1968

Crisis global de la economa poltica estadounidense

1968
Crisis global de la economa poltica estadounidense

Las formas del neoliberalismo global, no slo ideolgicas pero tambin tecnolgicas y organizativas, no se pueden entender sin una detallada lectura de los conflictos estadounidenses de los sesenta.

Los conflictos internos de la sociedad estadounidense durante los sesenta no se pueden entender sin una lectura detallada de la revueltas y las revoluciones de las sociedades del llamado Tercer Mundo.

Afiches cubanos de solidaridad con el pueblo negro de Estados Unidos, hechos por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

Afiches cubanos de solidaridad con el pueblo negro de Estados Unidos, hechos por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

Afiches cubanos de solidaridad con el pueblo negro de Estados Unidos, hechos por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

Afiches cubanos de solidaridad con el pueblo negro de Estados Unidos, hechos por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

Afiches cubanos de solidaridad con el pueblo negro de Estados Unidos, hechos por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

,-C mo podramos mirar el futuro de luminoso $ cercano, si dos, tres, muchos .iet/0am florecieran en la superficie del globo, con su cuota de muerte $ sus tragedias inmensas, con su herosmo cotidiano, con sus golpes repetidos 11213 al imperialismo, con la obligaci n 4ue entra5a para %ste de dispersar sus fuerzas, ba6o el embate del odio creciente de los pueblos del mundo7 8 si todos fu%ramos capaces de unirnos, para 4ue nuestros golpes fueran m9s s lidos $ certeros, para 4ue la a$uda de todo tipo a los pueblos en lucha fuera a:n mas efecti)a, -4u% grande sera el futuro, $ 4u% cercano7 ; Che <ue)ara ,=ensa6e a la *ricontinental,;1966

,>?ue ense5a la e@periencia ad4uirida hasta ho$A &a guerrilla re)olucionaria es clandestina+ 0ace $ se desarrolla en secretoB los propios combatientes usan seud nimos+ En sus comienzos se mantiene in)isible, $ cuando se de6a )er es en el momento $ lugar escogidos por su 6efe+ En su acci n como en su organizaci n, la guerrilla es independiente de la poblaci n ci)il, $ por consiguiente no tiene 4ue asumir la defensa directa de la poblaci n campesina+ +++ En resumen, las )enta6as de 4ue dispone una guerrilla sobre el e6%rcito represi)o son utilizables s lo si puede mantener $ preser)ar su agilidad $ su fle@ibilidad++++ Ca6o ciertas condiciones, lo poltico $ lo militar no est9n separados, sino 4ue forman un todo org9nico integrado por un e6%rcito popular cu$o n:cleo es el e6%rcito de guerrillas+++ El partido de )anguardia puede e@istir en la forma de foco guerrillero mismo+ &a fuerza de guerrillas es el partido en embri n+ Esta es la no)edad tambaleante introducida por la De)oluci n Cubana+; D%gis Eebra$ ,>De)oluci n en la re)oluci nA;196F

>C mo los radicales americanos han internalizado las luchas del *ercer =undo para desatar un conflicto en su propio pasA >Cu9les son las din9micas de clase 4ue dieron a ce conflicto su fundamento nacional $ 4ue permitieron algunas )erdaderas )ictoriasA >C mo han reaccionado los elites a ce conflicto $ a la contra/cultura 4ue surgi de allA Cu9les fueron los efectos de estas din9micas sociales sobre la reestructuraci n de la economia estadounidense $ mundial despu%s de la crisis de los setantaA

Afiche cuban de solidaridad con la re)oluci n del pueblo de <uinea/Cissau, hecho por la Organizaci n de !olidaridad de los "ueblos de #frica, Asia $ Am%rica &atina 'O!"AAA&( en colaboraci n con la re)ista *ricontinental+

,*o retain the poGer Ghich national liberation puts in its hands, the pett$ bourgeoisie has onl$ one pathH to gi)e free rein to its natural tendencies to become more bourgeois, to permit the de)elopment of a bureaucratic and intermediar$ bourgeoisie in the commercial c$cle, in order to transform itself into a national pseudo/bourgeoisie, that is to sa$ in order to negate the re)olution+ *his means that in order to trul$ fulfill the role in the national liberation struggle, the re)olutionar$ pett$ bourgeoisie must be capable of committing suicide as a class in order to be reborn as re)olutionar$ GorIers, completel$ identified Gith the deepest aspirations of the people to Ghich the$ belong+; Amilcar Cabral, ,*he Jeapon of *heor$; !peech at the *ricontinental Conference, 1966

Kenned$H ,&a 0ue)a Lrontera; MohnsonH ,&a <ran !ociedad;

The civil rights and anti-war activism of the !"#s emerged against a bac$ground of prosperity for the middle classes. The boom had many sources% but one of them was government spending for the largest welfare-state programs since the !&#s. The e'pansion began under (ennedy in the areas of unemployment insurance, )ocial )ecurity, urban renewal and ta' brea$s for home ownership. *ohnson+s election in !", along with landslide -emocratic victories in .ongress gave rise to the /0reat )ociety,1 including the 2ar on 3overty, Medicare and Medicaid, 3ell grants and low-interest loans for education, the 4ational 5ndowments for the 6rts and the 7umanities, public broadcasting programs and still more spending for transportation and urban renewal. Legislation was passed in favor of women and minorities, including the .ivil 8ights 6cts of !", and !"9 and the :oting 8ights 6ct of !";, plus labor and environmental laws.

El estado de bienestar en los N62 / armas, mante4uilla $ tecnociencia+++

Kenned$H ,&a 0ue)a Lrontera; MohnsonH ,&a <ran !ociedad;

6ll that created <obs, institutions, bureaucracies and gave a ma<or boost to the public university system. =t+s tempting to thin$ that if welfare-state policies could bring about progressive social change, these would have done so. >et they tended to benefit those already in the middle classes, while technological unemployment, accelerated by automation and cybernetic feedbac$ control, continued to sap the livelihood of wor$ers. The laws and entitlements could not erase continuing white resistance to blac$ civil rights? nor could they mas$ the escalation of the war in =ndochina. 6s .he 0uevara wrote in his /Mensa<e a la Tricontinental1% /7asta dentro de mucho tiempo no sabremos si el presidente *ohnson pensaba en serio iniciar algunas de las reformas necesarias a un pueblo @para limar aristas de las contradicciones de clase Aue asoman con fuerza e'plosiva y cada vez mBs frecuentemente. Lo cierto es Aue las me<oras anunciadas ba<o el pomposo tCtulo de lucha por la gran sociedad han caCdo en el sumidero de :iet-4am.1

El estado de bienestar en los N62 / armas, mante4uilla $ tecnociencia+++

=o)imiento para los derechos ci)iles

con sus origines rurales al )ur de 55.DD

y su radicalizacin en las grandes ciudades

=o)imiento para los derechos ci)iles

Estudiantes para una sociedad democr9tica '!E!(

con sus cuatro tiempos% idealismo, solidaridad con los negros? rechazo de la guerra? revuelta calle<era

Carl Ogelseb$
Ond =arch on Jashington 0o)ember OF, 196P

Lo interesante de SDS es Aue, siendo

una organizacin intelectual y polCtica, era capaz de enunciar problemas pEblicamente y despus, de traba<ar colectivamente como para dar una respuesta. Lo hicieron durante la segunda /March on 2ashington.1

/2e are here again to protest a growing war. )ince it is a very bad war, we acAuire the habit of thin$ing it must be caused by very bad men. Fut we only conceal reality, = thin$, to denounce on such grounds the menacing coalition of industrial and military power, or the brutality of the blitz$rieg we are waging against :ietnam, or the ominous signs around us that heresy may soon no longer be permitted. 2e must simply observe, and Auite plainly say, that this coalition, this blitz$rieg, and this demand for acAuiescence are creatures, all of them, of a 0overnment that since !&G has considered itself to be fundamentally liberal. The original commitment in :ietnam was made by 3resident Truman, a mainstream liberal. =t was seconded by 3resident 5isenhower, a moderate liberal. =t was intensified by the late 3resident (ennedy, a flaming liberal. Thin$ of the men who now engineer that war H those who study the maps, give the commands, push the buttons, and tally the dead% Fundy, Mc4amara, 8us$, Lodge, 0oldberg, the 3resident himself. They are not moral monsters. They are all honorable men. They are all liberals. Fut so, =Im sure, are many of us who are here today in protest. To understand the war, then, it seems necessary to ta$e a closer loo$ at this 6merican liberalism. Maybe we are in for some surprises. Maybe we have here two Auite different liberalisms% one authentically humanist? the other not so human at all.1

Carl Ogelseb$

liberalismo corporati)o

.arl Jglesby, KLet Ds )hape the LutureK March on 2ashington, 4ovember GM, !";

/To the e'tent that various independent liberals deceived themselves @ and most of them seemed better to $now what they were doing than they would later admit @ it was in confusing their own pragmatic or problem-oriented liberalism with that of the corporate liberalism of the highly ideological business and political leaders. =f they allowed themselves unwittingly to be used, it was because they had the conceit to consider their intelligence and social values eAual to the influence of the industrial and financial institutions that were the heart and muscle of 6merican power.1 *ames 2einstein The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918

liberalismo corporati)o

The conclusion was drawn by )-)% what (ol$o and 2einstein described among the 3rogressives also applied to the 4ew -eal and its transformation in 22==. This was the crucible of the welfare state and the imperialist wars of the !"#s. .orporate liberalism was the name of a double system. The point, for the 4ew Left, was never again to be the useful fools of a political-economic leadership that could convert any grassroots demand for reform, not only into window dressing, but worse, into a functional component of a more efficient imperialist machine. The goal had to be that of finding what Jglesby called an /authentically humanist1 intellectual practice that would not perfect the e'isting state. >et strangely enough, that would mean turning away from the civil-rights campaigns on which )-) was founded. 4aming the system was a fundamental act of disidentification, of rupture, leading to a reformulation of the student protest movement.

liberalismo corporati)o

/=t must be offered that white people who desire change in this country should go where that problem NracismO is most manifest. The problem is not in the blac$ community. The white people should go into white communities where the whites have created power for the e'press purpose of denying blac$s human dignity and self-determination. 2hites who come into the blac$ community with ideas of change seem to want to absolve the power structure of its responsibility for what it is doing, and saying that change can only come through blac$ unity, which is the worst $ind of paternalism. This is not to say that whites have not had an important role in the movement. =n the case of Mississippi, their role was very $ey in that they helped give blac$s the right to organize, but that role is now over, and it should be.1 )tudent 4on-:iolent .oordinating .ommittee N)4..O /The Fasis of Flac$ 3ower,1 !""

desde Lreedom 0oG hasta ClacI "oGer

(wame Ture, formerly )to$ely .arrmichael

/4ow that )4.. is under fire from a variety of liberal organizations and publications we feel a special urgency to restate our support. Let it be clear that we are not merely supporting )4..Is right to its views, we are welcoming and supporting the thrust of )4..Is program. =f we really want to help we will be organizing primarily among the powerless, the disenfranchised, the dependent whites @ poor, wor$ing class, and middle class @ toward their power in communities, unions, and professions, so that they may move toward authentic alliance with the organizations of blac$ power.1 )-) /8esolution on )4..,1 Lall !""

la respuesta de )-) a la propuesta de ClacI "oGer

(wame Ture, formerly )to$ely .arrmichael

/=f we face up to this crisis honestly, if we loo$ 6merican reality hard in the face, two things emerge, Lirst, we have to admit that @ li$e it or not @ we live in urban industrial capitalist 6merica, in white 6merica and not in the rural )outh. 2e owe )4.. a deep debt of gratitude for having slapped us brutally in the face with the slogan of PFlac$ 3owerQ+, a slogan which said to white radicals% /0o home and organize in white 6merica which is your reality and which only you are eAuipped to engage.1 )econdly, we are thus forced to as$ ourselves whether in white 6merica there e'ists the possibility for organizing a truly radical, an authentically revolutionary movement for change. Linally, we must face the fact that unless such a potential e'ists, then the basic arguments of the 3rogressive Labor 3arty or other Third-2orld oriented groupings bear serious reading. =f a mass movement cannot be built in white 6merica, then individuals with revolutionary hopes and perspectives must orient themselves toward Third 2orld revolutions and develop those methods of activity which will ma'imize the impact of peasant-based revolutions on the structure of the 6merican imperialist monster.1 0reg .alvert /=n 2hite 6merica% Liberal .onsciousness versus 8adical .onsciousness,1 !"M

> 4ui%n somos A

/The point which is important to understand is clearly illustrated by the difference between radical or revolutionary consciousness and /liberal1 consciousness. The profound gap which separates a liberal reform movement from a revolutionary freedom movement is revealed in the dynamics of the participants. /The liberal reformist is always engaged in /fighting someone else+s battles.1 7is struggle is involved in relieving the tension produced by the contradictions between his own e'istence and life-style, his self-image, and the conditions of e'istence and life-style of those who do not share his privileged, unearned status. /8adical or revolutionary consciousness perceives contradiction in a totally different fashion. The gap is not between oneself, what one is, and the underprivileged, but is the gap between /what one could be1 and the e'isting conditions for self-realization. =t is the perception of oneself as unfree, as oppressed @ and finally it is the discovery of oneself as one of the oppressed who must unite to transform the ob<ective conditions of their e'istence in order to resolve the contradiction between potentiality and actuality. 8evolutionary consciousness leads to the struggle for one+s own freedom in unity with others who share the burden of oppression.1 0reg .alvert /=n 2hite 6merica% Liberal .onsciousness versus 8adical .onsciousness,1 !"M

> 4ui%n somos A

The most provocative )-) document from the period of !"M-"9, and the most relevant today, is .arl -avidson+s agitational essay /The Multiversity% .rucible of the 4ew 2or$ing .lass.1 Fy critically interpreting Dniversity of .alifornia president .lar$ (err+s boo$ on The Uses of the University, -avidson reveals the $ey institution of modern 6merican society to be a /factory1 producing what he calls /the new wor$ing class.1 The concept was borrowed from the Lrench sociologists )erge Mallet and 6ndr 0orz, who studied the contemporary division of labor and its relations to class politics in the mid- !"#s. Mallet focused on the revolt of factory technicians against technological alienation and their corresponding desire for wor$ers+ control of the production process? while 0orz, with a more philosophical bent, inAuired into possible strategies for wor$ers+ movements in affluent societies, see$ing revolutionary possibilities where a philosopher li$e Marcuse could only see one-dimensional dead-ends. Lor -avidson, the concept implied that not only the technical s$ills, but also the values and orientations of the new wor$ing class Nwhat we would now call its /sub<ectivity1O are produced on campus by the interloc$ing interests of the corporations, the military and the social state. >et here too arise the forces that can challenge the production of sub<ectivity? for, as -avidson writes, the university /has turned our humanitarian values into their opposites and, at the same time, given us the potential to understand and critically evaluate both ourselves and the system itself.1 The last remar$ brings the whole movement full circle% in a reversal of power, students understand that the best of their education is e'actly what allows them to transcend and destroy it. This was the dialectical transformation implicit in the demand for an /authentic humanism1 that Jglesby had formulated at the second March on 2ashington. Lrom this theoretical point forward, the protest marches against the war give way to the great student stri$es of !"9.

la nue)a clase obrera

/6fter e'perience in a variety of student power struggles, many radica s re<ected the strategy. =t was continued only where demands could be based on specific issues immediately related to oppressed groups beyond the campus. Jtherwise, student power was seen as liberal at best, and perhaps even reactionary. /This revaluation of student power led directly to the current strategy of the student movementRinstitutional resistance. 6lthough the focus is still primarily on university training and research processes, the approach has shifted from general and abstract N/control1 or /drop out1 of the processO to an attac$ on various specific end results of those processes. =nstead of lamenting the /publish or perish1 syndrome, radicals e'pose and attac$ specific military and .=6 contracts. 8ather than protect the change from the /community of scholars1 dialogue to corporate <ob training, they confront recruiters from the military, -J2 .hemical and the .=6 and often throw them off the campus. Linally, since the university itself is a corporation, radicals attac$ its business practices% e'pansion into ghetto neighborhoods, racist recruitment, and e'ploitative treatment of non-academic employees. /Dnli$e student power but similar in mood to the free university, the ob<ectives of this strategy were negativeRthe abolition or disruption of this or that aspect of the university+s operations. =nstitutional resistance has succeeded in many cases and failed in some, and was certainly superior to earlier strategic efforts. The .olumbia rebellion last spring was perhaps the best e'pression of its possibilities.1 .arl -avidson /Toward a .ritical Dniversity,1 !M#

la nue)a clase obrera

*he poet Ea)id !hapiro occup$ing the office of Columbia president KirI

Weatherman Days of Rage, 1969

*he neG class+++

To generations of radicals, the working class has been the bearer of socialism, the agent of both progressive social reform and revolution. But in the United States in the last two decades, the left has been concentrated most heavil among people who feel themselves to be middle! class," while the working class has appeared relativel #uiescent. This middle!class" left, unlike its e#uivalent in earl twentieth!centur $urope or in the Third %orld toda , is not a minorit within mass working!class &or peasant' movement( it is, to a ver large e)tent, the left itself. *t has its own histor of mass struggle, not as an all or appendage of the industrial working class, but as a mass constituenc in and of itself. +t the same time, most of the U.S. left continues to believe &correctl , we think' that without a mass working class left, onl the most marginal of social reforms is possible." Barbara and ,ohn $hrenreich, The -rofessional!.anagerial /lass" &0122'

*he neG class+++

Dnsatisfied with the catch-all category of the middle classes, the 5hrenreichs propose the concept of the /professional-managerial class1 N3M.O which they define as /consisting of salaried mental wor$ers who do not own the means of production and whose ma<or function in the social division of labor may be described broadly as the reproduction of capitalist culture and capitalist class relations.1 The 3M. comes into e'istence from the late !th century onward, under the conditions of organized capitalism. 2hat it does is basically to mana e. Jn the one hand, members of the 3M. are involved with /social control or the production and propagations of ideology,1 which reAuires /teachers, social wor$ers, psychologists, entertainers, writers of advertising copy and T: scripts, etc.1 Jn the other hand, they are /middle-level administrators and managers, engineers and other technicians whose functions... are essentially determined by the need to preserve capitalist relations of production.1 The new class arises a gradient between labor and capital. =t e'pands with the growth of industry, but also with the commodification of wor$ers+ familial and cultural activities and with the emergence of state bureaucracies devoted to the employment, health, and education of the laboring population. 6ll of this begins in the 3rogressive period, from 99# to !G#, when members of the traditional middle classes and the petty bourgeoisie /feared their own e'tinction in the titanic struggle between capital and labor.1 6ccording to the 5hrenreichs, this is why they devoted themselves to the reform of the capitalist system. Their role was /to mediate the basic class conflict of capitalist society and create a Prational,+ reproducible social order.1

*he neG class+++

The 3M., in the 5hrenreichs+ presentation, remains firmly under the domination of the capitalist imperative of accumulation? but at the same time it tends toward the establishment of its own autonomy, generating hostilities toward both the capitalist and wor$ing classes. =n this sense it is a very different concept from the Lrench theorists+ idea of a /new wor$ing class.1 The 3M. tends to organize itself into professions which are able to e'press both its own aspirations and its claims to legitimacy in the eyes of the others. The basic characteristics of the professions are /aO the e'istence of a specialized body of $nowledge, accessible only by lengthy training? bO the e'istence of ethical standards which include a commitment to public service? and cO a measure of autonomy from outside interference in the practice of the profession.1 6ccess to the professions is regulated chiefly by the possession of !redentials. Dsing this definition of the professional-managerial class, the authors assess the development and significance of the 4ew Left in the !"#s in the second part of their article. They pay particular attention to a tendency within )-) $nown as the /radicals in the professions,1 where former students attempt to prolong their critical activities within the professional spheres to which their education destines them. 6s they write% /The great importance of this direction, or strategy, of 4ew Left activism is that it embodied a critical selfconsciousness of the 3M. itself @ a $ind of negative class consciousness. The radicals-in-the-professions challenged the 3M. not for its lac$ of autonomy Nas the student movement had in the early si'tiesO but for its very claims to autonomy @ ob<ectivity, commitment to public services, and e'pertise itself.1 6t sta$e, in short, was a generalized refusal to blindly inherit the foundational a'ioms of corporate liberalism.

*he neG class+++ '1(

*n a sense, the 3ew Left represents a historic breakthrough4 a first conscious effort to recogni5e and confront the conflict between the -./ and the working class. Learning in part from the /ultural 6evolution in /hina, with its emphasis on the gap between mental and manual labor and its populist approach to technolog , and in part from their uneas alliance with &mainl Third %orld' working class communit movements, the radicals of the si)ties began to develop a criti#ue of their own class. The feminist movement e)tended that criti#ue, e)posing the ideological content of even the most apparentl 7neutral7 science and the ideological functions of even the most superficiall 7rational7 e)perts." Barbara and ,ohn $hrenreich, The -rofessional!.anagerial /lass" &0122'

,E)er$ da$ our leadership Gould listen to Gorld neGs o)er the radio at 9 a+m+ to folloG the groGth of the American antiGar mo)ement+ .isits to Qanoi b$ people liIe Mane Londa, and former Attorne$ <eneral Damse$ ClarI and ministers ga)e us confidence that Ge should hold on in the face of battlefield re)erses+ Je Gere elated Ghen Mane Londa, Gearing a red .ietnamese dress, said at a press conference that she Gas ashamed of American actions in the Gar and that she Gould struggle along Gith us++++ *he conscience of America Gas part of its Gar/maIing capabilit$, and Ge Gere turning that poGer in our fa)or+ America lost because of its democrac$B through dissent and protest it lost the abilit$ to mobilize a Gill to Gin+; .ietnamese Colonel Cui *in Rnter)ieG, Wall Street Journal, August S, 199P

*he neG class+++ 'O(

*n the past intellectuals had constituted a tin minorit of the population, but with the tremendous e)pansion of higher education in the period after %orld %ar **, millions upon millions of oung people began to be e)posed to 8 one might sa indoctrinated in 8 the adversar culture of the intellectuals. To be sure, ver few of these oung people actuall became intellectuals in an real sense, but a great man were deepl influenced b ideas which had once been confined prett much to the intellectuals communit itself. Thus what had formerl been the attitudes of a minuscule group on the margins of +merican societ now began assuming the proportions of a veritable mass movement." 3orman -odhoret5, 0121

*he neG class+++ 'O(

*f, in 9egelian terms, the contradiction of capitalism was its dependence on an ever!growing working class brought together in large factories, the contradiction of post!industrial societ ma be its dependence on large numbers of intellectuals and students for research and innovation on great campuses and a few intellectual centers of communication and influence." Se mour Lipset, 0121

7lio Jiticica "omena em a Cara de Cavalo, !";-""

7lio Jiticica "omena em a Cara de Cavalo, !";-""

La clase obrera es lo Aue ha!e. > es a la vez la arti!#la!i$n del capital y su disol#!i$n. 5l poder capitalista busca utilizar el antagonismo de la voluntud de luchar de los obreros como motor de su propio desarrollo. 5l partido obrerista debe tomar esa misma mediacin por los obreros de los intereses del capital y organizarla en una forma antagonista, como el terreno tBctico de la lucha y como el potencial estratgica de destruccin. Mario Tronti, KLa )trategCa de 8echazo,K !""

7lio Jiticica "omena em a Cara de Cavalo, !";-""

/-efinimos la fuerza-invencin como capacidad de la clase para nutrir, en la mBs completa independencia antagonCstica, el proceso de auto valorizacin proletaria, para fundar esta independencia innovadora en la energCa intelectual abstracta, en cuanto especCfica fuerza productiva Nde un modo cada vez mBs e'clusivoO. Los proletarios ya se han hartado de producir con su lucha las mBAuinas de sus patronos% ahora producen para sC, segEn la medida del no traba<o y con el mtodo de la transformacin social.1 Toni 4egri, /-ominio y sabota<e,1 !MM

7lio Jiticica "omena em a Cara de Cavalo, !";-""

"ara los autonomistas, ,la clase; 'proletaria, se entiende( se transforma por el uso de la fuerza/in)enci n+ 8o, en cambio, )eo la eclosi n hist rica de una nue)a clase, 4ue se diferencia de las otras+ !us capacidades pro)ienen del lengua6e $ de la educacci n+ "ero $a no es la pe4ue5a burguesa de los tiempos de =ar@ '$ muchas )eces, no es propietaria(B busca a autonomizarse del capital $ del Estado, pero tambi%n del proletariado++ "ara politizarse, iiene 4ue romper con su propia funci n de gesti nB $ en el me6or de los casos, busca una nue)a relaci n re)olucionara con otras clases+ Ee ah surgen, efecti)amente, infnitas luchas T sub)ersi)as $ )iolentas, pero tambi%n comple6as $ colaborati)ea / para el e6ercicio $ la conducci n de la fuerza/in)enci n+

E@periencia% La artista encierre el pEblico de clase media en la galerCa. STuin les liberarBU

0raciela .arnevale% /5nclosure piece1 !"9

E@periencia% La artista encierre el pEblico de clase media en la galerCa. STuin les liberarBU Despuesta% 6l final, el golpe Aue rompe el cristal viene de afuera...

0raciela .arnevale% /5nclosure piece1 !"9

0etino, )olanas% /La 7ora de los 7ornos,1 !"9

0raciela .arnevale% /5ncierre1 !"9

0etino, )olanas% /La 7ora de los 7ornos,1 !"9

0raciela .arnevale% /5nclosure piece1 !"9

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teasers

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9

Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

6 few aspects of bourgeois art...
& a " de noviembre !"9

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Muestra al sindicato .0T, 8osario

& a " de noviembre !"9