Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
A Flag Is A Weave Una Bandera Es Una Tra
A Flag Is A Weave Una Bandera Es Una Tra
FRATERNIDAD
ARTE
POLÍTICA
1971 -1973
40 ANOS
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD POR CHILE
FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
1971 -1973
ÍNDICE
Envío Cuba ) 54
Envío Italia f 93
índice 2S2
Carla Macchiavello Nacida en Santiago de Chile (1978) Licenciada 9n Estética de la Pontificia Universidad
Católica de Chile, Magíster y Doctorado en Historia y Crítica del Arte en Stony Brook University, Nueva
York, USA Fue becarla Fulbnght y ha ejercido corno profesora adjunta en Historia del Arte en Stony Brook
University, Suffolk Community College y St Joseph's College, Nueva York. Desde 2010. trabaja como profe-
sora asistente en Historia del Arte en la Universidad de Los Andes. Bogotá. Colombia. Ha realizado curadu-
rías en torno a! arte actual de América Latina, entre las que destacan1 Unükely Savages en el AC Instüute
de Nueva York (2011): Operación Deisy en el Instituto Chileno-Norteamericano de Santiago (2007). y Acts
of Transíation. SAC Gallery, NY (2006). Sus publicaciones se han centrado en el arte de América Latina
desde 1960, enfocándose en el performance, video, arte conceptual y artes gráficas.
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
El vinculo entre arte y política rara vez se analiza a partir de la amistad, sino
que tiende a articularse según diferencias, tensiones y conflictos. Palabras como
vanguardia y retaguardia, revolución y tradición sugieren fuerzas en pugna más
que vínculos afectivos. Sin embargo, el Museo de la Solidaridad se formó entre 1971
y 1973 en Santiago de Chile a partir de una trama compleja de relaciones intelec
tuales, políticas y artísticas que entrecruzaron la historia de un proyecto social re-
volucionario con un museo de arte internacional y reunieron a una serie de inte-
lectuales y artistas que se sintieron convocados y movidos por estas ideas. Ocupo
la palabra 'movidos', ya que el afecto va más allá del cariño sentido entre distintos
individuos, pues alude también a una sensación casi corpórea, vital, que une a las
personas y las transforma. El arte responde de cierta manera a su entorno y actúa
en él por medio del afecto, apelando a algo más que el discurso y el raciocinio. Este
ensayo intenta trazar algunas de las conexiones de fraternidad, política y expresión
que se urdieron durante los inicios del Museo de la Solidaridad y que lo tornaron en
un ejemplo de que el arte opera no solo a través de mensajes e intereses diversos,
sino también por medio de tramas de afectos.
Fueron en gran medida los vínculos de amistad, política y sintonía artística los
que llevaron al artista brasileño Antonio Días a enviar desde Nueva York, en febrero
de 1972, una carta a Chile al crítico Mario Pedrosa (1900- 1981) con la propuesta de
una obra para el patio del Museo de la Solidaridad que se erigiría en Santiago1. En
su carta, Dias explicaba que estaba experimentando con la pintura, tratando de ir
más allá de los límites impuestos por los medios convencionales y por el concepto
de 'objeto' preservado para la eternidad en un museo. Su interés iba por el lado de
las experiencias, lo que hacía eco de las posiciones de Pedrosa en torno al arte más
revolucionario de la época, que él pensaba se rehusaba a participar en un sistema
de consumo por medio de acciones, gestos, no objetos y ambientes efímeros 2 . La
propuesta de Dias parecía responder a esos preceptos: una simple bandera roja, sin
diseños ni inscripciones, pero tan grande (5 x 8 metros) como para que fuese "visi-
ble para todo el pueblo", mezclándose con los signos cotidianos de la ciudad, corno [23 PEDROSA, Mario. Transcripción de mesa
redonda en Instituto de Arte Latinoamericano,
las banderas de otros colores ideológicos-'. La obra enlazaba lo conceptual con lo
Cuadernos de la Escuela de Arle, n 4. octubre
material: una bandera es una tela con pigmento, una tela con pigmento es pin- 1997 p. 92 Ver también FIORI ARANTES.
Otilia Beatriz Mario Pedrosa Itinerario Crítico
tura, una pintura es un signo al igual que una bandera. Sin embargo, a diferencia Cosac Naify Sao Paulo. 2004. p 162.
del análisis semiótico que proponían otras obras con banderas, como la de Jasper
[3] DÍAS, Antonio. Cana a Mano Pedrosa, 17
johns, la de Dias se instalaría por fuera de la institución artística, confundiéndose de febrero 1972 En su carta. Días mencionaba
que la reproducción de la obra en una postal
con la vida diaria y ondeando en un ambiente cargado de emblemas y discursos
lormaba parte de la obra Archivo Museo de la
políticos. Solidaridad Salvador Allende
29
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
El color rojo escogido por Dias tenía una evidente resonancia política al aludir
a uno de los polos de influencia que marcaron la Guerra Fría: el comunismo. La
bandera alzaría en Chile el espectro marxista en un mundo que después de la Se-
gunda Guerra Mundial se dividió imaginaria, física e ideológicamente a partir de la
influencia económica y bélica de Estados Unidos de América y la Unión Soviética
sobre otros países y regiones. La pugna ideológica entre esas potencias se manifes-
tó tanto en las purgas internas de cada bloque de elementos contrarios al régimen
en control (basta pensar en el senador |oseph McCarthy y su cacería de brujas en
Estados Unidos en los años 40's y 50's) como en la intervención internacional que
cobró mayor resonancia en los conflictos armados de Corea (1950-1953); la ocu-
pación norteamericana de la República Dominicana (1965); la Guerra de Vietnam
(1965-1974), y la invasión soviética de Afganistán (1980). Esa batalla se trasladó
también al campo de la ciencia; la tecnología (la carrera espacial); los deportes (los
fuegos Olímpicos de Moscú boicoteados en 1980); la vida cotidiana y la cultura po-
pular, emergiendo en películas de espionaje como The Manchurian Candidate (1962),
hasta la irónica visión de una guerra nuclear en Dr. Strangdove de Stanley Kubrick
(1964) y la influencia del libro rojo de Mao en jóvenes intelectuales franceses en La
Chinoise de [ean-Luc Codard (1967). La intrusión en 1962 de la crisis de los misiles
de Cuba en el espacio cotidiano, a través de los mensajes televisivos (además de los
radiales) instalaba nuevas formas de percibir y visualizar la amenaza de un desastre
nuclear, generando un ambiente de temor y reeelo global que no amainaría sino
hasta el final de los años 80's.
de la Organización Latinoamericana de Solidaridad (OLAS), celebrado en La Haba- [5] La carta escrita en francés (firmada
solamente por Pignon. Picasso. Moore y
na en 1967, los acuerdos de crear nuevas relaciones hemisféricas, establecidos en
Calder) fue reproducida en el artículo de
agosto de 1971 entre las dos naciones, culminaron con la visita de Castro a Chile en Virginia Vidal. "Más prisa para el Museo de la
Solidaridad", publicada en £1 Sigla. 25 de abril
noviembre de ese año y con su abierto apoyo al proceso socialista chileno4. 1973 Según Vidal la carta se publicó en 1970,
pero apareció recién el 9 de marzo de 1972 en
Fue en ese contexto polarizado y efervescente que el crítico de arte y activis- The New York Review oí Books bajo el título
"The Case of Mario Pedrosa" con las firmas de
ta político brasileño Mario Pedrosa llegó exiliado a Chile. En Brasil, Pedrosa había otros 25 artistas latinoamericanos residentes
sido acusado de difamación por haber difundido información en el extranjero so- en París.
bre las violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas por la dictadura brasileña. El 9 [6] The New York Review of Books publicó el 11
de marzo de 1971 un articulo de Dore Ashton
de marzo de 1972, el The New York Review ofBooks publicó una carta abierta dirigida
titulado "Protest In Brazíl" En él la autora
al General Emilio Garrastazu Médici, entonces Presidente de Brasil, ñrmada por los contaba que Pedrosa (de paso por Nueva York
camino a Nueva Delhl) le había traído un
artistas Alexander Calder; Henry Moore; Cristiane du Pare; Carlos Cruz-Diez; |ove- artículo del diario chileno La Segunda donde
nal Ravelo; (aeques Vagmarsky; Zao Wou KÍ; Agam; Eduard Pignon; Pablo Picasso; se mencionaba que una sene de periodistas e
intelectuales brasileños (incluyendo a Pedrosa)
Max Bill; Fierre Soulages; Luc-AlainBois, entreoíros5. En ella los artistas condena- habían siclo acusados de entregar a Amnistía
Internacional y otras personas Informa-
ban la orden de encarcelamiento de Pedrosa y declaraban responsable al gobierno
ción sobre casos de tortura en una prisión
brasileño del bienestar de este crítico que describían como "una de las expresiones brasileña. Pedrosa creía que la protesta de
los intelectuales estadounidenses podía tener
más notables de un país que él siempre ha representado y ha sabido defender con cierta influencia sobre el gobierno brasileño y
intransigencia y coraje"11. Pedrosa pidió asilo en la embajada chilena y llegó al país Ashton incitaba a los lectores de la publicación
a escribir cartas en señal de apoyo y protesta
en octubre de 1970, incorporándose como profesor e investigador en la Facultad
31
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SAI VADOR ALLENDE
32
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
las provincias más lejanas, así como en la creación de Casas de la Cultura, ocupan
do viejas casas patronales 14 .
33
MUSEO OE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
y del respaldo político al nuevo Chile y su camino revolucionario. Pedresa fue ins-
trumental en darle una forma específica al Museo. En conjunto con el IAL de la
Universidad de Chile, Pedrosa comenzó a esbozar un Comité de Solidaridad Artís-
tica con Chile (CISAC) conformado por críticos, curadores y directores de museos
internacionales que pudiesen comprometerse con esta causa artístico-política20.
Para finales de 1971, el Comité estaba compuesto de una serie de figuras internacio-
nales que Pedrosa había conocido a través del AICA (Asociación Internacional de
Críticos de Arte, creada en 1949 en Francia) y sus labores como director de la Bienal
de Sao Paulo, y su selección respondía estratégicamente a su vinculación artística y
política. A los creadores europeos de la idea de solidaridad artística, como Moreno
Gal van y Levi, se sumaron los nombres de }ean Leymarie (1919-2006), director del
Museo Nacional de Arte Moderno en París, y Edward de Wilde (1919-2005), direc-
tor del Stedelijk Museum de Amsterdam, ambos asociados a una renovación de los
museos europeos en los años 60V1. A ellos se unieron Louis Aragón (1897-1982),
poeta y novelista francés asociado al surrealismo y miembro del Partido Comunis-
[20] En un memorándum de noviembre de
1971, aparecían como miembros del Comité ta francés; Giulio Cario Argan (1909-1992), historiador del arte italiano, miembro
Miguel Rojas Mix y Aldo Pellegnni además
del AICA (y presidente de la Asociación en 1963) y político asociado al comunis-
del poeta Pablo Neruda y los pintores Roberto
Mato y José Balines, junto a los nombres de mo22; Rafael Alberti (1902 1999), poeta español de la generación del 27, militante
G. C. Argan, Jean Leymane. Edward de Wilde
y Dore Ashton. Los nombres de los artistas
del Partido Comunista y amigo de Neruda, y [uliusz Starzynsky, profesor de crítica
chilenos y miembros del IAL fueron tachados, de arte y teoría en el Instituto de Historia del Arte de la Universidad de Varsovia y
quedando solo los internacionales como miem-
bros del Comité (a los cuales se sumaron las miembro del AICA.
figuras de Louls Aragón y Rafael AlbertO. con
Pedresa y Trelles como miembros del Comité En una reunión del AICA celebrada en Varsovia en septiembre de 1960, Pedrosa
Ejecutivo. Archivo del Museo de la Solidaridad
Salvador Allende conoció a quien sería uno de los miembros más activos del Comité: la crítica de arte
y activista política Dore Ashton. Conocida en Estados Unidos de América como una
[21] Leymane fue director del Museo Nacional
de Arte Moderno de París entre 1968 y 1973 crítica radical que había apoyado desde sus inicios al Expresionismo Abstracto,
Edward de Wílde fue director del Stedelíjk Mu-
seum de Amsterdam entre 1963 y 1985. donde
Ashton se había involucrado en una serie de causas políticas durante los años 60's:
realizó retrospectivas de reconocidos artistas participó en la organización del Angry Arts Week, una semana de acciones de pro-
modernos como Calder, Picasso y Dubuffet y
exposiciones colectivas de nuevas tendencias. testa y exposiciones en contra de la guerra de Vietnam realizadas en Nueva York en
1967, además de curar la exposición Social Comment in America de 1968 y participar
[22] Argan había participado corno jurado
en una serle de concursos y bienales en en una marcha por la paz en Washington D.C., que se había ñnanciado a través de la
Latinoamérica durante los 60's Cen el Instituto
Torcuato di Telia, por ejemplo) y comienzos de
donación de obras de arte23. Incluso antes de ser parte del CISAC, Ashton pensaba
los 70's CU Bienal Coltejer de Medellín). realizar un festival de artistas simpatizantes de la revolución chilena y después del
.23] Ver FRASCINA. Francis Art, política and Golpe Militar en Chile continuó trabajando para recuperar las obras de arte dona-
dissen! aspeóte oí the arí Jefí jn sjxtjes Améri-
das, conmemorar a Orlando I.etelier y ayudar a las víctimas afectadas por la Dicta-
Manchestet Uníverslty Press Manchestet y
Nueva York. 1999. pp 162-200 dura Militar a través del USLA (USA Committee for justice in Latín America).
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
Desde el IAL, Pedrosa comenzó a finales de 1971 a enviar las primeras cartas
a los miembros del Comité Internacional para que contactaran a otros curadores,
críticos y artistas que pudiesen simpatizar con la causa del Museo y así conseguir
la donación de obras. Aunque varios de los artistas que Pedrosa sugería en sus lis-
tas se habían asociado con anterioridad a la lucha contra la injusticia y la protesta
ante la guerra y el fascismo, los organizadores apelaban a un sentimiento general
de una comunidad artística internacional dedicada "al ideal de una sociedad más
justa, más libre y más humana que la que prevalece actualmente en la mayor parte
del mundo" 24 . En la Declaración Necesaria del CISAC donde se describía el proyecto,
ese sentimiento de solidaridad era vinculado con el socialismo en general como
"bandera natural de las clases proletarias, la de artistas, cientistas, intelectuales"
y con la lucha del tercer mundo contra el imperialismo y la marginalización cul-
tural en particular. La Declaración retomaba algunos de los principios expuestos
en la Declaración de La Habana al afirmar que
1
los artistas sentían que
!
la monopo-
'
,
[24] Comité internacional de Solidaridad Artis-
lización y mercantilización de sus trabajos desvirtuaba su sentido y deseaban en oca con CM». Dedaractón Necesaua noviem-
bre 1971. p 1 Archivo Museo de la Solidaridad
cambio que sus obras llegasen a personas y lugares "desprivilegiados" por fuera de salvador Allende Cen adelante se abreviará «i
los grandes ejes metropolitanos del hemisferio noroccidentaF. Los artistas habían arctwo corno Archívo MSSA)
decidido donar sus obras a Chile para formar una colección "destinada a permitir la [25] ib¡d, P. z
35
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
36
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
ván en España fue una de las más eficaces: para las primeras semanas de abril había
[37] En su carta a Pedrosa de enero 18.1972.
llegado a Chile un grupo de obras abstractas e informalistas de artistas con los que Ashton le mencionaba que quizás se encon-
trarían con problemas, ya que vanos artistas
el crítico había trabajado en la Sala Darro de Madrid, muchos de los cuales eran conocidos habían exhibido en España, pese al
abiertamente anti-franquistas. Estilísticamente el envío era una suerte de resumen franquismo, y otros se habían negado a enviar
obras a Cuba inclusive antes que estallara el
de las distintas manifestaciones de lo que Moreno Calvan había llamado en 1969 la caso Padilla En su carta del 9 de junio 1972.
Ashton incluso hablaba de dejar Estados Uni-
"segunda vanguardia" española38; el informalismo de Barcelona (Modest Cuixart
dos debido a la impotencia que sentía en las
y (osep Guinovart solamente, ya que —como notaba Pedrosa— aún faltaba Antoni marchas en que participaba. Archivo MSSA
Tapies); el de Madrid (Manolo Millares); el informalismo involuntario de José Caba- [38] La primera vanguardia era el Surrealismo
llero; el "independiente" de Lucio Muñoz; la investigación abstracta derivada de la MORENO CALVAN. José María La última
vanguardia de /a pintura espafioia Magius:
geometría (con forgeOteizaa la cabeza, seguido por Eduardo Chillida), el realismo Barcelona. 1969. Sobre la llegada de las obras
españolas, ver VIDAL. Virginia "Museo de la
social marcado por las tendencias informalistas del Equipo Crónica y Rafael Cano-
Solidaridad no tiene precedentes", en El Siglo.
gar. A ellas se sumó una pintura de |oan Miró hecha especialmente para el Museo, 12 de abril 1972.
37
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
que fue transportada por el pintor y agregado cultural Pablo Burchard, convirtién-
dose en la 'vedette' propagandística del proyecto39. A través del agregado cultural
(osé de Rokha se gestionó la participación de artistas mexicanos que desde una
variedad de técnicas y posturas respondieron ai llamado solidario. Las obras mexi-
canas iban desde la crítica anti-fascista y la denuncia de abusos políticos, como en
el caso del Taller de La Gráfica Popular, pasando por la abstracción geométrica de
Manuel Felguérez, hasta llegar a los murales expandidos de Kazuya Sakai y de la
artista rumana residente en México, Myra Landau. La red solidaria que se extendía
parecía responder tanto al espíritu crítico y humanitario de la época, como a la re-
sonancia que encontraban las experiencias políticas personales de los artistas par-
ticipantes a través de distintos contextos: Felguérez, Gustavo Arias Murueta y José
Luis Cuevas, habían participado de los movimientos estudiantiles de 1968 creando
junto a otros artistas un mural colectivo, así como Balmes y Matta participarían de
la creación de murales junto a la Brigada Ramona Parra, entre otros artistas.
la integridad formal del arte en los años 60's, un crítico y teórico norteamericano
[43] "Multitudes han visitado en solo dos días
como Harold Rosenberg notaba que la posición entre los pintores norteamericanos la Chriexpo 72', La Nación, 18 de mayo 1972.
obras más conceptuales. La participación de una representación norteamericana 3 los arristas de la J Documenta de Kasseí
a participar en el Museo de la Solidaridad.
en el Museo de la Solidaridad era de importancia, ya que representaba un gesto
de cercanía entre dos países
1
que
'
se veían enfrentados en el área política. \L\o [52] PEDROSA. Mario Carta a Dore Ashton.
reflejaba los cambios por los que había pasado la abstracción en Estados Unidos e de noviembre 1972 Pedrosa mencionaba
. , también que se había formado un nuevo
desde los anos 50 s, comenzando por el expresionismo abstracto mas contenido gab1nBte con milltares para poder detener el
de Adja Yunkers, para continuar con el acercamiento de la abstracción gestual a la Pdro yen aeneral confiaba en w*'« Fuerzas
Armadas se abstendrían de alzarse en contra
simplicidad del minimalismo, en el caso de Jake Berthot. La tendencia a la simpli- del gobierno Archivo MSSA
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLbNDh
en pie. Desde su exilio en México, Pedrosa seguía preocupado del proyecto y en [57] Según Pedrosa. trescientas obras habían
quedado en bodega en la UNCTAD además
una carta le pedía ayuda a Moreno Calvan para realizar su siguiente proyecto: rein-
de cuarenta que se encontraban expuestas,
tegrar el Museo fuera de Chile, recuperando las obras donadas57. Este sería parte del mientras que otras trescientas habían sido
puestas en bodega en el Museo Nacional de
impulso que llevó a una segunda etapa del Museo de la Solidaridad en el extranjero Bellas Artes por los militares y una última
y forma parte de la trama de amistades, compromisos y convicciones políticas, parte había quedado detenida en la Aduana
Marítima de Valparaíso PEDROSA. Mario
nuevas y viejas, que permiten que hoy, a cuarenta años de distancia, la bandera Carta a José María Moreno Calvan, octubre
roja de Antonio Dias pueda al fin materializarse. 1973 Archivo MSSA.
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
293
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
6 On U March 1971 The New York Review of Books publis- 8 In his review oí the Communlst Party's Jornadas de
hed an arricie by Dore Ashton entitled "Protest In BraziJ" in estudio sobre arte Cseminars for reflectiort and study on
which the author told of how Pedrosa Cpassíng through New artj, Fernando García described /eaving the universjty and
York on rus way to New DelhO had shoivn her an article ente/íng the outside world as a process of leavjng behínd
frorn the Chilean riewspaper La Segunda that told oí how a [he paternaíistic structure See GARCÍA. Fernando. "Informe
number oí Braziíian journaílsis and inteliectuals Oncluding a (as Jornadas de Estudio sobre Arte". In Apuntes, n 4.
Pedrosa) had been accused of glvmg Amnesty International January-February 1973. pp. 24-33.
and others Information regarding cases of torture that had
been camed out in a Brazilian prison Pedrosa belleved that
the Brazillan government m¡ght respond If American inte-
Jlectuals protested chis publicly and Ashton urged readers oí
[he magazine to wnte leiters of support and protesi
40 AMOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
in the Latín American identity. In October saying "If this museum smelled like onions,
1969 an exhibition was held in honor of that would be terrific"12. This new attitude
the Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh. fol- was also evident in the creation of Casas
lowed by an exhibition of Cuban billboards de Cultura, cultural centers that occupied
and the exhibition América no invoco tu oíd stately hornes13 and in the traveling
nombre en vano (America, I do not use shows of the previous year carried out in
your ñame in vairO. held in early 1970 This tents (El puebío tiene arte con Allende, the
show featured a selection of visual works people have art with Allende) and trains
that revolved around the theme of "an (EJ Tren de ia Cuitura, the culture train14),
aspect of the American reality. represent- which sought to bring art quite literally
ing an active awareness of reality and its into the street and to remote provinces.
artistic equivalent"11. It was in this manner Despite efforts to popularize culture,
that Chilean students began joining the the dissemination of these events was
protest movements agaínst the Vietnam concentrated among a srnall handful of
War, which had gained momenturn alí mass media outíets that reflected Chile's
over the world starting in 1967, and it was growing political polarization. The op-
in this context that they connected to the position to Allende dominated the me-
activisrn and counterculture zeitgeist that dia outíets with the highest circulation,
would culminate in France in May 1968. frequently criticizing the government on
As director of the Museo de Arte Con- the one hand, and consistently remaining
temporáneo, Guillermo Núñez rnade a very silent about its achievernents15. The pro-
explicít atternpt to open its doors to the
'street' and extend its message to the popu-
lar cíasses by connecting the institution 13 The arricie "L7n engaño llamado cultura" mentions
directly to the Unidad Popular government (hat [fie Casa de Cultura of La Granja occupied an oíd
mansión belonging to ;he estáte known as La Bandera
in power at the time. Through exhibitions "Un engaño Ñamado cultura" In Ahora, n 6. 25 May 1971,
such as the one focusing on the Brigada p. 41. The Museo Nacional de Bellas Arfes also atrempíed
to rev¡ta)ize KS proposa 1 under the sfewardshjp o¡ Nemesio
Ramona Parra (April 1971); another which Antúnez. rhrough more experimental forms of art such as
featured prints by residents of La Granja insta lía tions. prqject rooms and audio-visual shows, and with
(May 1971), and the group show entitled renovated gallerles and a new café
Las 40 Medidas (July 1971), the museum 14 El Tren de la Cultura was a traín that traveled to a
number oí difieren! cilles and towns in the south of Chile
opened its doors to expressions that chan- with a theaíer group. popular singers. dancers, poets. wrjters
neled collective creation and popular forms and an exhibition prepared by the Commitíee of Visual
of art. For Núñez. the museum needed to Artista of the Unidad Popular wruch was held later at the
Museum ¡n each íocallty ¡ocal artisis }olned in to dlscuss
abandon the elitist position of regarding the National Cultural instiíute (instituto Nacional de la
culture as something open to a select few. Cultura. INAC), and to malíe proposals Núñez. op cjt Jtem
40 of Al)ende s plan contemplafed the creation of a National
He believed that the museum had to reach Cultural ínstitute
the rnasses by bringing the street into its
15 In 1971. Ei Clarín, ¡he principal newspaper assoclated
gallery space and opening the doors of the with the Allende crovernment. boasted a circulation of
museum, and was guoted at one point as 220.000, as did íhe newspaper La Tercera. The circulation
of El Siglo, however. which was the primary source of news
on the Museo de la Solidaridad, was 29.000. while the news-
paper El Mercurio, which featured Antonio .Romeras art cri-
297
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
government media, for their part, accused took its comrnunications quite seriously, as
their peers of conspiring in a "sharneful was manifested by work such as director
alliance against journalism"16 Given the Roberto Rossellini's filrned interview with
situation that the magazíne Ahora called Salvador Allende in May 1971, which the
a "news ghetto", in which distorted infor- ñlmrnaker did thanks to the insistence of
mation on Chile continually appeared in his son, in the hope of disseminating the
the foreign press, "Operación Verdad" was 'Chilean path to Socialism! in Europe. and
implemented in April 1971, an initiative by the presence in Chile of figures such
that invited foreign intellectuals, politi- as Danilo Trelles, the Uruguayan direc-
cians, musicians and artists known for tor, producer and writer of the rnagazine
some degree of political activisrn to visit Marcha, who had becorne one of Allende's
Chile and learn about the changas being advísors in the área of comrnunications.18
undertaken by the Allende government, But it was Moreno Galvárís encounter
in the hope that they rnight talk about with Senator Levi, José Balmes and Pedresa
their experiences outside of Chile1''. While that conceived the idea of an international
some contemporary luminaries failed to gesture of artistic solidarity in support of
make the date Carnong thern the actresses the socialist government153, Through the
Jane Fonda and Melina Mercouri, and the donation of works of art by ceíebrated
French writer Louis Aragón), "Operación international artists, a Museum of Modern
Verdad" enjoyed the participation of such and Experimental Art would be establíshed,
important International figures as Italian to eventually become the concrete example
paihter and Communlst senator Cario Levi of the artistic fraternity felt for the new
(1902-1975); Christian Dernocrat and for- Chile and the political support aimed at
rner mayor of Florence, Giorgio La Pira; helping the country on its revolutionary
Spanish writer, playwright and activist path Pedresa was instrumental in giving
Alfonso Sastre; Spanish psychiatrist and shape to the Museum. ín collaboration with
writer Carlos Castilla del Pino; Spanish art the IAL, the Latin American Art Instituto
critic José María Moreno Galván (1923- at the Universidad de Chile. Pedresa be-
1981); Spanish journalist José Antonio gan to envision a Committee for Artistic
Gurriarán; Greek singer and songwriter Solidarity with Chile (CISAC, according
Míkis Theodorakis; Italian theologian and to its initials in Spanish). cornprised of
poet David Turoldo, and ñlm producer
Renzo Rossellini, who was in Chile at the 18 The Rossellini movie was entifJed "La ¡orza e la ragíone
íntervísta a SaJvatore Aílende" and featured the direction
time advising the government on mat-
oí Helvio Soto. For more in/orrnation see ¡he fiímography
ters of comrnunications. The government secilon oí GALLAGHER Tag The Adventures oí Roberto
Rossellini Da Capo Press New York 1998. p 702
ncism, had a circularon of 126.000 For further readíng see 19 Whlie Üiere are different versions o/ t/ie story about
the diagram of 1971 media Information in RAUFMAN. op who was present at i/iis meeíing. the ¡dea of soildaríty dld
~it. p. 91. and lis analysis oí the number of ameles protesting have a Chiíean preceden! that Balmes knew about: In 1969
Lhe Unidad Popular government published byEl Mercurio a Soíidariíy Commjssion had been founded to aid the Fine
Arts School ¡n the afterrnath oí tfie fire that had affected Its
16 "Vergonzosa alianza contra el periodismo In Ahora, r.
¡nsiallaüons. In the torrn of the donation and sale of artwork
18.17 August. 1971. pp 2-4
"Beíías Artes. Exposición en escombros". Cormorán, n 1
August. 1969.
/.O ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
critics, curators and directors of Interna- dent, ín 1963), and politicían associated
tional museurns who might comrnit to this with Communism, Rafael Alberti (1902-
artistic-political cause?0 . By late 1971. the 1999). Spanish poet of the Generation of
Committee was cornprised oí a number of '27, Communist party militant and friend
International figures that Pedrosa had rnet of Pablo Neruda; and Juliusz Starzynsky,
through the International Association of AICA mernber and professor of art criti-
Art Critics CAICA, according to its inítials cism and theory at the Institute for the
ín Spanish), established in 1948 in France, History of Art at the University of Warsaw.
and also through his work as the director At an AÍCA meeting held ín Warsaw in
of the Sao Paulo Biennial. His selection September 1960, Pedrosa met Dore Ashton,
responded strategically to his artistic and who would go on to become one of the rnost
política! connections: in addition to the active Committee rnembers. Known in the
European progenitors of the idea of ar- United States as a radical critic who had
tistic solidarity, such as Moreno Galván supported Abstract Expressionism frorn the
and Levi, ñames such as Jean Leyrnarie very beginning, Ashton had become involved
(1919-2006); director of the Musée National ín a number of political causes during the
d'Art Moderne in París, and Edward de 1960s: in 1967 she participated in the organi-
Wilde (1919-20053. Director of the Stedelijk zation of Angry Arts Week, a week of actions
Museurn in Arnsterdam. both associated and exhibitions in New York in protest of the
with having revived European museums Vietnarn War that took place; in 1968 she
in the 1960ssi. They were joíned by Louis curated the exhibition Social Cornrnent in
Aragón (1897-1982). the French poet and America and participated in a peace march
novelist associated with Surrealisrn and in Washington DC that had been financed
rnernber of the French Communist party; through the donation of artwork23 Even be-
Giulio Cario Argan Ü909-1992P, an Italian fore becoming part of CISAC, Ashton had
art historian, AICA member (and Presi- thought of organizing a festival of artísts
sympathetic to the Chilean revolution. and
20 In a memorándum dated November 1971. Miguel Rojas
after the military coup in Chile she continued
Mix and Aldo Pelfegrini, as weli as poel Pablo Neruda and
painters Roberto Matta and José Balines appear Jisred as working to recovar the donated works of art;
rnembers of the commiítee. atong with G.C. Argan, Jean to commemorate Orlando Letelier and to help
Leymane, Edward de Wiide and Dore Ashton. The ñames
of ail Chilean artists and ¡AL members were erased. so that
the victims of the militar dictatorship through
only the International figures remaíned as members oí the the USLA (USA Cornrnittee for Justice in
commitiee Cto whích LOIJJS Aragón and Rafael Albertl were
Latin America).
added soon thereaíter). with Pedrosa and Trelles as mem-
bers of the Executive Commiltee MSSA Archive. The American bloc of the Committee
21 Leymarie was the Director of the Musee National d'Art was rounded out by Cuban painter Mari-
Moderne In naris from 1968 to 3973. Edward de Wilde was ano Rodríguez (1912-1990), who was the
Director of the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdarn from 1963
Vice Presídent of Casa de las Américas
to 1985. dunng which time he organized retrospectivos oí
renowned modern aríisis such as Caldee. Picasso and Dubu- from 1970 onward, and Aldo Pellegrini
ffet, as weli as group shows ieaturfng new trends (1903-1973). Argentine writer and critic
22 Argan had served as a ludge in a senes of contests and
biennials ¡n Latín América dunng the 1960s Cat ¡he Instituto 23 See FRASCiNA, Francis Art polltlcs and dissent aspects
íbrcuato di TeIJa, among oíhersj and ihe early 70s C2no of the art left in sixties America. Manchester Uhiversity
Colteier Biennial :n Medeli/nJ Press' Manchester and New York. 1999, pp. 362-200
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALirNIV
who worked at the IAL as a researcher. tional art cornmunity devoted "to the ideal
Rodríguez had been in Chile in 1970 for Al- of a society that is more just, more free.
lende's inauguration as President of Chile, and more humane than the one we live
and in collaboration with the IAL he had in today in rnost parts of the world" 24 . In
begun to establish a cultural axis between CISAC's Declaración Necesaria (Necessary
Chile and Cuba through exhibitions. tripa Declaration), which described the project,
and the Havana Declaration, which was that sentiment of solidarity was linked to
collectively signed by Cuban and Chilean socialism in general as 'the natural flag of
artísts in 1971 The IAL became a focal the proletarian classes. artists. scientists,
point for debates on anti-irnperialism and and intellectuals' as well as to the third
cultural dependence in Chile, connecting world's struggle against imperialism and
the contemporary discussions on cultural cultural marginalization in particular. The
dependence in Latín America to the role Declaration reclaímed some of the prin-
that the artist needed to play in the social cipies set forth in the Havana DecJaration
revolutíon Through the efforts of Pellegrini by affirming that the artists felt that the
and the Chilean gallery owner Carmen rnonopolizatíon and mercantilization of
Waugh, who would become involved in their work violated their meaning and that
the Museo de la Solidaridad as íts public they in fact wished their works would reach
relatíons officer. the IAL began to bring people and places that were 'underprivi-
Argentine artists such as Carmelo Carra leged' and beyond the great rnetropolítan
and Luis Felipe Noé to particípate in round axes of North-West hemisphere25 The art-
tables and exhibitions in Santiago, which ists had decided to dónate their works to
would culrninate in the Southern Cene Vi- Chile ín order to establish a collection
sual Artists1 Conference in May 1972 This "aimed at allowing developing countñes
coincided with the opening of the Museo to particípate in the international artistic
de la Solidaridad's first exhibition, and patrírnony"26 since this was an exemplary
several of the Argentine and Uruguayan representative of the Thírd World in its
artists who participated ín the Conference fight against "submission"27 In his letters,
donated works to the Museurn. Pedrosa was constantly describing Chile as
Frorn the IAL. in late 1971 Pedrosa a small, poor country, a David "permanently
began to send out his first letters to the threatened the giant imperialist Goliath"
rnembers of the International Committee, that represented a hope not just for Latin
urging them to contact other curators, America but for the entire world despite
critics and artists who might be sympa- the difficulties it faced28
thetic to the cause of the Museurn and,
as such, to the idea of donating works.
Though a nurnber of the artists Pedrosa
identiñed in his ¡ists had previously been
associated with the struggle against in-
justice and the protests against the war
and fascism, the organizers appealed to 28 PEDROSA. Mano. Leíter to Dore Asñton. 15 Ame 1972
a more general sentiment of an Interna- Translated by (he auf/ior, (MSSA Archive)
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
The discourse projected by the Mu- together, art cari take on the most diverse
seum's organizers appealed to a concept forms imaginable and fraternity can also
of fraternity that went beyond any spe- offer a space for differences. On the other
ciñc political affiliation. The text of the hand, the idea of creating a Museum of
Necessary Declaración emphasized that Modern and Experimental Art entailed an
the gesture of donation dld not signify historical distinction that separated the
alignment wlth one political party over works of renowned artists who belonged to
another, but that the implicít political angle the rnost importarit movements of modern
of the artists' action involved "politics in the European art from those of younger and
highest sense of the word—that is, in an more experimental artists32 And while the
erninently ethical. humanistic and libertar- museum would be representative of 20th
ían sense"29. Without specifically intending century art, Pedrosa felt that the modern
to do so, the Museum brought the model works were of a rather conventional sort of
of Allende's pluralistic democracy to the art, removed from the more intense experi-
artistic realm, in the sense that the museum ences of contemporary art, which Pedrosa
would serve as a borne for all contempo- identiñed with an ínternational trend of
rary art trends. without exclusions30. Yet replacing art with creatíve activities that
Pedresa was certainly aware that such an were not the object of consumption, ac-
inclusive ideal would bring with it a series tions similar to life itself, and that were
of problems both practical and ideologi- exernplified by the work of Helio Oiticica,
cal On the one hand, the Collection to be Ferreira Guiar and Antonio Días, which
assernbled woald be heterogeneous and Pedrosa deemed "postmodern"33 The pres-
contradictory, with works of dissimilar ence of recognizable and celebrated ñames
quality, styles, and themes. But these dif- at the Museurn represented a 'first tactical
ferences rriight be understood as more than phase' that would attract positive public
just a rupture between a purely formal opinión, following which Pedrosa hoped
autonornous art and a pandering politi- to inolude more open experiences such
cal art. As Pedrosa explained to DeWilde as Dias's red flag.
in a letter, this diversity was sornething The process of gathering works of art,
that would be capable of reflecting "the however, raised a nurnber of problems. Pedro-
artistic and cultural contradictions of an sa atternpted to procure works from Brazil
entire century"31. In this way the Museurn through his connection to the director of the
proved that when art and politics come Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro,
Niornar Muniz, and the Chilean consulate
32 ¡na fetfer lo Argan dated 6 January 1972. Adrosa
30 In hls ¡eíter to Doie Ashton dated 2 January 1972, mentioned that "ín our üst we nave oíd masters llke Marino,
f'o iiusa noted that. despite the fací oí sending her a iist oí otfters from íhe postwar generation such as Dorazio, Vedova,
suggestions. no trend, school. style or 'ism' should be exclu- and Afro as weli as artísts oí the younger generations lite
aed Translated bv the aurhor. MSSA Archive Plsroletto. Munarl. Colombo. Ada/ni, etc" Trans/ated by ihe
author. MSSA Archive.
31 PEDROSA. Mario Letter to Edward cíe Wiíde, 10 January
1972. Transiaíec! by the author. MSSA Archive ín a letter to 33 For more Information see Mario Pedresas c-ontribuífon to
Carmen Gloria Morales dated 27 Juiy 1972, Pedrosa mentio- the ¡AL round tabfe díscussfon transcribed in Cuadernos de la
ned that íhe ¡taíian ivorks sent by Senaíor Levi "síiU do not Escuela de Arte, n 4. October. 1997. pp 67-71 and 92-93" and
refíect the complex arfj'sfic reality oí ¡taly~ Pedresas letter ¡o Heilo Oltlaa, 9 June, 1972, MSSA Archive
301
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
in Rio. but political pressure ultímately kept a number of artists had openly supported
him from securing donations from Brazil. A political causes in the 1960s. the ímpetus
considerable nurnber of the artists who sent that had characterized the previous decade
works from France, on the other hand, thanks seerned to be on the wane, and among sorne
to the intervention of Chilean ambassador of the artists she contacted Ashton noted a
Pablo Neruda, were Latín Arneñcans living sense of burnout and a lack of concern for
in Parts, not European artists3'1. While sorne political problems37
French artists such as Jean Dewasne and Frorn other countries the response was
Jean Helión had previously participated ín swift and emphatic. Moreno Galváns lob-
manífestations of politícaí solidarity, sending bying in Spain was among the most effi-
works to the Artists' Tower of Protest, bullt ín cient: by the first weeks of Apríl a group of
Los Angeles in 1966 to express opposition to abstract and inforrnalist works had arrived
the Vietnarn War, local representation was in Chile, by artists the critic had worked
scant Georges Boudaille observed this in with at Madrid's Sala Darro, many of whom
his revlew of the Museurris first exhibition were openly anti-Franco. Stylistically this
in Lettres Frangaises, and he complained group of works was a kind of compendium
about this lack of representation and urged of the different manífestations of what
his compatriots to particípate in the Mu- Moreno Calvan had caljed 'the second
seum35 A number of artists who had been Spanish avant-garde' in 196938: inforrnal-
expected to respond favorably to this appeal ism from Barcelona Conly Modest Cuixart
to solidarity resisted and ultimately declined and Josep Guinovart; as Pedrosa noted,
to particípate, eíther because they found Antoni Tapies had yet to send anything);
themselves in polítícally delicate situations informalism from Madrid (Manolo Mil-
or because they took a more ironic stance lares); the unwitting informalism of José
regarding political commitrnents. This oc- Caballero: the 'independent' work of Lu-
curred, in particular, with some of the art- cio Muñoz; geometrically-derived abstract
ists Dore Ashton contacted in the United investígations (starting with Jorge Oteiza
States, arnong them Philip Guston. Claes and followed by Eduardo ChillidaJ. the social
Oldenburg and Wiliem De Kooning. who realism tinged with inforrnalist tendencies
chose not to send works to Chile36 While of Equipo Crónica and Rafael Canogar.
In addition to all this Joan Miró donated
34 "Donaron obras de arte para edificio UNCTAD en Chite"
37 In her ietter to Pedrosa dated 18 January 1972 Ashton
in La Nación. 2 March 1972 The donor artfsis inc/uded
ment/oned that perhaps some of thern mJght run into
Robería Mana and Mana Colvin. Argentina artists Nicoíás
trouble. since a nurnber of well-known artists had exhibíted
García Uriburu, Antonio Seguí' and Mió Le Pare; scuiptor
work ¡n Spaín despite the Franco regíme, and others had
Alicia Peñaíba. and Frencli artists T/tus Carmel. Bernard
reíused to send worAs to Cuba, even before the Padilla case
Tancillac and Edouard Pignon.
exploded onto íhe scene In her ietter dated 9 June 1972 As-
35 BOUDMLLE. Georges "Le grande revé généreux des hton acíually suggested ¡eawng the United Siaies out of the
arlístes ehiíiens' Les Lettres Frangalses, 2 August 1972 pp project due to the Impotence she felt m the protest marches
23-24 Boudaifies exhortation prodticed concrete resufts1 in she parücipated ín MSSA Archive
a Jerter to Pedresa, the French artlst Hervé Fischer told hím
38 The first avant-garde was Surrealism. MOP.ENO
that he had read [he arricie in Les Lettres Francalses and
CALVAN. losé Mana La última vanguardia de la pintura
had decided to dónate a work to this project.
española Maglus. Barcelona. 1969. Regarding the arrival of
36 For more Information, see the íetters from Dore Ashton the Spanish pieces. see VIDAL. Virginia "Museo de la Soli-
to Pedtosa dated between 19 January and 17 February 1972 daridad no tiene precedentes" In El Siglo. 12 April 1972
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
a work made expressly for the museum, become friends with the Chilean poet in
and which he transponed himself, with the París, and then again during Nerudás time
aid of the cultural attaché Pablo Buchard. as cónsul in México; it was a friendship
who became the propaganda 'star' of the that would ultirnately cost Neruda his díp-
project39 The work of cultural attaché José lomatic post. The connection with Neruda,
de Rokha secured the partlcipation of Mexi- literature and diplornacy extended out
can artists. who responded to the appeal to toward Europe, first through the poet's
solidarity through a variety of techniques contacts in Madrid, which had been forged
and posltions. The Mexican pieces ranged in the 1930s (which procured the graphic
frorn anti-Fascist critiques and denuncía- work sent by Rafael Alberti and the paint-
tions of política! abuse, as in the case of ing by José Caballero, another friend of
Taller de La Granea Popular, to the geo- Nerudás) and in the 1970s through his
rnetric abstraction of Manuel Felguérez, efforts as cultural attaché ín París. These
to the expanded muráis of Kasuya Sakai were bonds of art, politice and affection
and Remanían artist Myra Landau, who that connected Neruda. Surrealism, the
lived in México, This expanding network París school and the Communist Party, and
of solidarity was forged, on the one hand, they facilitated the génesis of endeavors
by the critical and humanitarian spirit of such as the transfer of Pablo Picasso's
the age but also because rnany of the art- Guerníca from the Museum of Modern Art
ists who participated found some kind of in New York to the Museo de la Solidaridad
resonance with their own personal polití- ín Chile, a project which was ultimately
cal experiences, in a variety of different thwarted before it could be carríed out40.
contexts: Felguérez. Gustavo Arias Murueta Unlike other International efforts to procure
and José Luis Cuevas had participated in the work of Picasso in support of anti-war
the student movernents of 1968. creating causes, the Chilean proposal brandished
a collective mural with other artists, and the flag of solidarity with Socialist Chile
Balrnes and Matta, similarly, would par- as the "aspirations of the continent of Che
ticípate in the creation of muráis with the Guevara ín its struggle against irnperial-
Brigada Ramona Parra, among other artists. isrri, and went on to argüe that the country
In addition to this. in Decernber 1971, in which the painting resided at the time
De Rokha had received a portfolio of prints did not deserve it for having become 'the
by David Alfaro Siqueiros, based on Pablo greatest producer of Guernicas in history'.
Nerudás Canto Generai. Siqueiros had Pedrosa may have used Biblical allusions.
40 For more Information see the memorándum and the Jet-
39 for more mformation see "Destacada labor de agregados ter sent to Pabfo Picasso by the Latín American arüsts who
culturales chilenos en el extranjero" in La Nación. 4 May had donated works lo (he Museo de la Solidaridad dated
1972 and "Pablo Burchard. proceso chileno hace vibrar a July 1972, and the letter from Xavier-Andres Flores to Pe-
los artistas españoles". Irt El Siglo, 4 May 1972 Severa! of drosa dated 20 August 1972, In which Flores explained íhe
the ñames in the firsi exhíbition catalogue reveal a serles unsuccessful contacrs made with people in Picasso "s circíe
oí connecüons between ihe arüsts.- both Lucio Muñoz The project envisioned having the letter slgned in París by
and his wife, rhe pamter Amalia Aria are featured, Néstor 15 Septernfaer 1972. though ¡n his letter to Moreno Calvan
Basterretxea was a friend and neigbhor of Jorge Oteiza. and dated 2 October 1972. Pedrosa mentioned that to secura
French artist Rene Bert/iofo (parí of the Panslan Pop Arr the particjpatJon of Picasso they míght need ¡o actívate the
scene oí La Figuradon Narrative) was rnaf ried ¡o BraziiJan Communist party machine In France wiíh Aragón. Pignon
Lourdes Castro and Neruda MSSA Archive.
303
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
but his letter to Picasso also establíshed tions platforrn for telling the world about
a mystical tone by drawing a parallel be- the gesture of artistic fraterníty with the
tween the Christian pilgrirnage to Santiago Chilean revolutionary process, and in his
de Compostela and the new artistic pil- letters he underscored the ímpact that
grirnage that would presurnably converge the exhibition could have if it was held in
at Santiago. Chile. conjunction with the UNCTAD conference.
As fate would have it, Guerníca díd not The government felt similarly, judging
leave New York, but the recently inaugu- by its exponential increase in gestures of
rated Museo de la Solidaridad Cbaptized as well-timed propaganda. On 15 May, in one
such in April 1972 by President Allende)'51 wing of the Museo de Arte Contemporáneo,
did have its own star centerpiece: the roost- the President inaugurated Chilexpo'72, a
er painted by Joan Miró. For the opening on fair underwritten by Chile's Production
Wednesday 17 May 1972 at the Museo de Development Corporation CCORFO, ac-
Arte Contemporáneo at Quinta Normal, in cording to its initials in Spanish) that was
their speech.es both Allende and Pedrosa airned at showcasing, for the beneñt of
spoke of Miró's rooster as a symbol of the the UNCTAD delegates and the general
song of the "new dawn" of a country that, public, the developrnent of Chile through
Allende noted, was once dependent but its citizens, organizatíons and educational,
was now free to defeat underdeveloprnent technological and artistic structures43 And
by standing up to the "great powers"^. Al- so material progress through the Socialist
lende's remark about underdevelopment path was linked to artistic progress through
was not gratuitous. The ñrst exhibition the coordination of these exhíbitions, just
of the Museo de la Solidaridad had been as the UNCTAD building revealed the irri-
planned originally to coincide with the portance ascribed to the arts in the col-
third United Nations Conference on Trade laboration between architects, workers and
and Development (UNCTAD III) that was artists in the decoration of the building.
held between April and May in Santiago, Miró's rooster also represented the het-
in a new building erected especially for erogeneity of the museum and the visual
the occasion For Pedrosa the conference form that its political support might take
would serve as a massive cornrnunica- on, insofar as it permitted reading its ab-
stract forms eíther as Surrealist lyricism
41 The represen (a (i ves of the Commitree in Chtíe enjoyed a
without evident social contení or as "a cali
cióse relationship with Allende and visited the presiden! on
severa! ocoasioris to update him on both the advances and to revolutionary action"44. The collection
the requirements of the Museo de la Solidaridad For more of works selected revealed the tensión
information see "Gran Museo Internacional funcionará en ía
UNCTAD". In El Siglo. 24 March 1972. between the autonomy of art and the po-
42 These are the words spoken by President Allende at fhe
litical corrí mi tment manífested through
inaugural ion of the Museo de la Solidaridad. MSSA Archive the works' contents, a conflict that was
For íhe second exhíbiüon at the Museo de Arte Confem-
occurring all over the world at that time.
poráneo. Miró's painting was piaced on an easeí aíongside
a poster that read 'homage ío Miró and artists all over fhe
world' and on the wall next to it hung Lurcats tapestry. For
more information see the photograph that accompamed the
article "Respaldo de los artistas del mundo a ia revoíución
chilena: in La Nación, 22 Aprií 1973
40 AÑOS FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
exhibition received from the opposition confused \vhena representarle of the reácrionarypressaltempts
lo ¡ead us to believe that donations made in certain capítalíst
news sources. and argued that the opening countrfes (through the creation of foundations that are in essence
of the rnost important museum in Latín a ploy for evading laxes) nave the same meanlrig as the donation
oí a work by the artist who created It dírectly io a nation and a
America did not "move" the mass media, revdutionary procese" José Balines, cited in "Cuando el arte no es
patrimonio de ¡os menos" ¡n La Nación, 25 /une 1972
45 The meeting ¡o which Rosenberg referred in his anide
was i/te 4th Symposium oí the Inter-Ameílcan Foundaiion 48 ROMERA. Antonio. "Balance de las artes plásticas 1972".
for íhe Aris, held in Caracas from 6 to 10 November 1967 El Mercurio 31 December 2972 Accordfííg to fiomera this
For more Information see ROSENBERG Harofd "An oí Bad exhibition had been the only remarkabie show to have come
Cbnscience" in Artwoiks and Packages. The University of out of (he Museo de Arte Contemporáneo, which in his view
Chicago Press Chicago and London. 1969. p. 162. was "dying oí corisumption"
305
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
errors in the spelling of ñames49 Pedrosa mittee were on hold. even as ñames such
took responsibility for these errors. but as Harald Szeemann. Sir Roland Penrose
argued that the catalogue had been pro- and Xavier Flores were added to the list
duced under conditions that were far from of contributing artists51. The unrest and
normal, considering that nobody at IAL protests in Chile at the time was an even
had been paid for the work performed on more significant factor. In June 1972, Pe-
behalf of the Museum. In an indirect way, drosa described the situation as "a particu-
Pedrosa was skewering Ashton for líving lar kind of civil war without weapons, but
in a wealthy country (and for being an with all sorts of chicanery, legal and illegal.
impatient New YorkerJ, when he said that undertaken by reactionaries of all stripes,
she did not understand what it rneant to the haute bourgeoisie, big business in the
live in a poor, "underdeveloped" country Unite.d States, the CÍA. and the Brazilian
where everything —including art cata- and Solivian pólice who atternpt to stop the
logues— had to be done without "frills" 50 state machínery and the country s economy
.The haste that characterized the project, while the governrnent is busy trying to ex-
which Leymarie and De Wilde had preví- propriate businesses and financial means in
ously criticized, as well as its very real and order to introduce the lasting reforrns that
tangible shortcomings Csuch as the lack of are needed". Despite the anti-government
a proper physical space and legal statutes) protests and the supply problems that only
were, for Pedrosa, an expression of pre- grew worse in October and November 1972
cisely the kind of underdeveloprnent that with a truckers' strike "led by a Hoffa-style
the Chilean revolutionary project sought maña"52. Pedresas utopian spirít rernained
to end, and which a "Quixotic enterprise' alive and celebrated the "creativity" of the
like the Museum míght help to change. people ín their open, peaceful struggle to
Pedrosa was not just defending his ter- formúlate a new kind of social order that,
ritory And if he used the concept of the he hoped, would become a model for other
Third World to explain the technical prob- nations. Pedrosa ended his June letter by
lems of producing the exhibition catalogue, apologizing for the transgression of focus-
the social situation in Chile was indeed ing on the ímmediate current events at play,
becorning increasingly cornplicated for the but concluded that at that moment in time
governrnent, and these problerns affected "everything was connected to everything",
the Museum directly. Danilo Trelles, who and that "art and politics are, right now,
oversaw the translations and served as the inseparable".
liaison with the president, had had to leave
51 PEDROSA. Mario Letter lo José María Moreno GaJván,
Chile; correspondence with Moreno Galván 28 June. 1972 and letter to HaraJd Szeemann, 22 November,
was suddenly cut short when the Spanish 3972 Szeemann contri bu ted by ¡nviüng the artists ai
Documenta 5 in Kassei to particípate m the Museo de Ja
critic was jailed; and cornrnunications with Soiidaridad.
the other European members of the Corri-
52 PEDROSA. Mario J^etter ro Dore Ashton. 6 November.
3972 Pedrosa afso mennoned that a new cabinet with
mlínary members fiad been estabíished ín order to break
¡he strite, and ¡n general trusied that íhe Armed Forces
would abstaín from nsíng up agamsf the gove;nmen¡ MSSA
Archive
306
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
By October 1972 the works oí art from work to Chile, which resolved the mystery
the US arrived, having endurad a compli- of how the piece was to be assembled, al-
cated journey filled with delays and rnis- though by that point the second exhíbitíon
understandings, particularly with the rnost of the Museum's works was on the eve of
conceptual of the pieces. The participation its inauguration53
of a US contingent at the Museo de la In March 1973, a rnonth before the
Solidaridad was especially significant, Eor inauguration of two parallel shows, the
it represented a gesture of rapprochernent situation of the Museo de la Solidaridad
between two countries that were so em- remained precarious but optimistic. As
battled politically. The collection of works Ashton complained about the lack of
sent frorn the US, moreover, reflected the commitment frorn the US artists, Pedro-
changes that American abstraction had sa consoled her by saying that for them,
experienced since the 1950s, starting with the critics of the oíd guard, this was an
the more contained Abstract Expressionism ethical and political option that irnplied
of Adja Yunkers, and rnoving into the realm being part of something larger than one's
of gestural abstraction and the símplícity own preoccupations5^. Pedrosa went on
of mínimalism in the case of Jake Berthot. to tell her of the governrnent's victory in
The trend toward simplification, opticality the recent elections, and of the Museum's
and serialization rnanifested itself in diverse plans for the future: a permanent physical
forrns ín the expansive presence of Frank horne in a rambling oíd mansión in the
Stellás 'shaped canvas'; in Harvey Quayt- Parque O'Higgins; a project that would
maris large-scale minimalist structure and bring works from the Collection to copper
Robert Israel's studies of color, texture and mines in an effort to continué to bring
light. Thanks to the last-minute inclusión art to the working and underprivileged
of works by Philip Guston. Robert Moth- classes; and an international meeting ín
erwell, and Nancy Graves, the collection Chile with members of CISAC and donor
exhíbited a strong tendency of high mod- artists. There seerned to be few reasons
ernist formalísm, with a notable absence of to be depressed. by the time the exhibí-
figurative expressions and contemporary tions opened on 19 April at the Museo
avant-garde works. The most radical work de Arte Contemporáneo and 25 April at
of the group, a conceptual piece sent by the UNCTAD headquarters, works frorn
Sol LeWítt, was also the least understood, Romanía, Switzerland, Germany and Italy
to the point that ít was not even exhibited. had been incorporated into the Collection,
At one point Pedrosa believed that LeWitt's and works were on their way from Japan,
structure had not arrived in Chile and that 53 On 33 January 1973. Pedrosa wrote to Ashton. resoíving
the shipping cornpany had confused it with (he mystery regardírig LeWltt's work. and asking her to
persuade (he artist to send a model so that they migfit
another work. a confusión that aróse be- assemb/e the structure correcdy In the same tener. Pedrosa
cause LeWitt had sent the square pieces of expressed his írrita non at Guston's refusaí to particípate in
the Museutn, but by March Gusron had changed his mmd
plástic and wood that comprised the work
The maquéete sent by LeWitt is dated 9 April. 1973. MSSA
in sepárate packages. Following an intense Archive.
round of letters between October 1972 and 54 PEDROSA. Mario Letter to Dore Asíiton, 27 March 1973
April 1973, the artist sent a maquette of the MSSA Archive
307
MUSEO DE LA SOÜDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
Canadá and England 55 At the MAC, the Galván he asked the Spaniard for help
works frorn North America were exhib- in re-establishing the Museum outside of
ited alongside a series of protest posters Chile, recovering the works donated'1''. This
sent on loan frorn California and a mobile would be, in part, the Ímpetus that led the
by Calder, while at the forrner UNCTAD Museo de la Solidaridad into a second
headquarters, graphic works and paintings phase of existence outside of Chile, and it
were on display. The opposition newspaper is an inextricable part of the story of those
critics continued to be indirferent, luke- fríendships, commitments and political
warm or ironic: Ana Helfant suggested convictions —oíd and new— that helped
that while several irnportant artists had Antonio Dias's flag to finally see the light
donated works out of a feeling of "true of day, forty years later.
syrnpathy for Chile", the lesser-known art-
ists had done so out of vanity or because
they were following party orders56 On 3
May 1973 in the newspaper La Nación,
Edmundo Olivares offered the following
reflection on the indifference of the media:
"The years will go by and Chileans will
begin to truly apprecíate the great fortune
we have had to witness one of those rare
and exceptional occurrences that rnake
history and that at first, paradoxícally, tend
not to achieve the impact or recognition
that they deserve".
The optimism of the organizers would
soon be forced to confront a spiral of con-
flicts that would culminate in the military
coup of 11 September 1973. While the coup
indeed dismembered the Museum, the solí-
darity networks remained active, From his
exile in México, Pedresa continued his work
on the project, and in a letter to Moreno
TIEMPOS DE SOLIDARIDAD
CONVERSACIÓN CON
DORE ASHTON
Esta conversación entre Carla Macchiavello y Dore Ashton, se hizo en el contexto de la exposición
40 años Museo de la Solidaridad por Chile: Fraternidad, Arte y Fbíl'tica, exhibición que conmemoró los
años de fundación del Museo de la Solidaridad Salvador Allende. En ella se realizó una serle de entrevistas
audiovisuales con el fin de dar a conocer y homenajear al grupo de protagonistas que estuvieron ligados a
la formación del Museo, entre los que se encuentra Dore Ashton.
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
¿Como llegó a ser invitada a participar en el Comité Internacional de Solidaridad con Chile?
Es extraño, pero no recuerdo exactamente cómo sucedió. Yo era, y soy, una
socialista con V pequeña, nunca he pertenecido a algún partido político ni a nada,
soy más bien una anarquista de espíritu. Cuando Allende resultó elegido fue im-
presionante para nosotros 'progresistas en el resto del mundo 1 , del mundo occi-
dental, ver que por primera vez en la historia un socialista era elegido Presidente.
El tema de una elección era, por supuesto, muy importante. Los líderes socialis-
tas de esa época no eran elegidos, pero Allende fue elegido, y eso lo celebramos.
Fue un gran momento para nosotros, que como dije, creíamos en el socialismo con
Y pequeña y por lo mismo éramos mirados peyorativamente, porque si creías en
educación pública, en seguro de salud gratuito, y cosas de ese tipo, eras considera-
do un radical, y además no eras muy bienvenido en mi país.
Cuando recibió la carta de Pedrosa invitándole a ser parte del Comité ¿qué hizo? ¿Cómo inició
el trabajo de recolección de obras e invitación a diversos artistas?
Cuando me propusieron integrar el Comité Internacional de este Museo yo vi-
vía en Nueva York y fui designada como la representante norteamericana. Inme
diatamcnte me contacté con aquellos artistas que consideraba importantes y que
pensé traerían prestigio al Museo. Como le comenté en una carta a Mario Pedrosa,
en un principio ellos no estaban muy entusiasmados respecto de hacer una dona-
ción, especialmente de una buena obra, y yo no iba a aceptar un trabajo menor.
Siempre me aseguré de que lo que se enviara a este Museo fuera de la mejor calidad
y tuvimos cuidado en eso.
¿Mario Pedrosa le envió nombres de artistas que quería que estuvieran en el Museo? ¿Usted
entró en contacto con ellos?
No exactamente. Mario y yo estuvimos por largo tiempo enviándonos corres-
pondencias y yo le sugerí nombres de grandes artistas que le traerían prestigio al
Museo, pero también le propuse conseguir obras de artistas jóvenes que no eran
tan famosos en la época, algunos de los cuales han adquirido relevancia hoy.
57
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDL
¿Como ocurrió la donación de los artistas? ¿Ellos tuvieron que ir a la embajada con las obras?
Orlando y yo acordamos, si mal no recuerdo, ya que mi memoria no es tan
buena con ese tipo de detalles, creo que convenimos que las obras serían llevadas
58
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
En una carta a Pedrosa, usted hace una serie de críticas a la edición del primer catálogo de la
exhibición en el Museo.
(Risas) ¡Sí! Mario estaba muy molesto... Pero ése era mi trabajo. El Museo de la
Solidaridad tenía que presentar todo al más alto nivel: el catálogo y la ortografía
debían ser correctos, tenía que haber un corrector de pruebas. Le escribí a Mario
bastante molesta cuando recibí un trabajo lleno de errores.
Recuerdo que dije "¡no! no se puede hacer eso, tiene que estar perfecto" y él
me contestó como si le hablara con pena a una niña: "No sabes nada sobre el tercer
mundo, no sabes lo difícil que es para nosotros hacer esto aquí, mientras tú estás en
Nueva York". De cierta forma me regañó, por supuesto, porque yo era mucho más
joven que él y él tenía cierta figura paternal.
59
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDf
Cómo fue el espíritu utópico de los años 70' en la práctica real... Por ejemplo, ¿cómo entró en
contacto con el 'tercer mundo'?
Bueno, yo había viajado y siempre fui una persona muy curiosa... Creo que
puedo decir que era en ese momento la única norteamericana en ser llamada
realmente 'crítica de arte 1 . En la atmósfera artística que se vivía ninguna persona
ponía realmente mucha atención en otros países, incluso aquellos más cercanos
que producían excelente arte en ese momento, como por ejemplo México, no
eran considerados. Yo me revelaba contra eso, y puedo decir que fui la única que
puso su atención a otros grandes países como Brasil y Argentina, por ejemplo,
que tenían excelentes artistas. Naturalmente Mario, estaba de acuerdo con esa
postura. Por tanto, cuando llegó el momento de idear cómo debería ser este Mu-
seo, teníamos eso en mente y yo era probablemente la única persona con quien
Mario hubiera podido trabajar en ese momento, porque compartíamos puntos de
vista, incluso políticos, a pesar de que él tenía ciertas convicciones ligadas a par-
tidos y yo en realidad siempre fui anarquista.Mario era un hombre de mentalidad
abierta y trabajamos juntos porque él, a pesar de ser más bien social demócrata,
estaba por sobre una manera pequeña y sectaria de pensar... y por supuesto yo
estaba de acuerdo también con eso.
Después del Golpe Militar ¿cómo se involucró para tratar de recuperar esas obras?
No estoy segura de recordar todo sobre cómo me involucré para intentar re
euperar las obras y para que no llegaran a manos de Pinochet, pero una cosa que sí
recuerdo es haber escrito a un senador estadounidense que era más bien progresis-
ta, pero cuyo nombre no recuerdo... Le escribí contándole lo que había sucedido y
pidiéndole ayuda para recuperar las obras. El intentó ayudar, pero luego recibí una
carta de un tal General Heitman, un nombre alemán creo, H-e-i-t-m-a-n, nunca
olvidaré aquello, declarándome 'persona non grata' en Chile 1 . Tengo esa carta en
Nueva York, la guardé porque pensé que era de esas historias del Siglo XX, y por
supuesto, yo y mis amigos teníamos el corazón destrozado al pensar que alguien
como el General Heitman estaba a cargo.
t.C, -NGb FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
¿Pudo hacer algo? En ciertas cartas usted menciona que trataría de llevar algunas obras a
México, al Museo... ¿eso funcionó?
I fablé por teléfono con un amigo en México y pensamos que quizás podríamos
reconstruir el Museo de la Solidaridad en Ciudad de México. Él estaba muy en-
tusiasmado y conversamos mucho sobre esa posibilidad, pero nunca se concretó.
Creo que el gobierno mexicano estaba muy interesado originalmente, pero no re-
cuerdo las vicisitudes que se dieron después.
¿Usted también fue integrante de USLA en 1973 (Comité Norteamericano de fusticia para
Latinoamérica)?
Sí, fui fundadora de esc Comité. Me sorprende que lo sepas... Propuse mi nom-
bre a propósito, porque estaban sucediendo muchas cosas en los países de América
del Sur, en Argentina, en Brasil, en Chile, por tanto había mucho trabajo por hacer
en ese tiempo. Eso me servía para hacer cosas que no eran las exactamente espera
das por mi gobierno, pero ellos me encontraron de todos modos... Ellos intervinie-
ron mi teléfono... Por lo tanto, pasé por bastante peligro. Incluso un día, estaba casi
anocheciendo cuando yo y no recuerdo exactamente quién, pero sé que era alguien
de Chile que estaba refugiado en Nueva York y tenía un departamento en los su-
burbios de la ciudad, estábamos de pie en la sala cerca de una gran ventana cuando
una bala entró y pasó entre nosotros... En esa época yo ya tenía dos niños, y ese fue
el momento en el que me di cuenta de que no podía seguir actuando de la misma
forma, porque tenía obligaciones de madre. Fue un tiempo bastante terroríñco...
¿Sabe usted qué ocurrió con Mario Pedrosa cuando dejó Chile?
El se fue... Bueno, supe que se refugió en la Embajada de Francia aquí en San-
tiago y lo sacaron del país... La última vez que vi a Mario fue en París, él y su esposa
estaban muy pobres, vivían en Belleville que en ese momento era un barrio no muy
agradable, y yo estaba allí y me preocupé de invitarlos a cenar seguido porque me
daba la impresión de que ni siquiera tenían suficiente para comer. ¿Te imaginas?
¡Increíble! Con Mario hablamos mucho sobre el pasado y las experiencias que com-
partimos, fue muy emocionante.
Finalmente, regresó a Brasil pero nunca lo vi allá. La última vez que lo vi fue
en París.
piensas en todo lo que él le dio... Fue una historia triste. Pero él regresó allá... y
murió en Rio de Janeiro, si no me equivoco.
¿Cuál es su impresión del proyecto de Solidaridad hoy? Mirando hacia atrás, con mayor
distancia.
¿Cuál es mí impresión del Museo de la Solidaridad hoy? Mirando hacia atrás,
todavía es, desafortunadamente, el único caso de un museo que está hecho por
y para la gente, artistas incluidos, así es que en cierta forma es único, lo que es
bueno para ustedes pero no para el mundo, porque fue creado como un prototipo
y debería haber 'Museos de la Solidaridad' en todo el mundo, y los artistas dejarían
de estar cautivos por el sistema capitalista y aquellos comerciantes de obras y por
personas ricas que las compran. Según mi experiencia, la mayoría de los pintores y
escultores, y también quienes trabajan a gran escala, como Alfredo faar, no quieren
ser prisioneros del sistema capitalista y no les agrada que sus obras estén colgadas
en casas de millonarios sino que preferirían que estuvieran en museos como éste,
que es para todos y que es único ¿Cierto?
Por otra parte, pienso que el rol de Mario Pedrosa fue muy importante y que
todavía no se conoce lo suficiente su trabajo, sus escritos, su visión amplia y tole-
rante... En contra de sus propias convicciones políticas trabajó con un comunista
para fundar este Museo y eso fue muy significativo. Creo que es un gran ejemplo a
seguir, me gustaría que los jóvenes aquí en Chile, en todas partes, supieran sobre
un hombre como él... Estuvo en prisión, siempre escapando, apenas logró huir de
Chile, tuvo suerte de que la Embajada de Francia lo acogiera y lo sacara del país. Fue
un hombre que corrió riesgos y también conmovía el hecho de que se mantuviera
ñrme a sus convicciones, a pesar de que era muy inteligente y estaba consciente
de que muchas de ellas nunca se realizarían. Fue valiente y eso es admirable, y en
cierta forma me gustaría ser como él, pero por supuesto no a ese nivel... Ese hombre
fue realmente una figura muy importante. Se le debería rendir un homenaje aquí.
Estoy segura de que en algún lugar debe haber alguien vivo que lo haya conocido...
en Brasil ¿Ñor... Seguro que hay alguien, sería interesante saberlo.
How did you come to be invited to par-
SOLIDARITY ticípate in the InternationaJ Committee
TIMES: for Artistic SoJidarity with ChiJe?
CONVERSATION It's odd. I dorít rernernber exactly how it
carne about I was and am a socialist with
WITH DORE a small V: not a party rnember, ever. of
ASHTON anything, more an anarchist in spirit When
Allende was elected, it was an amazing
thing for us progressives elsewhere in the
world —the Western world. at any rate—to
see a socialist elected presldent for the
first time. The idea of an election was,
of course, very important; most socialist
leaders at that time were not elected, and
Allende was elected. That's what we cel-
ebrated. It was a great rnoment for those
of us who believed in socialism, as I said,
with a small s'. For that reason we were
pejoratively referred to as [supporters of] a
welfare state but if you believed in pubiíc
education and free health irisurance in
my country, you were considered a radical
and not very welcome.
312
<VO ANOS FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
before they went out, because everything choose the abstract artists whose work
I sent to the Museo de la Solidaridad had hangs in the Museum today
to be of the highest quaíity. I was careful
about that. Did you have a hard time getting artists
to particípate?
Did Mario Pedrosa se/id yon a list of ñames, Oh, yes. You have to remember that
of artists he wanted for the museum? Did in those days the United States revolved
you get in touch wíth all of them? around New York, it was viewed from that
Not exactly. Mario and I corresponded vantage point and in the visual arts it was
over a long period of time, during which perceived as one of the most important
I would suggest ñames of important art- places in the world. I would say, on the
ists that I felt would bring prestige to the whole, that of the painters and sculptors I
Museum I also urged Mario to acquíre knew. the majority knew very little about
works by young artists that were nol so Allende and the revolution, and so they
famous in those days, some of whom some weren't very enthusiastic about donating
are quite relevant today. works of art to a museum in Chile. I con-
fesa I put pressure on them—I twísted their
How were the Committee members chosen? arms and it was a little hard for them to
The International Committee was very say no to me because at the time I was
distinguíshed. and Mario chose those mem- quite well-known as a so-called art critic
bers very well. As you know. Mario was and It wasn't good to make me an enemy.
highly regarded by everyone for many It was a very delicate project.
reasons, so the International Committee Now, as you know, Chile had a repre-
was rnade up of rnajor figures, like the sentative in Washington, Orlando Letelier,
Director of the Museum oí Modern Art and Orlando was very enthusiastic about
in París the project. I remember. 1 was a professor
at the Cooper Union at the time and had
ít seems that the North American col- a nine o'clock class. I would arrive at my
íection is the most consistent in terms of office at eight-thirty and the phone would
style and selection. Did you malee many already be ringing. It was always Orlando,
stylistic decisions? asking "What did we get? Have you found
Do you mean personal decisions'? good thíngs?" He was extremely enthu-
(Laughs). In those days. my personal in- siastic. and as a rnatter of fact, there is
terests would of course have guided my sornething that this museum should have...
requests for works but I also bore in rnind We had sorneone available to us who, in
sornething that Mario had made very clear my opinión, was a great photographer,
Lo me: that this was to be non-sectarian, Richard Avedon, One day I told Richard
that my personal prejudices rnustn't enter, about Orlando and he invited rne to bring
and I tried very hard to do that On the Orlando so that he could take his photo-
other hand, alrnost all the artists that in graph. It was a rainy day, and Richard
the United States we regarded as major wanted to take the photograph outside,
artists were doinq abstract work, so í did and he asked me to hold the umbrella
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR Al I FNDF
outslde on the terrace and we took the York, they carit even go to a museum—they
photographs in the rain. Orlando, being a can't afford the entrance fees! It's terrible.
diplomat, was wearing a black diplomado Most of the artisls whose works I sent
kind of overcoat and he was rather palé. were syrnpathetic to the idea of a museum
The photograph to me, in the end, was that was free of charge for everyone and
like a terrible premonition, he looked so that would show what we cali progres-
grim. That moment wíth Orlando was a sive art —in other words, art that rnost
very important moment in rny Ufe of the working class would find difficult
to understand. Our visión was that if you
How did the artists make their donations, present it with respect for the workers
in practica! terms? Did they have to bring and make them feel welcome, and dorit
their work to the embassy in person? charge them a fee to come in. they would
I might be wrorig —my rriemory about respond well, and would want to learn.
this kind of detail is not great—but 1 believe That was my experience and I was told
that Orlando and I arranged for the works that this was the experience that you had
to be brought to the Chilean Embassy in in Chile, isn't that right?
Washington and then shipped to Santiago.
I think that's how it worked. And as you In a Jetter you wrote to Pedrosa, you were
know, I arn glad to say, part of the shiprnent quite critica] of the editing job on the
never got to Santiago because after the Museum's first exhibition catalogue.
coup, 1 was very worrled that a gángster (LaughteiO Yes! Mario was very both-
like Pinochet might destroy works of art. ered about that. But that was rny job. The
And in fact, I did hear that he destroyed Museo de la Solidaridad had to present
some, but I never found out if that was everything at the highest level: the cata-
really true logue had to be correct, the spelling had
to be correct, there had to be somebody
How did it feeJ to be part of all this? proofreading, and so on. So I wrote to Mario,
Oh. for me it was a great accomplísh- very annoyed, because the text he sent rne
rnent. I was always very grateful to Mario was full of místakes, and I just said no. no.
Pedrosa for including rne and for being I remember tellíng hirn "You carit do this,
able to be part of the first-ever Museum it has to be perfect!" And as I rernernber,
of abstract art, an art that was considered he wrote back in a rather pitying tone of
difficult for 'el pueblo'. I believe the flrst voice, a childlike kind of volee and said
exhibition of the works that we gathered to me: "You know nothing about the Third
for this Museum was held for the copper World, you dorit know how difficult it ís
míners in the North, and as my own ex- for us to do this in the Third World, while
perience has shown me. if you approach you sit there in New York". More or less
working class people who are unfamil- he scolded me, and of course, I was much.
iar with abstract art in the right way, it much younger than him, he was something
doesht have to be difficult, they accept it. of a father figure.
Of course, things dorit usually happen that
way. certainly not in rny country. In New
40 ANOÍ. FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA
What was that 1970s u topían spirit like, in at the Chilean ernbassy ín Washington but
reaJ terms?How did you begin to dialogue never made it to the Museum
with the so-caJIed Third Wbrld?
Well. I had traveled a lot and I was After the milítary coup, were you involved
always a very Inquisitiva person... I thirik ít's in the efforts to recover the works?
fair to say that at that time I was the only I am not sure I recall Ihe details of
American woman you could really cali an how I got involved trying to get the works
art critic. In the artistic scene back then, back, so that they would never get to Pi-
nobody paid rnuch attention to what was nochet. but one thing I do remernber is I
going on in other countries, even neigh- wrote to a U.S. senator who was somewhat
boring countries that were producing truly progressive; I can't recall his ñame but I
excellent art. like México. They just wererít do recall telling him what had happened
considered in any way. I rebelled against and asking for help to get the works back.
that, and I can tell you that I was the only He tried to help. and sorne time afterward
person who did that, who paid attention I received a letter from somebody called
to other great countries like Brazil and General Heitman. a Germán narne, H-
Argentina, for exarnple, that had superb e-i-t-m-a-n, declaring me persona non
artists. grata in Chile1. I'll never forget that. and
Naturally, Mario and I agreed on that As in fact I stíll have the letter in New York
we thought about what this Museum should I kept it because I thought it was such
be, we kept that very much in mind. In that a 20th century story and, of course, my
respect, 1 was probably the only person that friends and I were heartbroken to think
Mario could have worked with back then that somebody like General Heitman was
because I shared his point of view, even in charge now.
with regard to politics, although I believe
Mario had certain convictions that were Were you abJe to do anything? In some
attached to political parties, and í never letters you spoke of taking some works
did I was always, in the real sense, an an- out of Chile to México, to a museum there.
archist. But he was a very broad-minded Did that work?
man, sort of a social democrat. We worked I spoke on the phone with a friend
together because he was above that petty, of mine in México and we thought that
sectarian way of thinkíng, which of course maybe we coiüd reconstitute the Museo
was fine with me. de la Solidaridad in México City. He was
extremely enthusiastic about it. and we
How were you involved in the second ship- talked a lot about the possibilities. but it
ment of artwork from the United States? never happened. I think the Mexican gov-
The second shipment never rnade ít to ernment was quite interested at first, but I
Chile. As I rnentioned before, everything don't remember what ended up happening
went well with the first shipment. but there in the end.
were problems with the second one. I think
this was because it was right around the
time of the coup. The works were gathered
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD SALVADOR ALLENDE
You were aJso a member of the US Com- talk a lot about the past. what we had been
mittee for Justice to Latín American in through together; it was all very moving.
1973, isn't that right? Eventually, you know, he did get back to
Yes. í was a founder of that Corn- Brazil but I ncver saw him there. The last
mittee. I'm surprised you know about it. I time I saw him was in París.
proposed rny ñame on purpose. of course,
because so much was happeníng in South Did he continué working in art?
America —in Argentina. Brazil, Chile— so When I last saw Mario I believe he
there was a lot of work to be done back was writing. I don't think he was doing
then. It helped rne do things that were not any exhibitions and Brazil wasrit being
exactly what rny country's government that nice to hirn either. And when you
wanted me to be doing, but they found their think of everything he gave his country,
way to me anyway. They had rny phone you know. it was a sad story. But he went
tapped, and as a result I found myself in back, and he died in Rio de Janeiro, if I'm
a fair arnount of danger. One day, just as not rnistaken.
the sun was setting, I was with someone -I
dorít remernber who, but it was a Chilean Looking back on things now, what is your
exiled in New York, and he had an apart- impression of the Solidaridad project to-
ment in the suburbs outside the city. We day?
were standing in his living room. next to What is my impression of the Museo
a big window, when suddenly a bullet shot de la Solidaridad? Looking back now, un-
through the window between the two of us. fortunately it's still the only exarnple of
I had two srnall children at the time, and a rnuseum made by and for the people,
I believe that was the moment I realized artists included. In a way it's unique, which
I couldrit continué working in that vein, is good for you but not good for the world
because I had obligations as a rnother. It because we meant it to be a prototype to
was a very frightening time. be replicated all over the world. so that
there would be rnuseurns of solidarity, so
Do you íínow what became of Mario Pe- that artists would no longer be captives of
drosa after he Jeft Chile? the capitalist system and those merchants.
He left, well, as I understand, he sought. the art dealers, and the wealthy people that
refuge in the French Embassy in Santiago buy their work. In my experience, most
and I believe the French flew him out, painters and sculptors. as well as people
to París. The last time I ever saw Mario who do larger pieces like Alfredo Jaar, do
was In París. He and his wife were living not want to be captive to the capitalist
in Belleviile. which at that time was not system. They really are not that happy to
a very pleasant neighborhood, and they be hanging in the house of very rich men.
had very Hule rnoney. 1 was there. and I They would rather be in a rnuseum like
made a point of inviting them to dinner a this, which is for everyone, but as far as I
lot because I felt they weren't even getting know this is still the only one of its kind
enough to eat —can you imagine such a I believe Mario Pedrosa's role was
thing? It's unthinkable! Mario and I would very irnportant, and I also believe that
40 ANOS FRATERNIDAD. ARTE Y POLÍTICA
317
ESTE LIBRO HA SIDO PUBLICADO CON MOTIVO DE LA EXPOSICIÓN
40 AÑOS MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD POR CHILE: FRATERNIDAD, ARTE Y POLÍTICA, 2012.
República 475
8320000, Santiago de Chile
Tel. + 56 2 26898761
www.mssa.cl
EXPOSICIÓN
40 Años Museo de la Solidaridad por Chile: Fraternidad, Arte y Política
Museo de la Solidaridad Salvador Allende
17 de mayo - 29 de julio 2012
Entrevistas audiovisuales a: Dore Ashton, José Raimes, Lautaro Lahbé, Pedro Miras,
Guillermo Núñez, Virginia Vidal, Carmen Waugh, María Eugenia Zamudio
Realización entrevistas audiovisuales: TripioFilms
Montajistas: Juan Castro, Sebastián González, Ramón Me?,a, David Soto, Néstor Villalobos y alumnos
de Gestión Cultural del Instituto AIEP
Agradecimientos al Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Cultural y las Artes (FONDART) del Consejo
Nacional de la Cultura y las Artes, Dirección de Asuntos Culturales del Ministerio de Relaciones
Exteriores. A Marcela Alarcón, Dore Ashlon, José Balmes, Antonio Días, Lautaro Labbé, Pedro
Mira, Guillermo Núñez, Daniel Palacios, Virginia Vidal, Carmen Waugh, María F.ugenia Zamudio,
al equipo del Museo de la Solidaridad Salvador Allende y al Instituto AIEP.
CATALOGO
Fdilora General: Claudia Zaldívar
Asistente Editorial: Bárbara Palomino
Editora Catálogo Razonado: Carla Miranda
Asistente Catálogo Razonado: Alejandro Morales
Textos: Dore Ashton, Carla Macchiavello, Carla Miranda
Traducción: Camila Bralic, Kristina Cordero, Miriam Heard
Diseño Gráfico: Rodrigo Dueñas
Asistentes Diseño: Verónica Ortega y Gabriela González (Muro)
Fotografía Exposición: Ignacio Serrano
Fotografía Catálogo Razonado: Macarena Minguell y archivo MSSA
Fotografía Presidente Salvador Allende: Naúl Ojeda, Archivo Fundación Salvador Allende
Calibración y retoque fotográfico: Andrés García / Ograma
Impresión: Ograma Impresores
En este catálogo se utilizaron las tipografías y Andes y Sánchez de Daniel Hernández para Latinotype.
Esta publicación ha sido posible gracias al aporte financiero del Consejo Nacional de la Cultura y
las Artes, Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Cultural y las Artes
8 i,,!
a* «B|
»8 j S i ^
ÓosIlÓg
MUSEO DE LA SOLIDARIDAD
S A L V A D O R A L.L E N D E
- ARTE CONTEMPORÁNEO
-
-*•-