 topic for
publication in the University of Texas Press journal
Archaeoastronomy. I thank Clive L. N. Ruggles and
all those who organized the Ninth "Oxford" Interna-
tional Symposium on Archaeoastronomy in Lima,
Peru, in January 2011, where a short version of this
article was first presented. Many thanks also go to
Peter Mathews, Erik Boot, Barbara MacLeod, Mark
Van Stone, Michael Grofe, Peter Biro, Elisabeth
Wagner, Jeff Buechler, Hutch Kinsmin, Donald
Hales, and Paul Johnson for their invaluable advice
VOLUME XXIV 2011 51
and support in tracking down sources and exploring
all issues pertaining to Maya writing and art. Also a
special thanks goes especially to Sven Gronemeyer,
who helped with final corrections. Finally, I would
like to thank the Archaeology Department and the
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at La
Trobe University for their financial support, which
made this investigation possible.
Notes
A shorter version of this article titled "Cosmogony and
Prophecy: Maya Era Day Cosmology in the Context of
the 2012 Prophecy" first appeared in Archaeoastronomy
and Ethnoastronomy: Building Bridges between Cultures
(Callaway 2011).
1. For dictionary references to the term tz'ak, see the compi-
lation made by Wagner (2005), from which I take the following
references: chol (Aulie and Aulie 1978:121); chontal (Keller
and Luciano G. 1997:260-261; Smailus 1975:138); chorti
(Pérez Martínez et al. 1996:227); tzeltal (Ara and Humberto
Ruz 1986:393; Berlín 1968:156,195,223;SlocumandGerdel
1971); tzotzil (Laughlin 1975); yucatek (Barrera Vásquez
1980:871-873); mopan (Ulrich and Ulrich 1976:223).
2. A reading of the God N title has been provided by Erik
Boot (personal communication 2010).
3. An inscription identical to the first column exists on
page 69 of the codex (Cl-DlO).
4. As for the numerical count of days being expressed,
Grofe (2007:60-65) thinks such periods act as a Distance
Number to be counted from the era day. What is important
to note is that gods and time periods are being formulated
side by side.
5. The Motul dictionary also lists the verb pat as inventar
and fingir (see Brotherston 1992:290).
6. See a parallel passage on page 69 that clearly states the
"triad" glyph.
7. As Campbell keenly notes: "The gods themselves are
[perhaps] simply agents of that great high mystery, the secret
of which is found in mathematics. This can still be observed
in our sciences, in which the mathematics of time and space
are regarded as the veil through which the great mystery, the
tremendum, shows itself (Campbell 2001:1-5).
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VOLUME XXIV 2011 55
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