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Progress in Human Geography Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities
Blair Badcock Prog Hum Geogr 1997; 21; 251 DOI: 10.1191/030913297670500369 The online version of this article can be found at:

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the formation of a ghetto-bound `underclass' and the emergence of a new spatial order based upon a `global city' paradigm. This includes some consideration of the portability and relevance of constructs developed under American conditions for cities in other. a case is made suggesting why this research on spatial polarization is quite vital from a public policy perspective. In this section. or a counterintuitive phenomenon like stagflation. let alone make sense of. attention is drawn to how emphatically important structural effects remain to an understanding of spatial polarization in cities and the profound changes that are taking place in people's lives at the community level. 0309±1325(97)PH153PR . and why human geographers should be in the thick of it. Australia This review surveys the recent evidence and debate surrounding social and spatial polarization within cities. I Global restructuring. a brief account is provided of the significance of global restructuring and the contraction of the welfare state for widening inequalities in capitalist societies. no economic forecasting model contained the kind of predictive capacity that could anticipate the shocks delivered to oil prices in 1974 and 1979. 5005. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.sagepub. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. For example. societies. mostly western. All rights reserved.Progress in Human Geography 21. the contraction of the welfare state and the `new urban poverty' The revival of political economy that coursed through the social sciences in the 1970s coincided with a series of economic crises that positivist science was unable to foresee. and how this is being reflected. 1996). The next section selectively documents some of the key contributions to research on urban poverty and polarization in the USA including the theories relating to the `new urban poverty'. in turn. South at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. 251±262 Progress reports Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities Blair Badcock Department of Geography. University of Adelaide. mainstream economists were more inclined to put the instability down to cyclical selfc * Arnold 1997 Downloaded from http://phg. In the third section the comparative evidence for growing spatial polarization in cities is examined.2 (1997) pp. to pick up on the concluding remarks in the preceding review (Badcock. To begin with. Lastly. Whereas political economy entertained the possibility of structural adjustment and the shift to a new phase within capitalism as part of each state's attempt to restore equilibrium to the economic system. in modifications to the character and incidence of poverty in cities.

. economists quite missed Bluestone and Harrison's (1982) point about deindustrialization: a fundamental shift was beginning to take place in the division of labour with not only domestic but also global ramifications for the reorganization of capital ( at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. Fagan and Webber. the demand for unskilled labour collapsed during recession in the early 1980s and early 1990s pushing down wages and increasing unemployment. 1993). 1991). most notably the USA (Dobrzynski. Hence the general postwar trend to income equalization in welfare state societies is now being reversed. in insisting that as western economies recovered. upon the sectoral composition of economies in the 1970s. While Budd (1995) cautions against overstating the shift to `globalization'. This tendency to bifurcation in the labour market has been associated with a disproportionate loss of `middle pay' jobs in a number of countries. for the UK by the Rowntree Foundation Inquiry into Income and Wealth (Barclay. What closer examination of these national trends reveals is that the growth in income inequality has been quite variable from country to country depending. Harvey (1989) correctly read the momentous import of `flexible accumulation' as it began to unfold. 1994. Governments responded to the need to restore conditions for profitability by deregulating markets in the domestic economy (Kuttner. 1995). for Canada by Statistics Canada (Wolfson. 1995. 1996: 8). 1996) or Canada (Bourne. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. and inequalities appear to be opening up at all levels: between the north and the south (Fieleke. 1995). Knox and Taylor. . including the prospect in a post-Fordist era of a more flexible mode of production. 1994. 1996). first. For example. 1995). 1995). and by agreeing to the freer circulation of capital. 1996) and Australia (Gregory. 1996). 1995). neoclassical economics all but ignored space until the last year to two (Krugman. of the 1. This has been confirmed for the USA in a 1989 study by the Twentieth Century Fund (Herbert. By the mid-1990s a point has been reached where the evidence for a widening in the income gap in many OECD countries is now indisputable (Atkinson et al. 1996). All rights reserved. nonunionized and low wage (Kobayashi. In an era of globalization and deregulation. much of the fall in real income in the lower deciles has been due to the effects of trade liberalization and labour market flexibility upon the division of labour. 1993).252 Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities corrections. And while a newly `spatialized' form of political economy big-noted the uneven nature of capitalist development. though the `disappearing' or `shrinking middle' is not so apparent in the UK (Hamnett. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. OECD. on a contract-only basis. 1992. and between communities within cities (Forster. Dicken.sagepub. between cities within urban systems (Warf and Erickson. 1994). 1994). Hanson and Pratt. by dismantling institutional structures (Laws. 1995). goods and labour globally (Bryan. 1990. In particular. and for Australia in studies by Saunders (1994). 1996). For some time. 1996). the salaries of the well educated continued to rise in most OECD countries due to the creation of new jobs in the producer services and knowledge-based industries (Reich. 1994. and in a recent US Census Bureau report (1996). At the same time jobs in those occupations traditionally dominated by women have increased in number (Gregory. Jolly. retooling and the adoption of new technology would restore industrial output and even lift it to new heights. there is no question that the pace at which national and regional economies are being integrated into worldwide production and financial systems exceeds that of any other era (Stilwell. 1995). On the other hand. As a direct consequence of this heightened competition between `borderless' economies ± or more pervious boundaries between states ± cities are repositioning themselves within the global economy (Sassen. But many of these jobs in expanding sectors of the economy are typically part time or casual.4 million new Downloaded from http://phg. 1996).

com at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. partly illegal sector which avoids minimum wage rates. expressly one-parent families. `new urban poverty' encapsulates a wide-ranging debate about the social and spatial transformations currently taking place in western cities (Mingione. 1995. informal. Oft-repeated symptoms of the `new urban poverty' in USA cities include the very high incidence of ethnic minorities. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. 1995) ± though not without shifting part of the burden of `after costs' poverty from the elderly to households with children. 60% were part time and 75% of these jobs were filled by women (Department of Social Security. 1990. These are the changing structures of social provision. the research tends to distinguish between the elderly who have traditionally formed the `hard core' poor. 1994). homelessness. women and children living in destitution.sagepub. comparative research attests to the crucial importance for urban communities of the different approaches taken by governments to managing economic and social restructuring in the post-Fordist era (Musterd. By contrast. Neef. Notwithstanding the sameness about many of the structural transformations taking place within welfare state societies. and the curtailment of services representing `in-kind' income. 1996). 1996). . and the recent rise in income support for the unemployed and lone parents (Room. 1996: 9±18). and the extent to which the losses in real wage income have been offset by transfer payments and social wage adjustments. Segmented labour markets combine with Downloaded from http://phg. 1994. 1992). with a labour market that is fractured by race. while also failing to develop labour market programmes. observers have been made keenly aware of the mediating role of the state (Dieleman and Hamnett. Esping-Anderson (1990) recognizes three variants of the welfare state model that are different enough to affect the system of support and entitlements that citizens receive. drug-related crime. The UK. 1995. 1995. that are largely responsible. exhibit the greatest increases in income inequality over the last two decades. Harding. there is a real likelihood that the gap between the rich and poor has begun to widen more drastically in both these societies. All rights reserved. deinstitutionalization. II Conceptual approaches to social and spatial transformation in USA cities The expression. 1993). Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. with conservative parties now in power and intent on lowering the deficit. during the 1980s social redistribution in Canada and Australia helped to dampen inequalities in earnings (Bourne. 1996). 1995. 1994). In pointing to what is `new' about poverty in Europe in the 1990s. along with the deregulation of labour and housing markets. Marcuse. Therefore in approaching the question of global restructuring and its impact upon the distribution of national income. then. and street peddlers and beggars (Marcuse. Murie and Musterd. O'Hare. Economic and social restructuring during the 1980s and 1990s has been accompanied by frequent spells of unemployment ± sometimes prolonged in many households (Philpott. for the emergence of `the new urban poverty'. There is a clear pattern whereby governments that have been the most ruthless in removing the institutions that protect workers and in cutting back income support. the growth of an unregulated. Frey and Fielding. social classes and housing within cities. What does vitally effect changes in income distribution is how each state treats earnings for tax purposes. provides some of the most graphic instances in its cities of both the worsening concentration of poverty and the citywide social polarization that has taken place over two decades (Abramson and Tobin.Blair Badcock 253 jobs created in Australia between 1980 and 1993. the USA and New Zealand fall into this category. However. The USA.

254 Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities discriminatory housing markets to leave USA communities profoundly divided on the basis of race and ethnicity (Massey and Denton. 1994). to the violence of the ghetto. Wilson (1987) goes further in arguing such are the circumstances confronting the `truly disadvantaged' in these neighbourhoods that they are creating an underclass detached from the rest of USA society. 1992. By at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. and few labour market programmes. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Gans.sagepub. acculturation has produced a mainly black underclass living upon government handouts and now inured. Downloaded from http://phg. . and hence the normal channels of socialization. the historic shift in the USA from the `war on poverty' to a `war on the poor' gives more credence to the `cycle of dependency' than it does to structural barriers. or just resigned. conservatives like Murray (1984) place responsibility for deepening poverty within the black community in the USA much more squarely upon behavioural processes. He argues that not only does this cut African Americans and Hispanics in the ghetto off from mainstream society. As Newman (1995) shows for Harlem. Cleveland. What is equally disturbing is the increase in number of these severely distressed communities: in 1990. So for Murray. All rights reserved. over time. `dead-end' jobs in the service sector with little prospect of working their way out of poverty. but with the running down of the education system and job decline in the inner city. a distinctive subculture of poverty forms as the shared values and social orientations to work and family are passed from one generation of the poor to the next. it has to be said that UK studies. Portentously. 1994). On the other hand. Marcuse (1996: 19) describes this coming together of the spatial and racial concentration of poverty with the change in the nature of that poverty as the `outcast ghetto'. more than half of all African Americans and Hispanics in the metropolitan areas of Chicago. Detroit. Although the debate is bound to continue about the existence or otherwise of an underclass and whether it is essentially structural or cultural/behavioural in origins (Smith. more than 40% of working-age males are out of work. Kasarda and Ting. 1996). 1995: 96). what can be said is that the factors that consistently emerge in contemporary discussions of poverty are long-term unemployment and the disintegration of the family (Lee. Philadelphia. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. 1993). at least. 11% of the population of the nation's 100 largest cities lived in extreme-poverty neighbourhoods. including the cultivation of welfare dependency.. Baltimore. compared to 8% in 1980 and 5% in 1970. 1996). Washington. These neighbourhoods are among the poorest in the USA: more than 60% of families with children are headed by single women. do not support the suppositions regarding the transmission of poverty or a culture of dependency from one generation to the next (Boddy et al. of the highschool graduates that manage to obtain work locally. most are languishing in low-paid. 1995: 12). more than half of all adults did not graduate from high school. one in three households are receiving welfare benefits. many young blacks have dropped out of the formal labour market altogether. his theory harks back to arguments advanced by cultural theorists suggesting that. 1993. Iceland. In part. 1992. 1995: 13±14). St Louis. Memphis and Buffalo lived in neighbourhoods that were at least 90% black (US Department of Housing and Urban Development. Wilson's thesis highlights the explicitly racial dimension of economic marginalization and deprivation in the USA along with the spatial entrapment of blacks within the ghetto (Schill and Wachter. and high homicide and incarceration rates among young black males raise the level of solo parenting (US Department of Housing and Urban Development. As well as coming under withering criticism (Bagguley and Mann.

Musterd and Ostendorf. the OECD Group on Urban Affairs (1994) has established a project group on Distressed Urban Areas. Thus the sectoral shifts taking place more generally within the USA economy (Reich. the Commonwealth Department of Housing and Regional Development convened a seminar on spatial aspects of at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. Naturally. In August 1995. 1996). 1994. Warf (1990) and Clark and McNicholas (1995) examine the impact of `bifurcation' upon minorities in New York and Los Angeles respectively. 1997). In May 1996. and the issue of new urban forms dominated the Brisbane meeting of the International Sociological Association in July. They conclude that the occupational profiles of both cities are some distance from an `hour-glass effect' as yet. informal activity ± dramatically widened social divisions between the rich and poor..Blair Badcock 255 Although poverty has dominated the research agenda (O'Hare. 1996: 99). Woodward. the Dessau Seminar in Berlin brought together a group of urbanists to consider the new spatial order. III Spatial polarization in cities: the evidence Whether or not the widening of the income gap observed in many OECD countries is also being compounded by processes that operate at a city-wide or more localized level is the subject of considerable interest. in The global city Saskia Sassen (1991) reasons that the disproportionate job growth that took place in the three expanding segments of the labour market in cities like New York in the 1980s ± producer services. and led to speculation about the bearing that has upon deepening levels of social and spatial polarization in post-Fordist cities (Mollenkopf and Castells. the IGU Commission on Urban Life met in Cape Town to compare aspects of polarization in cities. than before the advent of `globalization'. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. None the less. Fainstein et al. 1991) have been thrown into sharper relief in the biggest conurbations partly due to the special role that they perform in the global economy (King. 1996. Hamnett (1996: 109) is not so sure: he maintains that Saskia Sassen mistakenly attempts to `generalize a peculiarly American set of circumstances to all global cities'. routine personnel-domestic services. 1991). Bourne. There is the reasonable Downloaded from http://phg. some of the interest in this research area rests with how key methodological and measurement questions are resolved in practice (Lee. Bradford et al. according to Sassen (1991). and that employment growth so crosscuts the different racial and ethnic minorities that it is difficult to generalize about labour market outcomes. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. O'Loughlin and Friedrichs. these polarizing tendencies are also stimulating a resorting of global city housing markets so that cities like New York are now much more compartmentalized. Goldsmith and Blakely. 1994). 1996). The significance of the global city `hypothesis' rests with the extent to which the social and spatial transformations taking place in New York and Los Angeles have come to be regarded as paradigmatic for other cities (Burgers. 1991). 1993. All rights reserved. not without reason the divided nature of USA cities has also come into much sharper focus in the 1990s (Johnson et al.. while in Australia. Fieldhouse and Tye. But beyond this. 1992.sagepub. This has proven especially so for first-order cities like New York and Los Angeles (and Tokyo) which were busily capitalizing in the 1980s upon the internationalization of finance at the same time that they were a destination for successive waves of poor immigrants or refugees from low-wage countries. it is the rise of `global cities' that has stimulated fresh insight into the process of urban restructuring (Sassen. or `quartered' to use Marcuse's (1989) term. 1995. In particular. 1995. 1991. For example. .. 1995.

sagepub. it is not surprising that German. with well regulated property systems and with sizeable social housing sectors. 1996). 1994. And because present-day polarizing tendencies are partly captive to past interventions of the state in land and housing markets. 1994). 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. 1994: 191). Moreover. and fortified compounds in the suburbs to keep blacks out (Massey and Denton. In the UK. 1990). In the USA. Green (1994) estimates that a person in the poorest `journey to work' zone is six times as likely to be unemployed. Sociospatial polarization seems to be rather more evident in a European city like Brussels because of its almost completely privatized housing market. In Europe. Coombes et al. including how far apart high and low-income districts have moved over a 40-year period (1950±90).256 Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities expectation that if global economic pressures have combined with labour market adjustment and the cutting back of welfare to create more polarized societies. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. a note of concern permeates the contributions to the Built Environment volume (Musterd. each state has moderated the impact of global economic pressures upon urban communities to varying effect with a range of labour market programmes and income transfers (Burgers. it is by no means the only USA city that has divided into desperately poor `no-go' areas into which few middle-class whites will venture. prior to the 1970s. Lee and Murie (1996: 119) point out that these historical differences in city structure and housing tenure have had a powerful influence over the `new' urban geographies of poverty and social polarization. they have each developed varied systems to manage land and housing provision in cities. (1995) have revisited `social indicators' and developed a methodology for detecting deprivation at the authority level. and 23 times more likely to have been out of work for more than a year. Raskall (1995) and Burbidge and Winter (1996) definitely bears out the intuitions of others writing about the impact of restructuring upon urban communities (Murphy and Watson. Although Los Angeles might be the most celebrated case (Davis. Pacione (1995) exposes the link between the geography of multiple deprivation in the Clydeside conurbation and the housing programme. centralized wage bargaining and high minimum wages helped prop up the wages of the low-paid. 1996. For example. 1994). the spatial patterning of poverty and social segregation is bound to differ from city to city (Dieleman and Hamnett. overall. Green (1994) and Woodward (1995) chart the growing spatial polarization between the rich and poor in Britain during the 1980s. 1995). where modes of state intervention tend to be weakest. 1994). did not relate especially closely to the price structure of land or housing (Murie. While in Australia. Although Britain. those social inequalities in cities. than someone living in the most affluent commuting zone. `the ultimate polarized urban society' has given rise to spatially partitioned and compartmentalized cities (Musterd. Canada and Australia share a common past. Peach. All rights reserved. Governments in Europe are also reviewing spending programmes and progressively liberalizing labour markets in an effort to increase competitiveDownloaded from http://phg. Bourne (1995) presents a range of longitudinal data revealing the changing income distribution within Canadian cities. With levels of income inequality typically half those of the USA or Australia. 1994). 1993). Badcock. Lee and Murie. during the 1980s powerful trade unions. the research of Gregory and Hunter ( at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. Dutch and Swedish cities are much less polarized spatially (Musterd. Yet. then the legacy of past urban management and housing provision is now working to sharpen or dampen spatially. 1994. 1995b). . (1992) and Robson et al. as the case may be. Britain developed the largest social housing sector in Europe which. political fragmentation and large immigrant community (Kesteloot. 1996).

thereby making for compositional differences in Australia's poor. Not so in Australia: several researchers have recently suggested that developments akin to the formation of an `urban underclass' (Hunter. 1995).Blair Badcock 257 ness. Christopher Brooks. These crystallize in the debate between Burgers (1996) and Hamnett (1996). and transfer payments losing their real value. Pacione. . 1996). where the characterization of poor communities is still mostly in terms of deprivation (Lee. 1995). 1995. IV Some implications of polarizing tendencies in western cities In coming to terms with new forms of poverty and the dispersion of employment and incomes in their own societies. This includes the UK. Hamnett has his doubts. Fincher (1996) suggests that governmental assistance departs from the USA in the way urban poverty is contextualized with respect to gender relations. the Head of the OECD's Territorial Development Service. At the Australia-OECD Conference on Cities and the New Global Economy in November 1994. Hamnett. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. With heightened demand and better rewards for advanced skills outpacing earnings in the low-wage sector. there is the worry that spatial polarization might become more prominent (Murie and Musterd. having properly set it in a comparative perspective. quarantined in `urban ghettoes' (Gregory and Hunter. and social and spatial polarization in USA global cities. 1994a). .com at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. All rights reserved. Peel (1995) contends that while the local incidence of long-term unemployment. `the occupational structure of the economically active population . Bradford et al. hardship and `incomplete' families may leave the impression that the poorest public housing estates are disintegrating socially. 1995: 107). Whereas the bifurcation of occupations in the service economy is leading to income dispersion. this can mask remarkable personal resilience and community solidarity. In the main. is becoming professionalized not polarized' (Hamnett.sagepub. A further implication relates to some of the ambiguities surrounding the global city hypothesis. social fissures may begin to open up with poorly skilled immigrants being the real losers (van Kempen. Hamnett explains that he is not trying to deny the tendency to polarization in Dutch cities (Hamnett. 1995: 96) rather than raising the spectre of underclass formation (Woodward. 1996: 108). it is not surprising. and wealthier households are moving into their own homes on the suburban fringe. in many European societies (and major cities). 1994b). Consequently.. 1994. But this assessment of the significance of `professionalization' is based upon studies of socioeconomic change in London that set aside those not in the workforce. 1995: 82±85). 1994). 1996) ± are beginning to take shape under Australian conditions.. Peel (1995) and Fincher (1996) both adopt more thoughtful positions in relation to urban poverty. perhaps. 1995a) away from other parts of an increasingly fortified city ± `fortress city' (White. but rather. . that some observers have begun to warn of the disturbing consequences should these developments follow the same course that they have in the USA. And because they occupy the cheaper social housing in the centres of most of the big European cities. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. warned of the debilitating effect of an underclass taking root `physically alongside places where economic wealth is created' (Brooks. though. `professionalization' might not apply to anything like Downloaded from http://phg. debate in European Community circles `has focused around ideas of marginalisation and social exclusion' (Boddy et al. and tend to discount the special nature of London's civil service (Buck. 1994. admits to a need to question whether polarization in the Randstad and other global cities is caused by those same processes adduced for New York and Los Angeles.

on Los Angeles). and here Burgers and Hamnett are in agreement. During the 1980s and 1990s. let alone intergovernmental co-ordination. cities (though see Clark and McNicholas. But the more telling point. 1992). 1996). such that they are marginalized. and by the first quarter of 1996 unemployment had fallen to 5. for example. 1995. let alone global. steps in and helps the unemployed to cope financially (Kloosterman and Lambooy. care and support of the needy'.258 Restructuring and spatial polarization in cities the same degree in other British (Lee and Murie. For some of these reasons the OECD is coming round to the realization that any macroeconomic response to structural adjustment also needs to include Downloaded from http://phg. . But this is where the Dutch state. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 1996). policy must also consider the `geographical issues'. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. global economic pressures in Europe have displaced more workers than have been reabsorbed in the upturn. Whereas social polarization in cities like New York and Los Angeles has been accentuated by the disproportionate growth of high and low-paid jobs in the USA (11.2 million jobs have been created since March 1991. Lastly. 1995b: 26±27). draw attention to the lack of it. 1996: 103±31). `Not so much by the lack of money but by geography'. Because there has seldom been interdepartmental. Just as persistent long-term unemployment is something to be avoided in any society. In the USA. But it is the poorest neighbourhoods that have had the most to lose since they invariably qualified for the widest range of matching.3%. Lee (1994) and Burbridge and Winter (1996) both show how changes in the targeting of housing assistance through the 1980s in Britain and Australia inadvertently worked together with local housing markets to concentrate spatially the poor in tenures of `last resort'. How will Clinton's commitment to `ending welfare as we know it' change the geography of poverty in the USA? Labour economists like Gregory and Hunter (1995b) now concede that as well as training schemes to assist the long-term unemployed back into the at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. so too is its localization in a few parts of the city: `In retrospect it does not seem to be a good policy to concentrate unemployed people in high rise public housing' (Gregory and Hunter. introduced `user pays' pricing and engaged in community `asset stripping'. the burden of public sector restructuring has fallen quite indiscriminantly across urban communities. New York City will incur an additional $720 million in welfare costs by 2002 because the state constitution requires the state to provide for the `aid. All rights reserved. The social impact of economic restructuring upon urban communities over the last two or three decades has been indelible enough to begin to force a reappraisal in some quarters of spatial policy in the 1990s (OECD Group on Urban Affairs. these polarizing tendencies in cities raise a series of questions about `space' that simply will not go away. 1994). with the abolition of the federal programme known as Aid to Families with Dependent Children and the passing of responsibility for welfare to the states. or more correctly. departments across all tiers of government have variously privatized services. and special programme grants. New York is obliged to replace the benefits stripped from legal immigrants and adults who have exceeded the five-year lifetime limit for welfare assistance. Thomas (1996: 14) writes that `The squashing of the poorest into islands of neglect has transformed the experience of poverty'.sagepub. They are not forced `down market' in the housing system and as a consequence spatial polarization remains much more muted in the Dutch cities. relates to the ameliorative role of strong welfare state societies in the absence of the kind of growth in low-wage employment that has occurred in the USA service economy. Dobrzynski. Unlike many other states intent on limiting entitlements. as determined by the state legislature (Firestone.

Downloaded from http://phg. and Winter. . 1995: Socio-demographic change and the inner city (for the Department of Environment). P. Environment and Planning A 27. November 1994). 113±26. M.J. T. 1995: The changing geography of metropolitan opportunity: the segregation of the poor in US metropolitan areas. J. out-of-mind'? Urban Policy and Research 12. and Smeeding.W. I. B. either way it is a matter of `out of sight. 97±108. 1994: `Stressed out' communities: `out-of-sight. Urban Policy and Research 14. Issues. to provide them with the capacity not to be dependent and to expand the range of opportunities open to them (Brooks. G. even though they might be close by. Selected papers from the Australia-OECD conference Cities and the New Global Economy. M. 28 October. and Tye. Our policies and programmes have fallen into the trap of redistributing wealth. 99±105. Whether it is the fear to venture into `no-go' areas in USA or British cities. editor. Housing Policy Debate 6. Unpublished paper for ESRC London seminar. 1970 to 1990. 519±33. CO: Westview Press. Burton. Buck. Urban Studies 33. August. 191±96. London: HMSO. Employment and Society 6. Bridge..G. Rainwater. 1995: The chase across the globe. New York: Basic Books. 1995: Globalisation. Bryan. 91±99. 1995: Perennial issues for governments.B. spatial polarization changes the agenda to the extent that middleclass voters no longer even see themselves as occupying the same world as the poor (Thomas. 196±219. 45±72.Blair Badcock 259 programmes specifically for communities that have missed out on each of the upturns following recession since the mid-1970s: we have treated our social and ecological development agenda through income transfers. territory and strategic alliances in different financial centres.. Bagguley. 345±61. His advice is that We must stop trying to cure the inner city's problems by perpetually increasing social investment and hoping for economic activity to follow . B. Australian Cities. strategies and policies for urban Australia in the 1990s. In the realm of ideas it runs into the opposition of influential economists like Michael Porter (1995). Brooks. L. 107±108 (special issue. R. 1996).. Bourne. M. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Budd. Badcock. Urban Studies 32. 1994: Social divisions and labour market change in London: national urban and global factors. 1995: Inquiry into income and wealth. ÐÐ 1995: Towards more equitable cities: a receding prospect? In Troy. Boddy.sagepub. Urban Futures 19. B. 1996: No polarization in Dutch cities? Inequality in a corporatist country.T. . P. 1994). Bradford. Boulder. rather than investing in the sorts of infrastructure in people and places in new ways. A. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. consumption-led expenditures and transfers. out of mind' (Badcock.S. and Mann. 1.. and Tobin. at ROOSEVELT UNIV LIBRARY on September 12. P.S. 1982: The deindustrialization of America. 1995: Income distribution in OECD countries: evidence from the Luxembourg income study. 1995: Social polarization and spatial segregation: the changing distribution of income inequalities in Canadian cities. . Progress in Human Geography 20. 1995: 108). ÐÐ 1996: `Looking-glass' views of the city. or whether it is the sheer remoteness of some of the public housing `dumping grounds' on the edge of Australian cities that breeds the indifference. Vol. Barclay. The real need ± and the real opportunity ± is to create wealth (Porter. 1996: Investigating urban poverty: the impact of state intervention and household change. C. Bluestone. L.M. P.. N. Social Policies Studies 18. and Harrison. K. Robson. R. B. All rights reserved. Paris: OECD. 1995: Constructing an urban deprivation index: a way of meeting the need for flexibility. It has to be said that the prospects for redistribution of this order of magnitude remain bleak. References Abramson. A. Work. Melbourne. York: Rowntree Foundation.A. Politically speaking. Paper presented to the IGU Commission on Urban Life meeting in Cape Town. 1992: Idle thieving bastards? Scholarly representations of the `underclass'. Burgers. and Gordon. Atkinson. 2007 © 1997 SAGE Publications. 1995: 65). D. Burbidge. L.

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