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SEXUALITY AND GENDER IN CONFLICT: RESIDENTIAL EUNUCHS (HIJRA) IN PAKISTAN JAMIL AHMAD1

PATTERNS OF

Abstract Hijra is an umbrella term used for those men who are transgender, eunuchs, transvestites, hermaphrodites or intersex bisexuals or homosexuals (Nanda, as sited in Bretell & Sargent, 1997; Sharma, 2000). The important argument here is that no proper residential settlement pattern exists for Hijras as provided to women. The Hijra-male has to learn to cope with this standardized deviation. In this article the residential patterns of Hijra is discussed theoretically to make a case that their unique pattern of residence and different nomenclature for members of the household residing in that family is not deviation from patriarchy but conformity with demands of the patriarchy. The eunuchs' residential pattern in the above-mentioned patriarchal system, i.e. their subversive bodily acts and complicity with patriarchal hegemony, are of more importance for any student of Gender Studies and Social Anthropology in Pakistan. The information detailed in this paper was collected via a series of face-to-face interviews conducted in two cities of Pakistan i.e. Peshawar and Bannu from September to December 2008 and by recourse to the extant literature. The specific question thus addressed in this paper is that, is it a conscious effort of Hijra to supplement the Patriarchy or if it is deviation from it establishing one of their own housing? the paper conclude that Hijra are not deviants of the patriarchy but providing space to those who do not fit in to its domestic roles, thus complementing or facilitating patriarchy-taking it out of any threat or danger may posed otherwise providing with alternate family with roles clearly dictated by patriarchy. Introduction In Pakistan gender is governed to confirm a stereotypical form of patriarchy, with clear cut demarcation for male and female domains especially in the Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa Province. Here the male hujrai and the female domain, Zanan Khanaii: are two distinctly separate areas: entry to the latter for male adults - even close kin - is strictly forbidden under normal
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Lecturer in Social Anthropology, Institute of Archaeology & Anthropology, University of Peshawar, Pakistan

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with a short hair cut and restricted hip movement. sisters or friends). which may or may not be castrated later and attire in female garbs’ (as cited in Sharma. fluid gait. in specific zones. born with normal genitals and testicles. the term Hijra/Khusra is specifically applied to transgender males and/or eunuchs living in groups. In family discourse. an adolescent girl wearing malestyle dress. may use the term 'Hijra'. which manifests distinctly dichotomous male and female roles. 2006-unpublished). 1999:174). who undergoes emasculation in which all parts of the genitals are removed’. 2005). 2000. p. 2).everyday circumstances. uses a soft voice. but are only produced as the truth effects of a discourse of primary and stable identity’ (Butler. male and female.e. Women who wear men cloths or try to attain male identity (female turn male) do not fall into the category of Hijra (Jami. (Jami. permits no place for any other gender. According to Nanda. ‘Hijra is a third gender role. e. This is an appellation regularly used to redress any deviance manifested by any person within this fixed. and is clean shaven. then it seems that gender can be neither true nor false. i. Judith Butler (1999) referring to this gender variation and defining the term gender says that ‘If the inner truth of gender is a fabrication and if a true gender is a fantasy instituted and inscribed on the surface of bodies. 2005:03). who wear female clothes and behave like women or try to attain female identity (male turn female). including hermaphrodites or intersexed. with a leader (Guruiii) as 'mother'. Page 2 . Most importantly they are all men. patriarchal structure wherein women should appear flexible of body movement and with suitably decorative ornamentation and men are expected to adopt an upright. This predominantly Sunni Muslim society. normative. She is an inter-sexed impotent man. wears silky or colored attire. 2005). Conversely. when referring to her. almost rigid demeanor. The social structure dictates an unquestioned binary role for its members. members of lower and middle class families may refer to such males as Hijra (mostly mothers. 2000). may be the butt of jokes made by parents who. Politically. Sinha defines as ‘Normal male physically hale and hearty. neither in the legal structure nor in the religious sphere although from socio-cultural perspective the extant literature is full of relevant evidence (Stephen. and groups all ‘others’ into the category of Hijra (Reddy. restricted or 'apartheid' areas into which both men and women can enter. who is neither man nor woman but contains the elements of both.g. Any adolescent found visiting them or making friendship with them is immediately declared 'homosexualiv' (Government of Pakistan. when a male adopts a more fluid body movement. from a patriarchal standpoint (Sharma. 1997).

2005. Butler (1999) and Yuval-Davis (2006). socio-culturally they trespass the domains of both males and females. as a new comer into the discourse on gender and Hijra identities in Pakistan. This is only place of residential identity as well as a place of refuge at times of crisis. 2003): forced evacuations or at worst threats (both legal and social) deprive them of permanent settlements or ownership of houses (Reddy. Theoretical Support The aforementioned subversive bodily acts of establishing unique families and residential patterns are mentioned as ‘parody’ (Butler. Riaz. have no identity as they ostensibly have no family in the perceived sense of parenthood. In patriarchal society like Pakistan. and. 1995). Hijras. My argument here will focus on their residential patterns to discuss if it is really temporary? This paper will explore that these arrangements of residents although look temporary but in reality they have a nature of permanence for their own functional needs as is the case of gypsies. within this domain. 2000. They are always a threat to govern-mentality (Yuval-Devis. Lewis (2000). the flamboyant behavior and body language unless they have had access to literature such as that of Connell (2005). 1995) by Page 3 .Hijra are an important segment of social structure in Pakistan. my focus lies in the residential pattern of hijra with reference patriarchal social arrangements. 2005). Many young boys from rural districts visit the cities. Sharma. But they must have one to speak of at a patriarchal forum: thus they respond well by virtue of establishing families of their own. Discourse of the Paper For me. 1999). Hijra live mostly in the slum areas near bus terminals. Observers may find it difficult to both comprehend and/or accept the Hijras' different dress style. Hijraalthough are defined (legally-documented) males. 'complicity' (Connell. and are of special interest to many scholars (Reddy. This discussion will also shed light on the argument that the residential arrangement and family structure of Hijra is not a threat to the normative family but a mean of confirmation to the patriarchal demands to provide space with in the existing structure for those who do not fall into all the nomenclatures provided otherwise. The normative structure considers these arrangements deviant and by extension temporary. family is the only place of social training. The same area is mostly preferred although for different reasons of convenience by economic migrants. especially in urban centers. one major attraction being the Hijra community. It is the only space that provides identity with others.

and mantic. 1995). However. elaborating the concept. .scholars of repute on gender.phontasmatic. as it were… [the] inevitable exclusion of marginal gender from territory of the natural and real…A constitutive failure of all gender enactments for the very reason that these ontological locales are fundamentally uninhabitable (Butler. a society that has a perceived normative structure in accordance with its socioreligious dictates. therefore. class. Butler's explanation of gender based residential arrangements and the challenges it creates through performance for Hijra are further elaborated by Connell (2006) through expatiation of different masculinities. The existence of this specific arrangement is a requirement of the social structure as an alternative for family because the state has declared family out of its domain. is addressed for her feelings as Herculean Page 4 . who was really depressed with her transgender status. 2005). heterosexual family structure on the one hand and patriarchal hegemony on the other. with no role for the Guru.failed copy. Hijra are considered physically and psychologically ambivalent and because of this ambivalence people consider them freaks (for hiding their sexual identity). focus will remain here on how the present residential patterns of the Hijra community intersect ethnicity. But the question remains: What if structural change occurs and gender equality is ensured. 1995). ‘Marginalized’ masculinity is explained with specific reference to the configuration of practice generated in a particular situation in a changing structure of relationships (Connell. the present day identity of the Hijra family structure. Butler contends that [these] practices of parody can serve to re-engage and reconsolidate the very distinction between a privileged and naturalized gender configuration and one that appears as derived. In response to the different subversive roles played by Hijra in different life courses and discourses.. Both men's and women's role expectations of Hijra declare them as an important and irrefutable reality on the one hand and a ‘busted social character’ (Connell. religion and gender in interaction with various other segments of society. These terms clearly expose the existence of a close. 1999:186).. for this paper. understandable that how difficult it is for Hijras to fight their particular form of sexuality and to confirm to society's gender demands on residence. on the other. they are a marginalized/stigmatized community’ (Humaira. binary. very much fixed in patriarchal hegemony. within a loosened if not abolished patriarchy? The structure of the Hijra residential family seems to be more artificial than parody and subject to change or at least replaced by the Gay families of the West. Butler (1999) cites a case of Herculean: similar character from Michel Foucault’s work.

In this pre-suicidal isolation. are assigned the role to fill in. the Hijra. The Hijra could enter the women’s domain without any objection from the men (a) because they were perceived to equal women in appearance. The Hijra of Pakistan most resemble the protest in the Herculean story by Michel Foucault reproduced in Butler’s book titled Gender Trouble. Women's interaction with the Hijra gained legitimacy through yet another source. This special status further strengthens them Page 5 . They speak a special language. While female interaction with males was forbidden. for different reasons both men and women face restrictions vis-a-vis dancing in public: there is a ban on using erotic gestures to entertain male audiences. she claims to soar above both sexes. They could frequently visit the men’s Hujra. Thus to fill this cultural gap.‘.. the divine factor.. 2000. 2005). but her anger is most fully directed against men. 2005). 2005). Hijra of Pakistan appear as the only force resisting these stereotypical roles through a range of activities. 2005. Historically. those of the third gender. dress more flamboyantly than women (A dress women in rural Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa may not even dream to). Hijra were placed in Royal houses where they served as Khadim.v In the above scenario. whose title she sought to usurp in her intimacy with Sara and who she now indicates without restraint as those who some how robbed her of the possibility of love' (Butler. 1999:132). This allowed them to interact freely with both men and women without fear of disgrace and free from the severe consequences that could result from their exaggerated feminine appearance (Sharma. placing them above humanity and discounting any 'maleness'. and (b) because they were impotent. that is. the extra liberty of body movement involved represents a threat to a conservative patriarchal society. Reddy. the different myths associated with the Hijra imbued them with 'divine' powers.domestic servants who were permitted to enter the female domain into which not even close male kin could gain entry: the Hijras' status as 'impotents' permitted this liberty (Humaira. Men are not expected to dance as it is against their static representation of body.and serving them. divinity could in a sense provide sanction. Humaira. as they were perceived men dressed as women: the women did not object to their presence either.expel herself from the domain of all human beings. Thus this visible ‘other’ maintains its special privileged status through religion: at pilgrimages only the Hijra can undertake the tasks of serving both men and women in offering prayers (Humaira. and use a particular body language that neither males nor females would dare to use in daily life. For example. In their domain the men experienced a degree of sexual satisfaction having men wearing women's clothing both dancing before . if women dance.

strive hard to perform certain gender roles to achieve acceptance in an extremely conservative patriarchal system. is often used as a form of abuse of a person. The question I am attempting to construct relative to this paper and for further research is as follows: Does this special category.both in practice and discourse intersecting with each other. The paper maintains that although the Hijra community presents to everyday men and women as a static 'dump' wherein the perceived 'abnormal' are housed. exploration takes the form of an anthropological ethnography. Giving the Page 6 . upon entering it one finds dynamics of conflict and struggle. as Butler (1999) suggests. i. My discourse throughout this paper is based on post-structuralism. with in the domain of normative family structure? The characters in Dera are the same as of patriarchal family nomenclatures? Is it only roles performed by different actors? Hijras. while at the same time within this group various statuses and roles define/determine the behavior of individual Hijra. employing a methodology of participant observer. present any threat to a strictly male dominant society? Do Hijra further facilitate the system by providing space for all those challenging it. impotent or ineffective. Students pursuing gender studies may consider this an important subject for investigation for. I will explore when and how Hijra shift their roles and identity in order to adjust to social demands. these are not fixed sex or gender roles and may change if the patriarchal hegemony is challenged in any real sense by gay and lesbian movements in Pakistan (Connell. especially of men who appear whimsical.e. ethnicity. what Marx refers to as the 'interplay'. the study of human behavior from a sociological viewpoint. Question Formulated The Hijras' specific role in this structure is the main source that facilitates the patriarchy. gender. I seek to ascertain how men. effeminate.socially. exploring the extant problems in the residential pattern of the eunuchs in Pakistan. women and Hijra construct a structure of ‘Otherness’ in a group solidarity. according to Talwar (1999). The other aspect of this theoretical report is the concept of sub-culture. Thus in the discourse. class and sexuality are found . through their bodily construct. confirming their status of being outside of the binary and presenting them as no threat to the social structure as such. Hijra: The Illegitimate Third Gender-The Reality of Pakistan The term 'Hijra'. so visible due to its semiotic and symbolic exhibitionism. 1995).

Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa Government. 2005:04). Sharma. i. costume dress performance. 2005). which serves as a permanent place of residence for Hijra. Pakistan). who are temporarily their source of earnings for sex work (Unpublished report of Provincial HIV/AIDS Surveillance 2007. emphasis on certain body parts (breasts. vulgar in talk and gestures etc’ (Humaira. projecting certain body parts in an exaggerated fashion to emulate the female form. visiting them along with her Hijra (Chelasix) to bring life and music to the event. The blessings of these great Babasx brought them prosperity and music.. their preference being for urban centers (Heldeman-2006) and being near migrant workers. . Residence and Power Structure of the Hijra Community A Deravi.[The characteristic features of Hijra are idealized as] large and ugly looking persons with big hands and feet. the Guru is a role model for all Hijra. to whom they are theoretically loyal but always competitive vis-a-vis desired future status (Reddy.portrayal of Hijra in literature of gender. 2005). Guru is considered the most superior in this whole inter-play albeit and this is not evident to strangers or visitors. 2005). punishment.. Reddy. wearing flamboyant colors and matt makeup (facial hair concealed). A Hijra. always shift from place to place. S/he attributes her power to the blessings of various shrines and reciprocates through regular participation in anniversaries. cracking obscene jokes. hips etc) exaggerated movements and non verbal gestures including clapping. in due course if required. affecting artificial breast enhancement through medical intervention. 2005. her genealogy may be traced to Indian mythology. as well as respect as opposed to their ‘being [considered] nothing’ (Shafqat. who temporarily occupy a social space (Reddy. identity. 2000. is a rented apartment with a two room minimum: affordability requires this minimum space to house between 6 to 10 persons. For the purposes of this specific study. 1996) Page 7 . whose roles tend to overlap as they perform their multiple roles within the dera. claiming sexual deformity. the affairs of the Hijra community ranging from settling disputes. a character who is recognized in Hindu. In terms of spirituality and social hierarchy. a Guru and a Naikvii are three individuals. Buddhist and Islamic mythology (Humaira. either real or created. Her role is restricted to the inner-circle. Hijras. such people will be defined as follows: persons with masculine body hair. status assignment to socialization and. The Guru in Pakistan is given special status during the performance of Hajjviii and at circumcisions.e. spirituality. stiffness of limbs but softness of skin in some cases. and living in groups with a compulsory Guru as a spiritual ‘male mother’.

The most dangerous outcome for a Hijra would be being left to survive in a patriarchal system in which unarguably they have no designated role – not under any circumstances. in a more psychological sense of insecurity. is accepted as a common feature. S/he never discusses sex with any one during a performance. may result in expulsion from the dera by the Naik. distributing it as a charity. Guru always receives their share of the income but they will never demand for it as is the Hijra's obligation to provide. s/he gives the Naik special food that they share together. s/he wants to protect her from vulnerability to mishap or. issues such as sex or dealing with law enforcement agencies are the responsibility of the Naik. The Naik deals with the money directly. on the other hand. In special situations such as these. 2005). to reciprocate God’s gift of beauty that enabled her to earn so. it means that the dera is run by her. however. fears losing her chela to the normative social structure. a common desire that all Hijra (including the Naik and Guru) cherish. distributes a share among the musicians and gives the Hijra a share. The Naik. seeks out sua: the latter will bring regular gifts and articles for daily use to the house thus sharing the economic burden with the Naik. 2005). she is considered to be the most generous of all of these characters. this is an expected norm of the community. A Marakh. Great numbers of visitors are indicative of the beauty and demand for a Hijra. S/he restricts her own practice of not having a regular unpaid Marakhxi (partner) instead looking for a suaxii (temporary hetero partner) who will earn money and elevate her status. Disobedience.When a Guru lives with Hijra. Page 8 . Compliance with these matters is the hallmark of a good Hijra. as well. A Guru symbolically associates this with the intimacy of the Hijra with normal heterosexual persons: s/he sees the Hijra as an innocent female child. who earns her status and duly inherits both wealth and additional status from her Guru (Reddy. on the other hand. The two never discuss this matter irrespective of the degree to which their relationship is dependent upon money. it enhances the importance of the Guru in the community besides earning income. The Naik collects the money. keeping her due share which will enhance her character and status in the community. But sometimes more than one Guru may reside in a single dwelling in which case it is usually the one who has the greatest number of Hijra as her chelas. A Hijra never asks for money: it is given to her. S/he (the Hijra) always gives gifts to her male partner and to the Guru. Although s/he never overtly suggests it. collections at weddings and other occasions at which males shower (fresh bank) currency on beautiful Hijra who dance well. who governs the house as ‘father’. his sources include paying customers. the Guru and the community. The status of a Guru depends upon the number of chelas s/he has (Reddy.

He provides sentimental support and engages in sexual exchange at certain times.e. s/he must train him to speak a language that belongs to them alone (Hijra Community). offered hospitality and enjoyment. a good earning 'daughter' to her mother Guru in order to earn the respect of the community must exercise maximum flexibility when dancing to prove herself the equal of and to be able to compete with any female dancer. But important among them in terms of regular contributions to the home is the Marakh. sharing all they have ranging from a distinct language (which they always use when talking to men or among themselves) to using symbolic gestures indicating that they are not male. S/he must be loyal to her Marakh/Girya (husband) so as to ensure her entrance to the dera. S/he must be able to live up to her market value and gain respect through her humble and charitable disposition. to ask them for a special service for a male child. For Hijra. they are a distinct group within their own 'secret' group. such as a Marakh. But while he is respected.six Hijra playing sexgames. giving him an appropriate amount of time (attention) and not opting to visit a sua when he is in there. if their relationship develops. bedeck herself with ornamentation.in one dera . Hijra in Male-Female Interactions: Legitimizing Her Existence through Social Drama Most of the gender-sex conflict rests upon the concept of role performance. Irrespective of ethnicity or race. the first and most profound role to play is the sisterhood' role in dealing with in-friends. it may take him quite a long time to adjust to the community.e. to learn the language of the Hijra community. She must be loyal. Pakistan. in some cases the Hijra. and. for it is he who enjoys the most important (VVIP) status due to the Hijra's association with him. honored. women may visit the Guru or.Sex beneficiaries also have their role to play. address herself as 'female' and deal with kinship at her residence (dera).a step that a Hijra takes after considerable thought and considerations. an arrangement preferred by the majority of Hijra in the walled city of Bannu. The Hijra has to exhibit feminine body movements when performing her female role. who gains entry via a ritual ceremony of marriage. for example. i. S/he must also confirm to his dress code demands when s/he leaves the Page 9 . At night time. Conflict occurs in the varieties of roles a Hijra performs in the course of her life. her interaction with different characters at different intersections. 2007). performing the desired roles they do not ordinarily share with each other (but which they engage in with their male partners/clients during the day (unpublished data of HIV/AIDS Surveillance. i. Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa Province. The exception is the man. Clients visit the Naik to book a Hijra for a dance function. Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa Province. one can find . They sleep alongside each other on the floor.

house to go with her marakh for shopping. As a sex worker.at times overtly . s/he in fact opts . s/he must project herself as 'one of them' in most respects. linguistic and ethnic group in their dealing with men.for another world. The Hijra dynamics discussed above illustrate that gender role for this community is not fixed nor does its sexual entity remain the same. her gender. wearing pads in her underwear to prevent any escape of 'blood'. with corresponding gender roles. As Connell (1995) observes. they on occasion Page 10 . They project themselves as masculine characters to the Hijra. While s/he becomes a member of one group at times in order to feel secure in a hegemonic world. It is important that word is spread to other men in the community to the effect that sexually s/he is 'more' than a woman. 'fake' her monthly menstruations. at weddings or in her role of dancer collecting alms for charities. and avoiding all sexual activity xiv. with full authority and control demonstrated through group dynamics and various expulsion and inclusion ritual rights. Conclusion: Gender And Sexuality In Conflict: Class. at the same time maintaining her distinct position as a Hijra and not presenting as a 'woman' simply to earn loyalty and make the acquaintance of other women. The situation changes markedly. a form of musicality that women psychologically want to interact with. engaging in the maximum number of varied sexual acts so that in her inner group s/he will earn a good name as one who performs excellently and makes good money. S/he must project herself as suitably weak and fragile when dealing with heterosexual men. to a Marxist way of thought. Reddy (2005). In order to avoid being exposed to fear or threat. however. when it comes to the performance of the Naik or Guru. in everyday lives. The sum of these dynamics is that none of these performances is voluntary: these are compulsions dictated by a social structure dominated by masculine hegemony in which s/he herself is a part and an active participant. deal with conflicts of interest in various groups. hegemony. It follows a trajectory through female-male-female that extends to saint at times. practice transaction roles as a distinct. But this is neither conclusion nor climax. wearing clothing s/he will never use once out of the public gaze. subordination and complicity are relations internal to the gender order which. In Pakistan. s/he must dress as a male. even her desires. When dealing with women. challenging her sex. more like a divine entity. s/he must satisfy men who visit her for paid sex. however. S/he will project herself as a woman when offering prayers. states the case of Sikunderabad. North India where a Hijra must wear the Burqaxiii in public. Ethnicity and Religion Hijras. The women consider the Naik to be a saint. taking medication for pain relief.

usually associating themselves with group identities considered inferior in language and religion in prevailing social hierarchy. In brief I will suggest that it is neither the gender role nor the sexual volunteerism that attributes low status to the Hijra. This psychic status permeates all domains of Pukhtoon relations. But they are interdependent: they intersect for the obvious reason of the limited options offered to them by Pakistan's rigid patriarchal system. Debord (eds). Gay. References Ahmed. Judith (1999). kasabgar receive the minimum share in return for their labor (Ahmad. Hijra are not deviants of the patriarchy but providing space to those who do not fit in to it. no. 3. New York: Routledge Connell. Perez and K. Gender Trouble. especially among the feudal and illiterate rural-urban populations. (2005). by any or all definition/s. in K. thus complementing or facilitating patriarchy-taking it out of any threat or danger may posed otherwise providing with alternate family with roles clearly dictated by patriarchy.not landlords. Akbar Salahudin (1980) Pukhtun economy and society: traditional structure and economic development in a tribal society. 'Change among the Gatekeepers: Men. Hijra are. who constitute the major interacting muscular faces with the Hijra. pp. Page 11 . Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. Haldeman. This is in line with Pukhtoonwali (the Pukhtoon Code of Honor) in particular. R. Peshawar: APWA Publications (Private) Butler. nor is it the profession of dance that compels them to be feminine and homosexual. thus by extension not considered Pukhtoon and ranked low in the socio-cultural and now religious hierarchy). 71-90. Handbook of Counseling and Psychotherapy with Lesbian. W. and Gender Equality in the Global Arena . Hashmat Begum (1997) All Pakistan Women Association Annual Report. which complies with a traditional system of feudalistic agrarian barter. Bisexual and Transgender Clients. 30. 1980). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Anwar. Bieschke. wherein dance and music are considered the domains of kasabgar (professionals . R. 1801-1825.present themselves as males. Thus project their distinct identity to satisfy a perceived 'superior' masculinity and avoid the risk. but they risk incurring shame due to their feminine demeanor. when it comes to the distribution of crops. Furthermore. D. relegated to the lowest rung of the social hierarchy in Pakistan's class system.Equality between women and men has been a doctrine well recognize'. 'The Village people: Identity and development in the gay male community'. vol. (2006). Masculinities.

Satish Kumar (1989). D. University of Peshawar. Also known as male dormitory but among Pukhtoon ethnic group it is more like a community centre.Jami. Murray. Page 12 . ‘Conditions and Status of Hijras (Transgender. Shafqat. S.. Islamabad. Stephen O. and Will Roscoe (1997). Hijras: The Labelled Deviants. National Institute of Psychology. 32-46 Lewis. 'Intersectionality and Feminist Politics'. Volume XXIX. Vol. 13. Ali Khan (1996). 6. Social Welfare: Encounters in a Postcolonial Society. vol. Government of Pakistan. 193-209. 3). National Institute of Psychology. (ed.Sc. C. Eunuchs: the cultural heritage of Sindh (MA thesis). socioeconomic organization of khusras.M. (2000) ‘Race’. With respect to sex: negotiating Hijra identity in South India .org/docs/sexualminorities/PakistanHijras123105. Department of Sociology and Anthropology. Islamabad. (1996). European Journal of women’s Studies. Humaira (2005). and literature.) in Pakistan-Country Report. Government of Pakistan. Unpublished M. unpublished MA thesis.pdf Jonejo. Res Journal (Art Ser. 03 Pages. 2007-unpublished Nanda. A Place of Spiritual Healing. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House Sharma. Tanvir (1994). Quaid-i-Azam University Sahi Bukhari (1986) in M. Transvestites etc. females are forbidden to enter. Pakistan Sharma. Islamic homosexuality: culture. New York: New York University Press Provincial Report for NWFP. Gender.asylumlaw. Hijras: The labelled deviance. National Surveillance Project on HIV/AIDS. Lahore: Kazi Publications. H. APA Books. (1999). 2006-unpublished Provincial Report for NWFP. (2005). No. (2000). Bari Imam. Neither man nor women: the Hijras of India. R. G. Anthropological overview. Khan. 2010 through web source http://www. New Delhi: Gian Publishing Reddy. Talwar. The third sex and human rights. Nira (2006). Serena (1990). Washington. National Surveillance Project on HIV/AIDS. Cambridge: Polity Press. End Notes i A place specifically designed for men (and boys) as living quarters or a retiring area. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Riaz. K.). history. retrieved on 13th February. Quid-e-Azam University. Gayatri. Sindh University. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House Yuval-Davis.

as well as out door activities. i. and negotiates with all clients.135.166. xiii Burqa – an all-enveloping full-length garment.e. on behalf of all he bears the brunt of any associated shame and humiliation. 119-120. iv An adult person.122. The Naik engages in male activities and usually wears male attire although he walks using flexible body movements and uses a variety of female ornamentations including nail polish and lipstick. iii Adopts a 'mothering' role-a male Hijra elder. Judith Butler (1999). xiv Although was denied by most of the respondents in Bannu. Gender Trouble vi A term as replacement of home of patriarchy derived from the concept of temporary arrangement of economic migrant men at urban centre or Hujra to be more cultural in masculine terminology of Pukhtoons.ii The term is referred to the home: a family lives in. The term Girya is also used as replacement for Marakh xii A temporary heterosexual partner. v See pages 31-32. 'as deviant engaged in the same sex act' is the official approach: this is how he will be described in official documents. mother or mother in law. Ideally a Guru being custodian of the chastity of hijras may restrict such relationships. viii ix An annual pilgrimage at Makah. who visits the Hijra for sexual intercourse. source of social legitimacy in family or residential arrangement. functionally for fear of losing money and losing control of a subordinate (Hijra). a compulsory component of Islam for all Muslims if they can afford the cost A term synonymous for Student in Educationist terminology and Children in patriarchal kinship terminology x Immortal spirits of revered personalities xi Derived from Mera meaning husband in Pashto: This term is used in most areas of South Asia: a person assuming the role of life partner to a Hijra. but specifically it means the bed room of a nuclear family or sitting room for female folk which is usually the retiring room of the eldest female i. the Hijra avoid talking about their 'clients' in front of the Guru as it is an act of shame to discuss such relations in the presence of one's 'mother'. The information was shared by a few Hijra with whom I interacted through an informant. has already attended to payment and other details through the naik. the only opening of which is the small. he performs the ‘Father’ role. law enforcement agencies and neighbors. vii Usually a male character new to the household structure: the custodian of the house or owner. While these characters are mostly acceptable to the Guru. the spiritual source of the group.e. a Marakh or ‘Gate Keeper’. elongated 'grill' through which the female can see. who proved a helpful source of access into the deeper sphere of group dynamics Page 13 .