Estudio de caso

CÓMO LOS HERMANOS GUPTA SECUESTRARON SUDÁFRICA USANDO SOBORNOS EN LUGAR

DE BALAS

Q 1. Identificar los ODS,

P 2. Describir cómo la corrupción y el soborno violan los derechos humanos. (mínimo en
500 palabras)

A eigh o'clock on a mo ning a aged b ha p ind , 300 So h Af ican coal mine a on he

one steps of a makeshift amphitheater on the edge of a soccer field.
Se abrazaron contra el frío. En la distancia, cuatro chimeneas de color beige rodeadas de negro estaban
eructando p clo d de ilen hi e moke. Si alguien me descuelga la cabeza, los dedos no crecen en los
árboles. En los últimos meses, con sueldos cada vez menos frecuentes, muchos de los mineros se
morían de hambre. Se reunieron esta mañana para decidir si atacar. Mientras escuchaban a su líder
sindical esbozar las opciones, todos sabían a quién culpar: los Guptas.

Los tres hermanos Gupta, Ajay, Atul y Rajesh, habían comprado la mina de carbón Optimum en diciembre de 2015,
añadiéndola al tentacular imperio que estaban construyendo en toda Sudáfrica, con intereses en depósitos de
uranio, medios de comunicación, empresas informáticas y proveedores de armas. Los mineros, me dijo el líder del
sindicato, verían como los Gupta aterrizaban su helicóptero en el campo de fútbol reseco con sus porteros
oxidados, sólo para pavonearse con sus guardaespaldas blancos armados y llevar a sus hijos a los respiraderos de
la mina sin equipo de protección. A veces, cuando los hermanos estaban en un estado de ánimo magnánimo,
repartían un puñado de dinero a los mineros que habían sido particularmente obsequiosos ese día. Al mismo
tiempo, cortan atajos con saña. El seguro de salud y las pensiones fueron recortados. Las máquinas rotas fueron
remendadas con piezas viejas de otras máquinas. Se incumplieron las normas de seguridad.

Luego, unos meses después de que los Gupta compraran la mina, un escándalo de corrupción tectónica
acabó con Sudáfrica. Un funcionario del Gobierno declaró que los Guptas le habían ofrecido el cargo de
Ministro de Finanzas; Resultó que los tres hermanos habían tomado el control del aparato estatal. Fue, hasta
la fecha, una de las estafas más audaces y lucrativas del siglo. Aprovechando sus estrechos vínculos con el
Presidente Jacob Zuma, y con la ayuda de importantes firmas internacionales como KPMG, McKinsey y SAP,
los Guptas pueden haber drenado el tesoro nacional de hasta 7.000 millones de dólares. Zuma se vio
obligado a renunciar. McKinsey ofreció una extraordinaria disculpa pública por su papel en el escándalo. Los
Guptas huyeron a Dubai. Y la mina, que los hermanos habían obtenido en un acuerdo corrupto negociado y
financiado por el gobierno, se volcó en bancarrota.

Los mineros se encontraban entre las víctimas a nivel del suelo de complejos planes diseñados en pedazos de
papel. En los meses siguientes a la bancarrota, se amotinaron y quemaron neumáticos y fueron arrestados; oda '
mee ing a , b con a , un asunto bastante optimista. Pero ahora, mientras mi colega y yo avanzábamos hacia el
debate, las cosas volvieron a estallar.
Todos los mineros en el campo, a excepción de un par de rostros blancos míticos, eran negros. Sin embargo,

los hombres que destrozaron la mina, a lo largo de la economía de So h Af

Origen indio. Cuando Dhashen se acercó al frente de la multitud y comenzó a tomar fotos con su iPhone, los

mineros de repente dejaron de hablar. Por un momento, hubo silencio. Entonces, casi como uno, comenzaron a

abuchear y gritar.

"No G p a !" a oman elled. O él ho o d "G p a" do n on . La mina no'

ed in Z l , aining he
ver a dos periodistas indios: vieron los fantasmas de los Guptas.

"¡No es de ellos!" ho ed, ing o calm he mine . O de un final e

o d, y por la
Por la tarde, los trabajadores habían decidido la huelga, rompiendo en cantos de protesta jubilosos. Pero la tensión
subyacente se mantuvo. Durante un descanso para almorzar, una mujer nos pidió, en broma, que la presentáramos a un
hombre indio, así que

he co ld "financiall able." Speaking abo he G p a , ano he bla e l ned o face me.

"Yo b o he ", he aid.
Lo que los Guptas lograron en Sudáfrica ha sido ampliamente documentado: los tratos clandestinos,
los contratos amañados, el saqueo masivo de los recursos nacionales. Los hermanos, que se
negaron a comentar esta historia, han negado todas las acusaciones contra ellos, y aún no han
enfrentado cargos. Pero el arco global de la historia -desde una ciudad provincial en la India hasta las
salas de juntas corporativas de Londres y Nueva York- ofrece un estudio de caso en un nuevo, emic
fo m de g af kno n a " a e cap e." Thi a a a mode n-da co p d' a , aged i h b ibe in ead of bullets.
Demuestra cómo un país entero puede caer a influencias extranjeras sin que se dispare un solo
disparo
especialmente cuando ese país está gobernado por un presidente divisivo que es hábil en alimentar
resentimientos raciales, dispuesto a despedir a sus propios jefes de inteligencia para proteger sus intereses
comerciales, y ansioso de utilizar su posición elegida para enriquecerse con inversores desagradables. Los
guptas habían emigrado a Sudáfrica desde un remanso de la India, pero las habilidades que aprendieron allí
resultaron indispensables en una era de corrupción globalizada.

Trágicamente, el escándalo también ha exacerbado las tensiones raciales en un país que todavía lucha por
recuperarse de decenios de apartheid. Los indios, que llegaron a Sudáfrica bajo el dominio británico en la década
de 1860 como trabajadores y comerciantes,
Jugó un p ominen ole en las luchas co n' an i-coloniales y anti-apartheid. Gandhi inventó satyagraha en
Johanne b g, y o de Nel en Mandela' clo e allie d ing hi h ee década en p i on e e So h Af ican
Indios. Pero en pocos años, los Guptas habían borrado cualquier persistente buena voluntad hacia los indios, que
hacen
hasta menos del 2,5 por ciento del la ion. "Un poco de a e e en un ing hola a la ee e han he e
pop mina ha gente ser
l , un viejo yo. en un e-mail filtrado, un empleado se quejó de
Indio ", Richa d Mg nion ep e en a ie, que
o hola u
Raje h G p a efe ed negro ec i g a d n "monke ."
la caída de un ible o de
A i ing oon af e Apa heid, l G p a ho ed ja i po secuestro ser Mandela'
intenciones -que a los no blancos se les dé la oportunidad de prosperar- poniéndolos en contra del país. Los
Guptas

"o ld ha e hea d ha he e A.N.C. g a e cke ," aid Ronnie Ka il , a fo me Af ican Na ional Cong e
mini e y com ade of Mandela'. "The ' e f iendl , he ' e open, he don' ha e p ej dice." Af e ea of
Soportando el gobierno blanco corrupto y despiadado, muchos miembros de
A.N.C. también estaban hambrientos de auto-enriquecimiento, creyendo que yo
soy un hei " tiempo o ea ", me dijo un activista del i-apartheid. En los Guptas,
encontraron los facilitadores perfectos de su codicia.
Cuando los Guptas llegaron a Sudáfrica, en 1993, se encontraron con un país en un estado de transición
esperanzadora. Por primera vez en la historia, los ciudadanos negros pudieron vivir en áreas anteriormente
reservadas para los blancos. Pero con el fin de lograr la paz, Mandela tenía ck ha man la e a a de il' ba gain:
por ejemplo, los órdenes sociales y políticos serían derogados, pero la estructura económica se preservaría.
No habría una toma masiva de tierras blancas o negocios, como ocurriría más tarde en Zimbabue. Los
sudafricanos, a través de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación, aprenderán a perdonarse unos a otros
y a vivir juntos, aunque, en la práctica, muchos mintieron a la comisión o simplemente no se presentaron:
más Reconciliación que Verdad. Así que un país desesperadamente desigual seguía siendo desigual, y sólo
unas pocas élites negras se trasladaron a los espacios gobernados durante mucho tiempo por los blancos.

Estas élites dieron la bienvenida a hombres como los Gupta, que podían inyectar dinero en efectivo en
un país hambriento por las sanciones contra el apartheid. De vuelta en la India, los Guptas habían sido
hombres de negocios de poca monta, pero con una racha muy ambiciosa. Esta ambición les había
llegado de su padre, un hombre devoto que usaba un sombrero trilobulado, incursionaba en las
creencias tántricas, y dirigía una tienda de precios justos en la ciudad de Saharanpur que proporcionaba
a los pobres artículos esenciales subvencionados por el gobierno, como arroz y azúcar. En la economía
india, las tiendas de precio justo son nodos infames de la corrupción. Muchas de las raciones que se
supone que deben proporcionar son desviadas al mercado negro, donde se venden a precios inflados,
evitando por completo a los pobres.

Saharanpur mismo era un lugar poco prometedor del cual conquistar el mundo. Una mezcla de bazares viejos
y
han ie in one of India' mo co p a e , i a infe ed i h pig and ba , but granted a sense of wildness by i mon
oonal g eene . G o ing p in he ci ' c amped old q a e -a warren of crumbling Art Deco buildings,
templos, y cientos de pequeños puestos de venta de tela-los hermanos en bicicleta a su
escuela de una habitación, donde fueron educados en hindi en lugar de más
cosmopolita Inglés.
Cuando Ajay, el hermano mayor, llegó a la mayoría de edad en la década de 1980, su padre lo envió a Delhi,
donde, según una fuente, trabajaba para una empresa que contrabandeaba computadoras y especias de Nepal a
la India. Ajay se convirtió en un experto en el llamado "g a ma ke " fo elec onic good o ide he no mal ariffed
canales; sus hermanos pronto se unieron
él. Desde allí, nuevamente a instigación de su padre, los hermanos emigraron a Singapur, el
elec onic g a ma ke in A ia. Acco ding o a f iend ho ill li e in Saha anp , "Aja G p a ha a
massive
mente", lo suficientemente ágil como para explotar las políticas comerciales de los países rivales. En un
momento, mientras estaba en Singapur, Ajay se acercó a un asociado para establecer una fábrica en
Saharanpur para fabricar tarjetas de memoria de computadora. Pero había una trampa: La fábrica se
pondría a trabajar. In ead, Aja o ld end he memo ca d f ll
ensamblados desde Singapur, y el asociado simplemente los enviaría de vuelta, alegando que habían sido hechos
en la India.
De esa manera, Ajay podría obtener un subsidio del gobierno indio de $ 2 por tarjeta, mientras que muestra una
pérdida de $ 1 en los libros.

Por qué los Guptas se mudaron de Singapur a Sudáfrica sigue siendo un misterio. Los Guptas dicen que fueron
una vez más

p odded b hei fa he , ho belie ed ha "Af ica o ld he ne Ame ica of he o ld." B hen Atul llegó a
Johanne b g, una edad de 25 años, i h an ini ial in e men of $350,000, So h Af ica' f e a fa f om
ob io .
Agitado por luchas raciales y étnicas internas, el país estaba a punto de formar su primer gobierno democrático,
y el indio Busine hom ¿Quién iba a nde apa heid ho gh G p a ' un tonto. "We a e all lea ing," he
lo envejeció. "Wh br venir? Thi co going o go o he dog."
ae es

o
En Sudáfrica, los Guptas encontraron un país con el encanto del Primer Mundo blanco, pero toda la astucia
de la Tercera Guerra Mundial en que había sido ed. Y nlike o he Indian in So h Af ica, he e e f ee of he co n'
history of oppression; como varones hindúes nacidos en la India independiente, habían sido como hombres
blancos en casa. Por eso, cuando se presentó la oportunidad en Sudáfrica, actuaron como hombres blancos
ante ellos, con impunidad.

Poco después de llegar, dicen las fuentes, los Guptas comenzaron a juntar computadoras del mercado gris
de piezas importadas infravaloradas y venderlas bajo el logotipo de Sahara. El nombre era un homenaje a su
ciudad natal de Saharanpur y Af ica' Saha, pero también era una imitación descarada de la marca de una
famosa empresa india. Los Guptas más tarde afirmarían que comenzaron su estadía en África humildemente,
vendiendo zapatos en un centro comercial. Pero esta historia ha resultado difícil de verificar: ninguno de los
dueños de tiendas con los que hablé en el centro comercial recuerda a los Guptas, y un ex funcionario que
los ha investigado ampliamente me dijo que habían inventado su fábula de trapos a riquezas. En una ca e, a
hei p ofi oa ed, he G p a e e elcomed in o So h Af ica' inne ci cle of b ine and political elites. Atul -con su
expresión pellizcada, su sonrisa untuosa, su bigote delgado y su voz desabrida- era la cara de P.R. de la
familia. Invitado a unirse a una delegación de negocios en la India, entabló una amistad con Essop Pahad, un
político indio sudafricano y A.N.C. incondicional. Pahad, un entusiasta de la India, dispuso que Ajay fuera
nombrado para un comité asesor del presidente Thabo Mbeki.

Los Guptas, que habían sido desconocidos en la India, disfrutaban codeándose con las élites. Se hicieron
famosos en Johannesburgo por invitar a los políticos a fiestas en su gran complejo de un acre en el barrio
Tony de Saxonwold, y por entretener a los equipos de cricket de la India y Sudáfrica después de los partidos.
(También comenzaron a patrocinar estadios de cricket.) Las inversiones sociales dieron sus frutos: en poco
tiempo, los Gupta se hicieron amigos del hombre que sería el más responsable de destruir el sueño post-
apartheid de Sudáfrica-Jacob Zuma

For an African f eedom figh e , Jacob Gedle ihleki a Z ma, ho e middle name can be an la ed a "a pe on
ho ea o p hile he' miling a o ", bea an ncann e emblance o Donald T mp. Él o h o gh él filas políticas y
ganó Mandela' affec ion b e pe l con olida ing hi ba e of con e a i e Z l ppo e -
el grupo étnico más grande del país, con su encanto de hijo de la tierra. Se hizo famoso por su
mujeriego desenfrenado y oportunista. Y dependía de las limosnas de los hombres de negocios
para mantenerse a flote. Delantero y amistoso, se parecía un poco a un gato que se ha
encontrado con la cara en la crema y, en lugar de retroceder, te invita a unirse a él.

En el momento en que los Guptas lo conocieron, en 2002, Zuma wa dep p e iden

de So h Af ica. A "con e a i e adi ionali ", acco ding o one fo me official, Z ma acq
i ed fi e e e (in addi ion o an e -wife) y tiene 23
kids. He also lived beyond his means, writing dud checks and refusing to pay his taxes. Strapped for cash, he
received interest-free loans from Schabir Shaik, a South African Indian businessman, who engineered an annual
bribe for Zuma from a French arms company. In 2005, Shaik was found guilty of having a corrupt relationship
with Zuma and was sentenced to 15 years in prison. Zuma, facing corruption
charges of his own, was forced out of office.
Then, in a revelation that seemed to doom any chance of a political comeback, the daughter of an A.N.C. comrade
came forward and accused Zuma of raping her in the guest room of his home. She was 31 and an H.I.V.-positive
AIDS activist; he was 63. Never one to shy away from boasting about his libido, Zuma maintained that the sex was
consensual and that the woman had worn a colorful traditional wrap—an obvio in i a ion o e . “Yo canno j
lea e a oman if he i al ead a ha a e,” he e ified. He al o in i ed ha he had ho e ed af e he had
sex with her, to mitigate the chance of contracting AIDS—a comment that made him an international laughingstock.
But Zuma survived by painting himself as the victim of a political conspiracy. His supporters swarmed the
courthouse with signs proclaiming, BURN THE BITCH and 100% ZULU BOY, and in 2006 the judge acquitted him
on all charges. That following year, tapping into an early surge of the populist forces that would soon consume the
world, Zuma trounced the neoliberal Mbeki to become head of the A.N.C. In 2009, with the corruption charges
against him thrown out on a technicality, Zuma was elected president of South Africa.

The Guptas, who were canny investors, had begun playing the long game from the moment they met Zuma. They

p hi on D d ane on hei pa oll in 2003, and con in ed o p omo e him e en af e Z ma’ fall. The o nge
Gupta brother, Rajesh—nicknamed Tony— a e peciall clo e O D ane, ho a “in and o of hei ho e
un
like a fo h G p a,” acco ding o Pahad, hei A.N.C. all . D ane a e en all made a di ec o of e e al
Gupta-linked companies. The brothers helped set him up in a $1.3 million apartment in the Burj Khalifa in
Dubai, he o ld’ alle k c ape , and paid fo hi fi e-star vacations. (Duduzane, who declined to comment for
this story, has denied owning property in Dubai.) In 2014, when Duduzane crashed his Porsche into a
minibus, killing two passengers, the first person he called was Rajesh.

The G p a in i ed ha D d ane a emplo ed on hi o n me i . “Thi o ng bo ince beginning i h and

he o k e en 16 o 18 ho dail ,” Aja old a epo e in his cha ac e i icall b oken Engli h. “He go him elf
o he all mine , all place . He don’ i in an ai -conditioned room and just count the money or do this. He earn,
very hard-ea ned mone , he do ha .” B D d ane al o enabled he G p a o p e ent their companies as black-
owned businesses—a display essential for winning government contracts in post-apartheid South Africa. And
it endeared the Guptas to Zuma, who was in and out of their house during his embattled years, performing
pujas, or prayers, with hei mo he , ho di ec ed he on ’ dome ic li e af e he dea h of hei fa he , in 1994.

In he G p a ’ compo nd, Z ma fo nd a con e a i e ho ehold ha mi o ed hi o n—a place where old values flourished in
a new country. Though the brothers had bought four adjacent mansions in Johannesburg, they lived in a single
home with their wives and children and mother in a feudal setup imported wholesale from India. They con e ed in
Hindi and didn’ ea mea o d ink alcohol. The omen d e ed mode tly and generally did not interact with guests;
daughters-in-law had to obtain permission to visit their own parents. Indian servants in tattered vests ran barefoot
through hallways littered with kitschy statues and busts; the fixtures in the bathrooms were detailed in gold. Ajay,
now 53, sported the diamond ring his father had once worn. Rough-hewn and imposing, with a
permanent swath of stubble, he was the family patriarch and the political brain of the operation. Atul, 50,

oversaw outreach to corrupt governmen official , hile Ton , 46, e ed a he famil ’ g ff b ine nego ia o .

The G p a ’ lo al o Z ma o nd p pa ing ma i e di idend . The b o he , A l old an emplo ee, ppo ed Z ma

befo e “an one ho gh he co ld be p e iden .” The famil “ ood by him until he came out victorious. He
would often come to our house and meet Ajay and me. Look where that support
has brought him—today he is the p e iden .”
From the moment Zuma was elected president, the Guptas began to plunder the South African government on an
unprecedented scale. It was the perfect arrangement: Zuma did not have to be present in the room, or even
included on e-mails, while the Guptas cut deals and moved money in and out of the country. Ajay, one government
whistle-blower later recounted, would lounge on a sofa during meetings with his shoes off, wearing a T-shirt and
gray track pan , looking like a ami ho e pec ed people o “ki hi fee ” a he b ain o med a o b ibe official . The Guptas
had taken the model of their fathe ’ fai -price shop and exaggerated it to fit the modern economy.

S a e cap e goe fa be ond pa ing off g eed

official ; i ’ abo di o ing go e nmen polic fo pe onal gain.
In April 2010, the state-owned Industrial Development Corporation lent the Guptas $34 million, which
they used to buy a uranium mine. It seemed like a risky move: at the time, worldwide uranium prices were
plummeting. But the Guptas appeared to have inside knowledge that Zuma was planning—over the
objections of his own treasury— to sign an expensive deal with Russia to open a series of nuclear power
plants. Once the facilities were up and running, they would buy uranium from the Guptas, who wound up
pocketing all but $1.8 million of the government loan.

Three months later, the Guptas launched a newspaper called The New Age. Zuma promptly called the head of the

go e nmen ’comm nica ion a m, Themba Ma eko, and in c ed him o help “ he e G p a g .” When
Ma eko paid a i i o he famil ’ compo nd, Aja o de ed him o turn o e he go e nmen ’ en i e ad e i ing
budget—some $80 million a year—to The New Age. If he didn’ coope a e, Ma eko la e e ified, Aja aid he
o ld “ peak o m enio in go e nmen , ho o ld o me o and eplace me i h people ho o ld
coopera e i h him.” Si mon h la e , Ma eko un emo ed f om office, and
he go e nmen handed i
advertising money over to the Guptas. Though The New Age gained no real audience, every government
department appeared to subscribe to it, with thousands of copies lying around in offices, unread. According to
court documents, the newspaper was later used to launder money through fake advertising invoices.

That October, an A.N.C. member of parliament named Vyjtie Mentor was invited to meet with Zuma. She later
testified that she was picked up at the airport in Johannesburg by Atul and Tony; with their dark suits, earpieces,

and ngla e , he a med he e e he p e iden ’ d i e . Men o

oon fo nd he elf a he G p a compo nd,
sitting across from Ajay, who offered to make her minister of public enterprises—provided that, in her new
position, she help a Gupta-linked airline win a coveted route to India. When Mentor angrily refused, President
Zuma suddenly emerged from the next room. Carrying her bag, he escorted he o a ai ing cab. “Go ell, o ng

oman,” he old he in Z l . “E e hing ill be da la e , he mini e of p blic en e p i e un

O.K.” A fe
fired after she refused to meet with officials from the airline.

The G p a ’ b a enne a becoming obvious in government circles. In 2011, to shield the brothers
from
investigation, Zuma fired the chiefs of all three intelligence agencies and replaced them with loyalists.
The following year, leaked e-mails show, a Gupta shell company acquired the rights to run a government-
funded dairy farm meant to empower poor black farmers. The director of the Gupta company was a
former I.T. salesman with no experience in farming; the contract was won without a bidding process.
According to court documents, the Guptas siphoned $16 million from the operation. The dairy fell into
disuse, with some 100 cows reportedly dying from lack of proper feed. (The Guptas have denied any
connection to the operation, beyond a $10,000 consulting contract.)

The following year, the Guptas moved into television, launching a channel called ANN7 to secure more
go e nmen ad e en e . Raje h S nda am, ho became he channel’ edi o , old me he me i h Z ma and A l
Gupta three times in 2013 to discuss the launch. The president, who acted like a secret shareholder in the channel,

old S nda am ha he
an ed i o di emina e “ b le p opaganda.” ANN7 e ed a a mic oco m of ho
he
Guptas ran their operations: low on quality, high on greed. Laborers were flown in from India on tourist visas and

housed in substandard barracks. No one was offered medical benefits. Atul monitored the lengths of employee

ba h oom b eak , and in alled G.P.S. in compan ca o make e epo e e en’ a ing f om hei o k beats.
Attractive models were hired in lie of ained ancho . D ing he channel’ la nch, one model-anchor froze
on camera as she waited for her teleprompter to function. In another segment, an
anchor waiting for a transmission from a correspondent was instead greeted by the
sound of a backstage technician making an anguished mooing sound.
The downfall began, like a Shakespeare comedy in reverse, with a wedding. In 2013, the Guptas decided to
throw “ he edding of he cen ” fo hei elde niece. The booked he p cale S n Ci resort in South Africa, two hours
north of Johannesburg, plotting four days of events for 400 guests. They flew in Bollywood stars from India,
and dancers from Brazil and Russia. They ordered 30,000 bouquets spread across the volcanic grounds of
the resort, a 70s-era version of Wakanda complete with gigantic plaster elephants. The invitation itself was so
imposing—six ornate containers laden with delicacies from six continents—that when one invitee, the wife of a
provincial police commissioner, received it, the local bomb squad was called in to detonate it.

Then, on April 30, more than 200 guests from India began to arrive. They flew not to Johannesburg but to
Waterkloof, a South African air-force base a few miles south of Pretoria. Waterkloof is a reddish, parched
patch of earth with the endless, low-lying feel of a college campus. As the bleary-eyed guests
disembarked from a chartered flight not long after sunrise, they were greeted by Atul, dressed in a pink T-
shirt and dark-blue blazer. Atul ushered the guests into seven helicopters and 60 white Range Rovers for
the trip to Sun City, accompanied by police escorts.
All of this would have gone off without a hitch had it not been for Barry Bateman, a radio reporter in Pretoria. Tipped
off about the arriving guests, he rushed to Waterkloof and walked up to Atul outside the passenger terminal

i h a imple q e ion: “Wh a e o ing an ai -fo ce ba e o b ing

o famil in?”

Military bases, Bateman knew, are typically reserved for flights involving high-ranking government
officials or heads of state. It was as if a wealthy Russian oligarch had been permitted to use Andrews Air
Force Base to land hundreds of guests for a private affair in Washington, D.C.—one scheduled to be
attended by the president himself. When A l ef ed o an e Ba eman’ q e ion—“Don’ be ma i h me,” he aid
—the reporter immediately tweeted about the curious landing: #GuptaWedding.

For the first time, ordinary South Africans suddenly knew who the Guptas were—and how high their
influence eached. The co n a o aged. The “Z p a ”—Zuma and the Guptas—became a staple of daily
cartoons and Trevor Noah parodies. The officials who had orchestrated the landing later said they had
received instructions from “N mbe One,” a clea efe ence to President Zuma.

The G p a , mean hile, e e napologe ic. “One da he e official ill kno he po e of he G p

a famil ,” aid A l. Aja , he cannie of he b o he , fel he candal o ld ge hem “e eball ” fo
hei ne TV a ion.
Later, leaked e-mails would reveal that they paid for the wedding using money they had looted from the dairy farm

and routed through the United Arab Emirates. KPMG wrote off the lavish celebration as a business expense.
Emboldened by their survival, the Guptas kicked hei co p ion in o o e d i e. In 2014, Z ma’ a ocia e awarded them the largest-e e ppl con ac i h T an ne , So h Af ica’ ail and po compan —a deal worth $4.4 billion. The Guptas used the contract to secure millions in kickbacks—which he called “commi ion ”—from international players eager to do business with the firm. Zuma also installed four Gupta allies on the board of

E kom, So h Af ica’ po e ili , hich illegall handed he G p as $38 million in government funds to buy the Op

im m Coal Mine. (E kom had ho nded he mine’ p e io o ne in o bank p c a he G p a ’ behe .)

If you wanted to do business in South Africa, it seemed, you had to go through the Guptas—much as certain white-
owned enterprises had cornered the economy during apartheid. Respected international firms rushed to make deals
with the brothers and their associates. McKinsey & Company, the global consulting giant, partnered with Eskom on
a scandalous deal—its largest-ever contract in Africa—that wound up funneling money to a Gupta-linked firm.
(McKin e denie ha i did “an hing illegal.”) The London-based P.R. firm Bell Pottinger used Twitter and fake-
news Web sites to inflame racial tensions in South Africa, p eading he idea ha “ hi e monopol capi al” a o
che a ing he a ack on he G p a o c ea e “economic apa heid.” And KPMG, he acco n ing fi m, a hi ed
for $1.65 million by a top Zuma ally to discredit South African tax officials who were investigating the
brothers. The firm essentiall copied memo p o ided b he go e nmen , po a ing he official a a “ og e ni ” ha
illegall pied on he Z ma admini a ion and “engaged he e ice of p o i e d ing hei lei e ime.” The fake-news
campaign worked; several senior tax officials were forced to resign, and scores more quit.
 u
On that day, a balm F ida , Mcebi i Jona , he co n ’ dep finance mini e , n in i ed o a ho el o di c
b ine i h he p e iden ’ on D d ane. Instead, Duduzane drove him to the Gupta compound. There, Jonas
la e e ified, he me i h one of he b o he , hom he belie ed o be Aja . Aja old him ha he “old man”—
President Zuma—seemed to like him. The family, he added, wanted to see whether Jona un omeone ho “can
o k i h ."

“Yo m nde and ha e a e in con ol of e e hing,” Aja aid. “The old man ill do an hing e ell him
o do.”
The deal on offer, Jonas recounted in his testimony, was as simple as it was enticing. Zuma would appoint Jonas

a he na ion’ finance minister. The Guptas, in turn, would pay Jonas $45 million to
purge treasury officials who opposed the deal to build Russian-run nuclear energy
plants that would operate on fuel supplied by the Gupta uranium mine.
Jonas, a soft-spoken man with a neat white goatee and a tie that always seems on the verge of coming undone,
was outraged. When he got up to leave, Ajay tried sweetening the deal. If Jonas was willing to cooperate, Ajay said,
he would deposit money in an account of his choosing—in South Africa or Dubai. In fact, he could give him $45,000

on he po . “Do o ha e a bag?” he a ked Jona . “O can I gi e o ome hing o p i

in?” When Jona again
refused, Ajay followed him to the door. If he told anyone about the meeting, Ajay warned, the Guptas would have
him killed. (In a o n affida i , Aja in i ed ha he a no p e en a he mee ing, hich he call an
“in en ional fab ica ion o implica e me in alleged ongdoing in hich I pla ed no pa .”)
In March 2016, as the Guptas and Zuma continued to try and bend the finance ministry to their will,
Jonas decided to go public. This time, the A.N.C. was unable to brush off the allegations—they came
from within the ruling party itself. The Guptas fled for Dubai in April, and the ensuing investigations
toppled top executives at McKinsey and KPMG, which is under investigation for its ties to the Guptas, as
are HSBC, Standard Chartered, and SAP. Bell Pottinger, the P.R. firm, imploded after accusations that it
had tried to stir up racial resentments at the G p a ’ behest. Threatened by a vote of no confidence and
with his candidate having lost the vote for A.N.C. president, Zuma was forced to step down in February
2018. A few months later, Duduzane appeared before a judge in shackles, wearing a gray wool jacket
and a rakish black scarf, and was charged with corruption. The era of the Guptas, it seemed, was over.

Even in exile, the Guptas remain a central meme in South African consciousness; the few available stock photos of
the brothers circulate regularly on he f on page of he co n ’ ne pape . On he da I a i ed in Johannesburg last fall, a
commission of inquiry had begun its investigation into state capture—a brief moment of hope that quickly curdled
into disappointment. With a budget of $17 million, the commission was expected to complete its work in six months.
But the wise, turtle-like judge overseeing the inquiry sonorously predicted it would go on for two years. It soon
became clear that the Guptas would not appear. It was an open question as to whether Zuma could be compelled to
testify, and the government has temporarily withdrawn corruption charges
against Duduzane, pending further evidence from the commission. On the first soporific day,
in a large hall that could have been the foyer of a bank, the lead prosecutor presented such
boring PowerPoints that I almost wished McKinsey could be brought back to enliven them.

The economy, meanwhile, remains devastated by all the plunder and corruption. Tax collections have plunged
by billions since Zuma’ p ge of he once-respected state tax agency. The rand is reeling, and credit-rating
agencies ha e do ng aded he co n ’ bond o j nk a . A q a e -century after the end of apartheid, South Africa has
the worst income inequality in the world—evident in the profusion of high walls, electric
fences, and guards to protect parked vehicles. Almost two-thirds of blacks live in poverty,
compared with only 1 percent of whites, and half of all young people are unemployed.
These young people, like the miners I met at Optimum, are growing impatient. In 2015, a student movement
called “Rhode M Fall” cce f ll p e ed fo he emo al of a a e of he coloniali Cecil Rhode f om he University of
Cape To n. No he mo emen ha mo phed in o “Fee M Fall,” demanding f ee ni e i education for poor families as
a means to self-empowerment—though it is unclear where the money for such largesse might come from. And
calls for land reform—in a country where whites own 72 percent of all privately held farmland—are also
growing. The less the country can deliver, the more radical the demands have become.

The Guptas have created an atmosphere of distrust in which ancient group feelings are being resurrected. Many
whites, who make up 9 percent of the popula ion, blame he A.N.C. fo he co n ’ do nfall—and see themselves as
victims. One of the first things I heard on the radio when I arrived in Johannesburg was a middle-aged white

man calling in to a talk show o complain ha “ he benefi of he end of apartheid have

been outweighed by the a e’ e being di c imina ed again .” The e a no ackno
ledgmen of he de a a ion ca ed b apa heid, o
why it might necessitate affirmative action for blacks.
In a Cape Town bookstore, at a discussion about state capture between a professor and a government minister, I
found an audience full of politically engaged, middle-aged whites fired up about what the Guptas and Zuma did to
the country. But talking to them, I discovered that they were the South African eq i alen of T mp’ mo fe en followers.
One sixtysomething white woman with rabbity teeth, keen blue unseeing eyes, and an orthopedic metal
u
cane old me ha po e in India n "digno" nlike he “begging and en i lemen ” in So h Af ica. Ano her
u
hi e oman, o e hea ing a con e a ion I n ha ing, eb ked me fo no ppo ing T mp, calling him “ he
onl knigh in hining a mo in a da k eali ". mp him elf had ee ed a fe da ea lie abo “the large scale
killing” of hi e fa me in South Africa—a patently false statement. How could I tell her that the broadside on
behalf of hi e So h Af ican a mean o di e a en ion f om Michael Cohen’ g il plea ha da ? Did
anyone wish to see beyond their own narrow version of the truth?
Back in India, meanwhile, the Guptas have been slowly raising their profile. When I visited Saharanpur, I discovered
that the brothers are considered heroes, though the adulation is shot through with the sort of gossip you expect from
small towns—accounts of film a and poli ician i i ing he famil ’ home, he diffic l of ge ing
an appoin men i h he G p a ’ i e . In one fe id co ne of he old ci —so cramped that cars cannot get through—I
encountered the scaffolded bones of a massive temple with more than 50 rooms for religious education,
surrounded by carved sandstone blocks waiting to be joined together to create shrines. The temple would be
comple e in 2022; i un he G p a ’ $28 million gif to their town.

The brothers now live openly in Dubai, though their time there may be limited: in September, the U.A.E. and South
Africa finally signed an extradition treaty, mainly, it is thought, to ensnare the Guptas. Undeterred, the brothers
continue to revel in their wealth. They recently sent out a 17-page invitation for yet another extravagant family
wedding, this one projected to cost $7 million. Under the names of their children was inscribed, almost wistfully,

hei place of e idenc : “Johanne b g, So h Af ica.”

The Guptas, remarkably, seem hurt that their former fiefdom—the place that made them who they are—has turned

again hem: had he ac ed o diffe en l f om he hi e coloniali befo e hem? “Wa Aja G p a o G p a

family proven guilt ?” Aja a ked a epo e ecen l , emplo ing he hi d pe on. “One place? One malle
hing?” A jo nali ho me Aja in India old me ha he G p a pa ia ch i “ ee hing in age” o e hi famil ’
fall. “We’ e al a ea en o o i ,” Aja decla ed defian l . “We’ll keep ea ing o no ma e ha happen .”
The same could not be said for the starving miners—and the looted country—the brothers had left behind.