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TEXT: The United States Federal Government should propose [the area of the plan] in the United States-China Strategic Economic Dialogue. The United States will consistently advocate bilateral cooperation over [the plan] in negotiations. The resulting bilateral negotiations should be released in a joint statement and implemented based on the conclusions of the United StatesChina Strategic and Economic Dialogue. Cooperation is essential- S & ED can solve Dai Bingguo, Chinese State Councilor, 5/10/2011, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/05/162969.htm
STATE COUNCILOR DAI: (Via interpreter) Dear friends from the press, its a great pleasure to meet with you once again. The
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China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogues have already completed its third round. For each and every round, we invite friends from the
media to come here to draw a successful conclusion, so Id like to thank you. This round of dialogue was held as President Hu Jintao paid a successful state visit to the U.S. earlier this year. The two sides agreed to build a China-U.S. partnership based on mutual respect and
mutual benefit. I want to tell you the following: First, on the strategic track, Secretary Clinton and I focused on the agreement of our two leaders and
exchanged views on how to build a China-U.S cooperative partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit. We had in-depth and practical exchange of views. Our dialogue covered many issues, including China-U.S. bilateral relations, major issues internationally
and regionally, and we had a good conversation. We agreed that we must act in accordance with the spirit of the China-U.S. joint statements, work to increase our strategic mutual trust, enhance exchanges at higher levels, have closer dialogue on international and regional issues, and to further increase our people-to-people exchange. We issued an outcome list of the strategic track which covered energy, environment, science, technology, transport, forestry, and climate change cooperations. I said we had a good conversation, and I did not mean that we agreed on each and every issue. However, after each round of dialogues, we successfully expanded our mutual understanding and increased our mutual trust and enhanced our cooperation, and this has added to our confidence of further developing our bilateral relations in the future. Secondly, both of us agreed that we must increase our strategic mutual trust and deepen our practical cooperation. The U.S. had reaffirmed that it welcomes a strong, successful, and a prosperous China that plays a greater role in international affairs, and it does not seek to contain China. It respects Chinas interests. And both sides reaffirmed their commitment to a peaceful the Chinese side reaffirmed its commitment to the road of peaceful development, and will not challenge the United States interests. A China-U.S. strategic security dialogue is a very important outcome of this dialogue. We agreed to hold this dialogue within the framework of the Strategic Dialogue, and held its first round of meeting this morning, and the China-U.S. strategic security dialogue will continue to be held in the future. We also talked about further deepening our bilateral cooperation and fostering new areas of cooperation and make our the pie of our common interests bigger and more tasteful. Thirdly, we agreed that we will work together in the Asia-Pacific region so that we can better coordinate with each other and
better interact with each other in the Asia-Pacific. We agreed that Asia Pacific is broad enough to accommodate the interests of China and of the United States. We must work together in this region, work together with other countries in this region to uphold peace, stability in the Asia-Pacific and to promote the sustained prosperity of the Asia-Pacific and achieve the common development of all countries in this region so that the Pacific Ocean will become a peaceful one. We agreed that we will set up a consultation mechanism for Asia-Pacific region. Fourthly, we both agree that we must work globally and respond to international as well as domestic challenges. Recently, there have been new and important changes in the international situation. For China
and the United States as two influential countries, it is important that we have more consultation, coordination, and cooperation in order to promote and safeguard peace, stability, and the prosperity of the world. I wish to tell the friends from the media that the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, since its inception, has played a very important role in enhancing our mutual trust, coordinating our position, and promoting our mutually beneficial cooperation. China is ready to work with the U.S. side to further grow and make good use of this S&ED dialogue and mechanism so that it can better serve China-U.S. relations. On how to make use of this mechanism, I
think we are open to the good suggestions and proposals from the friends of the media.
US-Sino cooperation in space necessary to avoid deterioration of relations Huihua Liu, Doctor of the Institute of the International Relations, visiting scholar of Fairbank East Asia Institute of Harvard University, 12/3/2006,
China-US Cooperation in a Transitional World, http://www.siis.org.cn/Sh_Yj_Cms/Mgz/200504/2008724233213458B.PDF While applauding the successful launch of Shenzhou 6, the people of China should also keep in
mind the challenges and problems they will face going forward in their own space program. For any country, space development is both expensive and technically challenging and thus requires the steadfast determination of a countrys government and its people. Looking back on the space program of the United States, one can see the glory fading even of the nation which arguably has made the greatest achievements in history. The American public has lost interest in space development and its inspiration for the future. A democracy such as the United States needs clear, tangible and immediate reasons in order to galvanize the disparate political and economic interests required for a complex space program. For good or bad, reviving public support for space development in the
United States might best be accomplished by once again instilling a sense of a space race that once pushed America and the Soviets to rapid and high
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achievements in the 1950s and 1960s. Today, Russia is not a credible opponent as the United States does no longer considers it an aggressive strategic threat. Comparatively speaking, China can potentially fill that role. China is more likely to muster the national will necessary for space development. Its system can still command the great social, economic and political resources required for a space program. But perhaps more importantly, China is able to avoid the pitfalls of short-sighted interests inherent in a democratic system and inspire long term vision required for a space program. As China continues its development in space, it will gradually come into the U.S. orbit of strategic concern. Some people in the United States, especially in the Pentagon are suspicious of Chinas interest and capabilities in space and are ready to make China a strategic opponent of the United States. Though this will not necessarily lead to military tensions between the two countries, it can be assumed that Sino-U.S. political relations will suffer if the many delicate issues pertaining to space are not effectively dealt with. Chinas space program is still at an early stage, but as it evolves, it will inevitably change the Sino-U.S. strategic balance in space. China should anticipate this and, to the degree possible, take measures to mitigate it. A progress in Chinas science and engineering will surely narrow the gap with the United States in space technology and capability but that does not preclude cooperation between the two countries. Given the overall climate of Sino-U.S. relations and the dual-use nature of space, default affects of capabilities in space on bilateral relations will be deleterious. An active and positive attitude to cooperation will be necessary to avoid deterioration of
relations. China is willing to cooperate in space wants to prevent another Apollo Smith 10 (Marcia is the President of Space and Technology Policy Group. She was Director of the Space Studies Board and of the Aeronautics and
Space Engineering Board at the U.S. National Research Council. Before that she was a specialist in aerospace and telecommunications policy at the Congressional Research Service Global Economic Woes Mean More International Space Cooperation, Should Include China, Say International Space Reps October 16 http://www.spacepolicyonline.com/pages/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1174:global-economic-woes-mean-moreinternational-space-cooperation-should-include-china-say-international-space-reps&catid=91:news&Itemid=84) AK International cooperation will be essential to realizing future plans, they said, especially in human exploration. Mr. di Lipkowski said that "None of us question the need for American leadership in space." In response to a question about China's role in future international space activities, all four endorsed the idea. Mr. Kamimori pointed out that China is Japan's neighbor and they already have
established a cooperative relationship, especially through the Asia Pacific Regional Space Agency Forum (APRSAF), created in 1993 after the 1992 International Space Year. Mr. Diekmann added that ESA has had cooperative programs with China in space science and that China participates in the International Space Exploration Coordination (ISEC) working group of countries discussing future human space exploration. Mr. Drescher said that NASA Administrator Charlie Bolden's ongoing trip to China is an "important cornerstone to keep stability and understand where we are." Mr. di Lipkowski added that China, with its population and economy, cannot be ignored and "we have to bring them into the tent to see how we do things." The four were members of a panel organized by CSIS's Ashley Bander to
discuss "The Year Ahead in Space." All four praised the International Space Station (ISS), but emphasized that it is essential that the facility be put to good use now that so much has been spent on building it. Mr. Drescher and Mr. di Lipkowski warned that potential users may be lost because they do not want to deal with the layers of bureaucracy or lengthy time frames for getting an experiment on orbit. "We have to prove that this laboratory can deliver and not be a white elephant," Mr. di Lipkowski asserted. Mr. Drescher added that "we have to rewrite" the book of "how to access ISS and give it to the scientists." Mr. Diekmann, however, said he would not "paint such a dark picture" of ISS utilization given that assembly has just been completed and a full crew complement only recently became available to conduct science experiments. ESA, he said, has a strong utilization plan and user community for ISS. As to whether ISS is a good model for future international space projects, Mr. di Lipkowski noted that the ISS cooperative framework was developed during the Cold War and a new model will be needed for the current era of international relationships. Offering an impassioned defense of human spaceflight activities, he stressed that "We are living in terrible economic times. We can't do what Apollo did. My message is that we have
to cooperate. " Ruing the fact that younger people today are not very interested in space activities even though it is one of the few sources of "positive"
news, he emphasized that what is needed is new governance and export control models and a vision "or we will go nowhere." "We have to sell us, the space community, to the political community and not think that everything we do is marvelous and brilliant." He added that people need to understand that space is not expensive in the overall scheme of things, that in the United States, for example, NASA is only 0.6 percent of the federal budget. Mr. Diekmann said that space applications are the top priority in Europe exactly because the benefits are more visible to the public.
U.S.-Sino relations solves economic decline and is a prerequisite to solving every impact creates the foundation for global interests Cohen 9 (William S., Center for Strategic and International Studies, Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,
http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090309_mcgiffert_uschinasmartpower_web.pdf [NT])
The evolution of Sino-U.S. relations over the next months, years, and decades has the potential to have a greater impact on global security and prosperity than any other bilateral or multilateral arrangement. In this sense, many analysts consider the US.-China diplomatic relationship to be the most influential in the world. Without question, strong and stable U.S. alliances provide the foundation for the protection and promotion of U.S. and global interests. Yet within that broad framework, the trajectory of U.S.-China relations will determine the success, or failure, of efforts
to address the toughest global challenges: global financial stability, energy security and climate change, nonproliferation, and terrorism, among other pressing issues. Shepherding that trajectory in the most constructive direction possible must therefore be a priority for Washington and Beijing. Virtually no major global challenge can be met without U.S.-China cooperation. The uncertainty of that future trajectory and the "strategic mistrust" between leaders in Washington and Beijing necessarily concerns many experts and policymakers in both countries. Although some U.S. analysts see China as a strategic competitordeliberately vying with the United
States for energy resources, military superiority, and international political influence alike analysis by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has generally found that China uses its soft power to pursue its own, largely economic, international agenda primarily to achieve its domestic objectives of economic growth and social stability.1 Although Beijing certainly has an eye on Washington, not all of its actions are undertaken as a counterpoint to the
United States. In addition, CSIS research suggests that growing Chinese soft power in developing countries may have influenced recent U.S. decisions to engage more actively and reinvest in soft-power tools that have atrophied during the past decade. To the extent that there exists a competition between the United States and China, therefore, it may be mobilizing both countries to strengthen their ability to solve global problems. To be sure, U.S. and Chinese policy decisions toward the respective other power will be determined in large part by the choices that leaders make about their own nations interests at
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home and overseas, which in turn are shaped by their respective domestic contexts. Both parties must recognizeand acceptthat the other will pursue a foreign policy approach that is in its own national interest. Yet, in a globalized world, challenges are increasingly transnational, and so too must be their solutions. As demonstrated by the rapid spread of SARS from China in 2003, pandemic flu can be spread rapidly through air and via international travel. Dust particulates from Asia settle in Lake Tahoe. An economic downturn in one country can and does trigger an economic
slowdown in another. These challenges can no longer be addressed by either containment or isolation. What constitutes the national interest today necessarily encompasses a broader and more complex set of considerations than it did in the past As a general principle, the United States seeks to promote its national interest while it simultaneously
pursues what the CSIS Commission on Smart Power called in its November 2007 report the "global good."3 This approach is not always practical or achievable, of course. But neither is it pure benevolence. Instead, a strategic pursuit of the global good accrues concrete benefits for the United States (and others) in the form of building confidence, legitimacy, and political influence in key countries and regions around the world in ways that enable the United States to better confront global and transnational challenges. In short, the global good comprises those things that all people and governments want but have traditionally not been able to attain in the absence of U.S. leadership. Despite historical, cultural, and political differences
between the United States and China, Beijing's newfound ability, owing to its recent economic successes, to contribute to the global good is a matter for common ground between the two countries. Today there is increasing recognition that no major global challenge can be addressed effectively, much less resolved, without the active engagement ofand cooperation betweenthe United States and China. The United States and Chinathe worlds first- and third-largest economiesare inextricably linked, a fact made ever more evident in the midst of the current global financial crisis.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes The S & ED is the best mechanism for bilateral cooperation Hilary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of State, 5/10/2011, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/05/162969.htm
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SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon. I want to begin by thanking our Chinese colleagues, led by Vice Premier Wang and State Councilor Dai and the entire Chinese delegation for a productive and comprehensive dialogue between us. And I also, along with Secretary Geithner, want to thank everyone on the American side, not just those from the State Department or Treasury but indeed from across our government. The unprecedented
level of involvement and the extraordinary work that has taken place since our last S&ED in Beijing was truly impressive. The Strategic and Economic Dialogue continues to grow broader and deeper. It reflects the complexity and the importance of our bilateral relationship. And we have covered a lot of ground together, and Im happy to report we have made a lot of progress . The list of agreements and understandings reached is quite long. We have seen concrete progress on a wide range of shared challenges, from the energy and environment to international trade and security. For example, there is now a new partnership that will bring U.S. and Chinese companies and universities together. Those which are developing innovative environmental technologies will now be working bi-nationally and with local governments and NGOs to promote sustainable development projects such as next generation batteries for electric cars, and new
clean air and water initiatives. Already, Tulane University in New Orleans and East China Normal University are collaborating to improve the conservation of wetlands, and we have seen many other examples.
The S & ED is a vital forum for cooperation between the US and China Hilary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of State, 5/10/2011, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/05/162969.htm Just as important, although perhaps even harder to quantify, are the habits of cooperation and mutual respect that weve formed through these discussions. We believe that to keep our relationship on a positive path, as foreseen by Presidents Obama and Hu, the United States and China have to be honest about our differences and address them firmly and forthrightly. At the same time, we are working together to expand the areas where we cooperate and narrow the areas where we diverge. And we are building up a lot more understanding and trust. So we discussed everything, and
whether it was something that was sensitive to us or sensitive to them, all the difficult issues, including human rights. And we both have made our concerns very clear to the other. We had candid discussions on some of our most persistent challenges , from addressing North Korea and Iran to rebalancing the global economy. We
agreed on the importance of cooperating in Afghanistan to advance common goals established a new U.S.-China consultation on the Asia-Pacific region, where we share a wide range of common interests and challenges. And for the first time in these dialogues, senior military and defense leaders from both sides sat down face to face in an effort to further our understanding, to develop trust, and avoid misunderstandings that can lead to dangerous miscalculations. This new strategic security dialogue is a very important step forward, and we think it will add immeasurably to our bilateral relationship.
of political stability and economic renewal. We
S & ED is the best way to approach bilateral cooperation Wang Qishan, Chinese Vice Premier , 5/10/2011, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/05/162969.htm
VICE PREMIER WANG: (Via interpreter) Dear friends from the press, under the guidance of President Hu Jintao and President Obama and thanks to the joint endeavor of the both sides, the third round of China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogues has been a great success. The essential mission
of our economic dialogue is to implement the important agreement reached between the two presidents during President Hu Jintaos recent state visit to the United States this past January and to implement the building of China-U.S. comprehensive and mutually beneficial economic partnership. We had in-depth discussions of our overarching strategic and long-term issues in bilateral economic cooperation, and arranged a host of win-win outcomes. Particularly, Secretary Geithner and I signed a China-U.S. comprehensive framework promoting strong, sustainable, and balanced economic growth and economic cooperation. Under the framework, the two countries will carry out an expanded, closer, and a more extensive economic cooperation. We agree that in todays extremely complex economic environment, our two nations should further step up macroeconomic policy coordination and communication, and contribute to steady and sound economic growth in both countries. The S & ED provides an effective forum for bilateral negotiations and cooperation U.S. Department of the Treasury, 5/11/2011, U.S. - China Strategic and Economic Dialogue,
http://www.treasury.gov/initiatives/Pages/china.aspx
The U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue was established by President Obama and Chinese President Hu in April 2009 and represents the highest-level bilateral forum to discuss a broad range of issues between the two nations. The Dialogue is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between the two countries. Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, as special representatives of President Obama, and Vice Premier Wang Qishan and State Councilor Dai Bingguo, as special representatives of President Hu, co-chair the Dialogue, which includes Strategic and Economic tracks and takes place annually in alternating capitals.
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China looking for cooperation over space policy- US should take the opportunity Dr. James Clay Moltz, Naval Postgraduate School, 5/11/2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United
States, For the hearing of the U.S.China Economic and Security Review Commission on: The Implications of Chinas Military and Civil Space Programs, U.S. Capitol Building, http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2011hearings/written_testimonies/11_05_11_wrt/11_05_11_moltz_testimony.pdf KC As secondgeneration space actors, Asian space programs have also differed in their development from the superpowers
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space programs in the much larger degree of international cooperation involved in their formation: including
purchases of technology and joint activities with outside partners. U.S.Soviet space technological developments, by contrast, took place much more autonomously. Space cooperation by Asian countries with other programs has been extensive and consistent, as
states have reached out to foreign partners and have attempted to carry out typical latedeveloping import substitution strategies seen in
other industrial fields (such as shipbuilding, electronics, and automobiles). Unlike during the Cold War, space technology is now widely available on the international market due to forces of globalization and the presence of advanced producers (Russia, France, Britain, Italy, Israel, and others) willing to sell. On the other side of the equation, China is now exporting space technology and serving as a trainer for developing
countries interested in space. In fact, China has set up specific organizations to facilitate its cooperation with other space programs both within Asia and beyond. China wants to be perceived as a space leader and to build lasting relationships with developing countries. For these reasons, viewing Chinas space program solely from the perspective of its military activities is misleading. While China is active in the military sector and is seeking to check current U.S.
advantages in this area, Chinas challenge to the United States in space may eventually be equally significant in the civil space sector, where Chinas expanding infrastructure, growing cadre of space scientists and engineers, and active international outreach puts it in a favorable position for longterm competition. But China still lags behind the United States and suffers from some serious, structural weaknesses in regard to space: bureaucratic overhang, a lack of capable space allies, and tepid receptivity to its efforts at international leadership. Unfortunately, the United States has failed to exercise its advantages in some of these fields. The international space environment is changing, yet Washington has too often fallen back into Cold War patterns, which are ineffectual in the todays expanded space marketplace. The new National Space Policy and National Security Space Strategy have outlined important new directions, but specific steps are now needed to implement them in regard to China and, as importantly, with U.S. allies and friends in the region. Such combined policies would assist in the development of U.S. markets and increase U.S. space security. My testimony examines how China reached to its current position in space, how it is
currently organized for space technology cooperation, and how smarter U.S. policies of both competition and cooperation could better serve U.S. interests.
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China is willing to cooperate in space wants to prevent another Apollo Smith 10 (Marcia is the President of Space and Technology Policy Group. She was Director of the Space Studies Board and of the Aeronautics and
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news, he emphasized that what is needed is new governance and export control models and a vision "or we will go nowhere." "We have to sell us, the space community, to the political community and not think that everything we do is marvelous and brilliant." He added that people need to understand that space is not expensive in the overall scheme of things, that in the United States, for example, NASA is only 0.6 percent of the federal budget. Mr. Diekmann said that space applications are the top priority in Europe exactly because the benefits are more visible to the public.
China wants to cooperate now on Space Policy SPACEPORTS, 4-15 (SPACEPORTS, April 15, 2011, China Seeks US Space Policy Cooperation, News Source,
http://spaceports.blogspot.com/2011/04/china-seeks-us-space-cooperation.html) BR
A top Chinese government space official on April 14 appealed to the U.S. government to lift its decade-long ban on most forms of U.S.-Chinese space cooperation, saying both nations would benefit from closer government and commercial space interaction. Lei Fanpei, vice president of China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp. (CASC), which oversees much of Chinas launch vehicle and satellite manufacturing industry, specifically called for cooperation on manned space flight, in which China has made massive investment in recent years, reports Peter B. de Sekling of Space News.
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human exploration
China wants to cooperate on space policy particularly human exploration Smith 10 (Marcia is the President of Space and Technology Policy Group. She was Director of the Space Studies Board and of the Aeronautics and
news, he emphasized that what is needed is new governance and export control models and a vision "or we will go nowhere." "We have to sell us, the space community, to the political community and not think that everything we do is marvelous and brilliant." He added that people need to understand that space is not expensive in the overall scheme of things, that in the United States, for example, NASA is only 0.6 percent of the federal budget. Mr. Diekmann said that space applications are the top priority in Europe exactly because the benefits are more visible to the public
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China interested in lunar mining- bilateral cooperation key to US leadership Lou Friedman, 2/14/2011, American Leadership, http://www.thespacereview.com/article/1778/1 American leadership in space is much more desired that resentedexcept when it gets used unilaterally, as in the past Administrations call for dominance in cislunar space. Asian countries (China, Japan, India) are especially interested in lunar landings; Western countries, including the US, much less so. However, cooperating with Asian countries in lunar science and utilization would be both a sign of American leadership and of practical benefit to US national interests. Apollo 11 astronaut Buzz Aldrin has been a leader advocating such cooperation. At the same time American leadership can be extended by
leading spacefaring nations into the solar system with robotic and human expeditions to other worlds
lunar mining
China wants to engage in lunar mining for resources-will agree to cooperate to benefit humanity AFP 02 (May 19, China plans base on moon to mine resources: report, http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/fnews/685721/posts) BR China, which is pushing ahead with a fledgling space program, plans to establish a base on the moon in order to exploit its mineral resources, state media reported Sunday. "Our long-term goal is to set up a base on the moon and mine its riches for the benefit of humanity," the Beijing Morning Post said, citing Ouyang Ziyuan, an official with the Chinese space program. The paper said China has adopted a three-step plan that will eventually make it possible to fly to the moon. China first wants to put an astronaut in space, then establish a space laboratory, and eventually set up a space station, the paper said. The
paper quoted Wang Zhuangyin, a leading space-program engineer, as saying China would probably be able to achieve manned space flight by 2005. This is more pessimistic than reports in the Chinese media earlier this year which suggested it would be possible within the next two years. Wang told the paper that China currently has 12 trained astronauts "awaiting orders." If successful, China will become the third country after the former Soviet Union and the United States to put a human into space. China earlier this year launched its third successful unmanned test flight. The Shenzhou III, or "Divine Vessel III," traveled 108 times around the earth on a flight that ended April 1. Western diplomats in Beijing say China's space efforts are mainly
symbolic and aimed at raising awareness of science and technology among its 1.3 billion citizens, while invoking nationalistic pride. But the program also offers significant scientific and technological advances to Chinese scientists. In addition, it provides the military -- the main administrator of the space program -- with a range of space-based applications, they said. China wants to mine the moon without creating a space race with the U.S SPACE POLITICS 05 (September 27, Waving the Red Flag, http://www.spacepolitics.com/2005/09/27/waving-the-red-flag/) BR Congressman Ken Calvert (R-CA), chair of the space subcommittee of the House Science Committee, is unsatisfied with one component of the new NASA lunar exploration plan: he thinks a manned landing on 2018 will be too late. Too late for what? He tells Aerospace Daily that he believes that China will land humans on the Moon before then : Ive been talking to a number of people that are much more knowledgeable about that than I am, [about] some things that maybe are still classified, but they believe that the Chinese are probably on the mark to get there sooner, he told the publication. Obviously, were not privy to the possiblyclassified information that Calvert has apparently seen, but what is known suggests that while China may be interested in manned lunar missions, their schedule is not that aggressive. After all, next months Shenzhou 6 missiona five-day, two-man flightcomes two years, almost to the day, after Shenzhou 5: hardly the sign of a program racing to the Moon. At last weeks
International Lunar Conference in Toronto, Chinese representatives said their unmanned Change lunar exploration program remained on its relatively slow schedule: a lunar orbiter to launch in 2007, a lander around 2012, and a sample return mission by around the end of the next decade. Calverts comments sound something like what former Congressman Robert Walker said a couple years ago, when a Japanese parliamentariana European in another version of the storyclaimed that China would land men on the Moon in three to four years. Ooops. Moreover, as I have argued in the past, a
space race between the US and China (or anyone else, for that matter), is hardly a recipe for an affordable, sustainable space exploration effort.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu China loves lunar mining Hayes 7-10 (Jeffrey, Chinese Space Program, 2011, Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, National
Geographic, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, Lonely Planet Guides, Comptons Encyclopedia and various books and other publications, http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=385&catid=10&subcatid=67#3351) BR Chinese Lunar Projects: Chinese have long has a fascination with the moon. When the United States gave Beijing a one gram lunar rock in 1978 half of it was given to scientists who broke it up further and carefully studied it, producing 40 scientific papers. In October 2007, China launched its first probe to the moon. Named Change I after a legendary Chinese goddess who flew to the moon, the probe orbited 200 kilometers above the lunar surface, scanning its surface with advanced cameras and x-ray spectrometers and sending pictures back to earth for a year. Its mission was study the moons surface and scout out landing sites, before it crashed to the lunar surface in 2009. In October 2010, China launched its second lunar probeChang 2. The plan was for it to fly as close as 15 kilometers to the lunar surface and was seen a crucial step in Chinas goal for an unmanned lunar landing in 2013. It has more sophisticated instruments than Chang 1. The Chinese were inspired U.S. President Kennedys goal to send a man
to the moon and are well versed with the Apollo program. The launch of the moon probe came a month after Japan launched its own
lunar probe and was seen as escalation of Asias undeclared space race which also includes India which plans to launch a lunar probe in April 2008. China opened a lunar exploration center in 2005. It has a plan of launching three unmanned missions to the moon: a lunar
orbiter, launched in 2007, a lunar probe on the surface of the moon and rover that can collect samples and bring them back to earth. The rover mission is slated for 2012. A devise designed to bring back soil samples back to earth is scheduled for 2017. A moon walk is scheduled in 2024. On the plan to build a moon base and extract lunar minerals one official said. Our long-term goal is to set up a base on the moon and mine its riches for the benefit of humanity. One of the aims of Chinas lunar missions is to explore the possibility of mining helium 3, a nonradioactive isotope that could be used to produce abundant energy through nuclear fusion. Lunar soil contains over 1 million tons of
helium 3, which is emitted by the sun in solar wind and is deflected from the earth by its magnetic field but is absorbed by the lunar surface because the moon has no magnetic field. By one estimate 40 tons of helium 3 would be enough to meet the electrical needs of the United States for one year. The technology for such a practical fusion and lunar mining are still decades away.
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China will say yes- it lacks the capabilities to develop SPS and only SPS can prevent an energy crisis that collapses Chinas economy Dinerman 07 (Taylor Dinerman is an author and journalist based in New York City. China, the US, and space solar power The Space Review
October 22 http://www.thespacereview.com/article/985/1)AK Now that the National Security Space Offices (NSSO) space solar
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power study has been released and shows that the technology is well within Americas grasp, a set of decisions have to be made concerning how the US government should proceed. The idea that the government should fund a
series of demonstration projects, as the study recommends, is a good place to start. Another aspect should be to study the impact that this technology will have on the political and economic future of the world. The biggest factor in world affairs in the next twenty or so years is the rise of China to true great power status. Leaving aside the political vulnerabilities inherent in any communist regime, the
greatest danger to Chinas future
prosperity is its huge need for energy, especially electricity. According to an International Energy Agency estimate, demand for electricity in China will grow at an average annual rate of 4.8% from 2003 and 2025. China is already experiencing shortages . The Yangtze Delta region,
which includes Shanghai and the provinces of Jiangsu and Zhijiang and contributes almost 20% of Chinas GDP, faced capacity shortages of four to five gigawatts during peak summer demand in 2003. In spite of a furious effort to develop new power sources, including dam
building and new coal-fired power plants, Chinas economic growth is outstripping its capacity to generate the terawatts needed to keep it going. While China may turn to widespread use of nuclear power plants, the Communist Party leadership is certainly aware of the role that glasnost and the Chernobyl disaster played in the downfall of another Communist superpower. Thus, China may be reluctant to rely heavily on nuclear power plants, at least not without strong safety measures, thus making them more expensive and more time consuming to build. Wind power and terrestrial solar power will not be able to contribute much to meeting Chinas demand and certainly not without government subsidies which a relatively poor nation such as China will be reluctant to provide. At some point within the next twenty or thirty years China will face an energy crisis for which it will be almost certainly unprepared. The crisis may come sooner if, due to a combination of internal and external pressures, the Chinese are forced to limit the use of coal and similar fuels. At that point their economic growth would stall and they would face a massive recession. Only a new source of electrical energy will insure that such a nightmare never happens. The global repercussions would be disastrous. In the near term the only new source of electric power that can hope to generate enough clean energy to satisfy Chinas mid- to longterm needs is space based solar power. The capital costs for such systems are gigantic, but when compared with both future power demands and considering the less-than-peaceful alternative scenarios, space solar power looks like a bargain. For the US this means that in the future, say around 2025, the ability of private US or multinational firms to offer China a reliable supply of beamed electricity at a competitive price would allow China to continue its economic growth and emergence as part of a peaceful world power structure. China would have
to build the receiver antennas (rectennas) and connect them to its national grid, but this would be fairly easy for them, especially when compared to what a similar project would take in the US or Europe when the NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) factor adds to the time and expense of almost any new project. Experiments have demonstrated, at least on a small scale, that such receivers are safe and that cows and crops can coexist with them. However, there are persistent doubts and it would be wise to plan for a world in which rectenna placement on land will be as politically hard as putting up a new wind farm or even a nuclear power plant. China, like its neighbors Japan and Korea, has a land shortage problem. This may seem odd when one looks at a map, but the highly productive industrial regions of China are confined to a limited coastal area. These areas also overlap with some of the nations most fertile agricultural lands. Conflicts caused by hard choices between land use for factories and housing and for food production are now common. Building the rectennas at sea would help alleviate some of these disputes. China and its neighbors could compete to see who could build the most robust and costeffective sea-based rectennas. They would also be able to export these large systems: a system that can survive the typhoons in the South China Sea can also handle the monsoons of the Bay of Bengal or the hurricanes of the Caribbean. In spite of the major advances that China has made in
developing its own space technology, it will be many years before they can realistically contemplate building the off-Earth elements of a solar power satellite, let alone a lunar-based system. Even if NASA administrator Mike Griffin is right and they do manage
to land on the Moon before the US gets back there in 2020, building a permanent base and a solar panel manufacturing facility up there is beyond what can reasonably be anticipated.
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US-China space cooperation imperative Alanna Krolikowski, Visiting scholar, Space Policy Institute, The George Washington University PhD candidate, University of Toronto, 5/11/2011,
Chinas Civil and Commercial Space Activities and their Implications, http://www.gwu.edu/~spi/assets/docs/11_05_11_krolikowski_testimony.
space key**
China is one of very few countries where space budgets are stable and might grow. That makes it an important potential partner for large future missions and, possibly, a costly one to exclude. The Chinese market for space-related products is also large and growing, and may develop in a way that excludes U.S. participants more effectively than it would if the bilateral relationship were more robust on space issues. Cooperation, especially on technical projects, creates an opportunity to engage Chinas emerging space policy community at a pivotal time. Space is a highly technical policymaking area in which leaders are likely to rely on the input of specialists, especially scientific and technical personnel who work in the sector. There is growing awareness within China
that a more systematic and institutionalized process for channelling space expert advice to decision makers is needed. A community of space experts able to play this policy role is coalescing. So far, however, this community remains nationally focused with relatively little exposure to international ideas and perspectives and with an uncertain grasp of evolving U.S. space policy and interests and of trends in the space environment. At the same time, the Chinese space program is entering a phase during which the demand for this communitys expertise will grow, as major space policy decisions present themselves. For example, political leaders will have before them a choice about whether and how China should send taikonauts to the Moon, and whether it should do so alone. The impact of the space policy community on policy outcomes is likely to grow as such questions arise.
Engaging this nascent community in dialogue and introducing it to more international perspectives and new ideas could serve U.S. interests. Developing long-term relationships with these space professionals could also provide the United States with additional points of contact and channels of communication into the Chinese space system, both of which could prove valuable in a crisis.
***Solvency
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U.S. must cooperate with China if it wants to keep its eye on space Brown 10 (Peter J., Aasia Times, Obama doesnt hand China the moon http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/LB12Ad02.html, 2-12-2010 [NT]) China has its space partners too, but most of these countries are leaving their doors open and remaining quite friendly to other space-faring nations for obvious reasons. US conservatives seem eager to portray the situation in a dark light as if China as about to stage a space coup with a compliant Russia in its corner. This attitude, and the notion that Obama's decision undermines national security and that long established safety measures are about to be compromised need to be put aside. "The Chinese certainly are working on a full spectrum of space capabilities. The US has chosen in the past to focus on the military aspects of space rather than exploration, and on competition rather than cooperation," said Johnson-Freese. "The Obama administration has realistically tried to deal with goals and the budget - developing a strategy where those are aligned - and where cooperation has a role as well as competition. The US can still 'lead' in space. Its space budget still exceeds those of other countries. The US simply has faced the realities of the budget, and of a globalized world where countries have little choice other than to work together, or be excluded."
cooperation = important
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China-US cooperation mutually beneficial solves the aff Huihua Liu, Doctor of the Institute of the International Relations, visiting scholar of Fairbank East Asia Institute of Harvard University, 12/3/2006,
China-US Cooperation in a Transitional World, http://www.siis.org.cn/Sh_Yj_Cms/Mgz/200504/2008724233213458B.PDF China also benefited a lot from the improvement of relations with US. The most important was to open up its diplomatic prospect comprehensively, building a very favorable international environment for Chinas reform and opening up since the year of 1979 and making strategy of development possible that China participated in the globalization of the world economy in all dimensions. In the past 25 years, the annual average increase of Chinas GDP is 9.4%, China has become the 6 th economic entity in the world and the 3 rd trade power. The high-speed
generic
development of Chinas economy not only injected energy into the world economy, but also offer many countries opportunities and benefits, US especially benefited a lot from it. Greenspan stressed it on many occasions in his
speech and testimony at the Congress. China purchased Americas government bond with 70% of its 670 billion US$ foreign exchange reserve, popping up the prosperity of US real estate market. The huge amount of capital flowing back from China helped US economy softly land in 2000 when it was in drastic recession. Chinas commodities of inexpensive but of fine quality also contributed a lot to Americas maintenance of a fine economic environment with low inflation. The history of 15 years after the Cold War witnessed that China-US cooperation could not only ensure
victory from victory at the battlefields, but also ensure the mutual benefits, win-win and common prosperity in the economic development.
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US-China cooperation in space key to protect space assets and prevent an arms race Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf A number of U.S. analysts have suggested that it would be safer for the United States to maintain outer space as a sanctuary free of strike weapons. 147 Chinas opposition to the deployment of weapons in space has been detailed above. If the United States wants to
arms race
reduce the potential vulnerability of its space assets, there are a number of ways to do so. However, weaponizing space can only worsen space security. As Chinese Ambassador Hu emphasized recently, for ensuring security in outer space, political and legal approaches can still be effective, while resorting to force and the development of space weapons will only be counter-productive. 148 In this section, I examine a number of measures that would
protect the broad range of scientific, commercial, and military activities in space, and begin to satisfy both Chinas concerns and those of the United States. What rules of the road might help to prevent misunderstandings and the inadvertent escalation of conflict in space? How might existing
treaties governing the use of space be amended? What kinds of comprehensive agreements are worth discussing? In the context of a comprehensive agreement, what missile defense and space deployments would need to be prohibited?
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Cooperation with China prevents mistrust and lowers costs benefits outweighs competition Jeffrey Logan, Specialist in Energy Policy- Resources, Science, and Industry Division, CRS Report for Congress, Chinas Space Program: Options for U.S.-China Cooperation, 9/29/2008, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS22777.pdf Benefits of Cooperating with China. The potential benefits of expanded cooperation and dialogue with China include: ! Improved transparency. Regular meetings could help the two nations understand each others intentions more clearly. Currently, there is mutual uncertainty and mistrust over space goals, resulting in the need for worst-case planning. ! Offsetting the need for Chinas unilateral development. Collaborating with China instead of isolating it may keep the country dependent on U.S. technology rather than forcing it to develop technologies alone. This can give the United States leverage in other areas of the relationship. ! Cost savings. China now has the economic standing to support joint space cooperation. Cost-sharing of joint projects could help NASA achieve its challenging work load in the near future. Some have argued that U.S. space commerce has suffered from the attempt to isolate China while doing little to keep sensitive technology out of China.
costs/trust
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US-China cooperation in space is the best way to maintain leadership and security Dr. James Clay Moltz, Naval Postgraduate School, 5/11/2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United
States, For the hearing of the U.S.China Economic and Security Review Commission on: The Implications of Chinas Military and Civil Space Programs, U.S. Capitol Building, http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2011hearings/written_testimonies/11_05_11_wrt/11_05_11_moltz_testimony.pdf KC
space security
Supporters of the current freeze in U.S.Chinese space relations argue that Washington is sending a signal to Beijing about its deplorable human rights record and is also limiting Chinas ability to develop advanced space systems. Unfortunately, while wellintended, current U.S. policy is ineffective sends a weak and offtarget signal. Unless the United States is also willing to halt U.S. investment in Chinese manufacturing, cut off Chinese access to the U.S. export market, and find a new client for U.S. debt, holding space cooperation hostage will have no significant impact on China, except pushing it to cooperate with others. In addition, it puts the United States in the odd position of promoting protectionism in space and adopting a defensive strategy, when opening markets and reducing U.S. export barriers instead would strengthen the U.S. space industry and promote American security through greater engagement with the region. Efforts to keep China off of the International Space Station (ISS), for example, have only strengthened Chinas resolve to build its own space stations. Former NASA Administrator Michael Griffin, notably, argues that failing to work with China may cause the United States to be left behind in new international missions, particularly given the fact that current NASA funding will not sustain a unilateral return mission to the Moon, much less continue shouldering of the lions share of the ISS budget. A stepbystep process to begin space science cooperation and (if successful) allow gradual Chinese participation on the ISS (first via joint research, then a taikonaut visit, then a possible module) would make more sense: reducing U.S. costs and increasing U.S. knowledge about Chinese space activities. Similarly, U.S. legislation and ITAR restrictions barring U.S. space technology from being
launched aboard Chinese boosters have harmed U.S. satellite sales worldwide, leading to the production of ITARfree satellites and causing erstwhile clients to turn to other suppliers to avoid U.S. red tape. The 1999 shift in U.S. policy aimed mainly at addressing national security concerns. But it was an overly blunt instrument, taking up all space technologies rather than only those that cannot be found on the international market. China (like other countries) is certainly interested in acquiring U.S. space technology, yet it is important to point out that the Loral and Hughes investigations in the 1990s did not involve illicit Chinese access to U.S. commercial satellites. The problem instead involved improper meetings by U.S. company officials with the Chinese. Thus, the logical solution is not to ban all U.S. Chinese space contacts, but instead to ensure that U.S. companies observe export control regulations in their meetings. Fortunately, U.S. companies have ample incentive to protect what is actually inside their satellites, as they do with Russia and other countries. Supporters of current restrictions also argue that the policy helps protect U.S. space launchers. Indeed, highly inflated costs for U.S. boosters have supported a few U.S. companies. But they have also hurt the U.S. space industry overall by reducing timely and affordable access to space. Fortunately, thanks to recent developments by such U.S. companies as SpaceX (with its Falcon 1 and 9 boosters), the U.S. launch services sector is becoming competitive on the international marketplace without the need to fall back on protectionism. A stronger U.S. policy would focus instead on lowering global barriers to space competition and reducing subsidies by European producers. As a condition for opening the American market to Chinese launchers, the United States should insist that China open its domestic market to U.S. satellite producers for onorbit services. The United States fought and won this battle with Japan in the late 1980s and should now use the World Trade Organization and other mechanisms to win this case with China, India, and other countries with closed space markets. But enhanced U.S.Chinese space cooperation cannot occur without stabilization of the security relationship with China in regard to space. In this area, it is encouraging that bilateral militarytomilitary talks are likely to begin soon to discuss parameters for improved space security in the context of the new strategic dialogue with Beijing. It as yet unclear what direction these talks will take, or what initiatives might be possible. Chinese military receptivity and transparencynot seen in recent yearswill be necessary to move this dialogue forward. However, if China shows a willingness to respond,
the United States should be ready with concrete ideas aimed at creating a framework for more responsible Chinese behavior and mutually beneficial cooperation. Actions by the Nixon administration in the early 1970s established mutually beneficial norms with the Soviet Union under far more difficult circumstances. At a minimum, measures with China should include similar mutual pledges of noninterference with national technical means of verification, as well as early warning satellites. In addition, given Chinas 2007 ASAT test, it would be beneficial to exchange joint statements rejecting debrisproducing events involving orbital objects, particularly those above 150 miles in altitude. Finally, getting China to agree to regular (at least annual) consultations on space security would improve U.S. knowledge of Chinese military programs and create the mechanisms for the prevention of dangerous activities. All of these mechanisms are in U.S. national interests. Cooperation key to peace- empirical proof Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf
If Washington wants to reduce the potential vulnerability of its space assets, there are a number of ways to improve space security, including satellite hardening, accepting modest rules of the road, and agreeing to more comprehensive arms control measures. Weaponizing space can only erode space security, which is in no ones interest. China believes that the most effective way to secure space assets is to agree to an international ban on space weaponization. In recent years, the UN General Assembly has adopted resolutions calling for the CD to start a negotiation on PAROS by an overwhelming majority. Washington has opposed these resolutions. If the history of nuclear weapons tells us anything, it is that banning the testing and deployment of weapons from the outset is much more effective than attempting disarmament and non-proliferation after the fact. Outer space is the common property of mankind. The
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu international community should take action now to prevent a space arms race and to ensure the continued peaceful use of outer space. US-China space cooperation key for space security Dr. James Clay Moltz, Naval Postgraduate School, 5/11/2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United
Understanding Chinas space program and moving the U.S.Chinese space relationship in a more favorable direction is critical to furthering U.S. interests in space. It is also essential for promoting the broader conditions of safety and stability in the orbital environment that are needed for the successful development and use of U.S. scientific, commercial, and military space assets. US-China cooperation good- mutually beneficial and ensures global peace Huihua Liu, Doctor of the Institute of the International Relations, visiting scholar of Fairbank East Asia Institute of Harvard University, 12/3/2006,
China-US Cooperation in a Transitional World, http://www.siis.org.cn/Sh_Yj_Cms/Mgz/200504/2008724233213458B.PDF Abstract: Historical experience tells us that China and US, as big powers of the world, are both
stakeholders with special responsibility in regard of peace and development of the world. Cooperation of the two countries means win-win situation, and hostility of the two means nothing smooth. Chinas rise causes the unbalanced development among big powers and brings the
world certain upset and worries. China-US cooperation is going through a period of grinding in. Democracy of western style cannot ensure the world peace. In history, there is no lack of wars among democratic countries and invasion of non-democratic
countries by countries of democracy of western style. Long before the western-style democratic countries emerged, China had existed for thousands of years. In Chinese humane spirit, one can see the social consciousness of friendly with neighbors, harmonious world, opening up and tolerance and sharing peace, which has more profound details of civilization than that of western-style democracy . Though all countries are engaged in diplomacy to promote their national interest, yet China and US, both as stakeholders and participants of the world institution, should have more greater goal, i.e. cooperate hand in hand to maintain a world institution beneficial to the long-time peace and prosperity of the world.
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US-China cooperation better for US space leadership Joan Johnson-Freese, Professor of National Security Affairs, the U.S. Naval War College, 6/10/2011, US-China Space Cooperation: Congress
Pointless Lockdown, http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/us-china-space-cooperation-congress%E2%80%99-pointless-lockdown/ What is clear, however, is that other countries have no such compunction as the US about working with China indeed
space leadership
many are anxious to have the opportunity to work with a country they see as more open to partnerships , rather than the sub-contractor status some ISS partners have felt the US afforded them. There may be little need to bar the door to countries wanting to work with the US on space activities, as there may soon be fewer and fewer countries knocking. Congress and the Administration working together to refocus the US space program, including realistic cooperation, would go further to maintain US space leadership than pointless isolation gestures. Cooperation with China will allow the US to regain its prestige and leadership role in space John C. Baker and Kevin L. Pollpeter, Space News, 12/13/2004, A Future for U.S.-China Space Cooperation?,
http://www.rand.org/commentary/2004/12/13/SN.html
While the United States may have apprehensions about partnering with China in space, other nations do not. China is becoming an attractive partner for Europe and Russia, which are less inhibited in selling dual-use technologies to China. European nations are already partnering with China on significant space ventures, including the Galileo satellite navigation project. Cooperation with Russia or Europe could provide China with much of the same technologies that the U.S. hopes to prevent China from obtaining. Chinese cooperation on major space efforts without U.S. involvement could threaten to erode the U.S. leadership position as the world's top space power. As with all areas of international relations, the United States must decide the extent it wants to proceed on its own path or collaborate with other countries to achieve common goals. The financial and technical challenges of returning to the moon make a compelling argument for U.S.-Chinese cooperation. But if Washington sees benefits in exploring the opportunities for collaboration with Beijing, it must also identify ways of minimizing potential risks to U.S. national security. Beginning a dialogue that emphasizes greater transparency in U.S.-China civil space activities would be a good start.
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US China Space cooperation is low now- controversial in congress Smith, 5-11 (Marcia Smith, May 11, 2011, Rep. Wolf Reaffirms Opposition to Space Cooperation with China, Space and Technology Policy Group,
http://www.spacepolicyonline.com/pages/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:rep-wolf-reaffirms-opposition-to-space-cooperationwith-china&catid=91:news&Itemid=84) BR
cooperation low
Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA), chairman of the House appropriations subcomittee that funds NASA, restated his well known opposition to U.S. space cooperation with China at a hearing of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission today. The commission was created by Congress in 2000 to report on the national security implications of the trade and economic relationships between the two countries. It held a hearing today about the implications of China's military and civil space activities. Witnesses included DOD's Greg Schulte and Rep. Wolf as well as two panels of experts. Rep. Wolf's statement was circulated by his staff. He began by expressing disappointment that NASA declined to participate in the hearing and that it was "reflective of this administration's abysmal record on American leadership in space." US China cooperation in space is unpopular due to Chinese human rights abuses and arms sales to Iran Smith, 5-11 (Marcia Smith, May 11, 2011, Rep. Wolf Reaffirms Opposition to Space Cooperation with China, Space and Technology Policy Group,
http://www.spacepolicyonline.com/pages/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1563:rep-wolf-reaffirms-opposition-to-space-cooperationwith-china&catid=91:news&Itemid=84) BR
He went on to restate his well known views about why the United States should not cooperate with China because of human rights abuses and Chinese arms sales to countries like Iran, for example. He asserted that Presidential Science Adviser John Holdren told his subcommitee at a hearing last week that the Obama Administration does not intend to comply with a provision Wolf included in the Continuing Resolution that prohibits spending funds to work with China in any manner to plan or execute space cooperation. "I take this blatant disregard for the law very seriously and the committee is currently reviewing its options," he said.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes There is no cooperation on space policy now but China wants to open space cooperation SPACEPORTS, 4-15 (SPACEPORTS, April 15, 2011, China Seeks US Space Policy Cooperation, News Source,
http://spaceports.blogspot.com/2011/04/china-seeks-us-space-cooperation.html) BR
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While cooperation with the United States has been shut down, he said, China has maintained reltions with the 18-nation European Space Agency, Brazil, France, Russia and others. Lei said he sees three areas in which U.S.-Chinese cooperation would be in both nations interests. The first, he said, is an open commercial access of each nation to the others capabilities in satellites and launch vehicles. The second, he said, is manned spaceflight and space science, particularly in deep space exploration. The third is in satellite applications including disaster monitoring and management.
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Obama and Hu seeking cooperation in space Michael Martina, 4/29/2011, China astronaut calls for U.S. cooperation, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/04/29/us-china-space-idUSTRE73S4BS20110429 Obama and Hu, in a statement in November 2009, called for "the initiation of a joint dialogue on human spaceflight and space exploration, based on the principles of transparency, reciprocity and mutual benefit." Obama and Hu want an increase in cooperation now Hu Jintao, 11/17/2009, Joint Press Statement by President Obama and President Hu of China, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/joint-press-statement-president-obama-and-president-hu-china Both President Obama and I believe that at present the international situation continues to undergo profound and complex changes. There are growing global challenges, and countries in today's world have become more and more interdependent. In this context, it is necessary to step up international cooperation. Against this new backdrop, China and United States share extensive common interests and broad prospect for cooperation on a series of major issue important to mankind's peace and stability and development. Obama and Hu wish to increase bilateral cooperation now Hu Jintao, 11/17/2009, Joint Press Statement by President Obama and President Hu of China, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/joint-press-statement-president-obama-and-president-hu-china President Obama and I spoke positively of the progress made in the China-U.S. relationship since the new American administration took office. We both agreed to continue to adopt a strategic and long-term perspective, increase the dialogue exchanges and cooperation, and work together to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century. We also agreed to take concrete actions to steadily grow a partnership between the two countries to meet our common challenges in order to contribute to world peace, stability, and prosperity. We both believe and maintain close high-level exchanges and dialogue and consultations at various other levels are essential to the growth of China relations. The two sides agreed that the leaders of the two countries will continue to stay in close touch through mutual visits, telephone conversations, correspondence, and meetings of multilateral fora. China is willing to cooperate- Hu statement proves Hu Jintao, 11/17/2009, Joint Press Statement by President Obama and President Hu of China, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/joint-press-statement-president-obama-and-president-hu-china Ladies and gentlemen, the China-U.S. relationship is very important. To preserve and promote the growth of this relationship is a shared responsibility for both China and the United States. The Chinese side is willing to work with the U.S. side to ensure the sustained, sound, and steady growth of this relationship to the greater benefits of peoples of our two countries and people throughout the world. Obama seeking greater cooperation with China Barack Obama, 11/17/2009, Joint Press Statement by President Obama and President Hu of China, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/joint-press-statement-president-obama-and-president-hu-china Given that interconnection, I do not believe that one country's success must come at the expense of another. That's why the United States welcomes China as a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations. Our relationship going forward will not be without disagreement or difficulty. But because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and secure. We've seen what's possible when we build upon our mutual interests and engage on the basis of equality and mutual respect. And I very much look forward to deepening that engagement and understanding during this trip and in the months and years to come. US and China space cooperation opportunities now Marcia Smith, 11/17/2009, UPDATE: US-China Space Cooperation Benefits from Obama-Hu Discussions, http://www.spacepolicyonline.com/pages/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=543&catid=91&Itemid=84 Amercan and Chinese media sources are reporting that increased space cooperation was one area of agreement between President Obama and Chinese President Hu. China's Xinhua press agency reported: "Hu said the two leaders also agreed to deepen cooperation on the basis of mutual benefits in areas such as anti-terrorism, law
--AT: china no want cooperation
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu enforcement, science and technology, space exploration, civil aviation, high-speed railway, infrastructure, agriculture and health care."
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Your legally denied claims dont work- loophole in ban means US-China cooperation over research and cost-splitting possible Spacepolitics.com, 5/5/2011, Whats the future of US-China cooperation in space?, http://www.spacepolitics.com/2011/05/05/whats-thefuture-of-us-china-cooperation-in-space/ One of the few specific space policy provisions included in the final continuing resolution that funds the federal government through the rest of fiscal year 2011 has to do with cooperation with Chinaor, rather, prohibiting cooperation with China. The CR prevents NASA and OSTP from using any funds to develop, design, plan, promulgate, implement, or execute a bilateral policy, program, order, or contract of any kind to participate, collaborate, or coordinate bilaterally in any way with China or any Chinese-owned company unless specifically authorized in a future law. That also prevents NASA from using any funds to effectuate the hosting of official Chinese visitors at facilities belonging to or utilized by the space agency. That would appear to put the brakes on any prospects for cooperation with China, at least through this fiscal year. However, in testimony before the CJS subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee on Wednesday, OSTP director John Holdren suggested that the
--AT: ban makes coop impossible
administration has found a loophole in that ban, according to ScienceNow. The White House has concluded, he said, that the provision doesnt extend to prohibiting interactions that are part of the presidents constitutional authority to conduct negotiations. That includes, he said, a bilateral agreement on scientific cooperation between the two countries that dates back to 1979. Holdren, Space News reported, has pragmatic reasons for seeking cooperation with China on space exploration in particular, including a future human expedition to Mars. If China is going to be, by 2030, the biggest economy in the world it could certainly be to our benefit to share the costs of such an expensive venture with them and with others, he said.
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1nc Arms Race

China dislikes US unilateral control of space- wants space to be open to all international bodies Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf The United States is pursuing great interest the U.S.
a Space Control strategy. Many Chinese officials and security experts have read with military planning documents issued in recent years. 3 These documents explicitly envision U.S. control of space and the achievement of global military superiority through the use of weapons in or from space. The United States has issued a series of official statements in recent years that discuss the vulnerability of U.S. space assets to attack without warning and the need to protect U.S. satellites from all possible threats. The statements propose that the U.S. respond with the forceful domination of space and denial of access to those who may intend harm. Space control would assure U.S. access to and freedom of operations in space, and would deny others use of space. This mission includes: space surveillance, protection of U.S. space systems, prevention or negation of an adversarys ability
to use space systems and services for purposes hostile to U.S. national security interests, and direct support for battle management, command, control, communications, and intelligence. 5 The negation mission would include measures to deceive, disrupt, deny, degrade, or destroy an adversarys space capabilities. 6 A number of high-level official documents show the intention of the United States to develop,
deploy, and use space weapons. In 2001, the report of a special commission on U.S. national security in space, chaired by current Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, warned of the need to avoid a space Pearl Harbor. The commissioners recommended the U.S.
government vigorously pursue the capabilities called for in the National Space Policy to ensure that the president will have the option to deploy weapons in space to deter threats to, and, if necessary, defend against attacks on U.S. interests. In its 2003 report, Transformation Flight Plan, the U.S. Air Force lists a number of space weapon systems desirable in the event of a space war. 8 These include space-based kinetic kill vehicles, space-based lasers (SBL), hypervelocity rod bundles, space-based radio-frequency energy weapons, space maneuver vehicles, and evolutionary air-and-space global laser engagement. In August 2004, the Air Force released the doctrine document Counterspace Operations, which defines space superiority as the freedom to attack as well as the freedom from attack in space. 9 Counterspace operations include offensive and defensive counterspace measures. To preclude an adversary from exploiting space to its advantage, offensive counterspace operations would attack, possibly preemptively, an adversarys space capability, including: satellites, space stations, or other spacecraft; communication links; ground stations; launch facilities; command, control, communication, computer, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems; and space systems operated by third party providers. As the document indicates, these offensive operations would be conducted using a number of space weapon systems, such as anti-satellite weapons (ASATs) that include direct ascent and co-orbital systems that employ various mechanisms to affect or destroy an on-orbit spacecraft, 10 and directed energy weapons (DEWs), such as land-, sea-, air-, or space-based lasers. Although there has been no formal public change in U.S. space policy, many Chinese are convinced by official
statements and visible activity that U.S. policy is driving toward space weaponizationthe development of weapons able to destroy targets in or from space. These weapons would presumably provide the United States with control over access to space and activity in space. Professor Du Xiangwan , vice president of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, said that the 2003 Transformation Flight Plan indicated that many types of space based weapons will be developed and that the tendency of space weaponization is obvious and serious. He further pointed out that achieving military supremacy on Earth is not enough, as the U.S. also seeks to dominate space. 11 Ambassador Li Daoyu, President of the China Arms Control and Disarmament Association, recently stated, As we cheer for every success of peaceful exploration and use of outer space, we also hear the approaching bugling of war. The space military technology is advancing rapidly. New military and combat concepts and theories like control of space and occupation of space are emerging. Research and development programs of space weapons are in implementation. The danger of the weaponization of and an arms race in outer space is ever more imminent.
***Arms race remember to use the 7 week seniors WHAM file
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Unilateral policies spark an arms race with China fears of space weaponization Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
--XT: Arms Race
Chinese officials have expressed a growing concern that U.S. missile defense and space control plans, particularly the development of space weapons, will stimulate a costly and destabilizing arms race. In April of 2002, Vice Foreign Minister Qiao Zonghuai summarized the official Chinese view of U.S. plans: Considerable progress has been made in outer space-related weapons research and military technology. It will not take long before drawings of space weapons and weapon systems [are] turned into lethal combat instruments in outer space. Meanwhile, military doctrines and [concepts] such as control of space and ensuring space superiority have been unveiled successively, and space operation [command] headquarters and combatant troops are in the making. If we should remain indifferent to the above-mentioned developments, an arms race would very likely emerge in outer space in the foreseeable future. Outer space would eventually become the fourth battlefield besides land, sea and air. If such a scenario should become reality it would be virtually impossible for mankind to continue their anticipated exploration, development and utilization of outer space, and all economic, cultural and social activities in connection with the utilization of outer space would be severely interrupted. 1 Although those in the Chinese
scientific community have more nuanced perceptions than many officials, particularly regarding the feasibility and ultimate result of U.S. space plans, they share in the widespread concern over U.S. ambitions. The prevailing view in China is that U.S. space
weaponization plans will have disastrous consequences for international security and the peaceful use of outer space. Unilateral space policies spark an arms race perceived as disrupting outer space peace Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf Washingtons missile defense plans and ambitions
to dominate the use of space would very likely spark competitive military dynamics in space. As Chinas proposal on PAROS at the CD states, Outer space is the common heritage of mankind and plays an ever-increasing role in its future development. China fears that the U.S. space weaponization plans will have disastrous effects on the peaceful use of outer space. 40 U.S. plans will also have harmful consequences for Chinas political, military-strategic, commercial, and international security interests. Of particular concern is the effect of U.S. actions on Chinas modest deterrent capabilities, its capacity to pursue unification with Taiwan, its commercial stake in space development, and its broader interest in a stable security environment. China worried about US unilateralism in space Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf As many experts point out, space-based weapons cannot protect satellites, as these weapons are vulnerable to the same types of attack as the objects they are meant to protect. 37 Chinese officials believe the real purpose of U.S. space plans is not to protect U.S. assets but rather to
further enhance U.S. military dominance. As one official pointed out, Space domination is a hegemonic concept. Its essence is monopoly of space and denial of others access to it. It is also aiming at using outer space for achieving strategic objectives on the ground. 38 Ambassador Hu Xiaodi warned, It is rather the attempt towards the domination of outer space, which is expected to serve in turn the absolute security and perpetual superiority (many people call this hegemony ) of one country on earth. The unilateralism and exceptionalism that are on the rise in recent months also mutually reinforce this. China dislikes US unilateralism in space- causes arms race- empirical proof Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
China fears that U.S. space weaponization plans, if acted on, will inevitably lead to an arms race in outer space and risk turning space into a battlefield. Richard Garwin, among others, speculates that if there are weapons in space, then there will be extensive development and deployment of ASAT, in order to negate those weapons. 42 Chinese Ambassador Hu Xiaodi expressed Chinas concerns about an arms competition in space: The country that takes the lead in deploying weapons in space will enjoy an advantage for a period, but it will not be able to monopolize space weapons. Other states, when they find it affordable economically, scientifically and technically, will follow suit at a different pace and scale. This many not generate a space arms race in its strict sense (because other states are not really competing with the leading power), but the space weapon arsenal will inevitably develop and increase both qualitatively and quantitatively. As soon as the weapons are deployed in outer space, the international community will have to change its efforts from preventive ones to the aim of space disarmament. Soon afterwards, as a few other countries (major powers) also have put their weapons in the arena of outer space, there will be an attempt towards space weapon non-proliferationthat is, let the haves continue their privileged position, while
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu prohibiting other have-nots from accessing space weaponry. In other words, an old story will unfold in a new form. US unilateral deployment of space weapons and control of space uniquely causes provocation for an arms race with China and Russia Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf Consequently, China worries
that U.S. space weapons and its missile defense system could subject China to political or strategic blackmail and infringe on Chinas sovereignty. These capabilities would free the United States to intervene much more in Chinas affairs, including efforts at reunification with Taiwan. This concern has been underscored in recent years by
U.S. efforts to boost cooperation with Japan, and potentially with Taiwan, in research and development of advanced theatre missile defense. Damage to arms control and nuclear proliferation regimes. The inherent offensive and first-strike capabilities offered by space weapons
would likely provoke destabilizing military and political responses from other countries. As Ambassador Hu points out, With lethal weapons flying overhead in orbit and disrupting global strategic stability, why should people eliminate WMD [weapons of mass destruction] or missiles on the ground? This cannot but do harm to global peace, security and stability, hence be detrimental to the fundamental interests of all States. 56 Nuclear experts have warned that deploy-ing even limited missile defenses would increase the difficulty of reducing the numbers of warheads. 57 Russia has threatened to respond to any countrys deployment of space weapons. 58 China believes deployment of space weapons will undermine international cooperation and security, triggering an arms race Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
The Chinese government holds that a secure international environment and strategic stability are the foundations for advancing the international nuclear disarmament process. 59 However, U.S. missile defense and space weaponization plans will destroy these foundations. Ambassador Hu made this point clearly in remarks to the CD: It should be stressed that efforts to prevent an arms race in outer space and those on nuclear disarmament go hand in hand. In this perspective, it is of crucial importance for nuclear disarmament that a missile defense system undermining strategic stability should not be developed, and that no weapons should be deployed in outer space. It is hard to imagine that once a full-fledged missile defense system is put in place or weapons have been introduced into outer space there can be business as usual in nuclear disarmament. At best, such moves would never be conducive to nuclear
disarmament. 60 If China, or any other nation, felt a need to build new warheads to enhance deterrent capabilities in response to perceived provocation in space, this would increase demand for plutonium and highly enriched uranium to fuel those weapons. The process could harm the chances of negotiating a successful Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT), which has long been seen as a key building block for controlling nuclear weapons proliferation and for eventual disarmament. Failure to proceed with the nuclear disarmament process , to which the nuclear weapon states are committed under the Tr eaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, would
undermine the already fragile nuclear non-proliferation regime. In short, China, as evidenced in Chinese statements at the CD, is concerned that the deployment of space weapons will disrupt strategic balance and stability, undermine international and national security and do harm to the existing arms control instruments, in particular those related to nuclear weapons and missiles, thus triggering new arms races. 61 China dislikes US unilateral pursuit of space- threatens its own economic stability Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf Chinas space launch complexes are relatively large and comprehensive. Three different facilities provide the capability to launch objects into LEO, geosynchronous, and polar orbits. With these launch complexes, China has positioned itself to support any requirement for a space
launch, commercial, military, or scientific. Though these matters are not linked explicitly in official public documents, China perceives itself as a developing space power, in need of free access to space for its own economic growth. The U.S. pursuit of space control would threaten Chinas civilian and commercial space activities, and even deny China access to space. US unilateral weaponization of space will threaten international security Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf Consequently, the cumulative
effect of U.S. space weaponization plans will have grave adverse consequences for global security that will not benefit any countrys security interests. As Ambassador Hu said, In a nutshell, the weaponization of outer space will be detrimental to the interests and security of each and every State, including the very one that introduces weapons into outer space. Its consequences will be most serious and in no ones interest.
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Chinese intentions peaceful- wont join arms race unless provoked Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf In summary, the development
AT: Arms race inevitable
and deployment of U.S. missile defense systems, including weapons in space, would definitely encourage a number of responses from China including technological development, military countermeasures, and political realignment. The type of response would depend on the specific infrastructure of U.S. missile defense and space weaponization programs . At the moment and in the near future, Chinas major response would be to take an arms control approach, such as firmly advocating at the CD a legal instrument to prevent space weaponization. Facing very limited missile defense
deployment, e.g., the initial GMD currently under deployment, China might focus on building more road-mobile ICBMs and developing a variety of penetration aids. If a stronger missile defense system with more interceptors is deployed, China would need to produce more fissile material to fuel more warheads, thus influencing its FMCT participation. If China is confronted with the deployment of a layered (or space-based)
missile defense system, it could consider additional measures such as using ASAT weapons. China is an emerging space power and its space program is peaceful Dr. James Clay Moltz, Naval Postgraduate School, 5/11/2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United
In the emerging postCold War space environment, Asian countriesamong them China, India, and Japan have played an increasingly prominent role. The motives of these countries to date have been different from than those of the superpowers, putting a greater emphasis on domestic economic goals, regional competition, and international prestige, as compared to more limited geostrategic military aims. Chinas 2006 White Paper on space listed the goal to build up the comprehensive national strength as one of the countrys core rationales for space activity. Thus, while China has significant military aims in space, it also has important civil space purposes that are often underappreciated. Given the waning relevance of Communist Party doctrine to Chinese reality, the government is using civil space activities to promote its legitimacy in the eyes of its people.
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China is an emerging space power Dr. James Clay Moltz, Naval Postgraduate School, 5/11/2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United
China Major Space Power
In the emerging postCold War space environment, Asian countriesamong them China, India, and Japan have played an increasingly prominent role. The motives of these countries to date have been different from than those of the superpowers, putting a greater emphasis on domestic economic goals, regional competition, and international prestige, as compared to more limited geostrategic military aims. Chinas 2006 White Paper on space listed the goal to build up the comprehensive national strength as one of the countrys core rationales for space activity. Thus, while China has significant military aims in space, it also has important civil space purposes that are often underappreciated. Given the waning relevance of Communist Party doctrine to Chinese reality, the government is using civil space activities to promote its legitimacy in the eyes of its people.
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Cooperating with China on space policies will keep our relations resilient Moltz 5-11 (Dr. James Clay, Naval Postgraduate School, For the hearing of the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission on: The
Implications of Chinas Military and Civil Space Programs, U.S. Capitol Building, 2011, Chinas Space Technology: International Dynamics and Implications for the United States, http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2011hearings/written_testimonies/11_05_11_wrt/11_05_11_moltz_testimony.pdf) BR Renewing civil and commercial space cooperation with Chinaas begun by the Reagan administrationis not a blank
Cp solves relations
check and need not provide China with sensitive technologies. Instead, it can be carefully structured to allow reasonable cooperation in space science and in space commerce involving products and services available on the international market. Similarly, building a firm basis for space security relationswhile recognizing our differences with Chinashould be pursued out of American interests. Such contacts need to be regularized and used to prevent harmful activities, increase transparency, and reduce tensions. Absent such contacts, the United States will continue to lack access, knowledge, and leverage on Chinese space activities. Finally, we need to pursue closer spacerelated links to U.S. allies and friends, especially in Asia, to help strengthen U.S. capabilities and resiliency. Such actions will help create a stronger political network for U.S. space leadership and establish lasting cooperative ties. Fortunately, the administration has begun such work in the context of the new National Security Space Strategy. But it needs to stay the course and to keep Congress informed of its progress. US-China space cooperation good- will improve relations ASK OCE, ask the academy, Nasa.gov, 7/20/2006, Vol. 1, Issue 10 The Future of U.S.-China Space
Cooperation,http://www.nasa.gov/offices/oce/appel/ask-academy/issues/ask-oce/AO_1-10_F_future.html
U.S. policymakers should engage in an open discussion about possible avenues for cooperation with Chinas civilian space program, according to U.S. Representatives Mark S. Kirk (R-10-IL) and Rick Larsen (D-2-WA). "I think the manned space program has a potential all out of proportion to its size and cost for improving the diplomatic, political and military atmosphere between the United States and China," Kirk said, speaking at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) on July 11. Kirk and Larsen, co-chairs of the bipartisan U.S.-China Working Group in Congress , visited Chinas Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center in January 2006. Their visit was the first of its kind by U.S. lawmakers. Representative Tom Feeney (R-24-FL), another member of the working group, also visited the space facilities with Kirk and Larsen. Larsen noted that China is cooperating with Brazil, the European Space Agency, Russia, and several Asia-Pacific countries. "The big message for me was China is not waiting for the United States to cooperate with them when it comes to space," he said. "It ought to force a discussion in the U.S. among policymakers about what our approach to China in space will be since they are cooperating with others, they're not waiting for us to cooperate, and they're putting people into space." Cooperation with China prevents mistrust and lowers costs benefits outweighs competition Jeffrey Logan, Specialist in Energy Policy- Resources, Science, and Industry Division, CRS Report for Congress, Chinas Space Program: Options for U.S.-China Cooperation, 9/29/2008, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS22777.pdf Benefits of Cooperating with China. The potential benefits of expanded cooperation and dialogue with China include: ! Improved transparency. Regular meetings could help the two nations understand each others intentions more clearly. Currently, there is mutual uncertainty and mistrust over space goals, resulting in the need for worst-case planning. ! Offsetting the need for Chinas unilateral development. Collaborating with China instead of isolating it may keep the country dependent on U.S. technology rather than forcing it to develop technologies alone. This can give the United States leverage in other areas of the relationship. ! Cost savings. China now has the economic standing to support joint space cooperation. Cost-sharing of joint projects could help NASA achieve its challenging work load in the near future. Some have argued that U.S. space commerce has suffered from the attempt to isolate China while doing little to keep sensitive technology out of China
***China cooperation impacts
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U.S.-Sino relations solves economic decline and is a prereq to solving every impact creates the foundation for global interests Cohen 9 (William S., Center for Strategic and International Studies, Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,
Catch All
The evolution of Sino-U.S. relations over the next months, years, and decades has the potential to have a greater impact on global security and prosperity than any other bilateral or multilateral arrangement. In this sense, many analysts consider the US.-China diplomatic relationship to be the most influential in the world. Without question, strong and stable U.S. alliances provide the foundation for the protection and promotion of U.S. and global interests. Yet within that broad framework, the trajectory of U.S.-China relations will determine the success, or failure, of efforts
to address the toughest global challenges: global financial stability, energy security and climate change, nonproliferation, and terrorism, among other pressing issues. Shepherding that trajectory in the most constructive direction possible must therefore be a priority for Washington and Beijing. Virtually no major global challenge can be met without U.S.-China cooperation. The uncertainty of that future trajectory and the "strategic mistrust" between leaders in Washington and Beijing necessarily concerns many experts and policymakers in both countries. Although some U.S. analysts see China as a strategic competitordeliberately vying with the United
States for energy resources, military superiority, and international political influence alike analysis by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has generally found that China uses its soft power to pursue its own, largely economic, international agenda primarily to achieve its domestic objectives of economic growth and social stability.1 Although Beijing certainly has an eye on Washington, not all of its actions are undertaken as a counterpoint to the
United States. In addition, CSIS research suggests that growing Chinese soft power in developing countries may have influenced recent U.S. decisions to engage more actively and reinvest in soft-power tools that have atrophied during the past decade. To the extent that there exists a competition between the United States and China, therefore, it may be mobilizing both countries to strengthen their ability to solve global problems. To be sure, U.S. and Chinese policy decisions toward the respective other power will be determined in large part by the choices that leaders make about their own nations interests at home and overseas, which in turn are shaped by their respective domestic contexts. Both parties must recognizeand acceptthat the other will pursue a foreign policy approach that is in its own national interest. Yet, in a globalized world, challenges are increasingly transnational, and so too must be their solutions. As demonstrated by the rapid spread of SARS from China in 2003, pandemic flu can be spread rapidly through air and via international travel. Dust particulates from Asia settle in Lake Tahoe. An economic downturn in one country can and does trigger an economic
slowdown in another. These challenges can no longer be addressed by either containment or isolation. What constitutes the national interest today necessarily encompasses a broader and more complex set of considerations than it did in the past As a general principle, the United States seeks to promote its national interest while it simultaneously
pursues what the CSIS Commission on Smart Power called in its November 2007 report the "global good."3 This approach is not always practical or achievable, of course. But neither is it pure benevolence. Instead, a strategic pursuit of the global good accrues concrete benefits for the United States (and others) in the form of building confidence, legitimacy, and political influence in key countries and regions around the world in ways that enable the United States to better confront global and transnational challenges. In short, the global good comprises those things that all people and governments want but have traditionally not been able to attain in the absence of U.S. leadership. Despite historical, cultural, and political differences
between the United States and China, Beijing's newfound ability, owing to its recent economic successes, to contribute to the global good is a matter for common ground between the two countries. Today there is increasing recognition that no major global challenge can be addressed effectively, much less resolved, without the active engagement ofand cooperation betweenthe United States and China. The United States and Chinathe worlds first- and third-largest economiesare inextricably linked, a fact made ever more evident in the midst of the current global financial crisis.
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US China cooperation can solve warming, scarcity, proliferation, genocide, and disease Gewirtz 11 (Paul is a professor at Yale Law School and director of The China Law Center. He served in the Clinton Administration and worked on the
two summit meetings between President Bill Clinton and Chinas then-president, Jiang Zemin. What America and China Must Not Forget January 18 http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/19/opinion/19iht-edgewirtz19.html) However, the fact that the
Laundry List
United States and China have many common interests does not mean that we will inevitably pursue them. Nor does Chinas rising economic and military power mean inevitable conflict, as fatalistic doomsayers in both countries are
arguing. The United States and China are now so entangled with each other economically that conflict whether escalating trade protectionism or belligerent rivalry for spheres of influence or military provocation inflicts major harm on both countries. And there are so many global problems
that require U.S.-China cooperation if the world is to find solutions including climate change, energy scarcity, nuclear proliferation, genocide and pandemics that we have large incentives and responsibilities to cooperate. China relations key to the economy, disease control, and national security Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf)
There are many additional areas of potential U.S.-Chinese cooperation, including global financial stability, disease control, and product safety. This is why U.S. Embassy Beijing is and should be one of the busiest buildings in the entire U.S. government system. The examples above are only illustrations of areas where cooperation has taken place and must be enhanced if the two nations national security interests are to be served. If we succeed in achieving real results together and along with other concerned countries, we will have done a great deal toward building confidence and trust between the two governments. If, instead, China and the United States start with issues on which they simply cannot fully agree now or for the foreseeable future, such as Taiwan and Tibet, then they are likely to hit a wall with negative repercussions for their bilateral relationship and for their mutual ability to contribute to solutions to these global problems. U.S.-Sino cooperation in space is vital to space debris, natural disaster predictions, weather data and other issues Young 11 (Connie, Can U.S. afford to snub China in space quest, CBS News, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503543_162-20077462-503543.html,
7/7/11 [NT]) "The ban should be lifted," wrote Kulacki bluntly. "The
progress of Chinese space activity during the previous US administration suggests that the prohibitions that have stifled Sino-American scientific cooperation for decades have not achieved their aims, and have arguably been counterproductive. China has shown that it has the talent and resources to go it alone. The sanctions have only severed links between the countries and made a new generation of Chinese
intellectuals resentful and suspicious of the United States. And they stand in contrast to the tradition of scientists strengthening diplomatic relations." Other
experts agree that cooperation between the two countries, particularly on space and science projects, is mutually beneficial. Mitigating space debris and collecting data for weather and natural disasters around the globe, once spearheaded by former Secretary of State Collin Powell, are a few examples of common interests. Joan Johnson-Freese, like space debris and we also should be working with them so that we can learn more about their program."
Chairman of the National Security Decision Making Department at the U.S. Naval War College, an expert on China's space program, agrees with Kulacki's assessment. "I think (the bill) is fool-hearted," she told CBS News in a telephone interview. "We ought to be working with them on things "There are a number of members of Congress who are adamant we will not work with China," said Johnson-Freese. "Meanwhile, China is reaching out and working with many, many countries." Beijing now has cooperative agreements with Russia, Canada, Europe, Venezuela as
well as neighboring countries. Collaborations include joint satellite projects, aerospace university exchanges, export of communication satellites and the sharing of some of its satellite imaging data for natural resources. "About the only country that has said 'no thank you' to cooperation with China, is the United States ," noted JohnsonFreese.
Empirically proven- US China cooperation solves international terrorism and piracy Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf)AK As two of the worlds larger trading nations and the two largest importers of energy resources, China
and the United States have a strong incentive to cooperate and coordinate their activities in fighting piracy and terrorist attacks on shipping. The Gulf of Aden operation, which China decided to join in the waning weeks of the Bush administration, is a good start. It demonstrates in concrete terms the common interests between the two sides , and it allows a level of military-to-military contact that cannot be replicated in
defense ministry meeting rooms or classrooms at military academies. The existing cooperation in the Gulf of Aden mission could be enhanced further and could become a precedent for more frequent tactical-level meetings between the two nations militaries. Such a constructive meeting took
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu place aboard a Chinese navy flagship in the Gulf of Aden on November 1, 2009 . The U.S. commander of Combined Task Force 151, Rear Admiral Scott Sanders, met with his Chinese counterpart, Rear Admiral Wang Zhiguo. On that occasion, Admiral Sanders stated, It is clear that China is a reliable partner and that our efforts are mutually beneficial.11 Such concrete reminders of the
two nations common interests provide a stronger foundation for the overall U.S.-China diplomatic relationship than abstract statements about mutual respect for allegedly fully distinct core national interests.
US China Cooperation solves warming, poverty, proliferation, disease, and the economy Hachigian 11 (Nina Hachigian is a Senior Fellow at American Progress. Conduct Befitting a Great Power Responsibility and Sovereignty in U.S.China Relations January http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2011/01/pdf/china_policy.pdf)AK
It is possible that American and Chinese conceptions of global responsibility and sovereignty will converge over time to
meet the needs of the 21st century as China adjusts to its global role, assuming that the consensus in the United States holds for America continuing to play the role of the responsible leader. If so, we can expect progress on rebalancing the global economy as well as tackling
global warming, poverty, pandemics, and nuclear proliferation, among other global issues. But that convergence is hardly a sure
thing, especially given the politically charged window of the next two years leading up to a power transition in China and a U.S. presidential election in 2012.
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Iranian nuclearization would destabilize the Middle East, increase energy prices, and cause an Israeli-Iranian conflict- US China cooperation solves Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf)AK What is true for North Korea policy is true for other policies. Iran may be more distant from China than North Korea, but China
Iran/Israel-Iran War
is a net importer of energy with a large export sector that would be greatly affected by sudden, sharp price increases , which would
raise the costs of both production and shipping. Properly considered, Chinas energy security, like the energy security of all net importers, is in stable prices, the avoidance of shocks, and the free flow of energy resources. Iran is a major destabilizing force in the energy-rich Middle East
and Persian Gulf, even though it does not enjoy the added confidence that nuclear weapons might supply. One can only imagine how destabilizing its revolutionary regime might become if it should come to believe that it holds a credible nuclear deterrent
against retribution from others. Moreover, the development of Iranian nuclear weapons is considered an existential threat in Israel, since the current leadership in Tehran has publicly called for the annihilation of Israel. It seems quite probable that if international diplomacy fails to alter Irans current trajectory, eventually Israel will take some series of overt and covert actions against Iran that could lead to massive instability
in the Middle East and Persian Gulf regions, regardless of how successful those actions might prove to be. It therefore behooves the Chinese, the United States, and the Europeans to more tightly coordinate activities to prevent such an outcome , since the resulting instability would hurt all net importers of energy very badly. Extinction. Hirsch, 2005
[Jorge Hirsch, CAN A NUCLEAR STRIKE ON IRAN BE AVERTED, NOVEMBER 21, 2005, HTTP://WWW.ANTIWAR.COM/ORIG/HIRSCH.PHP?ARTICLEID=8089] The Bush administration has put together all the elements it needs to justify the impending military action against Iran. Unlike in the case of Iraq, it will happen without warning, and most of the justifications will be issued after the fact. We will wake up one day to learn that facilities in Iran have been
bombed in a joint U.S.-Israeli attack. It may even take another couple of days for the revelation that some of the U.S. bombs were nuclear. [Continues]
Why a Nuclear Attack on Iran Is a Bad Idea Now that we have outlined what is very close to happening, let us discuss briefly why everything possible should be done to prevent it. In a worst-case scenario, the attack will cause a violent reaction from Iran. Millions of "human wave" Iranian
militias will storm into Iraq, and just as Saddam stopped them with chemical weapons, the U.S. will stop them with nuclear weapons, resulting potentially in hundreds of thousands of casualties. The Middle East will explode, and popular uprisings in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and other countries with pro-Western governments could be overtaken by radical regimes. Pakistan already has nuclear weapons, and a nuclear conflict could even lead to Russia's and Israel's involvement using nuclear weapons. In a best-case scenario, the U.S. will destroy all nuclear, chemical, and
missile facilities in Iran with conventional and low-yield nuclear weapons in a lightning surprise attack, and Iran will be paralyzed and decide not to retaliate for fear of a vastly more devastating nuclear attack. In the short term, the U.S. will succeed, leaving no Iranian nuclear program, civilian or otherwise. Iran will no longer threaten Israel, a regime change will ensue, and a pro-Western government will emerge. However, even in the best-case scenario, the long-term
consequences are dire. The nuclear threshold will have been crossed by a nuclear superpower against a nonnuclear country. Many more countries will rush to get their own nuclear weapons as a deterrent. With no taboo against the use of nuclear weapons, they will certainly be used again. Nuclear conflicts will occur within the next 10 to 20 years, and will escalate until much of the world is destroyed. Let us remember that the destructive power of existing nuclear arsenals is approximately one million times that of the Hiroshima bomb, enough to erase Earth's population many times over.
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--XT: Iran
China has and wants to cooperate with the US over Iran- terrorism, proliferation, and oil Chu 07 (Shulong, PhD, is currently a professor in political science and international relations at the School of Public Policy and Management, and
deputy director, Institute of Strategic Studies of Tsinghua University in Beijing, China. China seeks six-party solution on Iran December 20 http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/IL20Ad03.html)AK China stopped those programs with Iran in the mid-to-late 1990s. Since then, China
has become a major part of the international non-proliferation regime and joined almost all the non-proliferation treaties. Additionally, China has moved closer in step with the international community , including the US, on the Iranian nuclear issue. There has been notable progress in
consultation and cooperation due to the fact that the two countries were able to develop a common understanding and shared interests over the Iranian nuclear issue. Since 1998, China has started to work with other countries such as the UK, France, Russia, and the US, as well as the UN Security Council, on the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests. The process of the six-party talks on the North Korean nuclear issue brought the US and
China to the table with a common purpose: to prevent the escalation of tension and strengthen the regional non-proliferation regime. Iran and North Korea represent a major area for US-China international consultation and cooperation. The US and China have worked as "stakeholders" in maintaining international and regional peace and security because they share three converging interests in the Iranian nuclear issue. The first is stability in the Middle East - including the Persian Gulf. China and the US share a common interest in Middle East stability because the two countries are the biggest consumers of Middle East oil. The majority of oil imports by the US and China come from the region and China imports nearly 60% of its overseas oil imports from the Gulf. In order to ensure stable and reasonable energy supply abroad, especially from the Middle East, Iran is a an indispensable party to any national economic and strategic security for the two countries now and in the future. Clearly, the peace and stability of Iran and other parts of the Middle East are of common economic, security, and strategic interest to the US and China. Secondly, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is already an established common interest of both the US and China. The spread of nuclear weapons is a long-term threat to the international community . The more states or non-state actors possess nuclear weapons, the higher the possibility that some nation, regime, non-state actor or politician may play the nuclear card and heighten existential risks in unstable conflict situations. Lastly, terrorism remains a major threat to the US, China and other countries. The Middle East region, and bordering countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, and even Central Asia, are the major sources of terrorist forces threatening the US and China. Separatist forces using car bombs in China's Xinjiang and border areas of Central and Western Asia, are a major national security threat - second only to
Taiwan's move towards de jure independence. The support for Xinjiang's separatist forces comes mainly from Central and Western Asia. These are the major common views and interests between the US and China over Iranian issues, and they have been the foundation of US-China cooperation in recent years. This foundation should enable the US and China to continue to engage over issues related to Iran and the Middle East. Still, China and the US seem to have more differences than agreements over Iran, especially concerning the nuclear issue.
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U.S.-Sino relations key to East Asia stability Bandow 10 (Doug, Senior Fellow, Cato Institute, cato.orgEngaging China to Maintain Peace in East Asia, http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11845,
5-25-2010 [NT])
Asian Stability
How to maintain the peace in East Asia Washington must engage the PRC on both issues. America's relationship with Beijing will have a critical impact on the development of the 21st century. Disagreements are inevitable; conflict is not. China is determined to take an increasingly important international role. It is entitled to do so. However, it should equally commit to acting responsibly. As the PRC grows economically, expands its military, and gains diplomatic influence, it will be able to greatly influence international events, especially in East Asia. If it does so for good rather than ill, its neighbors will be less likely to fear the emerging superpower . Most important, responsible Chinese policy will diminish the potential for military confrontation between Beijing and Asian states as well as the U.S. In return, Washington should welcome China into the global leadership circle if its rise remains peaceful and responsible. American analysts have
expressed concern about a Chinese military build-up intended to prevent U.S. intervention along the PRC's border. But the U.S. cannot expect other states to accept American dominance forever. Any American attempt to contain Beijing is likely to spark predictably a hostile response from China. Instead, Washington policymakers should prepare for a world in which reciprocity replaces diktat. The U.S. could encourage Chinese responsibility by adopting policies that highlight the importance of the PRC's role in promoting regional peace and stability. Such an approach is most needed to deal with the Korean peninsula and Taiwan. For instance, Beijing could play a critical role in restraining and ultimately transforming the
North. So far the PRC has declined to apply significant pressure on its long-time ally. In fact, North Korea's Kim Jong-il recently visited China,
presumably in pursuit of additional economic aid and investment. His quid pro quo might have been a professed willingness to return to the Six-Party nuclear talks. But few analysts believe there is much chance of a nuclear deal whether or not these negotiations proceed and almost certainly no chance unless the PRC is prepared to get tough with the North, including threatening to cut off generous food and energy shipments. To encourage Beijing,
Washington should suggest that China would share the nightmare if an unstable North Korea expands its nuclear arsenal. East Asian instability leads to World War III Knight Ridder in 00
(Jonathon S. Landay, Top administration officials warn stakes for U.S. are high in Asian conflicts, 3-11, L/N) Few if any experts think China and Taiwan, North Korea and South Korea, or India and Pakistan are spoiling to fight. But even
a minor miscalculation by any of them could destabilize Asia, jolt the global economy and even start a nuclear war. India, Pakistan and China all have nuclear weapons, and North Korea may have a few, too. Asia lacks the kinds of organizations, negotiations and diplomatic relationships that helped keep an uneasy peace for five decades in Cold War Europe. "Nowhere else on Earth are the stakes as high and relationships so fragile," said Bates Gill, director of northeast Asian policy studies at the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank. "We see the convergence of great power interest overlaid with lingering confrontations with no institutionalized security mechanism in place. There are elements for potential disaster." Asian instability goes nuclear. Ogura & Oh, 1997
[Toshimaru and Igyu, Monthly Review, April]
North Korea, South Korea, and Japan have achieved quasi- or virtual nuclear armament. Although these countries do not produce or possess actual bombs, they possess sufficient technological know-how to possess one or several nuclear arsenals . Thus, virtual armament creates a new nightmare in this region - nuclear annihilation. Given the concentration of economic affluence and military power in this region and its growing importance to the world system, any hot conflict among these countries would threaten to escalate into a global conflagration.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes U.S.-China alliance is key to Asian stability VOA News 11 (VOA News: Reflecting the Views of the United States Government, Asia-Pacific Consultations,
http://www.voanews.com/policy/editorials/asia/Asia-Pacific-Consultations-124947204.html, 7/3/11 [NT])
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--XT: Asian Stability
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell recently hosted Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai for the inaugural U.S.-China Consultations on the Asia-Pacific in Honolulu. "The United States began the dialogue by highlighting that it is an Asia-Pacific country with
an abiding national interest in peace, stability, and prosperity in the region," Assistant Secretary Campbell said at a news briefing after the consultation meeting. "[And] it welcomes a strong, prosperous and successful China to play a greater role in regional and world affairs." The United States conducted open, frank, and constructive discussions with China to better understand each other's intentions, policies and actions toward the Asia-Pacific region. The United States underscored the importance of its existing alliances, which are the cornerstone of its strategy in the Asia-Pacific region, and its efforts to build new partnerships in the region. The United States emphasized its support for strengthening the role of regional institutions. In that context, the United States and China discussed ways for both countries to promote greater cooperation on the challenges facing the region. Assistant Secretary Campbell and Vice Foreign Minister Cui discussed each sides' objectives for the upcoming
meetings of the Association of South East Asian Nations' Regional Forum, the Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation Leaders Meeting that will be held in Hawaii, the Pacific Islands Forum, and the East Asia Summit. The United States and China also had discussions about Northeast
Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific, with particular attention on timely issues such as North Korea, maritime security in the South China Sea, and Burma. The Asia-Pacific Consultations are similar to dialogues the United States holds with many
other Asia-Pacific nations, and complements existing U.S.-China dialogues on other critical regions of the world. The two sides agreed to hold another round of talks in China at a mutually convenient time.
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In contrast to violently containing Chinas rise, cooperation will be vital Nye 11 (Joseph S. Nye, Jr. is a professor at Harvard. He was a former Assistant Secretary of Defense in the Clinton Administration, Should China be
contained?, Al Jazeera, http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/07/20117591135770761.html, 7/8/11 [NT])
China Rise
Such fears appear exaggerated, particularly when one considers that Asia is not one entity. It has its own internal
balance of power. Japan, India, Vietnam, and other countries do not want to be dominated by China, and thus welcome a US presence in the region.
Unless China develops its "soft power", the rise in its military and economic power is likely to frighten its neighbours into seeking coalitions to balance its rise. It is as if Mexico and Canada sought an alliance with China to balance US power
in North America. After the 2008-2009 financial crisis, as China recovered rapidly and resumed ten per cent annual economic growth, some Chinese officials and commentators urged a more assertive foreign policy to reflect China's new strength. Many mistakenly believed that the US was in decline, and that the crisis presented new strategic opportunities for China. For example, China began pressing territorial claims in the South China Sea, as well as escalating a longstanding border dispute with India. The net result is that over the past two years, China has worsened its relations with Japan, India, South Korea, Vietnam, and others - quite a remarkable record that confirms the US strategic premise that "only China can contain China". But it would be a
mistake to focus only on the hedging part of American strategy. The US and China (as well as other countries) have much to gain from collaborating on transnational issues. One cannot devise and implement solutions to global financial stability, climate change, cyber terrorism, or pandemics without such cooperation. If power is the ability to obtain the outcomes one wants, it is important to remember that sometimes our power is greater when we act with others rather than merely over others. This important dimension of a "smart power" strategy for the twenty-first century is not captured by the concept of containment. When Kissinger landed in
Beijing four decades ago, he ushered in not only a Cold War transformation, but also a new era of US-Chinese engagement.
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North Korean Prolif

Failure to stop North Korean prolif causes Japanese nuclearization, global proliferation, heightened tensions with China, and instability on the Korean Peninsula Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf) AK North Korean nuclear developments can also have a catalytic effect on the military modernization of U.S. allies in Chinas region and on the degree of coordination and cooperation between those allies and the United States. The development of deliverable nuclear weapons by North
Korea is considered a real threat in Japan, for example. In the most dramatic scenario, North Korean nuclear developments might cause Japan to abandon its nuclear taboo and develop nuclear weapons of its ownsomething China certainly
would not want to see. Even if we do an objective analysis and say that there are so many domestic and international constraints on Japans nuclear development that it remains unlikely, there is little doubt that North Korean nuclear developments make such an outcome much
more likely than it would otherwise be. What is less appreciated, however, is how North Korean nuclear weaponization might affect Japans conventional programs in ways that China would like to avoid. One could very realistically expect enhanced cooperation from Japan in
the ongoing program to jointly develop regional missile defense with the United Statessomething that China believes hurts its own deterrent capabilities. Moreover, it would seem very reasonable if Japan were to overcome its earlier reluctance to build offensive
conventional capabilities and to invest in a large arsenal of fast, conventionally tipped strike weapons. The cheapest and most
effective way to defend against North Korean missiles in a war or crisis would be to destroy them on the ground. Since such strike weapons would have multiple uses and their development would potentially have symbolic meaning for the future of Japans military posture overall, China would certainly not want to see such an outcome. North Korean nuclear weapons development, if left unchecked, will also likely lead to much greater and more active maritime cooperation between the United States and its regional allies over time. Many of these outcomes will be unwelcome in Beijing. Not only will North Korean nuclear development catalyze U.S.-Japanese missile defense cooperation, it might also spark South Korea to join a regional missile defense program. More generally, the United States and its allies have to be concerned about nuclear proliferation not only in North Korea but also from North Korea. As we saw in the revelations about North Korean nuclear cooperation with Syria in 2007, an irresponsible regime such as North Koreas
possessing nuclear weapons carries the real risk of transfer to other irresponsible state and nonstate actors . So we
should expect enhanced naval cooperation, exercises, and inspections of North Korean shipping by the United States, Japan, South Korea, and other U.S. regional allies and security partners as part of the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). Beijing will likely be concerned about the side effects of this cooperation on the alliances and security partnerships overall and about the
potential for instability or war on the neighboring
Korean Peninsula if North Korea were to overreact to the enhanced allied actions against its ships at sea. This last scenario should not seem at all far-fetched. After the sinking of the Cheonan, which an international panel confirmed as resulting from a torpedo attack by a North Korean submarine, Beijing objected rather stridently to the U.S. and ROK response : a round of exercises including joint antisubmarine
warfare exercises in the waters off of the Korean Peninsula. Not just the commentators on the blogosphere but the Foreign Ministry spokesperson objected to the exercises for precisely the two reasons offered above.8 The exercises were seen as destabilizing given the existing tense post-Cheonan standoff between Seoul and Pyongyang, and the Korean Peninsula with China.
seen as a challenge to Chinas own security interests in the region given the contiguity of
North Korean nuclearization triggers multiple scenarios for nuclear war first strikes, proliferation, and loose nukes. Baltutis, 2009
[Aaryn, writer for the San Antonio Examiner, North Korea's Infinitesimal Threat 7-22-09, http://www.examiner.com/x-16803-San-Antonio-PoliticalBuzz-Examiner~y2009m7d22-North-Koreas-Infinitesimal-Threat] Despite U.S. State Department claims to the contrary, there is no bigger threat to the security of the United States in this day and age than North Korea. Compared to the "grave and imminent" threat that was sold to us in 2003 to justify the invasion of Iraq, I would put North Korea as a 10 out of 10 in terms of clear and present danger to America. In 2003, Saddam Hussein's Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction, no ties to terrorism and a joke of a military. The only justifiable reason that has survived Bush-era war propaganda is Iraq's U.N. mandate violations. Despite that reality, not only does North Korea continue to spit in the face of the same U.N. resolutions, there is absolutely no doubt that they have
manufactured WMD's and are actively trying to weaponize these systems and even proliferate them to countries like Myanmar on a daily basis. Missile test after missile test meant for deliberate antagonizing, including some that have flown over Japanese airspace and possibly have the range to reach Hawaii, have demonstrated real-life data of the threat, and not
questionable "slam dunk" intelligence assumptions. Not that a missile would have to go as far as Hawaii to affect American lives. There are tens of thousands of American troops still stationed in Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia, as well as the millions innocent civilians of those nations. Kim Jong
Il's health is failing, his people are starving, and there is no clear route of succession. He may feel he has nothing to lose in one all-out glorious attack on American interests before he passes away. China, North Korea's steadily cold an distant ally, might support the United States after a North Korean attack, but conversely they would also resist direct intervention north of the DMZ. A violent struggle might ensure if Kim Jong Il passes away suddenly or a coup removes him first. All kinds of variables and uncertainties make this one of the most volatile regions in the world. I can't think of a single other situation anywhere in the world right now more precarious.
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--XT: North Korea Prolif

US China cooperation stops climate change and prevents proliferation in North Korea and IranChina is willing to cooperate Schiffer 11 (Michael Deputy is the Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia. Building Cooperation in the USChina Military-to-Military
Relationship January 6th http://www.iiss.org/about-us/offices/washington/iiss-us-events/iiss-us-address-building-cooperation-in-the-us-china-militaryto-military-relationship/)AK President Obama has expressed a desire to build a bilateral relationship that is positive in tone, cooperative in nature, and comprehensive in its scope. As President Obama has said, Our ability to partner is a pre-requisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges. From climate change to non-proliferation , it is easy to imagine the issues that a comprehensive US-China partnership can help to tackle -and likewise the problems that threaten to fester if such a mutually beneficial relationship fails to take root. The Obama Administrations policy toward China rests on three pillars: First, a sustained effort to strengthen and expand bilateral cooperation between the United States and China through such mechanisms as the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue (the S&ED). We have been supportive of greater Chinese participation in multilateral institutions and have welcomed a greater Chinese role in the IMF and World Bank. We also have often worked well with China on the U.N. Security Council, and over the past couple of years on reviving the global economy. Second, there a region-wide commitment to strengthen relations with our allies and partners, particularly within a functional problem-solving regional architecture, and placing our China policy within our broader Asia policy. Along with our allies and partners we see greater cooperation in the region as it undergoes unprecedented change, and particularly as China emerges as critical for the stability of the region and indeed the globe. Third is a firm insistence that a rising China abide by and help to uphold the global norms and international rules that have enabled its own rise to greater prosperity and increased national power. We believe that China has an interest in a stable and prosperous Asia-Pacific region, firmly rooted in the established norms and rules of the international system. And while of course only China can or will determine its own future, the United States and others in the region must continue to work with China and encourage it to play a
more constructive role within the region and globally . A strong U.S-China bilateral relationship, and a strong
relationship between China and its neighbors, all working in concert with a China that observes international norms, that plays by common rules of the road, and that exercises its new-found national power responsibly, can be a significant force in tackling shared challenges . So, while we may still have some distance to go before we achieve deep and genuine strategic understanding between our two nations, there are opportunities to build and improve on areas of bilateral cooperation. So, for example: China increasing its involvement in humanitarian and
disaster relief efforts and deploying more peacekeepers to UN missions is a positive indicator of the sort of China that we hope to see emerge in the years ahead; China has demonstrated its willingness to join and deploy naval vessels to the Gulf of Aden and to work in concert with the international community to combat piracy; China is an active participant in the emerging Asia-Pacific regional architecture; and China has shown its willingness to work through multilateral institutions and international organizations, such as the United Nations, to address the proliferation threats emanating from both Iran and North Korea.
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Empirically proven- US China cooperation solves international terrorism and piracy Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf) As two of the worlds larger trading nations and the two largest importers of energy resources, China
Piracy
and the United States have a strong incentive to cooperate and coordinate their activities in fighting piracy and terrorist attacks on shipping. The Gulf of Aden operation, which China decided to join in the waning weeks of the Bush administration, is a good start. It demonstrates in concrete terms the common interests between the two sides , and it allows a level of military-to-military contact that cannot be replicated in
defense ministry meeting rooms or classrooms at military academies. The existing cooperation in the Gulf of Aden mission could be enhanced further and could become a precedent for more frequent tactical-level meetings between the two nations militaries. Such a constructive meeting took
place aboard a Chinese navy flagship in the Gulf of Aden on November 1, 2009 . The U.S. commander of Combined Task Force 151, Rear Admiral Scott Sanders, met with his Chinese counterpart, Rear Admiral Wang Zhiguo. On that occasion, Admiral Sanders stated, It is clear that China is a reliable partner and that our efforts are mutually beneficial.11 Such concrete reminders of the
two nations common interests provide a stronger foundation for the overall U.S.-China diplomatic relationship than abstract statements about mutual respect for allegedly fully distinct core national interests.
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Unilateral action fails, only US China Cooperation solves prolif Bertsch 07 (Gary K. is a University Professor of International Affairs, and Director, Center for International Trade and Security, School of Public and
International Affairs at the University of Georgia. CHINAS STRATEGIC TRADE CONTROLS AND U.S.-CHINA COOPERATION ON NONPROLIFERATION July 12th http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2007hearings/transcripts/july_12_13/bertsch.pdf)AK I further believe that U.S. engagement is critical to maintaining the positive trajectory of Chinese export control development. High level and official dialogue, regular information exchanges, export control assistance, and related confidence-building measures are all important. Continued progress requires sustained political commitment from China, as well as recalibrated international assistance. U.S. leaders should recognize and continue to encourage the progress China is making. They should practices, and improve
Prolif
work cooperatively with their Chinese counterparts to refine policies and export control implementation in both countries. U.S. officials should be forthcoming and admit that the U.S. system and its performance also need attention. An honest, fair-minded, and constructive approach will be useful. The current U.S. and multilateral export control systems and practices were created in the Cold War era and are not well equipped to deal with strategic technology transfer and proliferation in the 21st century. Much of the critical work needed to improve export controls requires multilateral cooperation on extraordinarily difficult issues. While much of that work remains to be done, growing U.S.-China cooperation and more effective U.S. and Chinese export controls will continue to have a salutary impact on addressing the myriad threats associated with WMD proliferation around the globe. With regard to our own Centers role in this engagement, a number of positive outcomes have resulted from our cooperation with Chinese industry , non-governmental organizations and universities. Industry is the first line of defense in restraining proliferation, and we are witnessing many positive developments. For example, NORINCOs
corporate leadership has expressed a clear and unmistakable commitment to a responsible corporate export control program. Its representatives are receptive to the ideas and the training that we and other U.S. experts provide, and they have worked diligently to inform their workforce about the need for export controls, to educate their regulatory officials, and to upgrade their internal compliance program. The NORINCO experience will likely have positive influence on other Chinese enterprises. More Chinese firms are recognizing that responsible export behavior, informed corporate officials, and an effective internal compliance program can be trade enabling. That is, export control compliance will be good for business in the global economy of the 21st century. Those companies that have or are developing a responsible corporate culture and internal export control compliance systems will be more likely to avoid U.S. sanctions and be more competitive in more markets than their less responsible counterparts. To summarize in terms of the topics raised at the outset of my testimony, allow me to conclude with the following: 1. There is much the U.S. Government and non-governmental institutions can do to encourage and assist China in complying with its nonproliferation obligations and implementing stronger export controls. Furthermore, I believe that positive engagement produces the most successful outcomes. I encourage the U.S. Congress to engage with their Chinese counterparts to put more nonproliferation and export control content into their growing exchange programs. I encourage the executive branch agencies to do the same. The experience of our University of Georgia Center in engaging counterparts in Chinese universities and non-governmental organizations, and with industry representatives, has been satisfying thus far and is an example of what can be accomplished. I am confident that much more can be achieved in the years ahead. 2. There is also much we can do to encourage Chinas growing participation in the global nonproliferation agenda. Again, I believe that positive engagement with
Chinas leaders and institutions is critical. The U.S. government was wise to support Chinas accession to the Nuclear Suppliers Group. It
should continue to encourage China to develop its export control capacities andperformance so it can become a full-fledged and respected member of all of the multilateral exportcontrol regimes. Engagement between governments, agencies, industries, and non-governmentalorganizations can promote not only U.S.-China, but also international understanding of commoninterests, and identify ways to achieve those interests with positive outcomes. With better
cooperation,China can become a critical player in promoting nonproliferation globally. Prolif leads to extinction. Utgoff, 2002
[Victor A, Deputy Director of Strategy, Forces, and Resources Division of Institute for Defense Analysis, Summer, Survival, p.87-90] In sum, widespread proliferation is likely to lead to an occasional shoot-out with nuclear weapons, and that such
shoot outs will have a substantial probability of escalating to the maximum destruction possible with the weapons at hand. Unless nuclear proliferation is stopped, we are headed towards a world that will mirror the American Wild West of the late 1800s. With most, if not all, nations wearing nuclear six shooters on their hips, the world may even be a more polite place than it is today, but every once in a while we will all gather together on a hill to bury the bodies of dead cities or even whole nations.
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US China cooperation is key to denuclearizing North Korea and Iran Foot 10 (Rosemary is Professor of International Relations, and the John Swire Senior Research Fellow at St Antony's College, Oxford University.
American-Sino Relations: Cooperation http://media.podcasts.ox.ac.uk/politics/intrelations/RosemaryFoot1.pdf?CAMEFROM=podcastsGET)AK My third issue where we would benefit from Sino American cooperation relates to the question of a non proliferation in nuclear weapons. The behaviour of the two States in reference to this issue is an important factor in the debate about how to strengthen the damaged nuclear non proliferation regime. The two countries have worked cooperatively to roll back the North Korean nuclear weapons programme but they have been less in step over the putity of uranium programme. Both have signed but neither has ratified the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty but both say ratification is a near term goal. Both state that they will work together to negotiate a global fissile material cut off treaty. There are real opportunities to the two governments to exceed to the test ban treaty in the next year or so and that could increase the pressure on other states such as India, Pakistan and Israel to do so as well. If these two governments were to work together cooperatively on these issues,
--XT: Prolif
new life could be breathed into the nuclear non proliferation norm perhaps increasing global pressure on North Korea and Iran to reverse or limit their nuclear programmes.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes U.S.-Sino relations are vital to smart power solves even the largest disagreements Cohen 9 (William S., Center for Strategic and International Studies, Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,
http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090309_mcgiffert_uschinasmartpower_web.pdf [NT]) Effective policy toward China by the United States, and vice versa, will require this kind of dual-minded intelligence. Moreover, working
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Smart Power
together on areas of mutual and global interest will help promote strategic trust between China and the United States, facilitating possible cooperation in other areas. Even limited cooperation on specific areas will help construct additional mechanisms for bilateral communication on issues of irreconcilable disagreement. In fact, many of the
toughest challenges in U.S.-China relations in recent years have been the result of unforeseen events, such as the accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May 1999 and the EP-3 reconnaissance plane collision in April 2001. Building trust and finding workable solutions to tough problems is the premise behind the Obama administrations foreign policy of smart power, as articulated by Secretary of State Clinton. Smart power is based on, as Secretary Clinton outlined in her confirmation hearing, the fundamental belief that 'We must use... the full range of tools at our
disposaldiplomatic, economic, military, political and culturalpicking the right tool, or combination of tools, for each situation."' As the CS1S Commission on Smart Power noted in November 2007, "Smart Power is neither hard nor softit is the skillful combination of both. It is an approach that underscores the necessity of a strong military, but also invests heavily in alliances, partnerships and institutions at all levels. As such, smart power necessarily mandates a major investment in a U.S.-China partnership on key issues. 'The concept enjoys broad support among the Chinese and American people
and, by promoting the global good, it reaps concrete results around the world. There should be no expectation that Washington and Beijing will or should agree on all, or even most, questions. But the American and Chinese people should expect their leaders to come together
on those vital issues that require their cooperation. U.S.-China partnership, though not inevitable, is indispensable.
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US China Cooperation solves Warming and creates green technology- Minister Xie proves China is willing to cooperate Mathews 09 (Jessica Tuchman Mathews is president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the global think tank with headquarters in
Washington, D.C. Her career included posts in both the executive and legislative branches of government, in management and research in the nonprofit arena, and in journalism and science policy. She was director of the Council on Foreign Relations. U.S.-China Climate Change Cooperation March 18 http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2009/03/18/u.s.-china-climate-change-cooperation/acy)AK The U.S. and China, the worlds two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, must both take decisive action to
Warming
reduce emissions in the next five yearsbefore it is too late to avoid the most catastrophic effects of global warming. Cooperation on climate change is in both countries interests, and groundbreaking dialogues between China and the
United States have already begun to identify areas of consensus and mutual interest. Minister Xie Zhenhua, vice chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission and Chinas top climate change negotiator, and Senator Maria Cantwell of Washington State discussed U.S.-China climate cooperation. Moderated by Jessica Mathews, the event was co-hosted by Carnegie and the Global Environmental Institute (GEI) of Beijing. U.S.-China Track II Climate Dialogue Mathews opened the discussion by revealing for the first time that Carnegie and GEI together facilitated a year of off-the-record talks between Chinese and American energy experts and political leaders. Bill Chandler, director of Carnegies Energy and Climate program, and Jin Jiaman, executive director of GEI China, launched the talks in 2007 with the goal of moving beyond discussing what the two countries could do to address climate change and beginning to discuss how to do it. According to Chandler, helping to facilitate the political agreement to begin the dialogue seemed to be the best service the non-government sector could provide. The resulting U.S.-China Climate Track II Dialogue afforded leaders from each country the opportunity to speak frankly and discuss the types of collaboration likely to produce results. Both teams agreed global emissions must be cut by 60 percent
by the year 2050, and that both China and the United States must take action. Mathews explained that the dialogue reached
broad agreement on two main priorities for future cooperation: Building human capacity to accelerate market deployment of existing energy efficiency technologies. Joint development of key energy technologies, specifically carbon capture and storage and automobile fuel economy. Chinas Perspective: Minister Xie Throughout his remarks, Minister Xie stressed the importance of cooperation and dialogue on multiple levels not only between China and the U.S. but also domestically within each country. He thanked Carnegie and GEI for arranging the event, saying that he appreciated the opportunity to meet with people from a range of sectors, from government officials to business and NGO leaders. He also highlighted the far-reaching impacts of China-U.S. climate cooperation: "Taking active measures to address climate change is in the interest of
all mankind, and it requires the cooperation of all countries. As the largest developing country and the largest developed country in the world, respectively, China and the United States having a dialogue and strengthening cooperation on the issue of climate change are inevitable in history. China and the U.S. conducting dialogue and pragmatic cooperation on climate change will benefit not only the relations of the two countries, but also international cooperation and actions to address climate change." Minister Xie went on to say
that his visit to Washington was very productive and met its three primary goals of promoting greater understanding, discussing future cooperation, and preparing for the G20 meeting in April. While differing perspectives and a poor understanding of each others circumstances can sometimes present a barrier to cooperation, Xie noted that his meetings this week with members of Congress and the Obama administration had already revealed many areas of consensus. Yet Xie also drew attention to the fact that China and the United States are in very different circumstances with regards to their economic development, and these circumstances inevitably affect each countrys potential to address climate change. The United States, he said, should establish a domestic cap-and-trade system and should provide financial and technological support for developing countries as they strive to find an environmentally sustainable path toward economic development. But despite the environmental and development challenges facing the country, and contrary to common misconception, China is already taking important steps to increase energy efficiency and curb emissions growth. Xie listed a number of initiatives that China has implemented or augmented in recent years, including an ambitious goal to cut energy intensity (per unit of GDP) by 20 percent by 2010, with a complementary goal of increasing the share of renewable energy to 10 percent by 2010 and 15 percent by 2020. Xie noted that China aims to use market mechanisms to promote clean technology as much as possible; indeed, thanks in part to a set of economic policies that prioritize renewable energy, China already ranks 5th in the world in installed wind power capacity, and it is the world leader by far in installed solar thermal capacity. Regarding multilateral cooperation, Xie was adamant that all countries should adhere to the Bali roadmap and should strive to attain productive results in Copenhagen in December. The financial crisis must not be used as an excuse for countries to lessen their existing commitments under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. U.S.-China dialogue and cooperation benefits both countries and benefits the world, he said, and this bilateral
cooperation may ultimately make a global deal possible. U.S. Perspective: Senator Cantwell Senator Cantwell United States and China both stand to receive enormous gains from technology partnerships. The Senator explained that the two countries complementary strengths and weaknesses provide great opportunities for collaboration. Whereas the United
also presented a strong argument for U.S.-China cooperation, focusing on the economic opportunities of clean energy and stressing that the States has a more advanced science and technology research system and has a well established process for bringing technologies to market, China has a better understanding of what technology works well in the developing world and has the ability to produce technological products more quickly and cheaply. A robust U.S.-China partnership, therefore, has the potential to catalyze development and drive down the costs of
a diverse array of clean energy technologies. She called this strategy coopetitioncooperation in some areas and competition in others. Rather than competing with China for an ever-shrinking foreign energy reserve, we could combine our market opportunity and turbocharge promising, nascent clean energy technologies.
Extinction. Tickell, 2008
[Oliver, Climate Researcher, The Guardian, 8-11, On a planet 4C hotter, all we can prepare for is extinction, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/aug/11/climatechange] We need to get prepared for four degrees of global warming, Bob Watson told the Guardian last week. At first sight this looks like wise counsel from the climate science adviser to Defra. But the idea that we could adapt to a 4C rise is absurd and dangerous. Global warming on this scale would be a catastrophe that would mean, in the immortal words that Chief Seattle probably never spoke, "the end of living and the beginning of survival" for humankind. Or perhaps the beginning of our extinction. The collapse of the polar ice caps would become inevitable, bringing long-term sea level rises of 70-80 metres. All the world's coastal plains would be lost, complete with ports, cities, transport and industrial infrastructure, and much of the world's most productive farmland. The world's geography would be transformed much as it was at
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the end of the last ice age, when sea levels rose by about 120 metres to create the Channel, the North Sea and Cardigan Bay out of dry land. Weather would become extreme and unpredictable, with more frequent and severe droughts, floods and hurricanes. The Earth's carrying capacity would be hugely reduced. Billions would undoubtedly die. Watson's call was supported by the government's former chief scientific adviser, Sir David King, who warned that "if we get to a four-degree rise it is quite possible that we would begin to see a runaway increase". This is a remarkable understatement. The climate system is already experiencing significant feedbacks, notably the summer melting of the Arctic sea ice. The
more the ice melts, the more sunshine is absorbed by the sea, and the more the Arctic warms. And as the Arctic warms, the release of billions of tonnes of methane a greenhouse gas 70 times stronger than carbon dioxide over 20 years captured under melting permafrost is already under way. To see how far this process could go, look 55.5m years to the Palaeocene-Eocene Thermal Maximum, when a
global temperature increase of 6C coincided with the release of about 5,000 gigatonnes of carbon into the atmosphere, both as CO2 and as methane from bogs and seabed sediments. Lush subtropical forests grew in polar regions, and sea levels rose to 100m higher than today. It appears that an initial warming pulse triggered other warming processes. Many scientists warn that this historical event may be analogous to the present: the warming caused by human emissions could propel us towards a similar hothouse Earth.
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--XT: Brink now

We are on the brink of a climate disaster- US China cooperation solves Chandler 08 (William is the Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peac. Breaking the Suicide Pact: U.S.China Cooperation on
Climate Change Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb57_chandler_final.pdf)AK
The United States and China seemingly remain locked in a climate suicide pact, each arguing the other is the reason for inaction. U.S.China climate cooperation is urgently needed to avert climate disaster. The current situation of the energy sectors in the United States and China offers a solution. China and the United States can set and cooperate to achieve national goals and implement enforceable measures. If this U.S. China policy experiment works, China and the United States could develop packages of policies
and measures, test them for efficacy, correct them, and share them with other countries.
US China Cooperation solves climate change- now is key- China is willing to cooperate Xinhua news 09 (Matt Rusling is a Special Correspondent at Xinhua News Agency News analysis: U.S., China cooperation crucial to slowing
climate change August 6th http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-08/06/content_11836855.htm)AK WASHINGTON, Aug. 6, (Xinhua) -- China
and the United States must now cooperate like never before to slow the pace of climate change, experts say. Indeed, China and the U.S. need to reach an agreement in December at the Copenhagen climate talks on how to slow greenhouse gas emissions and transition to low-carbon sources of energy, some experts said. Given China's basic
conditions and the international norms, the Chinese government has always insisted on the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities" established by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. "China and the United States are different in their stages of development, national conditions and historic footprints, so I think they should shoulder different responsibilities in tackling climate change," said Zhang Guobao, president of China's National Energy Administration. Despite those differences, the two nations signed an agreement at last week's U.S.-China
Strategic and Economic Dialogue calling for deeper ties on clean-energy technology. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton praised the accord and said it would serve as the foundation for a new global treaty. "We cannot ignore that the atmosphere was positive and there's a willingness to take this discussion to the next level," said Julian L. Wong, senior policy analyst at the Center for American Progress, a
Washington, D.C.think tank
China is willing to cooperate- US China cooperation is needed now to stop Climate Change and get other countries on board Chandler 08 (William is the Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Breaking the Suicide Pact: U.S.China Cooperation on
Climate Change Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb57_chandler_final.pdf)AK Together, China and the United States produce 40 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions . Their actions
to curb or expand energy consumption will determine whether efforts to stop global climate change succeed or fail. If these two nations act to curb emissions, the rest of the world can more easily coalesce on a global plan. If either fails to act, the mitigation strategies adopted by the rest of the world will fall far short of averting disaster for large parts of the earth. These two nations are now joined in what energy analyst Joe Romm has aptly called a mutual suicide pact.
American leaders point to emissions growth in China and demand that Chinese leaders take responsibility for climate change. Chinese leaders counter that American per capita greenhouse gas emissions are five times theirs and say, You created this problem, you do something about it. Concern for energy security deepens this dilemma. U.S. congressional staff experts think energy is twice as likely to cause conflict between the two
countries as human rights. Mainstream Americans fear that China is gobbling up oil and driving up the price of gasoline. The Chinese fear
American control of Middle East oil and of shipping lanes to China. However, current events are opening a window for change. The United States is moving to address climate change, if only at the state level. Almost half the fifty states have made significant commitments to cut carbon emissions. Crucially, Chinese leaders recently suggested that they might be willing to make a climate commitment . Analysts at the Energy Research Institute, a leading Chinese government think tank, suggest that China could cut its current emissions growth rate by half through 2020, and from that level reduce absolute emissions by one-third by 2050. This scenario would put within reach a global goal of stabilizing the atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide below 500 parts per million. Such a commitment would represent a profound shift in Chinas position, and it could be pivotal in reducing the worst risks of climate change. Thus, a path can be glimpsed to breaking the suicide pact and achieving a bilateral
breakthrough, if Chinese and American leaders and policy makers can find a deeper understanding of energy realities; grasp the need for immediate action to reduce carbon emissions; and develop a new, non-treaty-based approach to reaching an international agreementand eventually even a post-Kyoto global climate accord.
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US China Cooperation is the only way to stop climate change- key to getting other countries on board and developing green technology Christensen 11 (Thomas J. Christensen is Professor of Politics and International Affairs and Director of the Princeton-Harvard China and the
World Program at Princeton University. The Need to Pursue Mutual Interests in U.S.-PRC Relations April http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR269Christensen.pdf) It is obvious to natural scientists and social scientists alike that any
--XT: Warming
effective global response to climate change will require coordination and cooperation between China and the United States, the two largest greenhouse-gas emitters on the planet and, as our Chinese friends often point out, the largest developing economy and the largest developed economy in the world. The two nations behavior sets the standard for other states in those classes, and frankly speaking, the standard they have set to date is very low indeed. To improve performance on this score, both nations will have to make more impressive commitments to reduce emissions than either offered at the 2009 Copenhagen Summit. But the most effective solutions to these problems will almost certainly be technological in nature and will require enhanced cooperation on the development of clean energy production. For this to be successful, both
countries will need to think past short-term economic gains, and China, in particular, will need to provide significantly better protection of intellectual property than it has in the past.
U.S.-Sino cooperation key to solve global warming and energy crisis two largest emitters Cohen 9 (William S., Center for Strategic and International Studies, Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,
Similarly, as the worlds two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, China and the United States share not only the collateral damage of energy-inefficient economic growth, but a primary responsibility to shape any ultimate global solutions to climate change. To date, cooperation has been elusive, owing as much to Washington's reluctance as to Beijing's intransigence. Painting China as the environmental bogeyman as an excuse for foot-dragging in policymaking is no longer an option; for its part, China, as the world's top polluter, must cease playing the developing-economy card. Yet energy security and climate change remain an area of genuine opportunity for joint achievement. Indeed, U.S.-China cooperation in this field is a sine qua non of any response to the energy and climate challenges. The sheer size of the Chinese economy means that collaboration with the United States could set the de facto global standards for efficiency and emissions in key economic sectors such as industry and transportation. Climate change also provides an area for cooperation in previously uncharted policy waters, as in emerging Arctic navigational and energy exploration opportunities. Washington and Beijing also share a deep and urgent interest in international peace and stability. The resumption of U.S.-China military contacts is a positive development. As two nuclear powers with worldwide economic and strategic interests, both countries want to minimize instability and enhance maritime security, as seen by parallel antipiracy missions in the waters of Somalia. China is willing to cooperate- US China cooperation solves warming - creates momentum for a global deal Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 09 (U.S.China Climate Discussions Pledge Pragmatic Cooperation March 20
http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2009/03/20/u.s.-china-climate-discussions-pledge-pragmatic-cooperation/acv)AK WASHINGTON, Mar 20Minister Xie Zhenhua, vice chairman of Chinas National Development
and Reform Commission and Chinas top climate negotiator, signaled Wednesday the Chinese governments willingness to work with the United States on reducing both countries greenhouse gas emissions in a speech at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peaces Washington office. Earlier this week, Minister Xie met privately with members of the Obama administrations energy-climate team to explore possibilities for additional U.S.China cooperation. Minister Xies visit follows more than a year of offthe-record, Track II, U.S.China negotiations, facilitated by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Global Environmental Institute of Beijing (GEI), and aimed at improving U.S.China cooperation on energy and climate issues. Speaking publicly at the Endowments Washington offices on March 18, Minister Xie thanked GEI and Carnegie for their efforts in promoting ChinaU.S. dialogue on climate change, and he highlighted the importance of cooperation: "Taking active measures to address climate change is in the interest of all mankind, and it requires
the cooperation of all countries. As the largest developing country and the largest developed country in the world, respectively, China and the United States having a dialogue and strengthening cooperation on the issue of climate change are inevitable in history. China and the U.S. conducting dialogue and pragmatic cooperation on climate change will benefit not only the relations of the two countries, but also international cooperation and actions to address climate change." Jessica T. Mathews, president of the Carnegie Endowment, said: U.S.China cooperation is absolutely crucial to a global climate deal . We are hopeful that a presidential level agreement on U.S.China climate cooperation will be reached soon. What has been missing until now is not the what to do, but the how to move ahead. The Track II talks have identified areas of mutual agreement. Following
through is a historic opportunitywhich the governments must not miss. Leadership in the Track II talks was provided by Carnegie scholars in Washington led by William Chandler, director of the Endowments Energy and Climate program, and by GEI, an independent Chinese non-governmental organization led by Jin Jiaman. Jin said: Both Chinese and American participants agree that climate change threatens our countries. We
expect the Chinese and American governments to take serious action to reduce emissions. Following the public session,
Liu is
Carnegie hosted a meeting between Minister Xie and American foundation heads to further initiatives in U.S.China climate cooperation at the nongovernmental organization level. These efforts are supported by the blue moon fund and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. We believe that action
urgently needed to speed emissions mitigation, said Diane Edgerton Miller of the blue moon fund, [and] we have been investing in this
goal for some time. Lin Jiang, representing the Energy Foundation, noted that his organization has been contributing to energy efficiency and renewable energy efforts in China for a decade.
US China cooperation is needed now to stop Climate Change and get other countries on board Chandler 08 (William is the Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Breaking the Suicide Pact: U.S.China Cooperation on
Climate Change Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb57_chandler_final.pdf) Together, China and the United States produce 40 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions . Their actions
to curb or expand energy consumption will determine whether efforts to stop global climate change succeed or fail. If these two nations act to curb emissions, the rest of the world can more easily coalesce on a global plan. If either fails to act, the mitigation strategies adopted by the rest of the world will fall far short of averting disaster for large parts of the earth. These two nations are now joined in what energy analyst Joe Romm has aptly called a mutual suicide pact.
breakthrough, if Chinese and American leaders and policy makers can find a deeper understanding of energy realities; grasp the need for immediate action to reduce carbon emissions; and develop a new, non-treaty-based approach to reaching an international agreementand eventually even a post-Kyoto global climate accord. We are on the brink of a climate disaster- US China cooperation solves Chandler 08 (William is the Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peac. Breaking the Suicide Pact: U.S.China Cooperation on
Climate Change Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb57_chandler_final.pdf)
The United States and China seemingly remain locked in a climate suicide pact, each arguing the other is the reason for inaction. U.S.China climate cooperation is urgently needed to avert climate disaster. The current situation of the energy sectors in the United States and China offers a solution. China and the United States can set and cooperate to achieve national goals and implement enforceable measures. If this U.S. China policy experiment works, China and the United States could develop packages of policies
and measures, test them for efficacy, correct them, and share them with other countries.
US China Cooperation solves climate change- now is key- China is willing to cooperate Xinhua news 09 (Matt Rusling is a Special Correspondent at Xinhua News AgencyNews analysis: U.S., China cooperation crucial to slowing
climate change August 6th http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-08/06/content_11836855.htm) WASHINGTON, Aug. 6, (Xinhua) -- China and the United States must now cooperate like never before to
slow the pace of climate change, experts say. Indeed, China and the U.S. need to reach an agreement in December at the Copenhagen climate talks on how to slow greenhouse gas emissions and transition to low-carbon sources of energy, some experts said. Given China's basic
conditions and the international norms, the Chinese government has always insisted on the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities" established by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. "China and the United States are different in their stages of development, national conditions and historic footprints, so I think they should shoulder different responsibilities in tackling climate change," said Zhang Guobao, president of China's National Energy Administration. Despite those differences, the two nations signed an agreement at last week's U.S.-China
Strategic and Economic Dialogue calling for deeper ties on clean-energy technology. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton praised the accord and said it would serve as the foundation for a new global treaty. "We cannot ignore that the atmosphere was positive and there's a willingness to take this discussion to the next level," said Julian L. Wong, senior policy analyst at the Center for American Progress, a
Washington, D.C.think tank
China is willing to cooperate- US China cooperation is needed now to stop Climate Change and get other countries on board Chandler 08 (William is the Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Breaking the Suicide Pact: U.S.China Cooperation on
Climate Change Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb57_chandler_final.pdf)AK Together, China and the United States produce 40 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions . Their actions
to curb or expand energy consumption will determine whether efforts to stop global climate change succeed or fail. If these two nations act to curb emissions, the rest of the world can more easily coalesce on a global plan. If either fails to act, the mitigation strategies adopted by the rest of the world will fall far short of averting disaster
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu for large parts of the earth. These two nations are now joined in what energy analyst Joe Romm has aptly called a mutual suicide pact.
breakthrough, if Chinese and American leaders and policy makers can find a deeper understanding of energy realities; grasp the need for immediate action to reduce carbon emissions; and develop a new, non-treaty-based approach to reaching an international agreementand eventually even a post-Kyoto global climate accord.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes US-China Relations low now-South China Sea proves VOA NEWS 11 (June 27, US Official: China's Military Expansion Raises Concerns in Asia-Pacific Voice of America,
http://www.voanews.com/english/news/US-Official--Chinas-Military-Expansion-Raises-Concerns-in-Asia-Pacific-124578209.html) A top U.S. official for East Asian and Pacific affairs says the U.S. government has conveyed to China that its military
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Relations Low - Generic
expansion is raising concerns in the region. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell spoke to reporters in Honolulu, after a meeting with Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai . The two officials held their first round of consultations on the
Asia-Pacific region in a closed-door meeting Saturday. Campbell described the discussions as "open, frank and constructive" and said their goal was to obtain a better understanding of each other's intentions, policies, and actions toward the region. Campbell said the United States reiterated
that it welcomes a strong, prosperous, and successful China that plays a greater role in regional and world affairs. However, he also said greater transparency and more dialogue by China about its growing military capabilities would help ease regional concerns. Campbell said the bilateral talks also included North Korea's nuclear weapons program,
maritime security in the South China Sea and Burma. The two sides say that Saturday's consultations were an outcome of the third round of the China-U.S.. strategic and economic dialogue held in May and that they reflect a consensus reached by U.S. President Barack Obama and his Chinese counterpart Hu Jintao to build a positive, cooperative and comprehensive relationship Campbell said that upcoming multilateral sessions should highlight areas where the United States and China -- but other countries, as well -- are able to very clearly articulate areas of cooperation on issues such as disaster preparedness. On North Korea, he reiterated that the United States is looking for concrete progress in Pyongyang's relations with South Korea. He said the U.S. has
urged China again to press North Korea to deal responsibly and appropriately with South Korea, and to refrain from any further provocations. On South China Sea tensions, he said the United States told China that it wants an end to regional tensions and dialogue among all the key players. China last week warned the United States to stay out of the regional dispute over the South China Sea waters which are also claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam and Taiwan China trying to overcome the US-J-20 proves McGlaun11 (Shaun, July 4 China Working Hard to Build High-Performance Jet Engines Daily Tech
http://www.dailytech.com/China+Working+Hard+to+Build+HighPerformance+Jet+Engines/article22057.htm)
China is pushing hard to grow its economy and increase its military prowess. Part of the increasing military strength from China comes by way of new developments in aircraft like the J-20 stealth fighter. China is also hoping to create a fighter jet that is totally of Chinese origin with Chinese parts. The problem today is that China isn't able to create its own high performance jet engines. China sources its high-performance engines from Russia today, but China Signpost has issued a report that claims China needs 2-3 years to reach the level of sophistication of modern jet engines in America. The authors of the report, Andrew Erikson and Gabe Collins, wrote, "We estimate that based on current knowledge and assuming no major setbacks or loss of mission focus, China will need 2-3 years before it achieves comprehensive capabilities commensurate with the aggregate inputs in the jet engine sector US-China tensions high-talks ineffective SCHAEFERS & KATE 11(Allison &Daniel Ten 6-26, U.S. Tells China at Honolulu Talks It Wants Stability in South China Sea Bloomberg
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-06-26/u-s-tells-china-at-honolulu-talks-it-wants-stability-in-south-china-sea.html
The U.S. told China that tensions must be reduced in the South China Sea when the countries held the inaugural U.S.-China Asia-Pacific Consultations in Honolulu. Talks with Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai were useful and productive, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt M. Campbell said when the forum ended on June 25. Cui didnt speak to the press after the meetings. Cui last week told the U.S. not to get involved in territorial disputes over the oil-and gas-rich South China Sea. Chinas recent moves to stop Vietnam and the Philippines exploring for oil and gas in disputed waters have drawn criticism from U.S. congressional representatives. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on June 23 reaffirmed the U.S.s commitment to defend the Philippines, a treaty ally. China asserts jurisdiction over most of the South China Sea, including oil and gas blocks more than 1,000 kilometers (625 miles) from its shores. Vietnam and the Philippines have rejected Chinas claims as a basis for joint exploration, setting the stage for clashes in areas where Exxon Mobil Corp., Talisman Energy Inc., Forum Energy Plc and Vietnam Oil & Gas Group, known as PetroVietnam, have operations. Claims to various islands and strategic
shipping lanes have been made by the Philippines, Vietnam, Taiwan, Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand, Brunei and Singapore. Vietnamese and Chinese boats have clashed twice in the South China Sea since late May. Economic Zone Vietnam said China breached the exclusive economic zone that extends 200 miles (320 kilometers) from its shores when it prevented Vietnamese vessels from conducting oil exploration surveys near the disputed Spratly islands. China
and Vietnam agreed to address their dispute through negotiations and consultations, Chinas state-run Xinhua News
Agency reported yesterday after Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo met with Vietnamese Vice Foreign Minister Ho Xuan Son in Beijing yesterday. Chinese ships chased away a Forum Energy survey vessel under contract from the Philippines in March, and rammed survey vessels operated
by PetroVietnam twice in the past month. China has disputed that version of events, saying it is committed to maintaining peace in the seas. The U.S., which has patrolled Asia-Pacific waters since World War II, has defense treaties with the Philippines and Thailand, and guarantees Taiwans security. The U.S. Navy has said it will conduct joint training exercises with both the Philippines and Vietnam over the next two months. Cooler Heads Earlier this week, Campbell said the U.S. had no intention of inflaming territorial disputes in the South China Sea. He
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said he wanted recent tensions to subside and cooler heads to prevail. Campbell said his discussions with Cui in Honolulu included military development, Chinese diplomacy with North Korea and Myanmar and U.S. interests in the region, as part of an effort to promote transparency. Talks with China will continue at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders meeting in Hawaii in November, at the Pacific Islands Forum in Auckland, New Zealand, and at the East Asia Summit in Bali, Indonesia.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Relations low-China-US disputes over REE MILLER 11(John W. July 5 WTO to Fault China's Curbs
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Relations Low - Space Related
Decision Sets Stage for the EU and the U.S. To File Complaint Over Rare-Earth Quotas The Wall Street Journal http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303982504576425810734476434.html) BRUSSELSThe World Trade Organization is set Tuesday to condemn China for limiting
its exports of major raw materials, rebuffing Beijing's arguments that curbs are necessary to protect the environment, according to trade diplomats and lawyers. The decision will help steelmakers and other industrial producers, but, more importantly, will set a precedent for the U.S. and the European Union to file another complaint against China over its quotas on the export of rareearth materials, 17 minerals used in the high-tech industry. The world puts pressure on China to free up its raw materials, while at the bottom of the
ocean, Japanese explorers discover a new stash of rare-earth minerals. WSJ economics correspondent Alex Frangos discusses the implications with Andrew LaVallee. The raw-materials case "is more a political issue than a trade issue ," said Magnus Ericsson, a senior partner with Raw Materials Group, a consultancy based in Solna, Sweden. The
U.S., the EU and Mexico filed their complaint on raw materials in 2009. China and the West have faced off in recent years on issues ranging from the pirating of Hollywood movies to whether the U.S. can penalize Chinese companies for receiving state subsidies. Under WTO law, China now
can appeal the decision on raw materials. If it doesn't, or if it loses its appeal, it must remove its export restrictions or face retaliatory trade sanctions from the three complainants. China pledged to get rid of export controls when it joined the WTO in 2001. However, the
financial crisis has increased pressure on all countries to retain as much of their raw materials as possible, and Beijing has gradually returned to clamping down on exports. That matters. China is the No. 1 producer in the world of cadmium,
gold, indium, iron ore, lime, lead, manganese, mercury, molybdenum, phosphate, tin, tungsten and zinc. View Full Image European Pressphoto Agency Under WTO law, China can appeal the decision on raw materials. Here, a miner in a gold mine in China's Inner Mongolia region last year. It has consistently cut exports of these minerals. Chinese exports of phosphorusused to make matches, but also herbicide and other chemicalsfell to 39,665 tons in 2010, from 102,346 tons in 2005, according to Global Trade Information Services, a Geneva-based trade company. In a letter sent to the U.S. Trade
Representative's office this year, U.S. steel lobbies accused China of again cutting its export quota for bauxite to 830,000 tons in 2011, from 930,000 tons in 2010. After its three trading partners complained, China invoked the WTO's Article 20,
which allows its 153 members to limit exports for reasons such as environmental protection. The WTO has rejected that argument, said trade diplomats and lawyers familiar with the case. The victory will pave the way for a case on rare earths, said U.S. and EU trade officials. The raw-materials case "will considerably strengthen the position of the European Union" for a case on raw earths, EU trade commissioner Karel De Gucht said in a speech at a recent conference on raw materials in Brussels. Rare-earth minerals, which are essential to many industrial applications, have become a special problem. China has some 30% of the world's supply but is responsible for more than nine-tenths of the world's exports. Analysts such as Mr. Ericsson said that the rest of the world will soon catch up, as companies in the West reopen old mines. That will take a decade or so and will eventually secure steady supplies, he said.
But for now Chinese rare earths "are crucial to global supply," he said. Meanwhile, China is gobbling up raw materials from all around the world. It now imports roughly half of all iron ore traded around the world. Imports of all ores, slag and ash grew to $108 billion in 2010, from $25.9 billion in 2005 . The EU said that, for legal
reasons, it couldn't comment on the case until after the final report was issued Tuesday. A senior official at the Ministry of Commerce's news office said it would make a comment in the next couple of days
ASAT incident prevents good US-China relations REUTERS 7 (1-18 Chinese anti-satellite test sparks concern
U.S. and other countries react to reports about orbital weapon MSNBC http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/16689558/ns/technology_and_sciencespace/t/chinese-anti-satellite-test-sparks-concern/) WASHINGTON The United States, Australia and Canada have voiced concerns to China over the first known
satellite-killing test in space in more than 20 years, the White House said Thursday. The U.S. believes Chinas development and testing of such weapons is inconsistent with the spirit of cooperation that both countries aspire to in the civil space area, National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said. We and other countries have expressed our concern regarding this action to the Chinese. Using a ground-based medium-range ballistic
missile, the test knocked out an aging Chinese weather satellite about 537 miles (860 kilometers) above the earth on Jan. 11 through kinetic impact, or by slamming into it, Johndroe said. Canada and Australia had joined in voicing concern, he said. Britain, South Korea and Japan were expected to follow suit, an administration official told Reuters. The last U.S. anti-satellite test took place on Sept. 13, 1985. Washington then
halted such Cold War-era testing, concerned that debris could harm civilian and military satellite operations on which the West increasingly relies for everything from pinpoint navigation to Internet access to automated teller machines. According to David Wright of the Cambridge, Mass.-based Union of Concerned Scientists, the satellite pulverized by China could
have broken into nearly 40,000 fragments from 1 to 10 centimeters (a half-inch to 4 inches) in size, roughly half of which would stay in orbit for more than a decade. On the day of the test, a U.S. defense official said the United States was unable to communicate with an experimental spy satellite launched last year by the Pentagons National Reconnaissance Office. But there was no immediate indication that this was a result of the Chinese test. No such publicized destruction of a satellite in space has occurred in at least 15 years, said Marco Caceres, a space expert at the Teal Group, an aerospace consulting firm in Fairfax, Va.
China-US fight over REEs FISHER 11 (Max, July 5 Rare Earths Discovery Won't Solve U.S.-China Tensions
The Atlantic, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/07/rare-earths-discovery-wont-solve-us-china-tensions/241436/) The free market has indeed led us to a new and plentiful supply of rare earth minerals, but it has inconveniently placed
them about 10,000 to 20,000 feet beneath the Pacific. "A mine like this takes five to seven years to start up," Franz Meyer, a
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mineralogist at the University of Aachen, told German newspaper Deutche Welle. "Underwater mining can take even longer to get going." Part of the reason it might take even longer than the usual five to seven years is that no one has ever built a deep-water rare earths mine before, no one has any idea what technology would even be necessary, and in any case no one is developing that technology. "Rare earth elements have never been
obtained from these sorts of depths before. Entirely new technologies will need to be developed for the extraction," Daniel Briesemann, a natural resources expert at Commerzbank, also told the German newspaper. Inevitably, however, as the Wall Street Journal writes, it will almost certainly be worth someone's time to develop the necessary technology and to figure out how to build a rare earths mine -- something that is extremely environmentally damaging when done above the surface, which is why the U.S. stopped mining its domestic supply -- on the ocean floor. But that will not solve the larger dynamic that is underlying China's aggressive use of its rare earths near-monopoly. China's economic interests are in line with those of the developed world -- as much as we rely on Chinese resources, manufacturing, and exports, China relies far more on first-world industrial and consumer markets. But its foreign
policy interests often contradict our own (or at least that's how Chinese leadership, as well as Japanese and U.S. leadership sometimes perceives it). There are a litany of foreign policy areas where Chinese and developed-world interests currently conflict: control of the South China Sea, territorial disputes in the Western Pacific, UN-led embargoes and sanctions of rogue states, and the extent of Chinese versus American influence in East Asia. Any one of these issues could be resolved, just as any single piece of Chinese leverage (such as the near-monopoly over rare earths) has a potential work-around. But the
underlying problem is that China and the developed world (typically the U.S. and Japan, sometimes joined by South Korea, Australia, and/or European powers) see themselves as inherently at-odds with one another. The irony is that China's economic rise, something that has benefited us greatly, proves that we do not live in a zero-sum world. But we still view our foreign policies as competitive rather than cooperative. As G. John Ikenberry argued in a recent Foreign Affairs
essay, China is so reliant on a cooperative global system that it will have eventually have no choice but to support that system rather than trying to simply work around it. Incentivizing China to cooperate will mean working with it rather than against it, will require giving
it reasons to reciprocate rather than retaliate. That kind of shift could take years, even generations, and whether it happens or not will have very little to do with rare earth metals.
***Aff answers
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Cooperation Now
US-China cooperation over space via complementing departments- empirics Hu Jintao, 11/17/2009, Joint Press Statement by President Obama and President Hu of China, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/jointpress-statement-president-obama-and-president-hu-china The complementing departments of China and
the United States have already signed a number of cooperation agreements, including the MOU to enhanced cooperation on climate change, energy and environment. The two
sides have also officially launched the initiative of developing a China-U.S. clean energy research center. Both President Obama and I said that we are
willing to act on the basis of mutual benefit and reciprocity to deepen our cooperation on counterterrorism, law enforcement, science, technology, outer space, civil aviation, and engage in cooperation in space exploration, high-speed railway infrastructure, in agriculture, health, and other fields. And we also agreed to work together to continue to promote even greater progress in the growth of military-to-military ties. US-China cooperating now GANG 11(Ding, 6-24, Staff Writer for China Daily China US launch new win-win cooperation platform China Daily
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2011-06/24/content_12771662.htm) The first round of consultations between China and the United States on AsiaPacific affairs will be held in Hawaii on June 25. Compared to the existing 60-plus consultation mechanisms between the two countries, the Asia-Pacific affairs consultation mechanism appears a little "late." However, it was actually launched at the right time, given the development of China-U.S. relations and the current situation in the region. China and the United States are two world powers facing each other across the
Pacific Ocean. They have conducted fruitful cooperation in handling Asia-Pacific affairs and made great contributions to regional peace, stability, and prosperity. During Chinese President Hu Jintao's state visit to the United States this past January, the heads of state of the two countries vowed to follow the trend of the times, and to work together toward a cooperative partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit, ensuring that the two countries' cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region will move in the right direction. The United States has long dominated the political,
economic, and security landscape of the Asia-Pacific region, while China, as an emerging great power in the region, is bound to play a major role in transforming the landscape. The interests of the two countries in the region overlap to some extent, which has caused friction. The two countries are both located in the Asia-Pacific region, so it is understandable that they have overlapping interests. Proper
handling of their overlapping interests will create a significant and positive impact on the regional peace, development and prosperity. The Asia-Pacific region is currently searching for a deep economic integration and is in a period of transforming to a new security pattern. The China-U.S. consultation is the inevitable product of this transitory stage. There are many hot issues in the Asia-Pacific region and regional diversity and complexity is very prominent. China and the United States have common interests and common responsibility in the Asia-Pacific region. This has decided that the two countries can only work together in this region US China Relations high now-Pacific affairs consultation proves MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS FOR THE PEOPLE REPUBLIC OF CHINA 11 (June 26, China and the US
Hold the First Asia-Pacific Affairs Consultation in Hawaii Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the People Republic of China http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t834465.htm) On June 25, 2011, the first China-US Asia-Pacific affairs consultation was held in Honolulu, Foreign Minister of China Cui Tiankai and US Assistant Secretary of State Colin Campbell co-chaired the event. The
Hawaii, the US. Vice two sides exchanged indepth views on the overall situation of Asia-Pacific, each other's Asia-Pacific policies, the bilateral communications and cooperation in Asia-Pacific and other regional issues of common concern in a friendly, sincere and constructive atmosphere. They spoke highly of the progress China-US relations have made since President Hu Jintao visited the US in January this year and agreed to constantly push forward China-US cooperative partnership according to the consensus reached between the heads of state of both countries. Asia-Pacific in general
enjoys stability and continuous economic growth and is full of vigor and energy. The interdependence among countries in the region grows deeper. To maintain the current sound situation of Asia-Pacific serves the interest of all sides. China and the US share common interest widely
in Asia-Pacific and shoulder major responsibilities of promoting peace, stability and development in the region. As
an important measure of implementing the outcomes of President Hu's visit to the US and the consensus reached during the third China-US strategic and economic dialogue, China-US Asia-Pacific affairs consultation mechanism aims at strengthening the bilateral
institutional communications and coordination in Asia-Pacific affairs, step up mutual trust, broaden cooperation and promote the sound interaction between the two countries in the region. It is beneficial not only to the healthy and stable development of China-US relations but also to peace, stability and prosperity in AsiaPacific. Both sides consented to take China-US Asia-Pacific affairs consultation mechanism as a platform to keep close communications and reinforce
coordination on the regional situation and each other's policies, to boost the bilateral cooperation in the region and to play an active role of maintaining peace, stability and prosperity in Asia-Pacific. Believing that the consultation is positive and useful, they agreed to hold the next one at an appropriate time. China-US Asia-Pacific affairs consultation mechanism was established during the third China-US strategic and economic dialogue in
Liu both countries to build a positive interaction pattern in Asia-Pacific and make effective efforts to promote peace, stability and development in the region
Washington, the US from May 9 to 10 this year. It helps
U.S. trying to mend relations with China the status quo ties are vital Bloomberg News 11 (Mullen: U.S., China military ties vital, Bloomberg News, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-07-10/u-s-chinamilitary-relations-vital-mullen-says-correct-.html, 6/10/11 [NT]
U.S. military ties with China are absolutely vital, Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in Beijing today at
the start of a visit that will conclude July 13. I cant think of any place where there is more to be done and more to be gained than between the U.S. and China, Mullen said. We have not always enjoyed a great success in our military-to-military relationship. I would
want to very much look into the future in terms of the success of this relationship. The worlds two biggest economies have pushed to strengthen military ties that have been strained on several occasions because of issues including a 2010 U.S. decision to sell arms to Taiwan and naval confrontations in 2009. Increases in Chinese
defense spending, which trails only U.S. expenditure, are also raising concern among neighboring countries with competing territorial claims. Admiral Mullen should send a clear message to his Chinese counterparts that the U.S. welcomes improvements in military relations as it
benefits both sides, but it will not seek them at the price of its own security, Heritage Foundation analysts Dean Cheng and Walter Lohman wrote in
a note ahead of the visit.
China has announced that theyre seeking transparency in order to cooperate over space Kulacki 11
(Gregory, Union of Concerned Scientists, http://allthingsnuclear.org/post/7405502775/interesting-comments-from-chinas-first-astronaut, 7/8/11 [NT]) Yesterday, during a press event, Yang Liwei, Chinas first astronaut , put several interesting pieces of information on the table in the ongoing debate about Chinas integration into the international space community. Yang is also the Vice-Director of Chinas Manned Space Engineering Office. First, Yang announced that in the future, our country will energetically seek cooperation with the International Space
Station (ISS). While Chinas desire to participate in the ISS not new, and is well-known in the space community, this is the first time a prominent figure has made such a strong statement about it to the Chinese public. Yang noted that China has not participated in the past, but that in the future of the space enterprise, international cooperation is an important trend. Second, Yang noted that From a technical
point of view, there is no technical difficulty in having our spacecraft and space station engage in international cooperation. But, because the docking standard on our space station and the international space station are not the same, the unification of standards is the first problem that needs to be solved in opening up and developing space station cooperation. This contradicts earlier U.S. reports that China had developed an ISS-compatible docking mechanism. Finally, Yang noted that transparency was a prerequisite for seeking international cooperation in
space activity. These statements raise some interesting questions. If China was seriously planning on pursuing international cooperation, especially
some sort of agreement on participation in the ISS, why would it be developing a potentially incompatible docking technology for its own space station? The first test of its docking mechanism is scheduled for this fall. China plans to launch an experimental space lab and conduct a remote docking mission with an unmanned Shenzhou spacecraft before the end of the year. Yangs comments on the possible compatibility problems associated with Chinas docking mechanism also suggests that Chinas Shenzhou human space flight program may rely on indigenously developed technology to a much greater degree than many American analysts assume. One prominent US observer, for example, once suggested that Chinas Shenzhou space craft was fitted with a Russian docking mechanism that could dock with the ISS. If China was receiving significant technical assistance from Russia, and planned to participate in the ISS, Russia could have provided China with a compatible docking mechanism. Yangs announcement suggests China developed its own docking technology. Moreover, in Yangs view, and presumably in the view of the Chinese Manned Space Engineering Office, this is a problem that needs to be addressed if China is to participate in ISS activities in the future. Finally, Yangs comment on transparency should be welcome news to many US observers who
express concern about the motivations for Chinas foray into human space flight. US China Cooperation solves Warming and creates green technology- Minister Xie proves China is willing to cooperate Mathews 09 (Jessica Tuchman Mathews is president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the global think tank with headquarters in
Washington, D.C. Her career included posts in both the executive and legislative branches of government, in management and research in the nonprofit arena, and in journalism and science policy. She was director of the Council on Foreign Relations. U.S.-China Climate Change Cooperation March 18 http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2009/03/18/u.s.-china-climate-change-cooperation/acy)AK The U.S. and China, the worlds two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, must both take decisive action to
reduce emissions in the next five yearsbefore it is too late to avoid the most catastrophic effects of global warming. Cooperation on climate change is in both countries interests, and groundbreaking dialogues between China and the
United States have already begun to identify areas of consensus and mutual interest. Minister Xie Zhenhua, vice chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission and Chinas top climate change negotiator, and Senator Maria Cantwell of Washington State discussed U.S.-China climate cooperation. Moderated by Jessica Mathews, the event was co-hosted by Carnegie and the Global Environmental Institute (GEI) of Beijing. U.S.-China Track II Climate Dialogue Mathews opened the discussion by revealing for the first time that Carnegie and GEI together facilitated a year of off-the-record talks between Chinese and American energy experts and political leaders. Bill Chandler, director of Carnegies Energy and Climate program, and Jin Jiaman, executive director of GEI China, launched the talks in 2007 with the goal of moving beyond discussing what the two countries could do to address climate change and beginning to discuss how to do it. According to Chandler, helping to facilitate the political agreement to begin the dialogue seemed to be the best service the non-government sector could provide. The resulting U.S.-China Climate Track II Dialogue afforded leaders from each country the opportunity to speak frankly and discuss the types of collaboration likely to produce results. Both teams agreed global emissions must be cut by 60 percent
by the year 2050, and that both China and the United States must take action. Mathews explained that the dialogue reached
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broad agreement on two main priorities for future cooperation: Building human capacity to accelerate market deployment of existing energy efficiency technologies. Joint development of key energy technologies, specifically carbon capture and storage and automobile fuel economy. Chinas Perspective: Minister Xie Throughout his remarks, Minister Xie stressed the importance of cooperation and dialogue on multiple levels not only between China and the U.S. but also domestically within each country. He thanked Carnegie and GEI for arranging the event, saying that he appreciated the opportunity to meet with people from a range of sectors, from government officials to business and NGO leaders. He also highlighted the far-reaching impacts of China-U.S. climate cooperation: "Taking active measures to address climate change is in the interest of
all mankind, and it requires the cooperation of all countries. As the largest developing country and the largest developed country in the world, respectively, China and the United States having a dialogue and strengthening cooperation on the issue of climate change are inevitable in history. China and the U.S. conducting dialogue and pragmatic cooperation on climate change will benefit not only the relations of the two countries, but also international cooperation and actions to address climate change." Minister Xie went on to say
that his visit to Washington was very productive and met its three primary goals of promoting greater understanding, discussing future cooperation, and preparing for the G20 meeting in April. While differing perspectives and a poor understanding of each others circumstances can sometimes present a barrier to cooperation, Xie noted that his meetings this week with members of Congress and the Obama administration had already revealed many areas of consensus. Yet Xie also drew attention to the fact that China and the United States are in very different circumstances with regards to their economic development, and these circumstances inevitably affect each countrys potential to address climate change. The United States, he said, should establish a domestic cap-and-trade system and should provide financial and technological support for developing countries as they strive to find an environmentally sustainable path toward economic development. But despite the environmental and development challenges facing the country, and contrary to common misconception, China is already taking important steps to increase energy efficiency and curb emissions growth. Xie listed a number of initiatives that China has implemented or augmented in recent years, including an ambitious goal to cut energy intensity (per unit of GDP) by 20 percent by 2010, with a complementary goal of increasing the share of renewable energy to 10 percent by 2010 and 15 percent by 2020. Xie noted that China aims to use market mechanisms to promote clean technology as much as possible; indeed, thanks in part to a set of economic policies that prioritize renewable energy, China already ranks 5th in the world in installed wind power capacity, and it is the world leader by far in installed solar thermal capacity. Regarding multilateral cooperation, Xie was adamant that all countries should adhere to the Bali roadmap and should strive to attain productive results in Copenhagen in December. The financial crisis must not be used as an excuse for countries to lessen their existing commitments under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. U.S.-China dialogue and cooperation benefits both countries and benefits the world, he said, and this bilateral
cooperation may ultimately make a global deal possible. U.S. Perspective: Senator Cantwell Senator Cantwell United States and China both stand to receive enormous gains from technology partnerships. The Senator explained that the two countries complementary strengths and weaknesses provide great opportunities for collaboration. Whereas the United
also presented a strong argument for U.S.-China cooperation, focusing on the economic opportunities of clean energy and stressing that the States has a more advanced science and technology research system and has a well established process for bringing technologies to market, China has a better understanding of what technology works well in the developing world and has the ability to produce technological products more quickly and cheaply. A robust U.S.-China partnership, therefore, has the potential to catalyze development and drive down the costs of
a diverse array of clean energy technologies. She called this strategy coopetitioncooperation in some areas and competition in others. Rather than competing with China for an ever-shrinking foreign energy reserve, we could combine our market opportunity and turbocharge promising, nascent clean energy technologies. China is willing to cooperate- US China cooperation solves warming Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 09 (U.S.China Climate Discussions Pledge Pragmatic Cooperation March 20
http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2009/03/20/u.s.-china-climate-discussions-pledge-pragmatic-cooperation/acv)AK WASHINGTON, Mar 20Minister Xie Zhenhua, vice
chairman of Chinas National Development and Reform Commission and Chinas top climate negotiator, signaled Wednesday the Chinese governments willingness to work with the United States on reducing both countries greenhouse gas emissions in a speech at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peaces Washington office. Earlier this week, Minister Xie met privately with members of the Obama administrations energy-climate team to explore possibilities for additional U.S.China cooperation. Minister Xies visit follows more than a year of offthe-record, Track II, U.S.China negotiations, facilitated by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Global Environmental Institute of Beijing (GEI), and aimed at improving U.S.China cooperation on energy and climate issues. Speaking publicly at the Endowments Washington offices on March 18, Minister Xie thanked GEI and Carnegie for their efforts in promoting ChinaU.S. dialogue on climate change, and he highlighted the importance of cooperation: "Taking active measures to address climate change is in the interest of all mankind, and it requires
the cooperation of all countries. As the largest developing country and the largest developed country in the world, respectively, China and the United States having a dialogue and strengthening cooperation on the issue of climate change are inevitable in history. China and the U.S. conducting dialogue and pragmatic cooperation on climate change will benefit not only the relations of the two countries, but also international cooperation and actions to address climate change." Jessica T. Mathews, president of the Carnegie Endowment, said: U.S.China cooperation is absolutely crucial to a global climate deal . We are hopeful that a presidential level agreement on U.S.China climate cooperation will be reached soon. What has been missing until now is not the what to do, but the how to move ahead. The Track II talks have identified areas of mutual agreement. Following
through is a historic opportunitywhich the governments must not miss. Leadership in the Track II talks was provided by Carnegie scholars in Washington led by William Chandler, director of the Endowments Energy and Climate program, and by GEI, an independent Chinese non-governmental organization led by Jin Jiaman. Jin said: Both Chinese and American participants agree that climate change threatens our countries. We
expect the Chinese and American governments to take serious action to reduce emissions. Following the public session,
Carnegie hosted a meeting between Minister Xie and American foundation heads to further initiatives in U.S.China climate cooperation at the nongovernmental organization level. These efforts are supported by the blue moon fund and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. We believe that action
is urgently needed to speed emissions mitigation, said Diane Edgerton Miller of the blue moon fund, [and] we have been investing in this
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goal for some time. Lin Jiang, representing the Energy Foundation, noted that his organization has been contributing to energy efficiency and renewable energy efforts in China for a decade.
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Cooperation Impossible - Space Specific

Congress passed a bill banning US China cooperation in space Johnson-Freese, 6-10 (Joan Johnson-Freese, Professor of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College June 10, 2011, US-China
Space Cooperation: Congress Pointless Lockdown, China US Focus- Website dedicated to US China Relationship, http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/us-china-space-cooperation-congress%E2%80%99-pointless-lockdown/) BR In early May when the US government was scrambling to pass a budget, a provision was slipped into the NASA
appropriations bill that while counter to Obama Administration policy of expanded space cooperation, was not as important as getting a continuing resolution passed and so allowed to slide through. Section 1340 of NASAs budget prohibited NASA and the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) from spending funds to develop, design, plan, promulgate, implement, or execute a bilateral policy, program, order, or contract of any kind to participate, collaborate, or coordinate bilaterally in any way with China or any Chinese-owned company. It also prohibited the hosting of official Chinese visitors at any NASA facility. Clearly, a comprehensive ban on US-China space cooperation was intended. Just as clearly, ban supporters are under the impression that Chinese space officials are anxiously banging on the proverbial US door, waiting and hoping for the opportunity to work with the United States which just isnt the case. No cooperation-China doesnt trust US space program HUI 08 (Zhang Space Weaponization And Space Security:
A Chinese Perspective http://www.wsichina.org/attach/CS2_3.pdf) China has seen much evidence to suggest the movement by the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush toward space
weaponization is real. A number of U.S. military planning documents issued in recent years reveal the intention to control space by military means. In practice, the United States is pursuing a number of research programs to enable the development of space weapons, which could be used not only to attack ballistic missiles in flight but also to attack satellites and targets anywhere on Earth. Chinese officials have expressed a growing concern that U.S. plans would stimulate a costly and destabilizing arms race in space and on Earth, with disastrous effects on international security and the peaceful use of outer space. This would not
benefit any countrys security interests. Beijing believes the most effective way to secure space assets would be to agree on an international ban on weapons in space.
Chinas lying theyre not transparent enough to cooperate, already getting assistance from Russia Kulacki 11 (Gregory, Union of Concerned Scientists, http://allthingsnuclear.org/post/7405502775/interesting-comments-from-chinas-firstastronaut, 7/8/11 [NT])
Yang noted that transparency was a prerequisite for seeking international cooperation in space activity. These statements raise some interesting questions. If China was seriously planning on pursuing international cooperation, especially some sort of agreement on participation in the ISS, why would it be developing a potentially incompatible docking technology for its own space station? The first test of its docking mechanism is scheduled for
this fall. China plans to launch an experimental space lab and conduct a remote docking mission with an unmanned Shenzhou spacecraft before the end of the year. Yangs comments on the possible compatibility problems associated with Chinas docking mechanism also suggests that
Chinas Shenzhou human space flight program may rely on indigenously developed technology to a much greater degree than many American analysts assume. One prominent US observer, for example, once suggested that Chinas Shenzhou space craft was fitted with a Russian docking mechanism that could dock with the ISS. If China was receiving significant technical assistance from Russia, and planned to participate in the ISS, Russia could have provided China with a compatible docking mechanism. Yangs announcement suggests China developed its own docking technology. Moreover, in Yangs view, and
presumably in the view of the Chinese Manned Space Engineering Office, this is a problem that needs to be addressed if China is to participate in ISS activities in the future.
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Cooperation Impossible - China want to outpace US

Cooperation is impossible China is trying to out-power the US McGlaun11 (Shaun, July 4 China Working Hard to Build High-Performance Jet Engines Daily Tech
http://www.dailytech.com/China+Working+Hard+to+Build+HighPerformance+Jet+Engines/article22057.htm)
DefenseNews reports that Collins said the Chinese are close to matching the performance of the F-15C's Pratt & Whitney F100-PW-100 engine. Collins said, "But the devil is in the details, and until the Chinese aerospace industry masters milspec quality
control processes, it will be very hard to produce enough consistently good engines to truly reduce China's dependence on the Russians for highperformance tactical aircraft jet engines." The building of turbine blades and standardizing processes are reportedly
the major weak points of the aircraft engine industry. Analysts figure that it will take China five to ten years to match the engine performance that the U.S. has in the F-22 Raptor or F-35. However, China is pushing hard for better engines and Collins notes that developing a Chinese high-performance engine is a priority for China and its J-20 stealth jet program. Analyst Richard Aboulafia from the Teal Group said that the Chinese are making major strides in jet engine technology. China is also sourcing tech both legally and illegally according to some making the cost to develop and the time to develop questionable. Loren Thompson from the Lexington Institute said, "U.S. academics and intelligence analysts have consistently underestimated the rate of Chinese progress both economically and technologically." He noted, "There is no reason for
China to invest in research and development when they can steal it at a fraction of the cost.
China increasing military power genuine cooperation is impossible STEWART 11 (1-8 Phil, Pentagon correspondent U.S. will respond to Chinese military advances: Gates http://blogs.reuters.com/mohamed-elerian) As its economy booms, China
has significantly increased investment in its military, and its faster-than-expected advances in its ballistic missile, combat aircraft and other strategic programs have raised eyebrows in the United States. Gates acknowledge that some of China's advances, if confirmed, could eventually undermine traditional U.S. military capabilities in the Pacific region. "They clearly have the potential to put some of our capabilities at risk and we have to pay attention to them. We have to respond appropriately with our own programs, " Gates told reporters. "My hope is that through the strategic dialogue that I'm talking about, that maybe the need for some of these capabilities is reduced." Gates cited a five-year budget outline that he unveiled on Thursday as an example of how the U.S. military would maintain its edge. It included funding for a new generation of long-range nuclear bombers, new electronic jammers and
radar, and new satellite launch technology. But critics in Congress seized upon the budget outline's $78 billion in overall defense spending cuts as a sign that key U.S. military capabilities would be under-funded. U.S. officials have taken note of disclosures in recent weeks of advances in China's capabilities, including in its anti-ship ballistic missile program, which could challenge U.S. aircraft carriers in the Pacific. "I've been concerned about the development of the anti-ship cruise and ballistic missiles ever since I took this job," Gates said. He added China appeared "fairly far along" with its anti-ship ballistic missile but he said he did not know if it was operational yet. China may also be ready to launch its first aircraft carrier in 2011, faster than some estimates, and new photos indicate it has a prototype of a stealth fighter jet. Still, Gates appeared to play down the Chinese program. Asked about its prototype, he said: "I think there is some question about just how stealthy" it is. NO DRAMATIC BREAKTHROUGHS The stated goal of Gates' Jan 9-12 trip to China is to improve relations with China's military. U.S. and Chinese military ties were suspended through most of 2010, as Beijing protested President Barack Obama's proposed arms sale to Taiwan. His trip to China is the most visible demonstration that relations have normalized. Gates said he did not expect any dramatic breakthrough in relations with China's military during the visit, saying an improvement in ties was more likely to be gradual. "I think this is evolutionary, particularly the military to military side," Gates said. "So rather than something dramatic, some kind of dramatic breakthrough, I think just getting some things started would be a positive outcome," he added, after having spoken at length about ways the U.S. and China could improve dialogue. Analysts
warn that as China's military expands its reach, the risks of potentially dangerous misunderstandings between the U.S. and Chinese militaries will increase. That bolsters U.S. arguments about the need for sustained U.S.China contacts that can endure friction over issues like Taiwan, as opposed to on-again, off-again contacts that have characterized the relationship for years. Gates' visit comes a week before Chinese President Hu Jintao's state visit to Washington,
creating diplomatic momentum that U.S. officials hope will allow Gates to make headway on sticky security issues. "I think the Chinese' clear desire that I come first, come to China before President Hu goes to Washington, was an indication of their interest in strengthening this part of the relationship," Gates said. He also praised China's efforts to reduce tensions on the Korean peninsula. As North Korea's main diplomatic and economic backer, China has been under pressure to rein in Pyongyang after the sinking of a South Korean warship and shelling of a South Korean island last year. "We recognize that China played a constructive role in lessening tensions on the peninsula in the latter part of last year," he said
ASAT incident prevents good US-China relations REUTERS 7 (1-18 Chinese anti-satellite test sparks concern
U.S. and other countries react to reports about orbital weapon MSNBC http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/16689558/ns/technology_and_sciencespace/t/chinese-anti-satellite-test-sparks-concern/) WASHINGTON The United States, Australia and Canada have voiced concerns to China over the first known
satellite-killing test in space in more than 20 years, the White House said Thursday. The U.S. believes Chinas development and testing of such weapons is inconsistent with the spirit of cooperation that both countries aspire to in the civil space area, National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said. We and other countries have expressed our concern regarding this action to the Chinese. Using a ground-based medium-range ballistic
missile, the test knocked out an aging Chinese weather satellite about 537 miles (860 kilometers) above the earth on Jan. 11 through kinetic impact, or by slamming into it, Johndroe said. Canada and Australia had joined in voicing concern, he said. Britain, South Korea and Japan were expected to follow suit, an administration official told Reuters. The last U.S. anti-satellite test took place on Sept. 13, 1985. Washington then
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu halted such Cold War-era testing, concerned that debris could harm civilian and military satellite operations on which the West increasingly relies for everything from pinpoint navigation to Internet access to automated teller machines. According to David Wright of the Cambridge, Mass.-based Union of Concerned Scientists, the satellite pulverized by China could
have broken into nearly 40,000 fragments from 1 to 10 centimeters (a half-inch to 4 inches) in size, roughly half of which would stay in orbit for more than a decade. On the day of the test, a U.S. defense official said the United States was unable to communicate with an experimental spy satellite launched last year by the Pentagons National Reconnaissance Office. But there was no immediate indication that this was a result of the Chinese test. No such publicized destruction of a satellite in space has occurred in at least 15 years, said Marco Caceres, a space expert at the Teal Group, an aerospace consulting firm in Fairfax, Va.
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China will say no- already developed their own space program and doesnt want to work with the US Johnson-Freese, 6-10 (Joan Johnson-Freese, Professor of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College June 10, 2011, US-China
Space Cooperation: Congress Pointless Lockdown, China US Focus- Website dedicated to US China Relationship, http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/us-china-space-cooperation-congress%E2%80%99-pointless-lockdown/) BR
China Say No
China has energetically and broadly moved out on their own in space, and based on watching on-going US political kabuki dances about its future space plans, and seeing how difficult and tenuous it can be for other countries to partner with the US on the International Space Station (ISS), for example most Chinese space officials consider working with the United States as a potential liability to their own already-underway plans. In fact, many countries
consider that they can afford only so much US friendship, though Congress continues to act as though the US is the only game in town if countries want to develop a robust space program.
The lack of cooperation from the US now will make China say no Johnson-Freese, 6-10 (Joan Johnson-Freese, Professor of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College June 10, 2011, US-China
Space Cooperation: Congress Pointless Lockdown, China US Focus- Website dedicated to US China Relationship, http://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/us-china-space-cooperation-congress%E2%80%99-pointless-lockdown/) BR
Rarely do US attempts at isolating countries ally or competitor succeed without unexpected, and negative, consequences. The Atomic Energy Act of 1946 restricted data sharing from the Manhattan Project with allies including Britain, resulting in a
significant wartime rift and leading to Britain developing their own bomb. After the infamous Cox Commission Report in 1999 which investigated charges of theft and illegal satellite technology transfer to China, the US attempted to block dual-use satellite technology from sale or launch there. As a result, European space industries that had been niche providers developed much broader capabilities so they could circumvent US prohibitions. US
companies have lost business and the globalization of technology marches on. For many years, Chinese politicians considered there would be geostrategic benefits to be derived from being a partner on the ISS, symbolic of the international family of spacefaring nations. The United States stiff-arming them from involvement is a factor behind China now developing its own space station.
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China will say no because they fear the US hegemonic weaponization in space Hui 6 ( Zhang Hui- 2006- College of Graduate Studies Ph.D Program in Immunology and Microbial Pathogenesis Professor China Security- Space
Weaponization And Space Security: A Chinese Perspective)
China Say No Weaponization
Many Chinese officials and security experts have great interest in U.S. military planning documents issued in recent years that explicitly envision the control of space thought the use of using weapons in, or from, space to establish global superiority. In its 2003 report, Transformation Flight Plan, the U.S. Air Force lists a number of space weapon systems desirable in the event of a space war.1 These include space-based kinetic kill vehicles, space-based lasers (SBL), hypervelocity rod bundles, space-based radio frequency energy weapons, space maneuver vehicles, and the Evolutionary Air and Space Global Laser Engagement (EAGLES) laser relay mirror. In 2004, the Air Force showed clearly in its Counterspace Operations Doctrine document what it actually intends to do: that is, achieve and maintain space superiority, -- the freedom to attack as well as the freedom from attack -- in space.2 In practice, the pursuit of controlling space would require anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons to negate an adversarys space capabilities. It is believed that the current Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD) system deployed in Alaska will have a significant intrinsic capability for ASAT use. Thus, it is reasonable to argue that one true purpose for the Bush administrations rush for the GMD deployment could be to acquire an ASAT capability for its space control strategy. The scope of space weaponry, generally accepted by many Chinese includes not only weapons stationed in outer space, but also weapons based on the ground, at sea or in the air that target objects in outer space. Outer space objects, in the Chinese definition, include not only satellites but also ICBMs traveling through outer space.3 Since the GMD system would intercept its target in outer space, it could be seen as a space weapon. Moreover, the GMD system could be the first step toward a more robust, layered system for space control. Consequently, China feels that U.S. plans to deploy a missile defense system is an intentional first step toward the weaponization of space.4 In addition, the United States also pursues a number of other research programs that could lead to ASAT weapons. For instance, the Air Force has a research project to test small satellites, the Experimental Satellite Series (XSS) that could be used to attack other satellites. 5 Further, the United States is pursuing space-based ballistic missile defense (BMD) for global engagement capabilities. It is believed that an effective, globalcoverage BMD system must start intercepting an ICBM as early as the boost phase, which, under U.S. Missile Defense Agency plans, would entail the use of space-based interceptors. Indeed, the current U.S. budget for missile defense shows continued interest in a number of space weapon-related programs, such as the Near Field Infrared Experiment (NFIRE) satellite and Space-Based Interceptor Test Bed. The United States does have legitimate concerns about its space assets, given that U.S. military operations, economy and society are increasingly dependent on space assets and such assets are inherently vulnerable to attacks from many different sources. However, it does not mean that the United States currently faces credible threats from states which might exploit those vulnerabilities.6 Further, space-based weapons cannot protect satellites, since these weapons are also vulnerable to many types of attack, similar to the satellites requiring protection. The true aim of U.S. space plans is not to protect U.S. assets but rather to further enhance American military dominance. Prof. Du Xiangwan, vice president of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, recently presented his view that the Transformation Flight Plan indicated that many types of space-based weapons will be developed, and the tendency toward space weaponization is obvious and serious. He further noted that military dominance on Earth is not enough, the U.S. also seeks to dominate space. 7 Beijing fears that by unilaterally developing missile defense systems and pursuing space weaponization, the United States is seeking to establish a global military superiority using both offensive and defensive means.8 Moreover, Chinas fears about U.S. hegemonic tendencies are exacerbated by the fact that space weapons, due to their vulnerability to other less expensive, asymmetric measures, are inherently first-strike weapons.9 China says no for international security Hui 6 ( Zhang Hui- 2006- College of Graduate Studies Ph.D Program in Immunology and Microbial Pathogenesis Professor China Security- Space
Weaponization And Space Security: A Chinese Perspective) Why China Says NO to U.S. Space Weaponization China has a
number of major concerns about the current direction of U.S. military space efforts. For example, China is worried about how U.S. space weaponization plans might affect Chinese national security, international security, and protection of the space environment.
China will say no environmental concerns
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Liu Hui 6 ( Zhang Hui- 2006- College of Graduate Studies Ph.D Program in Immunology and Microbial Pathogenesis Professor China Security- Space
Weaponization And Space Security: A Chinese Perspective)
Weaponizing space would further exacerbate current problems with space debris.17 Even worse, some scientists warn that if a number of satellites are destroyed in the course of a war, the Earth would be encased in a cloud of debris that would prevent future satellite stationing and space access.18 Given concerns over the space debris issue, senior scientists in China have emphasized that preventing environmental pollution should not only apply on Earth, but should also apply in outer space. As Xiangwan recently noted, prevention of pollution in space should be put on an agenda and as time goes by, this problem will become increasingly obvious. He further states: In preventing space pollution, the following two issues are worth noticing: space garbage and weaponization of space. [W]eaponization of space is more dangerous than ordinary space garbage, since it will seriously pollute space and it will threaten peace and stability on the Earth .19
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China will say no-Already planning to mine the moon by 2013 and want bragging rights and full resource ownership Nguyen 5-10 (Tuan C., China to launch lunar rover, mine moon for nuclear fuel, editor of Smartplanet.com, 2011,
http://www.smartplanet.com/blog/thinking-tech/china-to-launch-lunar-rover-mine-moon-for-nuclear-fuel/7158) BR
China Say No Lunar Mining
A top Chinese official has confirmed that the worlds most populous nation plans to send robots to the moon. Ziyuan Ouyang, chief scientist of the Chinese lunar exploration program, made the announcement at the IEEE International Conference on Robotics and Automation (ICRA), held in Shanghai. The missions, scheduled for launch in 2013 and 2017, will serve as a tune up for a more challenging goal: putting a man on the moon by 2025. But why? you ask. Well, beyond obvious bragging rights, the China National Space Administrations ambitious foray into lunar exploration is part of a grander scheme to exploit the moons vast iron reserves and its abundance of Helium-3, a rare but heavily sought-after fuel for nuclear fusion plants. This elaborate operation to mine the moon for these coveted natural resources was set in motion back in 2007 when the agency launched into space its first lunar orbiter Change-1 (named after the
moon goddess of Chinese folklore) to scan the landscape and produce a detailed 3-D map of the moons surface. This was followed in 2010 by the successful launch of another probe, Change-2, which was equipped with a higher-resolution camera and orbited at an even closer distance of 100 kilometers. The data is being used to pinpoint an ideal landing spot for a rover. Ouyang says its been decided that Change-3s spacecraft, which includes an unmanned lunar lander and autonomous lunar rover, will be sent to explore the Sinus Iridium region. Equipped with a solar-powered battery, sensors, cameras, x-ray and infrared spectrometers, as well as a radar, the robots will navigate and explore the terrain. The rover will be the first to launch, while the lander will be sent later to drill, conduct experiments and collect samples.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes The counterplan relies on Japanese approval and is massively unpopular with congressinconsistent with current policy Brown 10 (Peter J. Brown- July 16, 2010- Asian Times- http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/LG16Df02.html)
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No solvency
A new National Space Policy issued by United States President Barack Obama's administration in late June emphasized the important role of international cooperation in space and demonstrated the apparent willingness of the US to begin work on a space weapons treaty. [1] As the three major space powers in Asia - China, India and Japan - assess the new policy, they must pay close attention not only to the details, but also to the
harsh political winds that are buffeting Obama these days. Some see China as the big winner in this instance, while others see India and Japan coming out on top. "[The new US space policy] which lays out broad themes and goals, does not lend itself to such determination for a specific country," said Subrata Ghoshroy, a research associate at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Program in Science, Technology, and Society. However, he added, "countries like India and Japan are expected to benefit more". From the start, however, Obama's overhaul of both the US space sector as a whole and the US National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA) in particular has encountered stiff opposition in the US Congress. That opposition is likely to intensify as November's mid-term elections approach. In the US Senate, attempts are being made to toss aside Obama's domestic space sector agenda. [2] Political infighting aside, it is not just US conservatives who do not want the US to embrace China in space. "Many members of the Obama
administration and a large majority of the members of Congress are opposed to cooperation with China in space. They want to deny China status as a member in good standing of the international community of spacefaring nations," said Gregory Kulacki, senior analyst and China Project Manager for the Global Security Program at the Massachusetts-based Union of
Concerned Scientists. "Many believe they have not earned that right. At the same time, however, they have not specified what China must do to earn it.
Some tie cooperation in space to human rights. Others connect cooperation in space it to other troublesome issues in the bilateral relationship." Despite this enormous wall that has been in place for years, some experts still view China as deriving great
benefit from the new space policy. "China will likely be the country to most clearly benefit," said Joan Johnson-Freese, chair of the National Security Decision Making Department at the US Naval War College. "That said, China likely still faces the most challenges. Cooperation between the
US and China will be a learning process, and likely not an easy one for either party. And, because space technology is largely dual-use there will inherently be questions about intent and demands for transparency that are uncomfortable for both sides." China's objectives are political, not technical in this instance. As the Chinese strive to become respected members of the international community of space-faring nations, some Chinese aerospace professionals see cooperation with the US as an obstacle, according to Kulacki. A cooperative project with the US in human space flight, for example, would take time, personnel and resources away
from their existing program. "To date there have been no concrete proposals for cooperative projects from either side, despite the express wishes of both presidents. US Secretary of State Clinton and Chinese Foreign Minister Yang [Jiechi] seem to have dropped the ball," said Kulacki. "The Chinese aerospace community has their own long-standing plan for a national space station and they are well on their way to completing it. They do not need access to US technology to do it." Recent news accounts about supposed overtures being made to the Chinese by several nations which participate in the International Space Station (ISS) program were quickly dismissed by officials at NASA. [3] "ISS participation has been the brass ring for China for many years, to show them as a member of the 'international family of spacefaring nations' and add another layer of patina to the legitimacy and credibility of their civilian space program," said Johnson-Freese. There is always concern about China obtaining design and systems engineering ideas
that would benefit its space station program. This should come as no surprise given that China once built a launch site at the same latitude as NASA's Kennedy Space Center in Florida. However, ideology and not the threat of industrial espionage in space is the
key driver here. "The most concern I have heard voiced has been by those who do not want to work with a communist government," said Johnson-Freese. This explains why no meaningful export reforms with respect to high technology items in general and so-called dual-use space hardware exports to China in particular have materialized despite promises made during Obama's presidential campaign. "The strong anti-China lobby in Congress,
which includes [Speaker of the US House of Representatives] Nancy Pelosi as well as conservative Republicans and Democrats will continue to oppose, for example, satellite launches by China," said Ghoshroy. Opening the door to greater cooperation with China in space - a move that is supported by the Russians and Europeans - will require Japan's nod of approval, too, and thus far Tokyo has not given it. "In terms of space cooperation, Japan has not been open to China. This new US space policy will not open the door to China that much, too," said Associate Professor Suzuki Kazuto of Hokkaido University's Public Policy School. "It is due to China's lack of
transparency rather than the attitudes of the US or Japan." Cooperation with China in space is simply too unpredictable an undertaking, and carries with it elements of risk that Japan and the US are not prepared to accept. "It is very difficult to foresee what would happen if China wanted to be on board, and it would be too risky to involve China in any high-profile programs," said Suzuki. "In space, there is always a possibility for cooperation, particularly when it comes to scientific missions, but when it comes to something more applications-oriented or to a strategically important program, it would be
difficult to cooperate with China, because there would be too much at stake." Chinese attitudes are hardening as well, and, "they are confident
enough to go forward on their own, and they would not be happy if the international cooperation somehow undermines Chinese jobs or efforts by China to increase its overall level of technical competence," said Suzuki. Among other things, time is simply running out for China anyway as far as any possible participation aboard the ISS is concerned, as the space station is due to close in 2020. The rise of the US commercial space sector and
its planned ISS logistical missions, along with the rules surrounding ISS occupancy and the ISS partnership, pose problems as well for China. "Though China is demanding to participate in the ISS, there is no room and time for that. There will be no way for China to participate," said Suzuki. " If Japan, Canada, Russia or Europe would be willing to give up one of their seats for a Chinese taikonaut, it might be possible, although it is subject to the consent of all ISS partners. So, if the US allows Russia or any other country to donate a seat to China, it could happen. But I think it is very unlikely."
India is a different story entirely, and India certainly welcomes the direction in which the new US space policy seems to be heading. "This could facilitate further cooperation with India-US technology transfer in exchange for the use of Indian launch vehicles for US payloads. Space cooperation with India already picked up speed after the agreement on nuclear cooperation," said Ghoshroy. "The emphasis in the new policy on international cooperation can only
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help this process. The policy also mentions potential for government to government agreement for transfer of sensitive technology. For example, US-India cooperation in missile defense is going forward." Suzuki described India as a good partner with the US on certain space science missions. "India will be the happiest of these three Asian countries," said Suzuki. The new US space policy makes cooperation in space with India more viable, "not on the application programs, but on the scientific programs. When it comes to space technology, Indian application programs are strongly concentrated on its domestic concerns, and there is not much for the US to cooperate on these programs. But for the science programs, it would be more viable." Still, a curious debate is now underway in India. With the launch in early July by the Indian Space Research Organization of a new satellite for Algeria - one of five spacecraft launched simultaneously on a single launch vehicle by ISRO - some in the Indian space sector are celebrating because certain foreign-built components aboard the Algerian satellite have never been allowed into India before, let alone processed through an Indian launch facility. At the same time, others in the Indian space sector have been pointing fingers and blaming the presence of foreign components aboard Indian spacecraft for contributing to several recent partial and total mission failures. While this gets sorted out, India's space program is entering an exciting phase. Indeed, India could soon engage in more aggressive partnering at China's expense. Japan's situation is entirely different. Japan faces a difficult task of adjusting and then readjusting to the shifting priorities in space spelled out by the Obama administration. Part of the problem confronting Japan stems from Japan's close alignment with the US after embracing the vision of space cooperation and lunar exploration that started to emerge a few years ago as part of former president George W Bush's plans for space. "There has been a significant discussion on how to justify the exploration of the Moon. But due to the cancellation of the Constellation program only partial cancellation may occur if a new bill in the US Congress is passed - this has been in vain," said Suzuki. "For some people, the extension of ISS to 2020 might be good, but not for other people considering that it would increase the spending on ISS further, which might possibly threaten the other space programs." In other words, Japan is uncertain about the status and integrity of certain US space programs, just like everyone else. That said, Japan enjoys its leadership role in space, and its work in areas such as innovative space engineering, robotic spacecraft, and propulsion systems is well insulated from any tectonic shifts taking place in the US space program. While the new US national space policy seems to lend support to a ban on space weapons or at least points to a reduced interest in the weaponization of space, serious questions remain about how this might actually come about. Previous Russian and Chinese proposals which have attracted much praise have sidestepped verification which is an absolute necessity called for by the Obama administration. "The US just is not supportive of multinational treaties in general," said Johnson-Freese. "What was done here was showing a more amenable attitude as opposed to outright rejection. More than anything the new policy says it will not be strictly relying on or looking to hardware to protect hardware." A speech in mid-July by Frank Rose, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva reinforced this idea that the US government is opening a new chapter. [4] This receptivity contrasts with the Bush administration's tough stance which was not really an invitation, and asserted that a new treaty was simply not necessary because a pair of existing treaties were sufficient. "Although heavily caveated, the new policy may mean that the US will participate in discussions," said Ghoshroy. "US missile defense plans will continue to be a major obstacle in any movement toward a new space treaty." Because an agreement prohibiting intentional interference with US space systems is in the US national security interest - over half of the active satellites currently in orbit belong to the US - Kulacki supports the idea of a direct debate with the Russians and the Chinese. "It is not a prize we are handing out to Russia or China, whose desire for such a treaty, while often expressed, has yet to be really tested. We should call them on it, begin to negotiate in earnest, and see just how interested they really are," said Kulacki. "Our military space capabilities are far more advanced. Protecting those capabilities should be our highest priority. It would help establish much needed norms in space that are in our national security interests." Opponents are concerned that the US will pay too high a price and receive very little in return by pursuing this objective. A treaty is no guarantee, the argument goes, and some in the US voice support for offensive counter space capabilities that are unconstrained by international law. "That is, in my view, short-sighted. It is much easier for nations like Russia and China, not to mention North Korea or Iran, to
develop anti-satellite capabilities than it is for them to match our overall military space capabilities," said Kulacki. "Removing legal constraints on attacks in space opens our strengths up to a weaker attacker and removes a layer of protection that could prove critical in the moments leading up to an outbreak of hostilities. Trading defense for offense in space is not to our advantage, but to the advantage of a potential aggressor." Asian nations have to wait and see if Obama loses lots of ground in the upcoming election. If voters back away from Obama, this may doom part if not all of the new US space policy before its even rolled out onto the launch pad.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Budget prevents US space cooperation with China
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No Solvency Mars
LaRouche 11 (LaRouche Political Action Committee- May 6, 2011- http://www.larouchepac.com/node/18109)
John Holdren, Obama's science (sic) advisor, testifying Wednesday before the House Appropriations subcommittee that does NASA's budget, assured the Committee Members that the U.S. would not cooperate with China on manned missions for decades; perhaps on a mission to Mars, which the Admistration's space policy has nowhere in sight. Manned missions to Mars will be "extremely expensive," Holdren said, so why not have the Chinese pay for some of it. His perfidy was matched by the stupidity of Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA), who chairs the subcommittee, and who described cooperation with China as "fundamentally immoral." Wolf authored a provision in NASA's current budget prohibiting any space cooperation with China.
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U.S. - Chinese relations will remain resilient regardless of destabilizing factors Harding 08 (Harry, "Assessing Risk in U.S.-China Relations: Trade, Investment, Climate Change", May 28, University Professor of International
Affairs, The George Washington University Counselor and Chair, China Task Force, Eurasia Group, http://www.rieti.go.jp/en/rieti_report/095.html) BR
Relations resilient
The U.S.-China economic relationship is at the same time both a stabilizing factor and a destabilizing factor. In international relations theory, economic interdependence is usually seen as a positive, stabilizing factor because it builds mutual relationships that neither side wants to disrupt. But we also know from the literature that issues are
explained by relative gain. It is not whether both sides are benefiting but which side is benefiting more. The problem of the U.S.-China relationship is that both sides believe that the other side is benefiting more; maybe the U.S. thinks China is getting more on the trade side and China thinks the same way about the U.S. and the investment side. If their relationship deepens and expands, both factors will increase, which means that the U.S. and
China will be more interdependent but there will be more mutual frustration. The changes in policy and perception addressing relative gains will determine whether the deepening relationship is going to be a stabilizing or destabilizing factor. If a Democrat is elected president, the U.S. is likely to push more rigorous pursuit of its interests through the
WTO, and the new administration may take a more critical look at FTAs, including both existing FTAs like NAFTA and the new FTAs under negotiation. However, I think the impact on U.S.-China trade relations will be relatively modest even if a Democrat is elected.
U.S.-China relations are resilient HKU 09 (The U.S. China relationship: From fragility to resilience, February 28,The University of Hong Kong, Professor Harry Harding, currently a
Visiting Professor in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Hong Kong, one of the most prominent American scholars in the field of China studies and US-China relations, http://www.hku.hk/press/news_detail_5930.html) BR
Back in the early 1990s, at the beginning of the Clinton Administration, it seemed appropriate to describe U.S. China relations as a "fragile relationship". But today, the relationship appears far more resilient, describing as containing a complex blend of competition and cooperation. How can we understand these changes? Why was the relationship
relatively fragile then and more resilient today? What are the remaining unstable factors that could generate a crisis in the relationship, and how likely is such a crisis to occur?
U.S. Chinese relations have been strong through the economic turbulence of 2010 and will stay resilient CNAS 1-12 (Center for a New American Security, U.S. seeks to revitalize ties with China, 2011, http://www.cnas.org/node/5539) BR
One thing that is certain: As China's power increases, so too does its expectation that the U.S. will make certain accommodations, said University of Virginia professor Harry Harding, a longtime China watcher. "If the U.S. was going to ask things of China, China was now in a position to ask things of the United States such things as agreeing to end arms sales to Taiwan, agreeing to stop having military exercises or reconnaissance missions close in to Chinese shoreline, near Chinese waters," Harding said. Harding said the U.S. hasn't agreed to do any of these things. Conversely, China hasn't addressed U.S. concerns over issues such as human rights, trade imbalance and the strength of its currency. Harding said he worries that those lingering, unresolved issues could fester. But he said that overall the U.S.-China relationship is resilient. He pointed to the economic turbulence of
2010, which many people speculated would lead to a breakdown in relations between the two countries. "I think many people thought that was going to be the result of the global downturn, resulting in [a] pretty open trade war," he said. "That didn't happen, and I think that it shows that despite all the differences and all the tensions, the two countries are highly interdependent."
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US/China space cooperation not a number one priority angers conservatives Reuters 11 (Washington Reuters- Jan 3, 2011- http://www.royalsociety.org.nz/2011/01/03/china-usa-space-2/) The prospects for cooperation between the United States and China in space are fading even as proponents say working together in the heavens could help build bridges in often-testy relations on Earth. The idea of joint ventures in space, including spacewalks, explorations and symbolic feel good projects, have been floated from time to time by leaders on both sides. Efforts have gone nowhere over the past decade, swamped by economic, diplomatic and security tensions, despite a 2009 attempt by President Barack Obama and his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, to kick-start the bureaucracies. US domestic politics make the issue unlikely to advance when Obama hosts Hu at the White House on Jan. 19. Washington is at odds with Beijing over its currency policies and huge trade surplus but needs Chinas help to deter North Korea and Irans nuclear ambitions and advance global climate and trade talks, among other matters. Hus state visit will highlight the importance of expanding cooperation on bilateral, regional and global issues, the White House said. But space appears to be a frontier too far for now, partly due to US fears of an inadvertent technology transfer. China may no longer be much interested in any event, reckoning it does not need US expertise for its space program. New obstacles to cooperation have come from the Republicans capturing control of the US House of Representatives in the Nov. 2
congressional elections from Obamas Democrats. Representative Frank Wolf, for instance, is set to take over as chairman of the appropriations subcommittee that funds the US space agency in the House. A China critic and human rights firebrand, the Republican congressman has faulted NASAs chief for meeting leaders of Chinas Manned Space Engineering Office in October. As you know, we have serious concerns about the
Links to Politics
nature and goals of Chinas space program and strongly oppose any cooperation between NASA and China, Wolf and three fellow Republicans wrote NASA Administrator Charles Bolden on Oct. 15 as he left for China. SPACE EXPLORATION
Obama and Hu, in a statement in November 2009, called for the initiation of a joint dialogue on human spaceflight and space exploration, based on the principles of transparency, reciprocity and mutual benefit. The statement, marking a visit by Obama to China, also called for reciprocal visits in 2010 of NASAs chief and the appropriate Chinese counterpart. Bolden, who went to China as head of a small team, said discussions there did not include consideration of any specific proposals for future cooperation a statement apparently designed to placate Wolf, who will have a big say in NASAs budget. The Chinese visit to NASA did not materialize in 2010 for reasons that have not been explained. NASA representatives did not reply to questions but a Chinese embassy spokesman, Wang Baodong, said he suspected it was mainly a scheduling issue. China is an emerging space power. Over 13 years starting in August 1996, it ran up 75 consecutive successful Long March rocket launches after overcoming technical glitches with the help of US companies. China launched its second moon orbiter in October. In 2008, it became the third country after the United States and Russia to send astronauts on a spacewalk outside an orbiting craft. Beijing plans an unmanned moon landing and deployment of a moon rover in 2012 and the retrieval of lunar soil and stone samples around 2017. Chinese scientists have talked about the possibility of sending a man to the moon after 2020 more than 50 years after US astronauts accomplished the feat. ANTI-SATELLITE TESTS Possible US-Chinese cooperation became more controversial after
Beijing carried out a watershed anti-satellite test in January 2007, using a ground-based missile to knock out one of its inactive weather satellites in high polar orbit. No advance notice of the test was given. Thirteen months
later, the United States destroyed a malfunctioning US spy satellite using a ship-launched Raytheon Co Standard Missile 3 after a high-profile buildup to the event. The US interception was just outside the atmosphere so that debris would burn up promptly. US officials say Chinas capabilities
could threaten US space assets in low orbit. The Chinese test also created a large cloud of orbital debris that may last for 100 years, boosting the risk to manned spaceflight and to hundreds of satellites belonging to more than two dozen countries. Chinas work on anti-satellite weapons is destabilizing, Wallace Gregson, assistant US secretary of defense for Asian
and Pacific security affairs, said in December, also citing its investment in anti-ship missiles, advanced submarines, surface-to-air missiles and computer warfare techniques. It has become increasingly evident that China is pursuing a long-term, comprehensive military buildup that
could upend the regional security balance, Gregson told a forum hosted by the Progressive Policy Institute in Washington. The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, called on members of the incoming Congress to be wary of any space cooperation with China on the grounds it could bolster Beijings knowledge and harm US security.
Congress should reject (the Obama) administration attempts to curry favor with the international community while placing US advantages in space at risk, Dean Cheng, a Heritage research fellow for Chinese political and security affairs, and two colleagues said in a Dec. 15 memo to lawmakers. Proponents of cooperation say even symbolic steps, such as hosting a Chinese astronaut on the International Space Station, might help win friends in Beijing and blunt hard-liners. Gregory Kulacki, China project manager for the Union of Concerned Scientists, a group often at odds with US policy, said cooperation would be more of a political project than a technical one. We need to get past the idea that the Chinese need us more than we need
them, he said. Links to politics human rights concerns Young 11 (Connie Young- July 7, 2011- World Watch- http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503543_162-20077462-503543.html) The fast-approaching end of the U.S. space shuttle program is about to leave America entirely dependent on its international partners to carry astronauts to and from space for the foreseeable future, just as a tenuous relationship with China - whose space program is advancing rapidly - hits an all-time low in the area of space exploration. Beijing was deeply offended when two journalists from China's state-run Xinhua news agency were barred from covering the historic
launch of the shuttle Endeavour in May, the second-to-last mission for the U.S. shuttle program. Endeavour blasted off from Florida's Kennedy Space Center on May 16, carrying an Alpha Magnetic Spectrometer-2 particle detector - a $1.5 billion apparatus developed, in part, by Chinese scientists. It became a source of national pride in China. Banned from covering the launch, the government mouthpiece lashed out in
a report two days blasting
"discriminative" new U.S. legislation which bans any of NASA's government-apportioned funding being used in partnership with, to support or host any

NASA's budget - and a fierce critic of China's human rights record, to an emergency
Liu national budget bill passed in April to keep the U.S.
entity of the Chinese government. The Xinhua article refers to a clause added by Rep. Frank Wolf (R-Va.), chairman of the House committee which oversees government running for six months. Xinhua's article claimed "even Americans themselves" viewed the so-called "Wolf Clause" as discriminatory. The emergency budget averted a government-wide shutdown, and it was passed in spite of vocal objections by members of both parties to many of the restrictions included. However, there
has been little talk in Washington specifically about the clause on space cooperation with China, and no U.S. lawmakers have publicly labeled it "discriminative," as Xinhua suggested. "Obviously, the 'Wolf Clause' runs counter to the trend that both China and the United States are trying to push ahead their exchanges and cooperation in science and technology," said the Xinhua article. In remarks to the House Appropriations subcommittee explaining his stance, Wolf made it clear China's dismal record on human rights was behind the legislation blocking any NASA interaction with China's military-run space program. "Consider our differing
worldviews," said Wolf. "The U.S. was founded on the premise that liberty is a birthright, that individual human life is sacred, that the freedom to worship according to the dictates of your conscience is paramount. The Chinese government operates antithetically to these beliefs." "There is no clearer indication of the gulf that exists between our two countries than the Chinese government's treatment of its own people." But experts in U.S.-China relations accuse Wolf of seeking to "ram
through a potentially unconstitutional assault on the president's ability to conduct scientific diplomacy." Gregory Kulacki, a Beijing-based global security analyst and member of the Union of Concerned Scientists wrote in the journal "Nature" that the restrictions placed on NASA may, in part, be partisan U.S. politics threatening
to further exacerbate a relationship already fraught with distrust. The scientist tells CBS News that Wolf's amendment was "prompted by efforts by the Obama administration to reach out to the Chinese (on space cooperation) even though the Bush Administration had been doing the same thing for years." "The ban should be lifted," wrote Kulacki bluntly. "The progress of Chinese space activity during the previous US administration suggests that the prohibitions that have stifled Sino-American scientific cooperation for decades have not achieved their aims, and have arguably been counterproductive. China has shown that it has the talent and resources to go it alone. The sanctions have only severed links between the countries and made a new generation of Chinese intellectuals resentful and suspicious of the United States. And they stand in contrast to the tradition of scientists strengthening diplomatic relations." Other experts agree that cooperation between the two countries, particularly on space and science projects, is mutually beneficial. Mitigating space debris and collecting data for weather and natural disasters around the globe, once spearheaded by former Secretary of State Collin Powell, are a few examples of common interests. Joan Johnson-Freese, Chairman of the National Security Decision Making Department at the U.S. Naval War College, an expert on China's space program, agrees with Kulacki's assessment. "I think (the bill) is fool-hearted," she told CBS News in a telephone interview. "We ought to be working with them on things like space debris and we also should be working with them so that we can learn more about their program."
"There
are a number of
members of Congress who are adamant we will not work with China," said Johnson-Freese. "Meanwhile, China is reaching out
and working with many, many countries." Beijing now has cooperative agreements with Russia, Canada, Europe, Venezuela as well as neighboring countries. Collaborations include joint satellite projects, aerospace university exchanges, export of communication satellites and the sharing of some of its satellite imaging data for natural resources. "About the only country that has said 'no thank you' to cooperation with China, is the United States," noted Johnson-Freese. The "Wolf Clause" expires with the rest of the emergency budget in Sept. 2011. It's not clear how much support his stance has in Congress, and thus how likely it is NASA's ban on cooperation a longer-term ban on NASA's cooperation with China is when a longer-term budget bill is considered in the late summer and early autumn. "I don't doubt the intentions of Congressman Wolf, or the sincerity of his views. I think he honestly believes he's doing the right thing here," Kulacki told CBS News. "I just wish he would take some time to reconsider his position."
Liu
Only a Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space with international support can prevent an arms race Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
AT: Arms Race DA
Through space weaponization, the United States seeks to neutralize Chinas nuclear deterrence capabilities. Many in China worry that this would free the United States to intervene in Chinas affairs and to undermine efforts at reunification with Taiwan. These concerns have prompted China to clearly express with sufficient frequency to merit an acronym that the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) is an urgent and realistic objective. A 2004 white paper on Chinas national defense emphasized, Outer space is the common property of mankind. China hopes that the international community would take action as soon as possible to conclude an international legal instrument on preventing the weaponization of and arms race in outer space through negotiations, to ensure the peaceful use of outer space. Only an arms control agreement solves an arms race Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
Historically, China developed nuclear weapons for the sole purpose of guarding itself against the threat of nuclear blackmail. Many Chinese officials and scholars believe that China should maintain the effectiveness of its nuclear deterrent by every possible means, to negate the threats from missile defense and space weaponization plans. 78 As one Chinese official stated, China is not in a position to conduct [an] arms race with [the] U.S. and it does not intend to do so, particularly in the field of missile defense.
However, China will not sit idly by and watch its strategic interests being jeopardized without taking necessary measures. It is quite possible and natural for China to review its military doctrine and a series of policies on [its] relationship with big powers, Taiwan issues, arms control and nonproliferation, etc. 79
In response to the pursuit of space weapons by the United States, the first and best option for Chinaand the option it is now pursuingis to advocate an arms control agreement. However, if this effort fails and if security concerns
perceived to be legitimate are ignored, China will very likely develop responses to neutralize any threat presented by U.S. actions.
2011 Michigan Debate Institutes Opportunity for US-Sino cooperation over data sharing Dean Cheng, 12/2009, Reflections on Sino-US Space Cooperation, Space and Defense Volume Two Number Three Winter 2009,
Liu
Random Condition CP Cards/cooperation areas for China
http://web.mac.com/rharrison5/Eisenhower_Center_for_Space_and_Defense_Studies/Journal_Vol_2_No_3_files/Space%20and%20Defense %202_3.pdf In the most general terms, there are four levels of cooperation: sharing data; establishing common standards; planning
missions jointly; and undertaking missions jointly. Each of these involves measures that might be undertaken either bilaterally, between the PRC and the United States, or multilaterally, as part of larger, multinational efforts. Neither the levels nor the approaches are mutually exclusive. That is, there is significant room for overlap between levels, just as there may be instances of both bilateral and multilateral cooperation for each level. Levels of Cooperation The four levels of cooperation involve a steadily greater level
of interaction between the two sides. At the same time, each subsequent level of cooperation also entails greater disclosure, and increasingly involves not only revealing types of data, but also decision-making processes. The four levels of cooperation involve a steadily greater level of
interaction between the two sides. At the same time, each subsequent level of cooperation also entails greater disclosure, and increasingly involves not only revealing types of data, but also decision-making processes. Sharing data. Most promising may be the possibility of sharing the data derived from space. With the increasing quantity and quality of data derived from space that is available commercially, it was suggested by some of the participants in the Eisenhower Center workshops that data-sharing may be a means of facilitating cooperation between the US and the PRC. US-Sino cooperation over manned flights a high possibility Dean Cheng, 12/2009, Reflections on Sino-US Space Cooperation, Space and Defense Volume Two Number Three Winter 2009,
http://web.mac.com/rharrison5/Eisenhower_Center_for_Space_and_Defense_Studies/Journal_Vol_2_No_3_files/Space%20and%20Defense %202_3.pdf Joint missions. There are several different ways in which one could conduct joint missions. The use of components
from one nation, placed aboard the bus of another nation, might be one means. The deployment of European instruments aboard a Chinese bus, as occurred with the Doublestar program, would be an example of a multilateral joint mission. 7 The creation of common standards and baselines would facilitate the process of creating such joint missions, by making equipment compatible without requiring extensive modification. Joint cooperation in human space activities is seen by many as non-zero-sum in nature, providing mutual benefits to all the cooperating states. This is usually envisioned as
joint crewing of a spacecraft, drawing astronauts from different nations. The current situation aboard the International Space Station could be characterized as a form of joint mission, conducted multilaterally. The prospect of manned missions conducted jointly by the US and the PRC has been of particular interest to the workshop participants. This
is by no means an exhaustive survey of potential levels of cooperation. Indeed, recent developments suggest that there may be a host of new potential venues for cooperation. The growth, for example, of new space, in the form of non-government space efforts, poses intriguing new challenges to both the
American and Chinese space programs. The new space sector, including space tourism, is less subject to governmental intervention or restrictions. At the same time, at least theoretically, it may well be focused wholly on the capitalization. With the growing Chinese economy, it is not clear what impact nongovernmental Chinese funding might have on the prospects for new space.
Because of the retirement of the US shuttle program, Sino-US cooperation possible over the ISS Spacepolitics.com, 4/18/2006, More on China cooperation vs. competition, http://www.spacepolitics.com/2006/04/18/more-on-chinacooperation-vs-competition/ Todays Orlando Sentinel features an op-ed on Chinas space program by Vincent Sabathier and G. Ryan Faith of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. In the essay, they argue that the US would be better served by cooperating with Chinas space program, rather
than competing with it. The ISS, they believe, could provide an opening for such cooperation, for practical as well as political purposes: Much as Russian participation in the international space station was preceded by the famous Apollo-Soyuz mission during the Cold War, Chinese participation in the international space station can be a precursor for cooperation in decades to come. More practically, after the space shuttle is retired in 2010 the United States will not have a manned-spaceflight capability for as long as four years. Under current plans, during this gap there will be only one way to get to and from the international space station via the Russian Soyuz. Having another backup such as the Chinese Shenzhou will be critical to the safety of the international-space-station crew. By the
time the shuttle is retired, China will certainly have the ability to provide this backup to the Soyuz until the new U.S. vehicle is ready for flight.
US-China cooperation over weaponization treaty possible The Australian National University, 2009, The Architecture of Security
in the Asia-Pacific, http://epress.anu.edu.au/sdsc/architecture/pdf/whole_book.pdf Fourth, China has called for an international pact to prohibit the
weaponisation of outer space. If the United States cares about the future uncertainties of Chinas military development, it can address these in the domain of outer space by joining China in negotiating such a pact. The US national space policy makes it clear that it fully understands,
perhaps better than any other country, how important outer space is for future military operations.
***Misc
Liu
China willing to cooperate over a ban on weaponization of space Ambassador states Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
In Chinas view, the most effective way to secure space assets would be a ban on space weaponization. Chinese Ambassador Hu Xiaodi stated, If any country is really worried about possible menace to its space interests, this could certainly be alleviated through the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty on the prevention of space weaponization, as suggested by China Such a legally binding international treaty will be the best tool to safeguard the interests of all sides. The US and China should cooperate and establish a bilateral Focused Space Weapons Ban Hui Zhang, 3/2008, Russian and Chinese Responses to U.S. Military Plans in Space, Chapter 2 Chinese Perspectives on Space Weapons,
http://www.amacad.org/hui3.pdf A focused space weapons ban. If China wants to move past its complaints and toward an agreement, it will have to consider proposals that might conceivably be acceptable to the United States. A ban on space weapons that used a focused definition of these weapons,
along with bilateral confidencebuilding measures, could be a first practical step to overcome the deadlock at the CD and to reduce the concerns of both the U.S. and China. The focused approach could include the following two core elements: Banning the testing and deployment of any weapons in outer space, including space-based KEWs, space-based DEWs, and any other spacebased weapons for attacking space-, ground-, sea-, or air-based targets. This would rule out space-weapon components of missile defense and ASAT systems. Banning the testing and deployment of any dedicated ASAT weapons. This would include any weapon strike systemwhether ground-based, sea-based, air-based, or space-basedagainst orbiting satellites. Because all long- or intermediate-range
ballistic missiles and high-altitude missile defense systems have inherent ASAT capabilities, it would not be practical to pursue a complete ban on ASATs. Although a ban on testing in ASAT mode would not eliminate all threats to satellites, it would reduce the cost and complexity of ensuring a reasonable level of satellite safety. Under such a regime, non-dedicated ASATs would not be able to reach high-value satellites in
geosynchronous or high Earth orbit, including widely used weather satellites and civilian and military communications satellites, and some of the most stabilizing and defensive military satellites responsible for early warnings of missile launches and the detection of nuclear explosions.

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2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--XT: SED Mech Key

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

greatest danger to Chinas future

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--AT: cooperation now

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--AT: china no want cooperation

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--AT: ban makes coop impossible

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

1nc Arms Race

***Arms race remember to use the 7 week seniors WHAM file

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--XT: Arms Race

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

AT: Arms race inevitable

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

China Major Space Power

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

***China cooperation impacts

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--XT: Asian Stability

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

North Korean Prolif

potential for instability or war on the neighboring

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--XT: North Korea Prolif

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

--XT: Brink now

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

Relations Low - Generic

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

Relations Low - Space Related

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes

2011 Michigan Debate Institutes