Neo-liberal urban renewal, tension between public benefits and individual gain.

Student: Veronique Jewan-Schipper Student number: 5871913 Teacher: Dr. Manuel Aalbers Date: 30-03-2012

Abstract
The past three decades urban renewal is often practiced in Western Europe. Initially urban renewal was initiated and controlled by the government. However in the more recent years, public and private bodies are increasingly collaborating in urban regeneration projects. It is a safe assumption that because of the recent economic crisis, previous financial models of urban regeneration programs will change even more. New alliances between private and public bodies have to be explored to tame the influence of economic contextual fluctuations. Therefore the scope of partnership models needs to be broadened to up heave property development. It is likely that the private sector will occupy a more leading position in urban planning and regeneration. Roughly we can term this paradigm shift as a shift towards a more neo-liberal type of planning. This raises the question if neo-liberal planning is the proper form to achieve the initial goals of regeneration projects? This paper examines the characteristics of neo-liberal planning and how this influences the process and implementation of urban renewal projects. To answer this question a literature research and a small case study is conducted.

Introduction
Urban renewal is considered as part of the answer for multi-facet, often social problems, in deprived urban areas. Government-controlled regeneration can be considered as property led, it is assumed that redevelopment will attract new investors and companies which will benefit the local community (Wilkenson & Reed, 2008). However state-controlled planning is considered to be highly regulatory which leads to a viscous process that is costly, inefficient and inflexible (Boelens, 2010). The novelty for regenerating urban areas in the last decades stems partially from globalization and securitization processes, since urban areas are the location where accumulation trough development or trade can be obtained (Weber, 2002). The economic crisis reopened the debate among professionals on the role of the private sector as a driving force behind urban regeneration. We can roughly determine two mainstreams in this discussion, one that

promotes neo-liberal planning and another that values the guiding and protective role of the government in urban planning. In the Dutch planning tradition the government fulfilled a leading role for a long period of time (Habiforum, 2004). In the 1960s the first memorandum of urban planning was introduced (Eerste Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening). Here the government set down the spatial development for the next ten years. Because of the population and other societal changes the memorandum was revised in 1966. In the years that followed several bills of planning were admitted. Slowly

but surely the notion started to occur that the society has to form its own reality. The conventional model of inside-out planning where the government has a leading role was under pressure due to a lack of government funds. Moreover the Dutch government was no longer able to fulfill the enormous task of urban planning on its own. Therefore in the fifth memorandum spatial development was not that strict outlined. The planning doctrine started to change even more with the policy shift from admittance planning towards a more development type of planning (VROM, 2006). Development planning demands a more leading role for private parties in urban development projects. Despite government policy that stimulates outside-in planning we can establish that path-depended processes frustrate implementation and that improvement is necessary. In the United Kingdom there are more examples of urban renewal projects where the outsidein organizational structure is implemented. The question is whether or not this more neoliberal type of planning is suitable for the complex assignment of urban renewal. What can we learn from the UK planning context where private parties have a more leading role in urban renewal projects? These questions led to the following central question: What is the influence of neo-liberal planning on the outcomes of urban regeneration projects? To answer this question a literature study and a small case study is conducted. The studied case is chosen based on the extent of private sector involvement in the regeneration process. Therefore the Ropewalks project in Liverpool is chosen because the integrated collaboration between public and private bodies was a key theme in the development process. This area was identified as a target for regeneration in the mid 1990s. The poor and run down physical condition of the area was considered to be a barrier for private investments. An integrated action plan identified the weak points of the area and a public realm program was to be implemented first to act as a catalyst to inward investment, with the development program of private investment projects to follow (CABE, 2001).

Urban Renewal
To answer the central question of this paper we need to establish what the main aims of urban renewal are. Run down neighborhoods that suffer from a combination of social and physical problems are the target of urban renewal projects. Urban renewal is a multi-facet tool that combines social, economic and physical interventions (VROM, 1997). The main objectives of urban renewal are in these three domains, Helleman et al. (2001) described them as followed:

Socio-economic: The assumption is that by improving the social-economic characteristics of the objected renewal area, the individual opportunities of inhabitants will improve in the process. Since social-spatial segregation is considered to be a down turn on individual opportunities to move up the social ladder. In this domain we can identify two types of interventions, diversification of population by offering different types of dwellings, and stimulation of economic activities to bring up the employment in the renewal area. Socio-cultural: Intervention in this domain should comprehend activities to create stronger social cohesion among the residents the target area. This is considered an important part of improving the quality of life in a neighborhood. Interventions to reach this objective are per example: facilitating social activities, the creation of meeting places but also measures to reduce crime and up heave the safety in the target area. Social cohesion is assumed to make residents feel more responsible for their own surrounding which will lead to a form of social control. Physical-economic: This, more visible, objective is aimed at efforts to improve the attractiveness of an area for private investors. The physical improvement serves as a flywheel for private investors to trigger an upward spiral of regeneration. Examples of physical interventions are adjustments to improve the infrastructural network, the public realm or facilities. In order to address these three objectives we can identify five categories of interventions that can be used: refurbishment, demolition or reconstruction of housing, interventions in the public space, social measures and fiscal measures (Verhage, 2005). To sum up urban regeneration programs are there to improve the quality of living by upgrading the housing conditions, improving job access, attracting economic functions, enhancing education, health and leisure facilities, reducing anti-social behavior and increasing participation (Robson et al. z.j.).

Neo-liberal planning
We have discussed urban renewal in the previous paragraph. The other central theme of this paper is neo-liberal planning, therefore the characteristics of neo-liberal planning are discussed in this paragraph. Liberalism is a multifaceted form of market-structure that rarely, if ever, exists in an ideal type of way but coexists with other forms of organizational patterns (Jessop, 2002). Liberalists claim that economic, political and social relations are best organized based on free choice and the

competitive mechanism of offer and demand. Liberalism promotes the expansion of the market economy. Politically liberalists imply that government interference has to be as limited as possible so that free choice is maximized. Marx (1996) captured this way of thinking in one sentence where equal rights exist, force decides. Brenner & Theodore interpreted this by saying that within the matrix of liberal principles, the balance between economic, political and civic liberalism is influenced by the changing balance of forces in an institution (Brenner et al., 2002). The neo-liberalist stream expanded during the global recession of the late 1970s and early 1980s. Declining economic performances and extremely expensive welfare policies led to the dismantling of basic institutional policies (Brenner et al., 2002). Neo-liberalism promotes liberalization and deregulation of market transactions, on national and international level of scale (Jessop, 2002). This entails a roll back of public interference, the privatization of stateowned property and enterprises. On the other hand neo-liberalists depend on the roll forward of new forms of governance. Therefore a selective transfer of state capacity is necessary to secure the right framework for a smoothly operating world market and to promote supply-side competitiveness (Jessop, 2002). Within the doctrine of state-controlled planning, renewal projects are initiated by the government. In a more neo-liberal type of planning situation the government only has to provide a statutory framework where market initiatives can develop freely. State-controlled planning operates on a metro-scale based on social democratic motives. Due to processes of globalization and securitization a reconfiguration of spatiality, scale, boundaries and political spaces took place Urban planning seems to have shifted from state-led metro-scaled to a more locally focused market-led situation. Metropolitan regions and cities have become competitive sites for accumulation (Scott, 2001). This is also referred to as the emergence of the entrepreneurial city. To conclude neo-liberal planning is based on freedom of choice and promotes as little state interference as possible. Although some institutional rulings are necessary to achieve a smoothly operating world market. For neo-liberalist urban regeneration is a process where monetary accumulation can be achieved. The fundamental difference between statecontrolled planning and neo-liberal planning lies in the process.

Case study
In this paragraph the case of the regeneration of the RopeWalks will be discussed. First, the historical background of Liverpool briefly is discussed and why this particular neighborhood is regenerated. Before we start evaluating the RopeWalk development in specific, we give some moment of thought to the English planning framework in general. Only the rulings that are of influence on the research area will be highlighted. This paragraph will conclude with a description of the Supplemented Planning Document for the Ropewalks. To the latter there is zoomed in on one project in particular.

Historical background Liverpool

Ever since the early 1700s the economy of Liverpool was primarily based on the port function of the city. During the period of global slave trade the city enjoyed immense profits by functioning as a hub for slaves and raw materials trading networks Liverpool (Misselwitz, 2004). After the abolition of the slave trade the trading connections proved to be durable. The decades that followed the city strengthened its port function very effectively. During the inter-war period the focus of the British economy shifted towards the southeast of the country which decreased the importance of the docks in Liverpool (Misselwitz, 2004). Due to technical innovations in the 1950s there was a trend toward containerization in the shipment business. The port of Liverpool became redundant as the port activities were moved towards the north. The loss of the port functions as main activity made Liverpool spiral into a period of economic decline. Liverpool felt the impact of the global economic crisis of the nineteen seventies hard, as most of the employment was provided by multi-nationals. In the period 1966 1978 Liverpool lost 20% of its employment base, in the early nineties there was a further decline of 37 % (Meegan, 2004). The predominant port function of Liverpool with a base of low skilled employees made it difficult if not impossible to diverse the local economy. Moreover the computerization caused a structural decline in low-skilled jobs. Liverpool was in a free fall and was considered to be one of the most deprived boroughs of England. In the late 1980s large parts of the citys owned property was sold to private developers to catalyze regeneration. Although it did not lead to the prospected regeneration it did lead to a tabula rasa demolition of parts of the city. In 1993 the city got the EU Objective 1 status and received to 800 million so far on funds to improve the situation. The funding was explicitly granted based on the condition of the founding of effective strategic alliances such as the Liverpool Partnership Group (1995). 6

RopeWalks

The Ropewalks area is situated at the south east edge of the centre of Liverpool. In 1207 King John granted town rights to Liverpool (Wikipedia, 2012 A). Before the 1900s Liverpool already had a town corporation (Corporation of Liverpool) in the late 1700 the corporation took a 1,000 year lease over the land of the Ropewalks (City of Liverpool, 2006). The name RopeWalks hints at the maritime history of the area. The district stems from the eighteenth century and is being characterized by the Georgian merchant and warehouses. Due to the proximity of the Docks the RopeWalk area was at the forefront of the first development boom in Liverpool. The street pattern was laid out based on agricultural parceling by the Corporation of Liverpool. Because of the somewhat excluded location of the district, on the outer side of the city, the RopeWalk area was excluded from previous redevelopment programs of the post-war years. Therefore most of the historic characteristics of the area were preserved. In the next section the planning framework of the United Kingdom will be discussed. Especially the planning documents that are of influence on the Ropewalk area are described. The British legal planning framework is not handled exhaustively. The next section serves merely as background information to clarify the Ropewalks development. Map 1: Liverpool city centre

Planning Framework United Kingdom.

There are several layers of administration responsible for the spatial planning in the United Kingdom. Starting from the highest order of rank we can identify the district, the county and on a local level we can identify the borough (Heap, 1982). Every layer of administration is responsible for the execution of three main assignments. Conducting a survey, where feasible opportunities for development in the subject area, needs to be executed. Subsequently a structure plan needs to be developed, where the area and the development vision is described. Whereupon an accurate description of the future developments is drafted in a local plan. The congregation can autonomously develop a local plan without interference of the minister. The Town Country Planning Act 1990 distinguished a sharp division between urban and metropolitan areas. In urban areas the planning process starts by executing a survey (Part II, Chapter I, 11). Subsequently a unitary development plan is manufactured, this plan composes of the combination of the old structure and local plan (12). In 1980 the Local Government, Planning and Land Act was introduced. This act provided in the possibility to create enterprise zones and urban development corporations. The latter is very important for the re-development of RopeWalks. Ever since the Urban Areas Act of (1978) regeneration is anchored in British urban policy. In the first half of the 1990s the City Council identified a number of deprived areas in the city as Partnership Areas for regeneration. The Ropewalk area is one of the appointed areas for regeneration. In 1993 a new Government apparatus called English Partnerships was founded. Their main objective was to promote economic growth, employment opportunities and environmental improvements (English Partnerships, 1994). The English Partnership (EP) is a national

organization that supports the government in the creation of sustainable growth and quality places. The EP actually composes of two independent bodies, the commission for new towns and the Urban Regeneration Agency (URA). The URA was established under the Housing and Urban Development Act 1993. The overall goal of the URA is to secure regeneration through the reclamation, development or redevelopment of land and buildings (Wikipedia, 2012 B).

Planning Liverpool
For the North West of Britain, where Liverpool is part of, there is a Regional Spatial Strategy (RSS). This policy aims at regenerating the regional poles of Liverpool and Manchester/Salford to accelerate the performance of the Liverpool City Region and increase its competitiveness and productivity. This RSS is a key determent for local development decisions in the North West. On local level in Liverpool there is a Unitary Development Plan (UDP), the overarching theme is regeneration and enforcing the economic situation of the city. The UDP provides a statutory framework to guide development in the city. The major themes of the plan are economic regeneration, environmental improvement and reduction of inequality. The UDP is a framework to achieve: an attractive, high quality and well maintained environment in the residential, industrial and public areas of Liverpool, is essential both to improving the City as a place to live for all its residents and in attracting new investment. In providing the physical framework for the development and management of land use in the City, the Plans policies must be designed to secure real improvements to both the built and open environment through protecting existing assets and addressing existing shortcomings. More detailed development matters, on a smaller scale, are contained in Supplemented Planning Documents (SPD) consistent with the UDP.
Supplemented Planning Document for RopeWalks

The framework for future development in the RopeWalk area is described in the Supplemented Planning Document. The vision for the RopeWalk area is to be a distinctive and divers quarter of the city, building on its history and its heritage, working towards Liverpools new economic future (City of Liverpool, 2006). The SPD fulfills three roles: The SPD functions as a guideline and enhance statement for the specific conservation area 1. Moreover the document serves as a development guideline that appoints key locations for development. There are eight so called character areas: Concert and Wolstenholme Square, St Peter's, Duke Street, Henry Street, Bold Street, Berry Street, Nelson Street and East Village. To the latter it services as an urban design framework for (re-) development in the RopeWalks. Within these appointed character areas there are nine planning principles which every development initiative has to preserve.

1. Suitable mix of uses, 2. Land Use Typologies, 3. Urban Design, 4. Historic Environment, 5. Public Realm & Permeability, 6. Servicing and Parking, 7. Stewardship and Security, 8. Sustainable Design, 9. Management and Maintenance. For each of these character areas a more detailed guidance in terms of form and function is described in the SPD. Private developers are expected to submit planning applications that are in order with the planning principles and need to demonstrate that the proposal is supporting the key objectives of the SPD.
Main objectives

The SPD sets main objectives to guide the city council and its partners to encourage best practice urban regeneration. There are five main objectives set:
1.

Conserve the areas unique heritage, new buildings has to be appropriately adapted to heritage value of the area, refurbishment of historic buildings has to be in line with the special character of the area.

2.

Set a benchmark for urban design. The urban design has to be attractive for users and residents but also attract new investors to the area. This could be achieved by innovative architecture, and the provision and maintenance of a high quality public realm.

3.

Create a permeable, well connected area. The RopeWalk area has to be easily accessible for users. Moreover the area must be well connected to other parts of the city centre.

4.

Stimulate new investments by encouraging a stronger and more diverse economy. Optimal conditions for economic growth must be achieved by enhancing the physical structure of the area and by reducing vacancy. The main goal is to create a divers and mixed-use character to enhance local economy.

5.

Improve the environment quality of RopeWalks by encouraging a complementary mix of land uses, improving maintenance and management of public realm, and encouraging developments that enhance the environment. (LCC, 2005)

Concert Square

The SPD has set the framework but the actual redevelopment was mainly initiated by private sector companies. Initially a public realm program was implemented to act as a catalyst to inward investment. This plan succeeded but the actual tipping point was after the redevelopment of the Concert Square by Urban Splash. The redevelopment of the Concert Square attracted other private investors to the area. 10

Urban Splash converted the historic Georgian warehouses and vacant car park into a multifunctional leisure square, now known as Concert Square. The redevelopment started in 1994 and composes of the creation of 18 apartment blocks and 20.500 square feet of workspace and a mix of bars, restaurants, art galleries and studio's (Boereveen, 2010). This development created over 180 jobs. Important in this plan was to preserve the characteristics of the industrial history of the site. This meant that buildings were refurbished for new uses so that bits of the identity of the site would be kept intact. Urban Splash developed their plan based on the thought that the housing and workspaces should be of local meaning. To quote William Shakespeare what is a city, but its people. According to Urban Splash were the local community, identity and sustainability of great importance for this project. The Urban Splash Company committed long term to the project because they believed that in order to maintain a vibrating area refurbishing alone is not sufficient. The redevelopment by Urban Splash attracted investments from public and private parties. This is outward-in investment is exceptional because usually it is the other way around. The government invests in a location to make it more attractable for private investments (Boereveen, 2010). The Concert Square redevelopment can be considered a catalyst for more outward-in investments. Although Urban Splash emphasized on the importance of the local community we have to keep in mind that it is still a commercial developer. The main actors and their individual development plans were not contractually bind to an overarching network. These actors acted autonomous and their schemes were made from a business point of view to generate profit.
Picture 1: Concert Square before and after (1995) renewal.

(Source: Urban Splash 2009)

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Concert Square in crisis?

The demand within Concert Square remains relatively strong during the current economic crisis (Amion, 2009). Although this project is initiated by the private sector, public funding is still necessary for refurbishing and restoring of the historic characteristics of the area. For example in 2008 the North West Regional Development Agency granted a 1 million to sustain the historical character of the wider RopeWalk area (Amion, 2009). Moreover 500,000 was granted by the Local Authority Business Growth to make qualitative adjustments in the public realm. The ongoing attention for the well being of the Concert Square area, improvements, high quality public realm, maintenance and public support created a stable basis for economic activity even during economic downturn. Despite the lively leisure activities within the Concert Square, the residential sector seems to be more effected by the economic crisis. The development activity of residential real-estate has slowed down after ten years of fast pace development. The high quality design and the historical character of the Concert Square provide an attractive offer for potential occupiers and investors (Amion, 2009).
Discussion

As discussed in the previous paragraphs, urban renewal is policy that targets run down areas that suffer from multi social problems. Urban renewal can be considered as a multi-facet tool that combines combines social, economic and physical interventions. Urban renewal in the UK is property-led, but is physical intervention the most effective procedure to address socioeconomic and socio-cultural problems? The past decades investing in real-estate was attractive for private parties to generate profit. Due to securitization it was possible to attract investors from all over the world. Based on the property-led renewal doctrine, municipalities started to compete with each other for investors. Governments started to behave as entrepreneurs by focusing on city marketing, the creative class and creating incentives, in order to attract investors (Weber, 2002). This raises the question, if renewal areas are actually appointed based on socio-economic and sociocultural problems. Urban renewal based on neo-liberal principles creates more opportunities for private actors to invest in an area to generate profit. The main aim of these private actors is therefore not directly linked to solving socio-economic and socio-cultural problems. It is difficult to determent if property-led regeneration actually benefits the original residents. The causality between physical interventions and improvement of socio-economic and sociocultural issues is vague (Hubbard, 1996). It seems that physical interventions and 12

diversification of dwelling only lead to a geographical transportation of problems. The counter argument is that profits of urban renewal can be reinvested in other social policies. But recent numbers show that the bigger part of these returns came to the benefit of the private investors. Moreover one of the prime elements of regeneration is the mixture of residents by providing a more heterogenic mix of dwelling. But where does this leave the residents that will not have a place in the redeveloped area. Another important component of urban renewal is attracting more economic functions by creating an attractive settlement situation. Again, where does this leave the undesired population? Can we consider urban renewal to be an output of a Revanchist City and not as an effort to improve the living conditions of its residents (Smith, 1998)?

Conclusion
Urban renewal is a major element in Western European government policy, aimed at improving three main domains socio-economic, socio-cultural and physical environment. We can observe a paradigm shift in urban planning in Western Europe towards a more neo-liberal type of planning. This paper emphasized on the influence of a more neo-liberal approach on the outcome of urban renewal projects. Cities have become competitive sites for accumulation (Scott, 2001). Because generating profit lies at the basis of neo-liberal development activities, uneven geographical development can occur. Since some areas have a more attractive, historically, geographical and distinctive landscape than other territories it is likely that these areas become target of neo-liberal (re-) development. Other areas that are less privileged, who are based on socio-economic and socio-cultural problems actually need of renewal, can become neglected. This results in an uneven development and can lead to polarization. Moreover it is debatable if physicaleconomic interventions solve the multi-facet problems in renewal areas. In the case study of Ropewalks it is hard to determent if the improvements actually benefit the original residents or that the problems just got geographically transferred. Neo-liberalism promotes liberalization and deregulation of market transactions, on national and international level of scale (Jessop, 2002). This also entails a roll back of public interference in urban planning and renewal. But liberalism is a market-structure that rarely, if ever, exists as ideal type. This also the case for the renewal of RopeWalks. The private sector had a leading role in initiating re-development plans, as we can see with the Concert Square development, but functions intertwined with public initiatives. The government not only 13

appointed Ropewalks as an area for regeneration but created a framework for future development as well. Within this framework, private initiatives can evolve. The redevelopment started by an inside-out investment in the public realm and currently changed to an outside-in form. The government set with the SPD a legal frame work for private investors to come up with more detailed planning schemes. Not public institutions or the area itself, but the individual actors involved in the RopeWalk development stand central in the planning process. The implementation of the planning is depended on whether or not these actors are financially and politically capable of developing (Boereveen, 2010). Market-led planning is favorable so that the costs of urban renewal are solely on the account of the government. Moreover it is likely that the private sector has more knowledge on the market and constructing which could lead to surplus value. To the latter it is easier, in times of economic crisis, to keep small developments with several private actors going. On the other hand we can conclude that neo-liberal planning is generally based on generating profits. To keep the underlying motives of urban renewal in sight, the government needs to set ground rules. Regulations seems contradictive to the neo-liberal doctrine but in order to secure a smoothly operating world market and to promote supply-side competitiveness a framework is necessary as well (Jessop, 2002). Neo-liberal renewal in its pure form is not suitable for achieving all the aims of renewal. In combination with a deliberated planning framework it is more suitable for urban renewal. Therefore public-private partnerships can be a good organizational form of urban regeneration.

In summary for the Dutch context

The British planning institution is in several ways similar to that of the Netherlands. Both countries have a long tradition of urban planning and a well developed legal planning framework. Both countries seem to have shifted their scope of planning from a leading towards a more facilitating role. In the Netherlands the emphasis development planning demands for a more leading role of private parties in urban development projects. Despite government policy that stimulates outside-in planning; this organizational form is not often implemented in practice. The United Kingdom has some more experience on this field as described in the previous paragraphs. But what are the risks of out-side (neo-liberal) planning for urban renewal projects in the Dutch context? Seven can be determent. The process gets hazy. Who is doing what and why? Who is responsible?

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The legal procedures need to be adjusted to make this type of development legal. This is time consuming and as we can see from the British context it can lead to a difficult intertwining of planning documents.

Competition is a big side effect of neo-liberal planning. This could lead to a repression of public benefits because of individual gain.

Projects with a more neo-liberal character tend to have a more local-scope; therefore it is hard to see the impact of developments in the context of the city or county.

Due to profit the physical-economic domain gets at the forefront of urban renewal. Uneven development. Risk of repressing undesired social-groups instead of really helping them.

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