Communication and the Socialization of Dance Students: An Analysis of the Hidden Curriculum in a Residential Arts School Dee Oseroff-Varnell This study examines the socialization process of newcomers to a residential high school for performing arts, The author used naturalistic observation and student interviews to examine the role of communication in reducing adolescents’ cognitive, normative, and affective uncertainty during the entry phase of socialization. Communication appeared particularly useful in reducing affective uncertainty, providing students with reassurance and support. The hidden curriculum of the school was also analyzed by examining the communication of faculty, administrators, and students. Four aspects of the hidden curriculum were identified and discussed: (1) control us. freedom, (2) inclusion vs. exclusion, (3) teacher voice vs. student voice, and (4) collectivism vs. individualism. Keywords: communication, socialization, hidden curriculum, adolescents “Adolescents are travelers, far from home with no native land, neither children nor adults. ... They don’t really fit anywhere. There’s a yearning for a place, a search for solid ground” (Pipher, 1994, p. 52). As researchers examine the complex issues associated with adolescence, the school environment is of particular interest because of the influence that the school experience is believed to have on youngsters’ performance, achievement, involvement, roles, expectations, identity construction, perceptions, satisfaction, and other dimensions (Bates, 1988; Elkind, 1984; Ford, 1985; Gump, 1966; Nelson, 1984; Parsons, Kaczala, & Meece, 1982; Schwartz, 1981). Although one of the primary goals of high schools is the development of academic competencies, adolescents are keenly focused on their social development as they experiment with new roles, develop new and more mature relationships, and challenge their childhood beliefs and values as they prepare for their adult lives (Havinghurst, 1972). As adolescents engage in their “search for solid ground,” researchers have focused on secondary socialization, or the process by which youngsters attempt to “fit” and become a part of their school community. While primary socialization occurs from birth and includes an individual learning the cultural norms of society at large, secondary socialization is the process of learning norms and roles particular to a given group or institution (Berger & Luckmann, 1966). Schools are important secondary socializing agents, as they aim to teach students cognitive skills/ knowledge and psychomotor competencies through the “overt agenda,” as well as transmit the values of society through the “hidden curriculum” or covert agenda Dee Oseroff:Varnell (Ph.D., University of Washington, 1992) is an adjunct professor at Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC 27109. This study is based on the author's doctoral dissertation. The author wishes to thank the faculty and students at SAA for their enthusiastic participation inthis project and Ann Q. Staton for her invaluable guidance in the preparation of this manuscript. COMMUNICATION EDUCATION, Volume 47, April 1998102-OSEROFF-VARNELL. (Shulman, 1986). The overt agenda includes learning academic skills; the hidden curriculum includes learning the rules and norms and expectations and values associated with being a student. Research in socialization into schools reflects a growing concern with the hidden curriculum, as manifested in the affective, social, and cultural components of the school experience (Anyon, 1980; Ball, 1980; Bates, 1988; Blumenfeld, Hamilton, Wessels, & Falkner, 1979; Blumenfeld & Meece, 1983; Fernandez-Balboa, 1993; Goetz, 1981; Mehan, 1980; Staton, 1990). In recent years, the role of communication in the socialization process has received increased attention (Johnson, Staton, & Jorgensen-Earp, 1995; Jorgensen- Earp & Staton, 1993; Oseroff-Varnell & Staton-Spicer, 1987; Staton, 1990). An important aspect of this research is the recognition of two dimensions of communica- tion within the educational context: (1) explicit messages concerning academic content and school or classroom policies, which are communicated through the overt curriculum, and (2) implicit messages concerning relationships and role expectations, which are part of the hidden curriculum. Instructional communication researchers, with our emphasis both on actual classroom interaction as well as teachers’ and students’ perspectives about their communication, have a particularly valuable vantage point from which to examine students in an instructional setting. ‘We can investigate the ways that communication functions for students and teachers during the socialization process and discover the messages (explicit and implicit) that are communicated during socialization. The outcome of such analyses could help educators understand how communication functions to help reduce new students’ uncertainties about the academic and procedural aspects of the overt curriculum, as well as ways that they try to “fit” into the school environment and find their “solid ground” as they discover the nuances of the hidden curriculum. Purpose of the Study This study examines how communication in a residential performing arts school functions to reduce newcomers’ uncertainty concerning academic content and school procedures, both through the overt agenda as well as the messages implied in the hidden curriculum. It also examines communication that provides students with feelings of reassurance and support. The specific focus is on the explicit and implicit messages communicated by the school administration, teachers, parents, students, and the larger society as they relate to the school. Through the examination of these messages, this study will identify (1) how communication functions to reduce uncertainty in the cognitive, normative, and affective domains during the socializa- tion process and (2) the specific agenda of the hidden curriculum (categorized as dialectics within the school environment) that can be identified from these messages. In examining uncertainty reduction in this context, it is important to highlight the appropriate aspects of uncertainty reduction theory (URT) as posited by Berger and Calebrese (1975). In their analysis of communication during initial interactions between strangers, Berger and Calebrese (1975) suggested that communication functions to reduce uncertainty so that each interactant can “attempt to predict the most likely alternative actions the other person might take” (p. 100). The individual “must then select from his own available response alternative those which might be most appropriate to the predicted action of the other” (Berger & Calebrese, 1975, p. 100). By learning about an individual through the communication process, a person’s uncertainty about that individual is reduced because he or she can better predict the behavior of the other and make choices about appropriate responses.COMMUNICATION AND SOCIALIZATION OF DANCE STUDENTS-103 In her work on socialization into school, Staton (1990) made parallels between initial interactions between strangers (the context for URT) and initial interactions of students entering a new school experience. She pointed out that uncertainty may occur during the anticipatory phase of socialization, when students contemplate the entrance into a new school or grade level, and during the entry phase, the first days and weeks when students first enter and experience the new school. This uncertainty can be reduced through the process of communication as students, teachers, and administrators share information about the varied aspects of the school environ- ment. These aspects of school include academic, procedural, and social/affective concerns. Thus, it is through communication that socialization occurs and that uncertainty about the new school, students’ roles, academic content, school proce- dures, and social structure is (or can be) reduced. It is through communication that students become familiar with both the overt and hidden curricula operating within the school. Blending concepts of uncertainty identified by Floden and Clark (1988) and socialization components outlined by Berger and Luckmann (1966), Staton (1990) formulated a tripartite model of communication to reduce uncertainty in socializa- tion: (1) knowledge or cognitive uncertainty, characterized by students’ need for information about acadmeic content, (2) normative uncertainty, characterized by students’ need for information concerning the school, school procedures, and regulations, and (3) affective uncertainty, characterized by the need for information that offers the students reassurance and emotional support. Students in the entry phase of socialization feel uncertain about material they are learning, new school or classroom procedures to be followed, and how and with whom to develop support- ive relationships in their new school. These three areas incorporate both the overt curriculum (academic) and the hidden curriculum (social). In examining communication as it functions in the process by which newcomers to a residential school become socialized into the school environment, the two research questions guiding this study are: (1) What is the nature of the communica- tion utilized by students and teachers during the socialization process in order to reduce cognitive, normative, and affective uncertainty? and (2) What are the focal aspects of the hidden curriculum that students encounter during socialization? Adolescents are of particular interest because as they socialize into their environ- ment, this age group places paramount importance on group identification and social membership (Eggert & Parks, 1987; Elkind, 1984; Salmon, 1979; Savin- Williams, 1980). Adolescents attending specialized arts schools immerse themselves in an institutionalized subculture of talented, performance-oriented artists and teachers. Their lives become focused on their careers, and their school experiences revolve around their art. Communication training for performing artists includes extensive training in non-oral and nonverbal communication channels. Thus, an academy for performing artists offers a unique school and social situations in which these youngsters train and perform. A residential school is of particular interest for socialization research because it can be viewed as a “total institution” (Goffman, 1961), that is, a unique setting in which the barriers of sleep, play, and work are broken down. In this context all domains of activities are conducted in the same place, under the same authority, with others who are treated similarly, according to a fixed schedule, and for the purpose of fulfilling a set of goals designed by the institution (Goffman, 1961). A residential school where teenagers are removed from their familiar home and school environments-often after attending several years of104OSEROFF-VARNELL “normal” high school-is a unique social situation. This setting holds potential implications for communication and socialization (how students interpret messages, how uncertainty is reduced), aspects of the hidden curriculum (how students learn to “fit in,” what expectations are placed on them, how they adapt to new and complex roles), and types of information and support available to newcomers to the school (from whom they seek information, how they give and receive support). Method Research Setting and Participants Data were collected at a residential secondary school for performing arts, the Southeastern Arts Academy (SAA).! SAA is a fully accredited, state-supported school for performing arts students from junior high through college, with Masters’ degrees offered in both music and design/production. The curriculum at SAA includes not only academic and arts classes, but also regular recitals and perfor- mances locally and around the state and the southeast. Admission to the school is by audition and/or interview before the faculty, and continuation in the program is by invitation only. Invitations to continue at the school were extended “by the faculty based not only upon a student’s grades, both artistic and academic, but also upon the student’s ability to interact appropriately within the SAA community” (SAA, 1989-1990, p. 5). The SAA campus is situated on 45 wooded acres in a mid-sized southeastern city. The student population at the time of data collection was approximately 750. The school provides dormitory accommodations for high school students and dorm or apartment accommodations for college students. The few junior high students who attend board with local families. The focal students were 32 high school seniors enrolled in the School of Dance program during spring semester (18 in ballet, 14 in modern; 26 females, 6 males) and 47 first year students entering the subsequent fall (39 in ballet, 8 in modern; 38 females, 9 males).? The 22 students interviewed were volunteers. Consent to participate was obtained from the school, the students’ parents, and the students. The senior class was targeted in order to give the perspective of experienced students who had become socialized into the school system over the course of at least a semester. The first year students were observed during orientation and at least four times a week for the first weeks of school, with observations tapering off to approximately twice a week over the course of the semester. These data provided the newcomers’ perspective as they first experienced SAA. Procedures for Data Collection and Analysis Observations and interviews were the two primary data bases for this study. A third data source, written communication about the school, provided background informa- tion. I conducted approximately 125 hours of observations over a7 month period. Observations were conducted during class sessions, rehearsals, performances, com- mencement ceremonies, orientation meetings, and free time. Approximately half (60) of those hours were conducted in the spring, when seniors were observed, and the remainder of the hours concentrated on first year students during the following fall and winter terms. Observations were recorded in the form of hand-written field notes as I sat on the periphery of the room. Summary notes of conversations with students or faculty members during free time were written immediately following the interaction.COMMUNICATION AND SOCIALIZATION OF DANCE STUDENTS-105 Interviews were conducted with a volunteer sample of 22 students (5 male, 17 female), who were contacted by letter (with a consent form for parents) prior to the start of the semester and through personal contact once the semester had begun. I conducted interviews with seniors during the spring and with first year students during the fall.3 The interviews averaged approximately 75 minutes and were recorded on audiotape. The purpose of the interviews was to obtain information from the participants concerning their perceptions of the socialization experience. Additionally, the interviews allowed opportunities for me to ask questions about specific events or functions and to inform my observations and interpretations. Written information about the school, such as policy statements, parent informa- tion, and the student handbook, was given to me by the school staff. These documents provided specific information about the school enrollment, admission procedures, and faculty. They also helped me understand specific school policies (such as dress codes and performance requirements) as well as campus concerns (such as safety and housing) as they were identified by the administration. The data were analyzed using the analytic induction method (Goetz & LeCompte, 1981). This method involves scanning the data for emergent categories of phenom- ena and for relationships among such categories, developing typologies, and then refining these typologies as the research progresses. Staton’s (1990) model of communication to reduce uncertainty during socialization was used as a framework, increasing my sensitivity to students’ and teachers’ communication which referred to cognitive, normative, and affective domains. These categories helped to focus on messages that pertained to these three domains in order to make the taking of handwritten notes of hours of classes more manageable. They were also useful during the data analysis, providing a framework for organizing the data from interviews, observations, and written information about the school. I categorized the messages into the three domains outlined above: (1) messages that referred to academic content (what was to be learned, explanations of dance or academic material), (2) messages communicating school policies or procedures (how the students were expected to behave, specific formats to be followed), and (3) messages pertaining to reassurance and emotional support (how students gave/received reassurance through verbal or nonverbal channels). Field notes were typed into the computer at the end of each observation day and examined on a weekly basis for themes and categories which related to the guiding framework. For example, teachers’ comments which were perceived as supportive/ reassuring were identified from the daily field notes and recorded under that category. Likewise, those that were not reassuring or supportive were noted under this category, as they also related to the domain of affective uncertainty in Staton’s (1990) model. Although Staton’s (1990) framework provided an initial a priori category system, I looked beyond this model to identify other salient dimensions of the socialization Process. After several weeks of categorizing the messages that related to Staton’s components of cognitive, normative, and affective uncertainty, other recurrent themes were identified through repeated references in the data. These themes were developed into bipolar categories that described my perception of the hidden agenda functioning at the school.‘ The subsequent observations and interviews were informed by the ongoing data analysis, allowing me to identify similar expressions of Staton’s categories of communication to reduce uncertainty in socialization in a variety of contexts. As new categories emerged, they served to further qualify106-OSEROFF-VARNELL communication relating to Staton’s domains of uncertainty in socialization. The audiotaped interviews were transcribed and similarly scanned for categories and examples. Results and Discussion Communication to Reduce Uncertainty in Socialization Communication to provide information concerning academic content. The role of communi- cation to provide information in the cognitive domain referred to information about academic content. These messages included academic information or clarification in academic classes as well as explanations or clarification of dance moves or steps in dance classes. This type of communication was utilized by academic teachers during lectures (e.g. “Look at the word ‘vengeance.’ The spelling of it. ‘Cause you'll be using it, so spell it right”), or in response to student questions (e.g., Student: “Was the treaty after the revolution?” Teacher: “Yep, it was in 1917”). As noted, academic content also included explanations by dance teachers about dance in general or about specific movements or steps in a given class (e.g., “Tendu . .. what does tendu - Stretch. It doesn’t mean tighten”), or in response to student questions (e.g., “Can we mark it [walk through it]?” Teacher: “Who asked that? ... Oh, I guess so.”). Information about academic content also included teachers’ showing the sequence of exercises or combinations to be performed by the students, as illustrated by the following excerpt: [Dance] teacher: “And step, ballonne, step, saute... and one and up and two and one and up and two . .. and arm up and two... run up and two, glissade and a step ont. . . . ” Messages of this type were a combination of rapid verbal directions accompanied by a quick demonstration of the moves to be performed. Communication to provide information about academic and school procedures. Communi- cation in the normative domain focused on specific academic or school procedures. Students were told how to write an assignment or exam, what counted as an infraction of the rules, or how individual teachers would like certain issues to be dealt with in class. This also included messages that provided students with additional information about school or classroom rules and policies. Dance teachers often reiterated class policies: “You're not allowed to wear sweat pants, nylon or other- wise. If you have an injury, go to your teacher. There may be a special need to wear a leg warmer or whatever that day and you will be given permission to do so.” Academic teachers and administrators also provided information about school procedures, particularly during orientation for first year students and in the first days and weeks of school: Only two unexcused absences are allowed in a term overall in all classes. ... If you're sick, go to health services. If they will not excuse you, go to your teacher . .. don’t wake up late and have missed two classes and then try to have them excused. .. . The point of this fattendance policy] is that you're here for a reason and you have to embrace the whole curriculum. If you can’t you need to go home or be in another school. This type of communication also included comments by teachers concerning the format or procedures appropriate in a given class. In academic classes the teachers gave specific instructions to be followed for an assignment (e.g., “All right, I want you to get out a single sheet of paper, put everything else on your desk . .. away. Put your name, the date. . . I want no talking, ‘cause this is a pop quiz”).COMMUNICATION AND SOCIALIZATION OF DANCE STUDENTS-107 Communication to provide reassurance or support. The role of communication to reduce affective uncertainty referred to communication that provided the students with reassurance or support. These messages were identified initially as any type of verbal or nonverbal communication that expressed concern, empathy, understand- ing, or friendship. After several weeks of observations, however, it became evident that another aspect of the reassurance/support category was utilized frequently by the teachers. This aspect included verbal and nonverbal messages that I interpreted not as supportive or reassuring, but instead as demeaning, threatening, sarcastic, and emotionally abusive. Thus, the reduction of uncertainty in the affective domain had several dimensions to be explored, as will be addressed in the following discussion. In examining communication that provided reassurance and emotional support, there were many messages communicated by teachers, administrators, and students which I perceived as extremely supportive. These examples were observed during classes and orientation meetings and included both verbal messages expressing understanding, support, and appreciation for their hard work as well as nonverbal communication (touching, hugging, sympathetic tone of voice). One example of this type of supportive message is illustrated by a dance teacher sitting on the floor next to her student, talking to her quietly with one hand on her shoulder, “Melinda, while you're still trying to get healthy, and it’s a bit on the emotional side too-if you just do this much, rather than push it and accept that, you’re not going to lose it all.” Other examples of supportive verbal and nonverbal messages include: Student [discour- aged|: “I can’t do it.” Dance teacher [helping student with position]: “Sure you can,”; Dean of school: “We all know that this is a difficult time for a young person. We [the faculty] understand the pressures here.” In contrast to the supportive messages observed, there were numerous examples of interactions which I perceived as extremely unsupportive and not providing any reassurance to the students. These situations were observed primarily in dance classes, and certain teachers were more liberal in their use of this more negative, critical approach to teaching than others. In the following examples, students were ridiculed or corrected by their teachers during class: [T follows behind student, shouting at her] “Did you learn anything last year!? [To others] Can you believe she studied here all year and didn’t learn anything? That’s the rumor that’s going around. . .”; 5 [T shouting] “Do it again! Simon! Goddamit! You’re going to be on stage tonight! Be sensitive!”; [exasperated] “You're so bad with your head, Brad . . . Y- our arms are horrible. I can’t accept that.” An interesting perspective regarding the seemingly unsupportive comments surfaced during interviews with several of the students. After a period of time had passed (generally after several weeks and more than one outburst of tears either during or after class), most students reported that they began to perceive the “unsupportive” comments as supportive. Once the students learned to deal with the crushing ego blow of the more venomous comments when taken at face value, these comments were interpreted to mean that the teacher cared about the students and knew that they had the capability of improving. This helped students reduce their affective uncertainty by providing them with the reassurance that they had potential, that they were “worthy” of receiving harsh criticism from their teachers. As one student commented about one of her dance teachers who had a negative style, You have to keep strong asa person .. . because if you're not, you will walk out of class constantly and be depressed, you know. You have to take [dance teachers] screaming at you...as, like, a compliment, because at least they’re doing it, you know. At least they're screaming at you, that means they want you to do better, they know you can do better. (V-4)108-OSEROFF-VARNELL ‘A newcomer noted a sort of dual identity that served as a coping strategy for her, “When they’re yelling at you, they’re not yelling at you, they’re yelling at you as a dancer, I guess. They want you to be better” (N-12). A senior offered her perspective of the value of the negative teaching approach, “In some cases it’s . .. very healthy for you, if you're feeling a little inflated to get really knocked down a couple of notches” (V-1). The emphasis from the students’ perspective was on the outcome: what produced the most improvement in their dance and best prepared them for the “real world.” In explaining the teachers’ behaviors, one student said, “It’s really hard out there professionally, and it’s dog-eat-dog and . .. if we survive here, then maybe we can make it out there” (N-11). The Agenda of the Hidden Curriculum Several aspects of the agenda of the hidden curriculum that were identified as the analysis progressed are discussed in this section. This information was expressed both verbally (primarily in exchanges between administrators/teachers and students or between the researcher and students) and nonverbally (e.g., clothing styles, hair styles, and the use of touch). Each of the four aspects of the hidden curriculum are expressed as a tension or dialectic between bipolar dimensions of a certain quality or characteristic. Using Burke’s (1945) concept of dialectic, this analysis draws on the antithetical nature of language, exploring terms and their opposite terms, moving back and forth between “what is” and “what is not” until an “ultimate order” is achieved. Dialectic has been identified as “perpetual motion” (Rueckert, 1982) because of this examination of more than one aspect of language. Thus, the agenda of the hidden curriculum is expressed in dialectic terms, as opposites, and the interaction of those opposites within the SAA environment are explored. Control vs. freedom. There was a dialectic between control and freedom at SAA that was expressed in a variety of ways. As a residential school for adolescents, there was a great deal of freedom for the students concerning various issues which might have been more controlled under their parents’ supervision: eating schedules and habits, choice of friends, extracurricular activities, smoking habits, school clothes, study habits, personal hygiene, and financial expenditures. Yet many aspects of the school were extremely structured and disciplined. Students were allowed little freedom in the classes they took, the dance clothing they wore (particularly for ballet students), the performances in which they participated throughout the year, the way they conducted themselves in classes, their curfew times, and the degree of supervision they had in their free time. The dress code offered one example of the strict structure and expectations of the school. Communication specifically addressing the dress code (e.g., posted rules, repetition of the rules by faculty during orientation and classes) functioned to reduce uncertainty in the procedural domain. Uniform leotards for ballet women were required, and these were color coded according to grade level. Pink tights with feet (no footless or stirrup tights) were allowed, to be worn inside the leotards (rather than over the leotard like pants). Ballet men were expected to wear white T-shirts tucked into black or gray tights, with white socks and white ballet shoes. (Modern dance students were permitted more flexibility in their dance dress). Ankle warmers were acceptable but leg warmers above the knee were not. No jewelry was allowed in class except for small earrings; students were required to “keep their hair in a normal state,” and women ballet students “must have their hair long enough to style in aCOMMUNICATION AND SOCIALIZATION OF DANCE STUDENTS-109 classic fashion (over the ears).” Most transgressions elicited comments from teach- ers, and students were usually instructed to remove objectionable clothing such as leg warmers or dangling earrings. Within the residential life, there were rules and restrictions which further empha- sized the aspect of control over the students and focused on the reduction of procedural uncertainty. This was particularly true for the high school students, who had set curfew times, rules about going off campus, and restrictions on driving, to name a few. Punishment for violating the rules varied according to the infraction, ranging from having early curfew for several days or weeks, to writing a paper about the implications of a given action, to parent notification and suspension in the case of serious situations. A senior student expressed the restrictive environment in these words: Well... they basically told us you're going to be treated like criminals this whole year, so you might as well get used to it. You know, you're not going to be given the benefit of the doubt, you know. You're going to follow these rules, we're going to assume you're a heathen, not take the time v0 determine what kind of person you are. ... They give you a curfew, and they just assume whenever you're going out, you're going to be doing something wrong, and so they have to make sure that they know who you're going with, what you're doing. (V-9) Although there was a strict sense of control, structure, and expectations concerning many aspects of SAA, the environment was also liberal and relaxed in many ways. In contrast to the strict dress code for the dance students, the clothing worn by students for academic classes and free time was extremely casual. The lack of a dress code outside of dance classes reinforced the focus of the school, offering covert validation that dance was the primary emphasis of the school. The strict dress code for dance classes reiterated the strict discipline expected in those classes, and the casual dress (by both teachers and students) minimized the formality of the academic classes and the rest of the school environment. Jeans, sweatshirts, shorts, tank tops, and sandals were the standard dress for students. Even at commencement ceremo- nies there was a freedom from the cap and gown tradition, inviting such unusual attire as a Grecian toga (complete with laurel wreath headpiece), cutoff shorts and inline skates, a formal evening gown with white gloves and a tiara, and everything from jeans to cocktail dresses, many accented by neon sunglasses or baseball caps. Another expression of the freedom allowed students at SAA was in the residential situation. Having high school and college students living on the same campus away from home invited the freedom to develop and pursue friendships, romantic relationships, and extracurricular activities. Although there were residential advisors on each floor of the dorms, the students had ways of getting around the rules. Sneaking in and out of the residence halls seemed to be common, and students engaged in a variety of permissive behaviors, including drug and alcohol use, late-night parties, and romantic rendezvous. One senior expressed her concerns about the implications of the freedom of the residential life of the school in the following comments: T'm constantly worrying about the younger ballet students who are like 14 or 15-years-old and they seem to be so vulnerable. And that scares me because I know that a lot of them come here and start smoking and drinking and things, you know, things that maybe they would do at home too, but I don’t know, it just feels to me like it’s more of an easy thing to get into when you don’t have your Parents there watching. (V-1)110-OSEROFF-VARNELL There was also a freedom to “be who you are,” which was expressed by several students in their interviews with the researcher. The school population was diverse, bringing people of varied backgrounds, socioeconomic levels, and cultures together to learn and train in their art. An open-mindedness and acceptance of the variety of students was a notable aspect of the school from the students’ perspectives. The students perceived this freedom of self expression as supportive and reassuring, as expressed in comments made by several of the interviewees and noted in this quote: It’s much more open and friendly [at SAA] and [the people here are] willing to accept people because most people here are the kind of people who weren't very easily accepted in their old school. ... So when they come here, it’s like a very unusual gathering of minds and attitudes. (V-1) Another student disclosed that he had been able to be open about his homosexuality for the first time at SAA, to talk freely with others and be accepted as gay because the students were so accepting and understanding: ... [Cloming here ... it’s easier to accept who you are, and you know, what you're all about ... being here and being so accepted ... it’s made me much happier, being able to voice what I have to say, you know, and to do what I want to do. (V-4) One student commented: “People are accepted for who they are and you don’t have to have the right clothes or the right this or the right that to get in [to a clique]. It’s just whatever, I think you can be who you are” (V-7). The dialectic of control vs. freedom described one dimension of the hidden curriculum not examined in the initial analysis of uncertainty reduction. While many of the rules, such as the dress code and curfew times, communicated a strict sense of control over the students, there was also a feeling of freedom to “be who you are,” dress casually and/or unconventionally outside of dance classes, and be largely unsupervised during free time. The tension between control and freedom was embedded in messages in a variety of contexts and was reiterated verbally and nonverbally by both students and the administration throughout the data collection period. Inclusion vs. exclusion. A second dialectic describing the dynamics of SAA can be expressed as inclusion versus exclusion. The dimension of inclusion-exclusion has been examined in the context of relational communication, where inclusion is defined as “one’s accessibility to others,” and exclusion as “communicating a desire for privacy” (Burgoon & Hale, 1984, pp. 194-95). The inclusion-exclusion dimen- sion has been widely recognized as one of three principal dimensions of relational communication (the others are dominance-submission ard affection-hostility, Bur- goon & Hale, 1984). The inclusion-exclusion dimension has been further catego- rized by Burgoon and Hale (1984) as a subset of intimacy, along with affection- hostility and intensity of involvement. However, the inclusion vs. exclusion dialectic identified in this study departs from Burgoon and Hale’s definitions of inclusion- exclusion because it focuses on messages that suggest a separate category, space, dimension, or type of person that determined those who were “inchided” as opposed to “excluded.” This dialectic emphasizes those aspects of the hidden curriculum that suggest being a part of a select and unique group (inclusion) versus being outside—both physically and emotionally—from the group (exclusion). The students and faculty at SAA repeatedly referred to life within the school in terms such as “in here,” “us,” “artists,” versus life outside the school as, “out there,”COMMUNICATION AND SOCIALIZATION OF DANCE STUDENTS-111 “them,” “normal people,” and “the real world.” As one senior commented, “You leave the [school] gates, you’re in a different universe” (V-5). This tension between inclusion and exclusion was expressed verbally, by the students and teachers, as well as nonverbally, primarily in the physical layout of the school and campus and the use of touch. One example of a sense of inclusion was expressed as a sense of cohesiveness and camaraderie among the students which, according to the students interviewed, was derived from being artists sharing goals in performing arts careers. This inclusion, or being part of a select group, was one way of reducing uncertainty in the affective domain and providing reassurance and support to the students. As one senior explained: Everybody [at SAA] really understands what means a lot to you. Obviously what means a lot to you is here, your art here. And even people who aren't in the same art as you, they understand because it’s the same feelings that go along with it, the same dedication and discipline. .. Unlike at my regular public school, I had my group of very close friends... . but they really wouldn't understand the emotion that goes along with having something like an art. (V-2) The use of touch within the school provides another example of inclusion for school members. In their analysis of touching behaviors, Jones and Yarbrough (1985) identified inclusion as one category of meaning that was assigned to sustained touch occurring between close friends or sexual intimates. The touch that they described suggested psychological closeness or “tactile statements of ‘withness’” (Jones & Yarbrough, 1985, p. 37). The medium of dance naturally invites more physical contact than many other types of expression, and this was evident between dance teachers and students and among the students themselves, especially directed towards what Jones and Yarbrough (1985) describe as vulnerable body parts (head, neck, torso, lower back, buttocks, legs, and feet). This unspoken acceptance of physical contact was an integral part of being a dance student and highlighted the inclusive attitude toward those in the dance school by teachers and other dance students. In addition to the touching that was incorporated into the dance instruction during classes (e.g., for alignment, to correct a position, to dance together), there was also a notable intimacy expressed in the use of touch outside of the instruction. This included teachers tousling students’ hair, patting them on the back, hugging stu- dents, or touching them (on the shoulder, waist, arm) as they talked. It also included students holding hands, hugging each other, kissing, and massaging each other’s backs or shoulders. These types of interactions I did not perceive as sexual in nature, but instead as supportive, platonic expressions of friendship and concern. They were observed to occur both between boys and girls and among students of the same gender.® This type of initmate contact did not preclude romantic intimacy between boyfriends and girlfriends, which also was observed on several occasions (homo- sexual intimacy was reported by the students, but was not observed by the researcher). Romantic touching generally did not occur during classes, however, whereas platonic or supportive touching was observed during classes as well as during free time. The acceptance of touching of vulnerable body parts between students/teachers and students/students outside of instruction I interpreted as a message of inclusion of not only psychological closeness, but of identification, unity, and group cohesion. The physical layout and location of the SAA campus contributed to the contrast112-OSEROFF-VARNELL between inclusion and exclusion. The campus itself was located in a lower income area of town, where neighboring businesses included thrift shops, a vacuum cleaner repair, and many vacated stores. A housing project notorious for its high crime rate and drug trafficking was located within blocks of the school, contributing to the security and safety concerns both on and off campus. There was little available to the students within walking distance from the school; the one convenience store frequented by SAA students was the site of at least two robberies during the fall of data collection. The campus was surrounded by 8 foot black wrought iron fences. In contrast to the exterior neighborhood, the campus itself was a beautifully landscaped, modern school facility where the brick or stone buildings and surround- ing grounds were well maintained and attractive. Thus, the physical location and layout of the school added to the feeling of exclusion from the outside community surrounding SAA. This aspect of the hidden curriculum relates to the affective domain of uncertainty reduction, with the inside atmosphere of the school offering students reassurance that they were physically enclosed and therefore protected from the harsh realities of the surrounding off campus environment. Contrary to the strong theme of inclusion in the arts community and exclusion from the “real world,” students were encouraged to have a life outside of dance. Buses were available for trips to the mall, bowling, and other outings, and many students visited their friends and families at home as much as their schedules permitted. The opportunities for pursuing friendships and activities outside of SAA were limited, however, especially for the more successful students who were in high demand for performances and rehearsals. Thus, the explicit message that students should have a life separate from their art conflicted with the implicit message (and the reality) that they were physically and emotionally separate from the “outside world.” A veteran senior expressed both positive and negative aspects of the inclusive-exclusive dialectic in his description of the school: I know it’s that way [a lot of pressure] in the real world too. But also since we are all in our own little utopia, I think it can be ten times worse here because a lot of times there really is no escape. Sometimes it's so nice just to go the mall, for God’s sakes. You know, what is a mall? Nothing. But you just get away. ... We are run by a piece of paper, you know. That's what we have to do at that certain time. All through the day. And what we know is what’s here. And a lot of people forget about what's ‘out there,” you know. So that’s why I call it a utopia. I think it’s a utopia of its own. (V-4) The dialectic of inclusion versus exclusion comprised part of the hidden curricu- lum examined in this study and identified the dance students as part of a larger group of artists who were included, accepted, and emotionally close to others in the SAA community. It also reinforced the separation they felt from others outside the SAA community. ‘Student voice vs. teacher voice. A third dialectic that was manifested primarily in the observations was a sense of “voice.” By voice I am referring to the individual's ability to be heard in class and for her or his comments to be accepted as important and worthwhile. As Gilligan (1993) noted, “To have a voice is to be human. To have something to say is to be a person. But speaking depends on listening and being heard; it is an intensely relational act” (p. xvi). In some classes the voice of the students was not heard; their comments had no bearing; they were not supposed to think; they were in the wrong. In these cases, the teacher’s voice dominated; she or he gave the directions and made the comments, and student input was neither invited nor given credibility. The sense of “teacher voice” was much more apparent