Boletín Abril 2006

BOLETÍN MENSUAL
Observatorio
Geopolítica y Comunicación en Asia Central y el Cáucaso
EL ACNUR ABRIRÁ OFICINA EN CHECHENIA APENAS LO PERMITA LA

SITUACIÓN DE SEGURIDAD, DICE EL ALTO COMISIONADO ANTONIO
Abril 2006
GUTERRES
Fuente: www.acnur.org
Continúa en la página 18
TAJIKISTAN: DISEASE’S REAPPEARANCE PITS AUTHORITIES AGAINST NGO
Fuente: www.eurasianet.org
US MILITARY BASE IN KYRGYZSTAN COMES INTO PLAY AS DOMESTIC

POLITICAL CONFRONTATION BREWS
BORJOMI 2014: GEORGIA’S OLYMPIC-SIZED DREAM
ÍNDICE
- Relaciones Internacionales...p.3
-Política interior...p.11
- Medios de Comunicación...p.12
- Derechos Humanos...p.18
-Migraciones...p.21
- Sanidad...p.24
Grupo de investigación en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social

www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
El Observatorio de Geopolítica y Comunicación en

Asia Central y el Cáucaso es un proyecto que se encuadra
dentro de la línea de “Historia de la propaganda y análisis de la
comunicación política” del Grupo Interdisciplinario de
Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social
(COMPOLITICAS), y tiene como principal objetivo el
estudio, investigación y difusión de los principales fenómenos
políticos y comunicacionales que tienen lugar en ese espacio
geográfico.
El Observatorio es, asimismo, un foro de debate que,

con sede en la Facultad de Comunicación de la Universidad de
Sevilla, pretende discutir y dar a conocer, especialmente en lo
que a los aspectos comunicacionales se refiere, una zona del
mundo muy poco estudiada en la Universidad española.
Esta inquietud investigadora está en consonancia con la

convicción de que es necesario aportar nuevos elementos para
la confección de una verdadera historia de la comunicación
“universal”, que se aparte del eurocentrismo que normalmente
aqueja a la disciplina. Para ello, el Observatorio se acerca a la
región de Asia Central y el Cáucaso con una mirada
multidisciplinar que incluye el interés por su historia, cultura,
religión, desarrollo político-social, relaciones internacionales,
etc., imprescindible para comprender la evolución histórica de
las diferentes formas de comunicación en este lugar del mundo.
Si bien resulta complejo definir con precisión el espacio

al que llamamos Asia Central y el Cáucaso, el Observatorio se
interesa especialmente por el espacio ex – soviético de esta
región, que incluye a una parte de la Federación Rusa y a países
como Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Georgia, Kazajstán, Turkmenistán,
Uzbekistán, Kirguizstán y Tayikistán.
Una de las principales formas de difusión de las

actividades del Observatorio es la edición de este boletín
mensual de noticias sobre Asia Central y el Cáucaso.
Boletín abril 2006 elaborado por

Lamberto Ruiz García

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Observatorio
Relaciones Internacionales
Titulares
US military base in Kyrgyzstan comes into

play as domestic political confrontation brews
Eurasianet (20/04/06)
Russia renews diplomatic-economic offensive in Central Asia

Borjomi 2014: Georgia’s Olympic-sized dream

Título US military base in Kyrgyzstan comes into play as domestic political

confrontation brews
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Fecha 20-04-06
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Cuerpo de As President Kurmanbek Bakiyev prepares to visit Moscow, there are
texto increasing signs that Kyrgyzstan is moving away from a foreign policy that
balances Russian and US geopolitical interests. Bakiyev, facing increasingly
determined opposition in Bishkek, appears prepared to move firmly into the
Kremlin’s camp in an attempt to reinforce his domestic political position.
Bakiyev’s Moscow trip on April 24-25 will feature a meeting with Russian
President Vladimir Putin. The hastily arranged visit, Bakiyev’s first foreign
foray since becoming president, appears connected with a brewing
confrontation in Kyrgyzstan pitting the president against a coalition of
opposition politicians and non-governmental organization activists.
Presidential critics have planned a mass demonstration in Bishkek for April
29, and have threatened to launch a prolonged protest initiative unless
Bakiyev takes immediate measures to curb organized crime and corruption in
Kyrgyzstan.
Talks on April 19 between the president and his opponents failed to defuse
the brewing crisis, and instead appeared to add to the acrimonious
atmosphere. Commenting on the discussions, an opposition coalition leader,
MP Melis Eshimkanov, complained to local journalists that "we thought our
demands would be understood, but he [Bakiyev] seems not to know reality."
Bakiyev, meanwhile, castigated his opponents, saying he would not allow
protests to upset the executive branch’s ability to function. "Holding these

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various rallies and pickets will not contribute to attracting investment," the
AKIpress news agency quoted Bakiyev as saying.
The embattled Kyrgyz leader is expected to seek Russian political support in

order to blunt the pressure being exerted on him by his domestic political
foes. In return, political analysts in Bishkek believe, Putin is expected to
press Bakiyev to choose Russia as Kyrgyzstan’s chief security guarantor.
Kyrgyzstan is home to both a US and a Russian military base. Since Uzbek
leader Islam Karimov expelled US forces from an air base in Uzbekistan last
summer, Moscow has not concealed a desire to push the Americans out of
their sole remaining strategic foothold in Central Asia – the Ganci air base at
Manas, outside the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek.
Bakiyev helped fuel such speculation when, during a televised interview

April 19, he demanded a 100-fold increase in the rent that the United States
pays for access to the Ganci base, which is used primarily to support ongoing
military operations in Afghanistan. According to the president, current
American annual payments for the base total roughly $2 million, and the
presidential administration is seeking an increase in rent to just over $200
million per year.
The Kyrgyz president threatened to cancel the Ganci base lease if the two
sides could not agree on new terms by June 1. Bakiyev said he first raised the
rent issue during a visit to Bishkek by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in
July 2005. He expressed annoyance that the United States had yet to respond
to his repeated overtures, claiming that US silence "causes concern for the
Kyrgyz public due to the lack of clarity on this [base] issue."
Both the US Embassy in Bishkek and the Pentagon have expressed a desire
for US forces to remain in Kyrgyzstan, and to negotiate a solution to the rent
dispute.
"The United States and Kyrgyzstan have agreed to examine the issue of
compensation for use of the airbase," Pentagon spokesman Lt. Commander
L. Joe Carpenter said in written answers to questions posed by EurasiaNet.
"The US side is committed to an expeditious conclusion of these negotiations
for the purpose of determining fair market value for the goods and service
used by the base. Successful conclusion of these talks will require
determination and flexibility by both sides."
Carpenter said the existing leasing agreement stipulates that either side can
terminate the agreement with six months notice. He stressed that the United
States does not currently pay rent to the Kyrgyz government for use of the
base itself. "The United States does have some commercial lease
arrangements for use of various privately owned facilities and land areas in
the vicinity of Manas. The rent paid under such arrangements is based on an
assessment of the fair market rental value of the property, and is a matter
between the United States and the property owner," Carpenter stated.
Bakiyev has previously stated that "US and Coalition forces are welcome at
Manas until operations in Afghanistan are complete," Carpenter noted. He
went on to say that Manas base operations would continue "only with the

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support of the Kyrgyz government and the Kyrgyz people."
Bishkek political analyst Alexander Knyazev characterized the Manas base

as "Bakiyev’s trump card." If Washington balks at meeting Bakiyev’s terms,
he could cancel the lease agreement and "obtain economic preferences and
benefits from Moscow," Knyazev said.
Beyond the president’s base comments, there are several indicators that
Kyrgyzstan is tilting toward Russia. For example, following talks with
Kyrgyz officials in Bishkek, Sergei Kiriyenko, a former Russian prime
minister and current head of Russia’s Atomic Energy Agency, predicted that
bilateral trade would double within the next few years, the Itar-Tass news
agency reported April 20. Kiriyenko said that Russian-Kyrgyz trade had
risen 40 percent during the first quarter of 2006, compared with the same
period during the previous year, which was a time of tremendous upheaval in
Kyrgyzstan. Bilateral trade turnover in 2005 amounted to just over $542
million, Kiriyenko said.
In addition, on April 18, the Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry reacted vehemently to

comments made the previous day by US Ambassador Marie L. Yovanovitch
suggesting that Kyrgyzstan join the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)
Initiative, a program managed by the World Bank and International
Monetary Fund that helps poor countries manage their global debt. In late
March, Prime Minister Feliks Kulov said in a letter to IMF and World Bank
officials that Kyrgyzstan was interested in joining the program. Despite this,
Itar-Tass quoted a Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry statement as saying
Yovanovitch’s comments went "beyond the scope of diplomatic relations."
"The way the ambassador chose to express her view on this issue is not the
best one," the statement said. "Any public statement made by foreign
diplomats on domestic political and economic issues is taken as interference
in internal affairs and certain pressure on the Kyrgyz leadership."
Russian ambassador in Bishkek Yevgeniy Shmagin heaped additional

criticism on Yovanovitch when he told AKIpress that "unlike some of my
counterparts in the diplomatic corps, I would not comment on this or that
activity in Kyrgyzstan."
In commenting on the HIPC debate on April 19, Bakiyev said that

Kyrgyzstan was shouldering an international debt of roughly $2 billion,
AKIpress reported. He indicated that Kyrgyzstan would reject joining the
HIPC group if "conditions are humiliating for Kyrgyzstan," adding that the
debate on the merits of membership was on-going. "People are working, all
alternatives are being discussed," AKIpress reported Bakiyev as saying.
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav042006.shtml
Fecha 20-04-06
consulta
Género Artículo
period.
Observaciones ---

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Título Russia renews diplomatic-economic offensive in Central Asia

Subtítulo ---
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Autor Sergei Blagov
Fecha 19-04-06
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Cuerpo de Russia is pressing ahead with its combined diplomatic-economic offensive in
texto Central Asia. Tajikistan is the latest state to tighten ties with Russia. And
next on the Kremlin’s agenda is Kyrgyzstan.
Moscow has followed a predictable pattern in broadening its influence in the

region, stressing both security and energy issues. In bringing pressure to bear
on Central Asian states, Russia has taken advantage of both its own
abundance of natural resources, and its near-monopoly of export pipelines.
So far, no Central Asian nation has been able to spurn Moscow’s recent
advances. In early April, for example, Russia and Kazakhstan signed
agreements covering energy exports and joint projects to develop natural
resources.
Tajikistan’s main resource is water, and Russia is stepping up efforts to

develop the Central Asian nation’s hydropower generating capacity. On
April 12, Anatoly Chubais, head of the Russian conglomerate Unified
Energy Systems (UES), announced that contractors would intensify work to
meet the construction deadline for the Sangtuda-1 hydroelectric power
station. Construction on Sangtuda-1 started in April 2005, and as of mid-
April about 37 percent of the plant had been completed. The power station is
scheduled to go into full operation in 2009, with the first unit expected to
begin generating electricity in March 2007, Chubais indicated.
At a news conference, Chubais offered praised for Tajik President Imomali

Rahmonov’s administration. "We always feel President Rahmonov’s
constant attention and support on all the issues relating to the construction,
from taxes to ongoing tasks," Chubais said. "There are no disagreements and
unresolved issues between Tajikistan and UES, but there are a great number
of work-related and organizational issues."
UES is spending approximately $500 million to build Sangtuda-1, and the

Russian entity will retain a 75 percent share in the power plant, which will
generate a projected 2.7 billion kWh of electricity per annum. The power
station will have an estimated capacity of 670 MW – enough to meet
Tajikistan’s domestic needs and allow for the export of electricity, namely to
Afghanistan.
Chubais’ trip to Dushanbe followed a major gas deal between Russia and
Tajikistan. Alexei Miller, head of the Russian energy giant Gazprom, and
Tajik Energy Minister Jurabek Nurmakhmadov signed a memorandum on
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March 28 to establish an oil-and-gas joint venture. "Initially, we are

allocating $6 million from our budget to the joint venture," Miller said,
adding that Gazprom would have a controlling stake in the venture. Under
the deal, Gazprom is to develop four gas fields: Sarikamysh and Rengan in
the west, and Sargazon and Olimtoi in the south.
Meanwhile, Tajik officials and representatives of the Rusal aluminum

conglomerate announced April 19 that they would seek World Bank
assistance to resolve engineering issues that are hampering construction of
the Rogun power plant, a project that dates back to the Soviet era. Rusal, a
Russian entity with reportedly close ties to the Kremlin, agreed in 2004 to
invest upwards of $1 billion in Rogun’s construction.
Beyond energy issues, Russia and Tajikistan have taken steps in recent
weeks to expand trade and security contacts. On April 13, Rahmonov met
Sergei Shoigu, head of the Tajik-Russian Inter-governmental Commission
for Trade and Economic Cooperation. "Strategic cooperation with Russia
remains Tajikistan’s foreign policy priority," Rahmonov told Shoigu.
Following the September 11 terrorist tragedy, Tajikistan drifted away from

Russia’s geopolitical orbit, and expanded political and economic relations
with the United States. Over the last two years, however, Russia has restored
its geopolitical dominance over Dushanbe. In October 2004, Russian
President Vladimir Putin and Rahmonov signed a series of agreements that
enabled Moscow to cement its strategic presence in Tajikistan. In return,
Dushanbe obtained debt relief.
Since then, Russia has steadily tightened its economic hold on Tajikistan.
The fact that up to 1 million Tajiks work in Russia as migrant laborers,
remitting crucial income to their impoverished homeland, has provided the
Kremlin with tremendous negotiating leverage.
Russia has combined its economic expansion with a strengthening of security

ties. In early April, Russian and Tajik military units conducted joint anti-
terrorist maneuvers at the Lohur training area, roughly 35 kilometers outside
Dushanbe. The three-day exercise was designed to replicate an operation to
thwart an attempt by an Islamic militant band to infiltrate Tajikistan from
neighboring Afghanistan. Putin and Rahmonov applauded the maneuvers
during a telephone discussion April 7, describing them as a milestone in
cooperation.
In the coming days, Russian officials will turn their attention toward
Kyrgyzstan, as Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev is scheduled to arrive
in Moscow on a state visit April 24-25. The Kyrgyz president is due to
discuss "specific economic projects," including the construction of the
Kambaratinsk hydropower plant and a natural gas joint venture, the RIA-
Novosti news agency quoted Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry spokesman Alikbek
Dzhekshenkulov as saying. Putin could also exert pressure on Bakiyev, who
is facing rising political opposition at home, to close an American air base in
Kyrgyzstan. Bakiyev said on April 19 that he might order American forces to
vacate the air base at Manas, outside the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek, if the US
and Kyrgyz governments can not come to terms on a new leasing agreement,
RIA-Novosti reported April 19.

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Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/business/articles/eav041906.shtml
Fecha 19-04-06
consulta
Género Artículo
period.
Observaciones ---
Título Borjomi 2014: Georgia’s Olympic-sized dream

Subtítulo ---
Entradilla ---
Autor Molly Corso
Fecha 21-04-06
publicación
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Títulos
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Entradilla
Cuerpo de To most outsiders, Georgia’s bid to host the 2014 Winter Olympics may
texto seem a long shot. But to the Georgian business people and officials
scrambling to bring the Olympics to the mountain resort town of Borjomi,
the bid is about more than mere sports. It is part of the country’s campaign to
transform itself.
No one at the Georgian Olympic Committee headquarters denies that

Borjomi, a sleepy town of about 16,000 in the region of Samtskhe-Javakheti
that is best known for its mineral water, faces stiff, if not impossible,
competition. Seven cities are competing to be named candidates to host the
2014 Winter Games, including the renowned Austrian ski resort town of
Salzburg. Aside from Georgia, two other towns from the former Soviet
Union are also competing for the Games: Almaty, Kazakhstan; and the
Russian Black Sea resort town of Sochi. Other cities include Pyeongchang,
South Korea; Jaca, Spain; and Sofia, Bulgaria. Final-round candidate cities
will be named in June.
Nonetheless, Georgian optimism runs strong. The odds to host the Olympics
are in Georgia’s favor in the long run, argued Audrius Butkevichious,
coordinator of the Borjomi 2014 project. "If you look at history, no country
has become a host for the games the first time [it entered the competition].
For us, it is a beginning," he said. "In this way, we will show ourselves what
we need to do and we will show others what we have."
According to Badri Patarkatsishvili, president of the Georgian Olympic

Committee, the 2014 bid is a natural extension of Georgia’s recent economic
and political development. In an interview published on the Borjomi2014.ge
site, Patarkatsishvili noted that the Olympics are a "natural step" as the
country "strives" to take its "due place" in the world community.

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The official Borjomi 2014 site goes one step further, tying the country’s
Olympic aspirations to Georgia’s attempt to "regain" the national identity it
allegedly lost as part of the Soviet Union.
The bid has taken on political significance as well. When President Mikheil
Saakashvili announced the Georgian bid for the 2014 Winter Olympic
Games last June, he embraced the international sporting event as a forum for
conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
While eliminating Georgia’s tensions with breakaway Abkhazia and South

Ossetia might seem a tall order for any sporting event, Butkevichious
maintains that the Olympics could foster some form of ethnic reconciliation.
"The Olympic Games are based on peace," he said. "The country must be
prepared for the peaceful way [of resolving conflicts]. And maybe this can
also work to develop other political consciences."
Another question is how to upgrade Borjomi’s infrastructure to handle such a

mega-sized contest. A June 2005 analysis by the monthly magazine Ski Press
World found that while Georgia has the political will and financial resources
to host the Olympics, the country has practically no infrastructure to support
the Games.
According to media reports, the government puts the cost for connecting
Tbilisi’s airport to the Olympic site and making necessary improvements to
infrastructure at $3 billion. Where those billions will be found has not been
decided, however, said Natia Magradze, a press secretary for the Borjomi
office of the Olympic Committee. To date, she said, most financing has come
from private businesses.
Butkevichious admitted that the Georgian government does not have the
resources to fund the Games, but stressed that private donors are committed
to the project. "You know that the government did not have enough money,
but we have a community, a society of quite rich people," he said, noting that
many of the donors see the Olympics as a patriotic endeavor, rather than as a
business project.
Business tycoon Gogi Topadze, a member of the Georgian Olympic

Committee and president of the Georgian Winter Sports Federation, agreed
the country has a lot to do before it can host the Games, but insists that
foreign investors are interested in Georgia’s bid. "There are a lot of investing
companies that are already interested in land – French companies, German
companies, Russian companies. So once we have the master plan we will
show them what we want built where," he said. Topadze stated that "the
biggest" German and Swiss consultants are handling the preparation of such
a plan for Bakuriani, a nearby Soviet-era ski resort that would host most of
the Games’ events, but declined to provide names.
Topadze’s beverage company, Kazbegi, is already building three hotels in

neighboring Bakuriani and plans to build more. The company has also
constructed one gondola-style ski lift in Bakuriani, opened earlier this year
by President Mikheil Saakashvili. In Borjomi, the firm has constructed a park
and gondola-style funicular for the bluffs that surround Borjomi Valley.

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Topadze, however, still looks to the government to provide some assistance.

A "serious amount "of the financing will have to come from the state budget,
he said, although declined to go into specifics. With that support in place,
much could be accomplished over the next three to four years to upgrade
facilities at Borjomi and Bakuriani, he said.
As do other Georgian businesspeople, Topadze seems to see the Olympic bid

as part of a larger business development plan for Georgia. "There are about
80 million European skiers and European ski resorts can hold 25-28 million
[people]," he said. "So we, while oriented on the Olympics, plan to very
seriously develop winter tourism, mountain tourism. I think it will be very
profitable."
Butkevichious agreed, describing Georgia’s Olympic bid as a way to

introduce the world to Borjomi and its potential for international sports. "The
official goal is to win the prize, to become a hosting country for the Winter
Olympic Games. But a much more important goal is to understand what we
need to build here if we want to be in an equal position with others," he said.
Georgia as host to an Olympics would provide hope to other developing

countries who now "believe the Olympics are just for developed countries,"
commented Paata Natsulishvili, a manager on the Borjomi project
committee.
Aside from the Kazbegi improvements and a spike in demand for guesthouse
properties, though, little of these changes have yet been seen in either
Borjomi or Bakuriani, both beset by the usual problems of rural Georgia --
sporadic electricity supplies, decrepit roads and limited telecommunications
and commerce. Nonetheless, Bakuriani Mayor Valiko Abramashvili is
optimistic that everything can be accomplished on time for 2014.
"Bakuriani has had many championships, tourists also came here. We have a
lot of trampolines and ski runs. We have all the services to hold the
Olympics here," he said. "We just need to move our hands a little bit and
everything will be fine for the Olympics."
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav042106.shtml
Fecha 21-04-06
consulta
Género Artículo
period.
Observaciones ---

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Política Interior
Ted Rall
< www.eurasianet.org >

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Observatorio
Medios de Comunicación
Titulares
Armenia: independent TV station faces renewed pressure

Institute for War and Peace Reporting (30/03/06)
Armenia: backdoor censorship fears

Título Armenia: independent TV station faces renewed pressure

Subtítulo Embattled channel sees political motives behind eviction order
Entradilla Four years ago, Armenia’s A1+ independent TV station was forced off the
air in what its journalists maintain was a government-inspired vendetta
Autor Gegham Vardanian
Fecha 30-03-06
publicación
Traducción ---
Títulos
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Entradilla
Cuerpo de Now, A1+ says the authorities are behind moves to force the TV station out
texto of its offices.
For 15 years, A1+ has rented space on Grigor Lusavorich Street in

downtown Yerevan.
But the Armenian National Academy of Sciences, which owns the building,
is suddenly demanding that A1+ leave.
"The academy is just a tool. I am deeply convinced that had it not received
'instructions', [the academy] would not have resorted to such a step," human
rights activist Avetik Ishkhanian told IWPR.
“All this is aimed at creating new obstacles for A1+, in order to complete the
process started four years ago of closing the TV station down.”
Last year, the Academy of Sciences filed a suit demanding the eviction of
A1+ from the building, and eventually won the case.
Court officers suddenly showed up at A1+ on March 16. They told the
journalists to gather their equipment and get out within 17 hours.
"The court officers have two months to implement the court’s decision. How
can it be explained that a company is given a few hours to empty the
premises when they understand full well that this is impossible to do in such
a short time?" said Olga Safarian, a lawyer for the NGO Internews, which
promotes the development of free media.

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A1+ was forced off the Armenian airwaves on April 2, 2002, when the
National Television and Radio Commission, appointed by the president, took
away A1+’s licence and gave it to another company.
The Council of Europe, the OSCE, and international watchdog groups have
defended A1+ on several occasions over the last few years.
"The government continued to restrict full media freedom in the country,”

said Human Rights Watch’s 2005 report on Armenia. The report noted that
as well as A1+, Noyan Tapan television and Russia’s state-controlled NTV
also remain unable to broadcast because the government has taken away their
frequencies.
Over the past four years, A1+ has filed eight applications to obtain TV
frequencies and two applications to obtain radio frequencies. Each time the
National Television and Radio Committee refused.
A1+ has also brought numerous legal actions in various Armenian courts to
win the right to a license. These suits have similarly failed, and the TV
company is now trying to press its case at the European Court of Human
Rights.
Academy of Sciences manager Ermir Grigorian denied politics were behind

the decision to try and evict A1+.
“A1+ should leave those rooms, because our language institute is to be

located there," said Grigorian.
But on March 17, the day that A1+ was told to vacate the building, human
rights activists, public figures, and journalists assembled at the broadcaster’s
offices. The court officers postponed their visit.
Thereafter, Prime Minister Andranik Margarian met with academy president

Fadey Sargsian and promised that A1+ would be given alternative premises
to rent.
"We offered A1+ appropriate space and promised to resolve the problem,"
the prime minister told journalists in the national assembly on March 22.
"Until the problem of the new premises is resolved, A1+ will have no
problems and the TV company will not leave its current premises," National
Academy of Sciences head Sargisian told the Haikakan Zhamanak
newspaper.
But A1+ director Mesrop Movsesian, who claims A1+ spent 34,000 US
dollars on upgrading the facilities at its present offices, said the government
was already trying to force the company to accept far inferior premises.
"The size of the offices is satisfactory, but everything is ruined there. We

cannot go and work in a dirty building. We will need financial expenditures
to repair rooms and the corridor,” Movesian told IWPR. He said that even if
A1+ did accept the space, it could be impossible to empty its current
premises within two months, as the Academy of Sciences is demanding.
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"A1+ should retain its premises, especially as it has been an honest tenant
which has invested money in the building," Boris Navasardian, head of the
Press Club in Yerevan, told IWPR.
"Providing suitable new premises for A1+ would be a positive step which
would demonstrate a commitment to enhance media freedom and pluralism
in Armenia," said Bojana Urumova, Special Representative of the Secretary
General of the Council of Europe to Armenia.
"Any move from one place to another creates additional problems for any
organisation. Although A1+ is not broadcasting now, it continues to be an
active player in the information field that produces serious products,” said
Navasardian.
The station continues to produce TV shows, and publishes a weekly edition

and daily news through the internet.
Every year, Armenian journalists and human rights activists organise protests
on the April 2 anniversary when A1+ was deprived of the license.
"The media and those in the journalist community who are ready to fight for
freedom should assist A1+ in whatever decision it might make," said
Navasardian.
Medio Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Enlace http://www.iwpr.net/?p=crs&s=f&o=260642&apc_state=henpcrs
Fecha consulta ---
Género period. Artículo
Observaciones ---
Título Armenia: backdoor censorship fears

Subtítulo Newspaper distribution law could severely restrict circulation of opposition
titles
Entradilla ---
Autor Arpi Harutunian
Fecha 16-03-06
publicación
Traducción ---
Títulos
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Armenian journalists are sounding the alarm over legislation that requires
texto newspaper delivery companies for the first time to apply for licenses.
Local activists say that the legislation, introduced by Armenia’s parliament

last year in the form of an amendment to existing laws on mail service and
tax regulations, is in fact a hidden form of state censorship.
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"The journalistic community and public organisations of Armenia are trying

to stop this law,” Boris Navasardian, chairman of the Yerevan Press Club,
told IWPR. “Otherwise, we will have to admit that it is one more mechanism
for secret censorship."
The legislation stipulates that firms pay 11,000 US dollars per year in order
to receive licenses for the right to deliver newspapers. This requirement will
bankrupt many small independent delivery companies, say observers, and
place the country’s newspaper distribution service firmly in the hands of two
state-connected enterprises, Haipost, Armenia’s postal service, and
Haimamul, the main kiosk vendor.
Haipost, as a self-financing closed joint-stock company, is nominally

independent. However, since all of its shares belong to the state, it is
considered to be closely linked to the government.
Haimamul for its part is fully independent, though its origins indicate close
state ties. The firm was established in 1939 as Soviet Armenia’s sole concern
handling newspaper subscriptions and delivery. Today it is the largest single
distributor, and with about 400 kiosks and 7,223 subscribers, one of the few
that reaches all the country’s regions.
Rather than censoring the newspapers outright, say media professionals,

government officials can instead pressure these two companies to prevent
publications with offending content from reaching the public, especially in
rural areas.
"I have the impression that the Armenian government is doing all it can, and
even what it cannot, in order to reduce newspaper dissemination as much as
possible,” said Hakob Avetikian, editor in chief of the daily Azg. “They want
to reduce the amount of undesirable information to the public."
The critics point to a number of incidents where Haimaimul failed to

distribute certain publications. In October, 2002, for example, 4,600 copies
of the Aravot opposition newspapers disappeared from Haimamul’s kiosks.
Aravot editors’ say that the incident was tied to an article which was critical
of Hrach Abgarian, former adviser to Armenian prime minister Andranik
Margarian.
Members of the Yerevan Press Club and other public organisations say the
new legislation violates human rights and have sent a letter to parliament
demanding the law be changed. IWPR has learned that the opposition United
Labour Party has thrown its weight behind the initiative.
Press club officials say that the laws violate Article 10 of European
Convention of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms, Article 19 of Universal Declaration of Human
Rights as well as Article 24 of the Armenian constitution, guaranteeing the
right to free expression.
"If we are members of the Council of Europe and if we speak about

European integration, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, then we
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should reject licensing of the media," said Armen Davtian, director of the
Blitz independent media distribution company, who compared the situation
with licensing of press distribution in Armenia to that in authoritarian
Belarus.
The new legislation comes into force just as a number of small, independent
companies have sprung up to challenge Haipost and Haimamul’s near-
monopoly over distribution.
Last year, for example, the US-funded Eurasia Foundation and George
Soros’ Open Society Institute awarded grants to five companies under a
programme to support alternative distribution channels and improve delivery
to rural areas.
Eurasia officials say that very few of Armenia’s daily newspapers reach the
country’s villages, where much of the population resides. Some remote
towns do not receive a single newspaper, they say.
"Our aim was to create stable companies that would lead to the weakening of
the monopoly of Haipost and Haimamul and become alternative companies
in the newspaper market," Alisa Alaverdian, Eurasia’s external relations
coordinator, told IWPR.
Now, however, because of the new legislation, these enterprises are under
threat of closure.
Tax officials have paid several visits to the heads of the Blitz Media
Company, one of the new distributors, demanding that they either suspend
their activities or pay for a license.
"I pay annual 1,500 dollars in income tax, and according to what I know,
other small organisations that work in this sphere pay approximately the
same amount,” said Blitz director Davtian. “There is no logic in this fixed
sum of 11 thousand dollars for the license.”
Haikaz Simikian, head of the Simikian distribution company in Vanadzor

with 700 subscribers, one of the five firms to receive Eurasia Foundation and
OSI’s grants, said it’s likely to close if they pay the license fee.
"This amount is absurd,” said Simikian. “We won’t have any income under
such conditions.”
Eurasia Foundation officials agree that the law comes at a very untimely
moment. "As a result of [our] programme, the circulation of some
newspapers grew significantly,” said Marina Mkhitarian, Eurasia’s
programme coordinator. “[This continued] until the distribution companies
encountered problems with taxation bodies because of their lack of licenses."
Government officials for their part defend the legislation by saying that it in
no way restricts the dissemination of the news. Delivery is being licensed,
not subscription, they say, and the law will strengthen the distribution system
and regulate deliveries, especially to rural areas.
Tamara Ghalechian, spokesperson for the ministry of transport and

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communications, said that the high license fee will help weed out the field
and assure that only companies that can provide the best services will be
involved in newspaper delivery.
"The state is establishing a regulating mechanism for companies which are

responsible for organising subscriptions, Ghalechian told IWPR.
Many do not buy this explanation, however. “What sense is there in

subscription, if there is no delivery?” asked Blitz distribution company head
Davtian.
Haipost officials guarantees that the company’s 904 post offices will deliver
all newspapers in a timely manner, even those to far-flung regions. "We
deliver newspapers to subscribers even in the most remote villages," said
Haipost spokesperson Astghik Martirosian.
Martirosian supports the new legislation whole-heartedly. "If the state

believes that we need such a law, this means that we indeed need it," he said.
Interestingly, despite the benefits that their company will allegedly reap,
Haimamul officials say that they are opposed to the law. "The number of
newspapers is already very small and they do not reach residents in the
regions,” said Haimamul executive director Arshaluis Manukian.
“Laws like this will lead to the total isolation of rural residents from any
information, since companies with small budgets will be unable to pay and
will have to halt their activities," he said, calling the legislation "the product
of a morbid imagination”.

Fecha consulta ---
Observaciones ---

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Observatorio
Derechos Humanos
Titular
El ACNUR abrirá oficina en Chechenia

apenas lo permita la situación de seguridad,
dice el Alto Comisionado Antonio Guterres
ACNUR (11/04/06)
Título El ACNUR abrirá oficina en Chechenia apenas lo permita la situación

de seguridad, dice el Alto Comisionado Antonio Guterres
Subtítulo ---
Entradilla ---
Autor ACNUR
Fecha 11-04-06
publicación
Traducción ---
Títulos
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de El Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los refugiados, Antonio
texto Guterres, dijo que el ACNUR abrirá una oficina en la conflictiva república
de Chechenia, en la Federación Rusa, tan pronto como las condiciones de
seguridad así lo permitan. "Nuestro personal está ansioso de trabajar en
Chechenia", dijo durante una conferencia de prensa en la capital rusa,
después de una visita de seis días a Moscú, San Petersburgo y otras tres
repúblicas en el norte del Cáucaso.
"Nuestros socios están muy bien preparados y son confiables, pero si

podemos estar presentes, también podremos suministrar protección y
asistencia más efectivas a los retornados. Estamos listos para abrir una
oficina en Chechenia tan pronto como la seguridad lo permita", agregó.
La agencia de las Naciones Unidas para los refugiados tiene oficinas en

Vladikavkaz en Ossetia del Norte y en Nazrán, en Ingushetia. Pese a que las
restricciones de seguridad limitan el acceso de su personal a Chechenia, el
ACNUR mantiene funciones de monitoreo de protección a través de sus
misiones y por medio de actividades de sus socios locales.
Entre el 9 y 11 de abril Guterres visitó las repúblicas de Ossetia del Norte y

Chechenia, en la Federación Rusa. Allí se reunió con los presidentes y otros
representantes gubernamentales de las tres repúblicas y sostuvo discusiones
abiertas y francas con ellos sobre la mejor forma de satisfacer las
necesidades de los refugiados y de los desplazados internos en el norte del
Cáucaso, ofreciendo la asistencia y experiencia de la organización.
"Los problemas que restan en el norte del Cáucaso solo pueden ser resueltos,
primero, con esfuerzos de las autoridades federales, luego, por las
autoridades de cada república así como de la comunidad internacional", dijo.

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Guterres subrayó algunos de los principales desafíos a la hora de suministrar

protección y soluciones duraderas a los refugiados y desplazados internos en
el norte del Cáucaso. "El desarrollo de verdaderos sistemas legales y el
restablecimiento del orden son la base de soluciones más efectivas a los
problemas de los refugiados y los desplazados internos", explicó.
La visita del Alto Comisionado al norte del Cáucaso comenzó en el poblado

de Beslán en Ossetia del Norte. "Primero que todo, quiero rendir tributo a las
víctimas de Beslán y así demostrar mi completa solidaridad con el pueblo de
Ossetia del Norte", dijo Guterres a su llegada a Vladikavkaz, la capital de
Ossetia del Norte. El y su delegación dejaron un arreglo floral en el
monumento que conmemora a las víctimas de la toma de la escuela de
Beslán.
El destruido caparazón del gimnasio del colegio todavía se mantiene en pie,

un severo recordatorio de la perturbadora violencia que ha estropeado a esta
turbulenta región en los últimos diez años. El 1 de setiembre del 2004,
milicias armadas chechenias tomaron la escuela Número Uno de Beslán,
tomando de rehén a cientos de personas. Dos días después, la tensa situación
entre las milicias y las fuerzas de seguridad rusas llegó a un final violento.
En una sangrienta acción, al menos 331 personas, incluyendo a 186 niños,
fueron asesinadas y cientos más resultaron heridos.
En Ossetia del Norte el Alto Comisionado también visitó el asentamiento

para refugiados de Tsalik, el cual alberga a unos 400 refugiados del Ossetia
del Sur. También visitó el centro colectivo, uno de los 50 en Ossetia del
Norte, donde algunos refugiados han estado viviendo en condiciones
extremadamente difíciles durante más de 10 años.
Guterres alabó a Ossetia del Norte por su hospitalidad para con los
refugiados. "El pueblo de Ossetia del Norte y el gobierno de la república han
brindado albergue de forma noble a una gran cantidad de refugiados y, lo
que es más, han creado las condiciones para su integración", dijo.
Oficiales locales que acompañaron a Guterres durante su visita subrayaron el

tema del desempleo como uno de los principales problemas que enfrentan
los refugiados.
En Chechenia Guterres se reunió con el presidente, Alu Alkhanov y con

importantes socios implementadores. También visitó un centro de acomodo
temporal para retornados chechenios procedentes de Georgia e Ingushetia,
quienes le contaron algunas de las dificultades que enfrentan al obtener
documentos, compensación por la pérdida de la propiedad y la búsqueda de
trabajo. Más de 60.000 personas se han registrado hasta ahora como
desplazados internos por las autoridades chechenias, sin embargo, debido a
las restricciones de seguridad, no todas las personas han podido registrarse, y
miles han buscado asilo en otros países.
Con el fin de apoyar la reintegración de los retornados, el ACNUR tiene 55

proyectos de impacto rápido en Chechenia, los cuales se focalizan en la
generación de ingresos y la reparación de infraestructura de pequeña escala.
En el 2005 unas 220 tiendas fueron distribuidas a 196 familias de retornados

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en Chechenia como parte de una asistencia de emergencia del ACNUR. Esto

elevó a más de 1.100 el número total de familias beneficiarias desde que
arrancó el programa. Además, unos 900 hogares recibieron materiales para la
construcción.
Por medio de sus agencias implementadoras, el ACNUR suministra asesoría

legal gratuita y servicios de consejería a la población afectada por el
conflicto, incluyendo a los retornados y los desplazados internos de
Chechenia, sobre una serie de asuntos que van desde la documentación y la
compensación por la pérdida de viviendas y de propiedades, hasta la
representación legal en las cortes criminales en casos de abuso contra los
derechos humanos.
En Ingushetia Guterres visitó el asentamiento de Berd-Yurt, en el distrito de

Sunzha, el cual alberga a más de 100 familias desplazadas de Chechenia las
cuales quieren permanecer en Ingushetia. Durante su visita, el Alto
Comisionado también se reunió con representantes del gobierno local. A
partir del 31 de enero del 2006, unos 26.000 desplazados internos habían
sido registrados por un socio implementador del ACNUR para brindar
asistencia en Ingushetia.
La montañosa región del norte del Cáucaso, en la Federación Rusa, es un

mosaico de nacionalidades, lenguas y religiones. Durante siglos, Moscú ha
intentado pacificar esta volátil región.
El epicentro de los problemas de la región es la república de Chechenia,

donde diez años de enfrentamientos entre los separatistas armados y el
ejército ruso y sus aliados chechenios, combinados con el vandalismo y el
crimen organizado, han dejado la economía local y la infraestructura en
ruinas.
A los separatistas chechenios se les ha achacado la crecida de ataques que

tienen como blanco a la población civil.
Pero, grupos de derechos humanos, por otro lado, han acusado a las fuerzas
de seguridad rusas y a sus aliados chechenios de abusos generalizados de
derechos humanos en Chechenia.
Medio ACNUR
Enlace http://www.acnur.org/index.php?id_pag=4978
Fecha consulta ---
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones ---

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Migraciones
Titular
Iranian Azerbaijanis move north

Título Iranian Azerbaijanis move north

Subtítulo Growing numbers are moving from Iran to Azerbaijan, especially since the
upsurge in tension between Washington and Tehran.
Entradilla ---
Autor Kemal Ali
Fecha 13-04-06
publicación
Traducción ---
Títulos
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de I would never have thought they were from Iran. Said Suleimani, 42, and his
texto family members looked like regular residents of Baku. Women in the
Azerbaijani capital do occasionally wear black headscarves, and there was
nothing unusual about the denim gear worn by Said and his two sons. Only
their accent betrayed that they were southerners, possibly from Iran.
I met them in Baku’s Zavokzalny district beyond the railway station, which
used to be an Armenian neighbourhood before the war over Nagorny
Karabakh, and which then became a haven for Azerbaijani refugees.
Now there are reports that the area has become a haven for a new kind of
migrant. Semyon Kastrulin, a journalist who lives in this neighbourhood,
says Zavokzalny is now home to large numbers of ethnic Azerbaijanis from
Iran.
Said and his bashful and silent wife agreed to talk to me. They come from
around Tabriz, the capital of Iran’s East Azerbaijan Province. They said they
had come to Baku for about three weeks, to do some sightseeing and shop for
cheap goods.
According to Said, their visit had nothing to do with fears of an American

attack on Iran, in the dispute over its development of nuclear technology. He
said they had long been planning to come. But he conceded that they might
stay a bit longer, waiting for things to quieten down back home.
I met another Iranian, Nazim Muhammadi, 60, in Café Tebriz close to the
Iranian embassy. Apparently, this is now the local Iranian community’s
favourite place to hang out and discuss the latest political and sports news.
Muhammadi and his two sons came to Baku at the end of March. They are
staying with his wife’s relatives, who emigrated from Iran during the Soviet

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era, fleeing political persecution in the wake of the Red Army’s withdrawal
from northern Iran at the end of the Second World War.
“We are from Tehran, where we own a beautiful two-story house with a
courtyard,” said Muhammadi. “We have a family car repair business. My
brother and his family are staying there now, looking after the house and the
business.”
Nazim is playing with the idea of starting a car repair centre in Baku, but he
is not sure he can compete with the locals. “We are not going to stay here
forever; we’ll see how it goes. If we’re lucky, we’ll probably go to Europe. If
not, we’ll go back home,” he said.
The Iranian Azerbaijani migrants are hard to spot in Baku – still less count -
partly because they blend in with the locals, but also because they keep a low
profile and come and go from Iran.
IWPR contacted Majid Faizullai, press spokesman for the Iranian embassy in
Baku, for a comment on newspaper reports that Azerbaijan was being
“overrun” by refugees from Iran. The Express newspaper, for example, had
reported that the flow of migrants to Baku had intensified to such an extent
that housing and land prices had gone up.
Faizullai appeared annoyed and said he could only repeat what his
ambassador, Afshar Sulaimani, had already said - that the embassy had no
information about this matter.
Word-of-mouth reports however suggest a sharp rise in migration from Iran.

Political analyst Rovshan Novruzoglu told IWPR he knows of more than 150
Iranian families who have fled to Azerbaijan in fear of an American attack
on Iran.
But Iranian immigrants are nothing new for Baku. Ethnic Azerbaijanis came
across from Iran in the Soviet period, fleeing persecution by the Shah’s
regime before it was overthrown in 1979.
Novruzoglu also claimed that Iranian security agents were in the country
disguised as migrants, creating a threat to Azerbaijan’s national security.
Why have Iranian nationals chosen Azerbaijan as a safe haven? Iran’s ethnic
Azerbaijanis speak the same language spoken north of the border and often
have relatives in Azerbaijan. However, Persian-speaking Iranians also come
to Azerbaijan.
It is easy and inexpensive for Iranian nationals to obtain an Azerbaijani visa.

A three-month renewable visa costs them 40 US dollars. Under a 2005
bilateral agreement - yet to be ratified by the Azerbaijani parliament - both
Iranian and Azerbaijani nationals living within 40 kilometres of the frontier
will be entitled to cross without a visa.
Another Iranian, Ahmed, who had arrived in Baku a few weeks before, said
he believed the Azerbaijani authorities were Baku were stalling on the visa-
free border agreement for fear of being overrun by Islamic fundamentalists
from Iran.
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Azerbaijan’s National Committee on Refugees and Forced Migrants reported

that in 2005 the number of Iranians applying for refugee status was ten times
the 2004 figure, rising from 14 to 147. In 2005, the applications of 40 Iranian
families were approved, according to the committee’s press spokesman
Sanan Huseinov.
Vugar Abdusalimov, press spokesman for the Azerbaijani office of the

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, told IWPR the numbers
had not really changed despite the talk of an increased refugee flow
prompted by the threat of conflict.
Baku residents are wary of their more affluent cousins from Iran, believing
that they bump up property prices in a city already bursting with other
migrants and refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
According to Baku’s Birzha newspaper, the average price of a three-room

apartment in a good Baku neighbourhood has gone up from 22,000 or 23,000
US dollars to 35,000-40,000 dollars in just 12 months. Property prices are
also reported to be on the rise in Nakhichevan, the Azerbaijani exclave that
borders Iran.
Westernised Baku is a strong contrast to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Kastrulin said he noticed that Iranian men enjoy the freedom to drink alcohol
in restaurants - something they are denied at home, while the women are
frequently seen on the street without the obligatory headscarf.
If the tension between Iran and the United States continues to rise, it seems
inevitable that many more Iranian nationals will want to make Baku their
new home.
Fecha consulta ---
Observaciones ---

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Observatorio
Sanidad
Titular
Tajikistan: disease’s reappearance pits authorities against NGO
Título Tajikistan: disease’s reappearance pits authorities against NGO

Subtítulo ---
Entradilla At least 15 people have been hospitalized in Tajikistan with a potentially
deadly bacterial disease called leptospirosis. The disease is generally
transmitted through contact with animals or tainted water. The flu-like
symptoms can be nearly nonexistent or misleading, but the risk to humans is
very real. Experts say about one in 10 patients is likely to suffer major organ
damage, and 3-5 percent of cases are fatal. The Tajik cases represent the first
outbreak in this part of Central Asia in more than a decade.
Autor RFE/RL
Fecha 20-04-06
publicación
Traducción ---
Títulos
Traducción ---
Entradilla
Cuerpo de All of the cases so far have occurred in a district that lies about 50 kilometers
texto east of the capital, Dushanbe.
Health officials at the scene suspect the sudden infections might be the result
of recent work on the public water system. In a strange twist, the
replacement of old pipes had been financed by the Aga Khan Foundation, a
nonprofit group that has spent a decade doing good deeds in the region.
NGO Role?
Officials appear to have seized on that organization’s role to deflect potential
public anger.
Deputy Health Minister Nigina Sharofova stressed the local nature of the
outbreak at a news conference on April 19.
"So that there won’t be any panic: The reason [for the outbreak] was that the
Aga Khan Foundation installed water pipes in that area, and it happened that
new pipes were connected to old pipes," Sharofova said. "And many dead
rats other filth was found in those [old] pipes, and in those parts where the
[new and old] pipes were connected -- where the old pipes ended -- that is
where the outbreak was registered."
Sharofova said prosecutors have launched an investigation into the

appearance of the disease.
A History of Helping
The Aga Khan Foundation has worked for more than 10 years in Tajikistan
and neighboring Kyrgyzstan, helping repair damaged or old sections of the
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Observatorio
infrastructure. It has backed improvements to water pipes and power

supplies, as well as provided farming aid to rural communities.
RFE/RL’s Tajik Service contacted a representative of the Aga Khan

Foundation in the Tajik capital Dushanbe.
Representative Mizrob Amirbekov told RFE/RL’s Tajik Service that it was

not his foundation’s work, but unsanitary conditions that spread the disease.
"According to our representatives, that [outbreak] is not related to our

pipelines. There is no evidence that the pipes have microbes or viruses,"
Amirbekov said. "Most probably, it came from the soil and from the health-
care situation."
Methods of Transmission
The deputy head of Tajikistan’s national epidemiological center, Issakhan
Gurezov, tended to discount the supposition that the pipes were responsible.
"The disease could be spread first by animals. Then it could infect people
through water or food," Gurezov said. "It is not passed from person to
person. It could spread from time to time in different places, but not
everywhere."
RFE/RL spoke with Dr. Tom Clark the US Center for Disease Control in
Atlanta, Georgia. He highlighted the serious nature of the disease, and he
stressed the likelihood of its transmission through contact with animals or
tainted water supplies.
"People contract the infection from animals -- either directly by exposure to

animal tissues or carcasses -- or more commonly by exposure to animal
urine," Clark said. "And most people really get the infection from exposure
to animal urine that’s contaminating surface waters -- rivers or streams or
lakes or stagnant water that may have animal urine in it."
Clark noted that the disease is not communicable through human contact. He
also offered ways to avoid contracting the disease: boiling or otherwise
treating drinking water to kill the leptospira bacteria, and avoiding skin
contact with water in which animals have urinated.
There have been occasional outbreaks of leptospirosis in Central Asia in the

past. But the last time Tajik authorities recorded a case was the early 1990s.
Medio RFE/RL
Enlace http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/04/DE7F1048-7A35-4976-9B5D-
A934CA30ECF7.html
Fecha ---
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones ---

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