Diaz Ledesma Lucas Y Morales Orlando Gabriel (Ed) - Identidades E Interculturalidad en Etnografias Reflexivas

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NTERCULTURALIDAD
IDENTIDADES
E INTERCULTURALIDAD
EN ETNOGRAFAS
REFLEXIVAS
Editores
Lucas Daz Ledesma
Orlando Gabriel Morales
Director
Carlos Giordano
Coordinadores Editoriales
Paula Porta, Bianca Racioppe

y Lucas Daz Ledesma
IDENTIDADES E INTERCULTURALIDAD
EN ETNOGRAFAS REFLEXIVAS
IDENTIDADES E INTERCULTURALIDAD
EN ETNOGRAFAS REFLEXIVAS
Editores
Lucas Daz Ledesma y Orlando Gabriel Morales
Director
Carlos Giordano
Coordinadores editoriales
Paula Porta, Bianca Racioppe y Lucas Daz Ledesma
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INTRODUCCIN
Identidades e Interculturalidad
en Etnografas Reflexivas
con Africanos y Afrodescendientes.
Un Conversatorio como Instancia
de Produccin de Conocimiento
Por Orlando Gabriel Morales y Lucas Daz Ledesma
El conversatorio: punto de partida

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1 Especficamente, las investigaciones desarrolladas por quienes asistieron a este convesatorio se localizan en la Ciudad Autnoma de Buenos Aires, el Gran Buenos Aires y
la regin de La Plata -capital de la provincia de Buenos Aires-. Sin embargo, podemos
presuponer que las caractersticas de las experiencias que se pusieron en dilogo en
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aquella instancia de intercambio y se retoman ahora en este libro ataen tambin a investigaciones realizadas en otros contextos de la sociedad nacional en Argentina.
2 Nos referimos al Primer Conversatorio Identidad/es y Sujeto/s. Perspectivas tericometodolgicas, un encuentro en el que participaron tesistas de grado y graduados
recientes de distintas carreras de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, quienes estaban
realizando o haban elaborado tesis o tesinas en las que abordaban la cuestin de las
identidades sociales.
3 Las preguntas que se plantearon como disparadores fueron: 1) Cul es su problema
de investigacin y cmo se articula con el estudio de la/s identidad/es y sujeto/s?; 2)
Desde qu perspectiva terico-metodolgica aborda la cuestin de la/s identidad/es
y sujeto/s?; 3) Qu avances o resultados de su investigacin considera significativos
respecto a esta lnea de anlisis?.
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actual visibilidad social y poltica de africanos y afrodescendientes en Argentina para que
el lector pueda entrever la complejidad de esta coyuntura y las conexiones de procesos
de carcter global y/o local.
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5 Cullenward (2009) explica esta nueva corriente de migrantes africanos hacia Argentina
aludiendo a una conexin con los cambios restrictivos asumidos en la legislacin aplicable en materia migratoria por la Unin Europea. Para ms detalles sobre estas dinmicas
migratorias y una caracterizacin de la migracin reciente de africanos en Argentina
lase Morales (2010; 2011a; 2011b) y Chevalier-Beaumel y Morales (2012).
14
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6 Cabe aclarar que previo a la convocatoria de los participantes del II Conversatorio

Identidades y Sujetos. Interculturalidad en el trabajo etnogrfico con africanos y afrodescendientes tenamos conocimiento de su tema de investigacin y se realiz una lectura
de algunos de sus trabajos publicados. Por otra parte, hay que decir que para esta
compilacin se seleccionaron los trabajos que evidenciaron un desarrollo avanzado del
proceso de investigacin y de reflexin metodolgica.
15
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7 Hacemos referencia a la orientacin terico-metodolgica que a partir de la dcada

de 1970 expresa un replanteo epistemolgico respecto a la experiencia de campo en
etnografa, introduciendo la reflexividad como una dimensin crtica que hoy aparece
como un principio fundamental del anlisis transcultural (Aug y Colleyn, 2006: 93).
16
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8 En trabajos anteriores de Katzer y Morales (2009) y Morales (2011c) se desarrolla un

modelo de anlisis situacional de las interacciones comunicativas en el trabajo etnogrfico.
17
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9 Rita Segato se refiere al fundamentalismo disciplinar o culturalismo de las disciplinas

que no es ms que la estrategia para perpetuar el control sobre los campos de saber y
los modos de producir conocimiento. Cerrar el debate y los cruces tiene como objetivos
crear corrales de poder sobre recursos por los jerarcas de las disciplinas (Segato, 2003).
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CAPTULO I
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1 El testimonio de Adriano Rocha es repetido en diversas circunstancias, tanto en el

marco de celebraciones puntuales como en situaciones cotidianas en torno a reuniones
informales en la Sociedad Caboverdeana. A su vez, se hace referencia a su historia en
diversos artculos en medios de comunicacin, por ejemplo un artculo del diario La
Nacin del 3/12/2010 introduce su experiencia y lo describe como el polizn ms
famoso del Docke. Otra nota, en la revista Sudestada, se refiere a su historia y a la de
otros inmigrantes que llegaron en las mismas condiciones, sin nacionalidad portuguesa.
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2 En algunos casos al llegar al pas los inmigrantes oriundos de Cabo Verde se casaban
con hijas de caboverdeanos (mujeres de primera generacin) a quienes no les haba sido
transmitida la enseanza del crole. En otros casos, las uniones se establecan por fuera
de la comunidad, con inmigrantes y descendientes de otros orgenes, como italianos,
espaoles, alemanes, que residan en la localidad de Dock Sud y sus alrededores.
3 No profundizaremos aqu en el tema de la Juventud caboverdeana de 1950, para ms
detalles consultar el trabajo de Maffia (2010).
33
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Los usos sociales de las generaciones

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4 Las primeras generaciones tienen entre 40 y 50 aos de edad, las segundas generaciones entre 20 y 30 aos, aproximadamente.
36
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5 No profundizar aqu en la amplia trayectoria poltica de Miriam Gomes, aunque cabe

sealar que su caso constituye un tema ineludible para analizar los cambios introducidos
39
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en la institucin caboverdeana que incidirn en las generaciones subsiguientes.

6 Es necesario aclarar que algunas de las personas de primera generacin que han sido
contactadas son hijos de argentinos descendientes de caboverdeanos o bien hijos de
inmigrantes caboverdianos, por parte de padre, y de argentinos nativos, por parte de
madre. Por este motivo, nos basamos en el criterio histrico y temporal mencionado
anteriormente para identificar a las diferentes generaciones, aunque sin dejar de tener
presente estas situaciones, ya que bien pueden incidir en los niveles de autoidentificacin
mencionados.
40
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7 Entre estas figuran: frica Vive, Movimiento Afrocultural, la Casa de la Cultura Indoafroamericana de Santa Fe, El Instituto Nacional contra la Discriminacin, la Xenofobia y el
Racismo (INADI), as como algunas asociaciones de inmigrantes africanos y afrodescendientes como la Asociacin de Residentes Senegaleses en Argentina y Organizacin de
Haitianos viviendo en Argentina, entre otras.
8 Informe del proyecto Apoyo a la poblacin afroargentina y a sus organizaciones de
base, Sociedad Caboverdeana de Dock Sud.
9 El presente curso fue organizado por el Gobierno de Cabo Verde mediante el Instituto
das Comunidades, perteneciente al Ministrio dos Negcios Estrangeiros, Cooperacao e
Comunidades de las islas, para lo cual se contrat a un profesor venido de Cabo Verde.
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10 El documental (2007) relata la preparacin, durante el transcurso de dos aos, de

los Abyali Percussion, un grupo de msicos jvenes de Camern que ensayan incansablemente para el momento de una hipottica -y luego real- posibilidad de presentar
su msica en el marco de un festival en Camern. Uno de los objetivos propuestos por
el grupo es de dar a conocer los ritmos tradicionales del pas en su combinacin con la
msica actual, y as evitar que caigan en el olvido.
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56
CAPTULO II
Comunicacin e interculturalidad
en el trabajo etnogrfico. Identificaciones
e intercambios en un trabajo de campo
con migrantes africanos recientes
en Argentina
Por Orlando Gabriel Morales
Un ejercicio de reflexividad
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1 Programa de Doctorado en Comunicacin, Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicacin

Social de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata.
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2 La reciente migracin proveniente del frica subsahariana a la que refiero se registra

desde mediados de la dcada de 1990 e incluye procedencias de diversos pases tales
como Senegal, Costa de Marfil, Mal, Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana, Togo, Sierra Leona, Liberia,
Gambia y Camern. Los datos oficiales existentes indican que en el ao 2001 el nmero
de extranjeros procedentes de frica se registraba en 1.883 personas, mientras que
en ao 2010 esta poblacin ascenda a 2.738 personas (Censos 2001 y Censo 2010,
Instituto Nacional de Estadsticas y Censos), lo que representa un crecimiento de casi
el 50 por ciento.
58
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3 El uso que hacemos implica algunas adecuaciones necesarias, pero el ncleo conceptual se mantiene en los trminos enunciados por Gluckman (1987) en el marco de
un anlisis de las relaciones sociales entre blancos y africanos en Zululandia (Unin de
Sudfrica).
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5 Digo esto teniendo en cuenta que mi primer acercamiento a los migrantes africanos
en el pas fue a travs de la realizacin de un documental fotogrfico y no de una investigacin acadmica. De manera que mi conocimiento de la cuestin afro era casi nula y
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no iba mucho ms all de los prejuicios de sentido comn en nuestro mbito social. Fue
recin a partir de mi inters por conocer ms acerca de estos migrantes negros recientes, por una necesidad propia de la realizacin de ese documental de carcter social,
que empec a descubrir a los africanos y afrodescendientes en el contexto local y en
la historia nacional.
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6 Sobre las potencialidades de la fotografa como herramienta de investigacin puede

consultarse el trabajo de Espiro publicado en esta misma obra.
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7 En otro trabajo (Morales, 2011a) he referido a estas situaciones con ejemplos especficos. Tambin el trabajo de Kleidermacher incluido en esta obra alude a situaciones de
comunicacin y problemas terico-metodolgicos conexos.
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77
CAPTULO III
Explorando representaciones
de los migrantes africanos recientes
en Argentina mediante la produccin
propia de fotografas
Por Mara Luz Espiro
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1 Zubrzycki (2009) propone el uso del trmino nuevos migrantes porque Argentina ha
tenido presencia de africanos desde finales del siglo XVI.
2 Se han registrado inmigrantes de Senegal, Guinea, Costa de Marfil, Nigeria, Ghana,
Togo, Camern, Mal, Liberia, Gambia y Sierra Leona.
3 De entre los inmigrantes que llegan a La Plata, y a Argentina en general, la mayora
son senegaleses y pertenecen a cofradas religiosas como la mouride -organizacin
religiosa dentro del mundo islmico- cuya base de sustento tradicional es el comercio y la
migracin, en tanto prctica que es estimulada. En este marco, la venta ambulante viene
a representar una prctica conocida para el mantenimiento de la estructura religiosa y de
las estrategias familiares que impulsan la migracin. Pero a su vez, la juventud del frica
Subsahariana se halla en situaciones de desarticulacin de las estructuras contenedoras
en sus propios pases y encuentran en la migracin una solucin a este panorama. Es
importante tener en cuenta ambos factores para comprender el proceso migratorio que
trae a los senegaleses hasta aqu.
79
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4 Nmero estimado por mis interlocutores senegaleses y corroborado en una reunin

que mantuvimos a la cual se convoc a toda la comunidad.
5 Facebook es un sitio de redes sociales de la World Wide Web mediante el cual un
usuario registrado puede relacionarse de modo virtual con otros usuarios. Actualmente
los usos de Facebook son muy variados, y abarcan desde intercambiar material virtual
-como fotografas, videos, msica- hasta llevar adelante negocios. Asimismo, sus
usuarios van desde personas individuales, hasta ctedras de universidades, programas
televisivos, artistas, entre otros.
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6 Durante los primeros meses de su estada las palabras aprendidas en el idioma local
estn relacionadas con la venta ambulante de bijouterie. Esta situacin si bien permite
un intercambio en castellano y una apertura a jugar con el vocabulario, se encuentra
siempre tensada por un lmite. Y aunque el anlisis de contexto que valoriza el lenguaje
de la comunicacin no verbal atraviesa constantemente el trabajo de campo, en este
caso surgan restricciones al momento de intentar profundizar en los significados que
construyen la visin de mundo de mi interlocutor principal. Sin embargo, la voluntad de
comunicacin estaba siempre presente, lo mismo que el reconocimiento de los lmites
desde ambos lados -porque como investigadora tampoco manejo el idioma wolof o el
francs con profundidad comunicativa-.
81
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7 El mtodo, autora de Sol Worth y John Adair, consiste en entregarles a los sujetos un
dispositivo de registro visual o audiovisual para que se refieran visualmente a su vida o
expresen con imgenes algunos conceptos
8 Bamba es el apodo que eligi en Argentina el protagonista senegals de esta
experiencia. Su nombre verdadero no ser mencionado aqu para proteger su privacidad.
Las fotografas que se muestran en este trabajo fueron utilizadas con su consentimiento.
82
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9 Desarrollada en el libro Trough Navajo Eyes (Worth y Adair, 1972) y en publicaciones

anteriores como Navajo Filmmakers (Worth y Adair, 1970).
10 Traduccin propia del ingls.
86
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11 Traduccin propia del portugus.
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88
FOTO 1
S, es importante mi Facebook, porque yo quiero en mi Facebook
tener muchas fotos. Muy importante, porque la otra gente tiene Facebook de Bamba y mirando las fotos ()Para mi familia, todos, mi
amigo, mi amiga, todos conocen Bamba, tiene Facebook, toda, toda
persona conoce Bamba, para mirando en mi Facebook
89
FOTO 2
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90
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FOTO 3
Yo tiene muchos amigos en Senegal y ellos dicen yo quiero ver la foto
argentina, Argentina muy lindo. All [Senegal] es lindo pero ac ms
lindo, muy grande
91
FOTO 4
Yo tengo moto en Senegal, ahora de mi hermano () La moto sola no
me interesa!
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12 Esta nocin es tomada de Lahitte, Maffia y Cascardi (1988).
92
FOTO 5
Ella quiere las fotos en el Facebook, porque su hija y ella quieren ver.
No es para mi familia, es para la hija de ella. Buscala en el Facebook,
este es su nombre, yo no encontrar.
Amigos trabajando, queran fotos y yo tambin. Amiga y amigo trabajando, Patricia y Ale.
8QDGHODVYHQGHGRUDVFRQODVTXH%DPEDFRPSDUWHFRWLGLD
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93
FOTO 6
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94
FOTO 7
[Esta foto] no, no es importante, importante ms o menos
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95
FOTO 8
(Risas) Porque yo quiero muchas fotos para mi lbum de Facebook
FOTO 9
Esta es la casa de mi hermano, casa Roja, la casa de otros chicos, mis
compaeros trabajando, hora yo visit al marabout, no trabajando ahora
96
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FOTO 10
La gente decirme sacame, sacarme foto para marabout. Toda gente tens la foto est. La copiaron de mi computador
Muy importante mir, todos, Lo mejor! La gente ac pasa por una iglesia
para rezar, esto igual. Pedirle ayuda a dios, igual al marabout. Porque el
marabout le dice a dios, la gente no le dice derecho a dios, marabout s
puede. Yo decirle al marabout para vivir tranquilo, la familia, todos, tener
plata, igual.
97
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FOTO 11
Sante serigne fallou mbacke, escribe Bamba en su Facebook acompaando esta foto; Sama wadji magl bou weer5% responde por Facebook
Mback Gueye, su amigo en Dakar.

Dice el mejor marabout. Para publicitar, yo quiero toda la gente saber
[que es] el mejor marabout. Mback dice seguro, porque l conoce al
marabout
Muy, muy, muy importante para sacar esta foto, un suvenir. Yo morir y mi
familia mirando mis fotos. Yo tengo en Facebook, todo, todo yo tengo en
Facebook
98
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99
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FOTO 12
Yo tengo en Facebook. La gente, como ella tiene una igual en Facebook.
Ella recuperacin [copi] las fotos de mi computadora. Toda gente tens
la foto esta
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100
FOTO 13
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101
FOTO 14
Mi amigo Abdoul, extrao mucho Abdoul, muy buena persona. Muy lindo.
Ahora en Brasil.
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102
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FOTO 15
Modu. Conocs. Porque yo vivo en La Plata, me gusta, me gusta La Plata,
porque yo vivo en La Plata, yo trabajando La Plata. Modu ahora ya no vive
en La Plata, pero ahora [en la fotografa] s viva en La Plata
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acusados por el gobierno de ser delincuentes y causantes de la desocupacin (Grimson
y Jelin, 2006)
2 Grimson observa que en los noventa comenz a esbozarse un cambio en el rgimen
de visibilidad de la etnicidad en la Argentina, de una situacin de invisibilizacin de la
diversidad a una creciente hipervisibilizacin de las diferencias. Ese proceso debe
ser contextualizado en el marco global de los debates y polticas multiculturales, y los
nfasis en la cuestin del reconocimiento (Grimson, 2006:70).
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3 Trabajo y Cultura afro en la Argentina. Subsecretaria de Relaciones Laborales. Ministerio de Trabajo, Empleo y Seguridad Social, Anexo I (2011).
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4 Algunos de ellos me han comentado que han sido grabados sin su autorizacin y luego
transmitidos en vivo en una radio. Otros han sido fotografiados y su imagen publicada en
una revista sin su permiso.
122
Elecciones conceptuales: Racismo y Discriminacin

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5 La aprobacin de la Carta de Derechos Humanos en 1948 por la Organizacin de las

Naciones Unidas (ONU) y las actividades de la Organizacin de las Naciones Unidas para
la Educacin, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) tuvieron un importante papel en la lucha
contra el racismo que lo convirti en algo indeseable y legitim las reivindicaciones de
los grupos a favor de la igualdad (Taguieff, 2002)
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6 Carmichael y Hamilton (1967) desarrollaron hacia los aos 60 la nocin de racismo institucional. Segn los autores, el racismo puede adoptar dos formas: puede ser
abierto e individual o no declarado e institucional. En esta ltima forma no necesita
parecer intencionado, est arraigado en prcticas rutinarias, en el funcionamiento de las
organizaciones. Desde esta perspectiva el racismo constituye una propiedad estructural
del sistema, se convierte en un fenmeno objetivo, localizado en la dominacin y en la
jerarqua social. Sin embargo, Wieviorka observa que esta idea conduce a una paradoja
inaceptable ya que, exonera a cada uno de los individuos porque el nico responsable
es el sistema y al mismo tiempo culpabiliza a todo el mundo, puesto que cada uno se
beneficia de esa situacin y participa en ella (1992:151).
125
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7 Segn Espelt (2009), este racismo se manifiesta cuando las normas sobre la conducta
socialmente correcta son dbiles, cuando se pueden encontrar argumentos no relacionados con cuestiones tnicas para justiciar o legitimar actitudes negativas, cuando son
respuestas espontneas o se est bajo una situacin de tensin o excitacin emocional.
Si no se dan las condiciones anteriores el sujeto acta de manera igualitaria y evita cualquier conducta que pueda parecer racista.
126
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8 Un joven de Ghana ejemplificaba esta situacin al relatarme que en la escuela la maestra haba llevado a un cura negro y otro blanco para mostrar que el color no diferencia a
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CAPTULO V
Reflexiones sobre nuestros presupuestos
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1 Stavenhagen sostiene que las grandes interpretaciones de las ciencias sociales en

Amrica Latina han pasado de moda, dando lugar a las comparaciones: () las investigaciones minuciosas sobre tendencias, divergencias, desviaciones, curvas, contingencias, causalidades, medias y normas () (Stavenhagen, 2009: 2).
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Colombia, adems que provienen, al igual que el concepto de grupos tnicos, del reconocimiento jurdico de estas poblaciones con la Constitucin poltica de 1991.
3 Comparten esta tendencia los temas vinculados con las identidades y las memorias
histrico-culturales que, al igual que la etnicidad, han adquirido relevancia para la ciencia
poltica desde la dcada de los noventa del siglo pasado (Maya Restrepo, 2009).
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SOBRE LOS AUTORES
Lucas Daz Ledesma

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Orlando Gabriel Morales

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181
Este libro surge del II Conversatorio Identidades y Sujetos. Interculturalidad

en el trabajo etnogrfico con africanos y afrodescendientes que se realiz
como parte del programa de actividades de 2012 de la Lnea de Investigacin
Identidad/es y Sujeto/s del Instituto de Investigaciones en Comunicacin
(IICom, FPyCS, UNLP)
La obra pone en dilogo a jvenes investigadores que reflexionan sobre sus
etnografas con migrantes africanos y/o con afrodescendientes prestando
atencin a las modalidades de manifestacin e incidencias en sus pesquisas
de cuestiones atinentes a las identidades y la interculturalidad en el contexto
de una sociedad nacional en que estos grupos sociales han sido
histricamente negados.
ISBN 978-950-34-1046-2

Diaz Ledesma Lucas Y Morales Orlando Gabriel (Ed) - Identidades E Interculturalidad en Etnografias Reflexivas

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Diaz Ledesma Lucas Y Morales Orlando Gabriel (Ed) - Identidades E Interculturalidad en Etnografias Reflexivas

Cargado por

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Formatos disponibles

D

Paula Porta, Bianca Racioppe

Paula Porta, Bianca Racioppe y Lucas Daz Ledesma

El conversatorio: punto de partida

Problematizar la cuestin de las identidades

4 Cabe reconocer que semejante construccin excede las posibilidades e intenciones de

Africanos y afrodescendientes: visibilidad social

6 Cabe aclarar que previo a la convocatoria de los participantes del II Conversatorio

Las etnografas y la reflexividad

7 Hacemos referencia a la orientacin terico-metodolgica que a partir de la dcada

8 En trabajos anteriores de Katzer y Morales (2009) y Morales (2011c) se desarrolla un

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9 Rita Segato se refiere al fundamentalismo disciplinar o culturalismo de las disciplinas

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Reflexiones sobre el proceso

Por Mara Cecilia Martino

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Acercamiento a la institucin: el espacio

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Los usos sociales de las generaciones

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Reciprocidad, mediacin y alteridad

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12 Esta nocin es tomada de Lahitte, Maffia y Cascardi (1988).

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