Kevin T. Glowacki, Nancy L.

Klein

THE ANALYSIS OF DARK AGE DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE: THE LM IIIC SETTLEMENT AT KAVOUSI VRONDA*
INTRODUCTION In his 1990 review of the Greek Dark Ages, W.D.E. Coulson proposed a series of ambitious and idealistic goals for the study of Greek society from the twelfth through the eighth centuries BC, that is, from the collapse and abandonment of the Mycenaean settlements to the recovery of writing (Coulson 1990, 11). Coulsons evaluation of ceramic and architectural studies, in particular, highlighted the many gaps in publication and analysis for this period. Out of necessity, many previous studies of Dark Age architecture had been based upon often poorly published data, and in some cases relied primarily even exclusively upon an evaluation of plan and materials. Nonetheless, the importance of the built environment and the role of architecture as a signifier of the social dynamics within a Dark Age settlement were recognised as having untapped potential. Coulson (Coulson 1990, 22) opined that a most useful endeavor would be the complete excavation of a single settlement together with its associated cemeteries. Only in this way will we be able to make any detailed architectural or sociological studies and be able to discern the
* It was our great privilege to work closely with Willy Coulson during the excavations at Kavousi, and we dedicate this article to the memory of a remarkable friend and colleague. We would like to thank the directors of the Kavousi Project, G.C. Gesell, L.P. Day, and W.D.E. Coulson for the opportunity to publish the material from Vronda.

relationship of the parts to the whole. We will, for instance, be in a better position to distinguish the relationship of houses to streets, of rooms to courts, and of houses to each other, not to mention on a broader scale the relationship of the settlement to its cemeteries and in general, to the surrounding environment. At the time he wrote, excavation was still underway at two Dark Age sites near the modern village of Kavousi, Vronda and Kastro, codirected by Coulson, L.P. Day, and G.C. Gesell (Coulson et. al. 1997; Day Coulson Gesell 1986; Gesell Coulson Day 1991; Gesell Day Coulson 1983; 1985; 1988; 1995; Mook in the present volume). Today, the final publication of these settlements and associated cemeteries is approaching completion. In this paper, we would like to use the Late Minoan IIIC settlement at Vronda as a case study to explore the potential of architecture for understanding Dark Age society according to the levels of analysis and types of social relationships emphasized by Coulson, not only in his essay, but in many aspects of his research, his teaching, and his archaeological fieldwork. As archaeologists, our reading of architecture is shaped by factors past and present. Those from the past include the processes of construction, occupation, abandonment, and reuse that give shape to the archaeological site as a whole (Schiffer 1996; La Motta Schiffer 1999). In the present, we are guided by methodological approaches that include not only the recovery of

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data using contemporary archaeological practices but also the theoretical frameworks we use to identify and interpret function, use of space, and the meaning of the buildings we find. For example, the discussion of Dark Age architecture on Crete since Coulsons review in 1990 has considered a number of diverse issues above and beyond the formal analysis of plan, material, construction techniques and associated features. These issues include regional settlement patterns and typology (Haggis 1993; Hayden 1997; Sjgren 2003), site location and defensibility (Nowicki 2000), settlement form (Hayden 1990; Wallace 2005; Mook in this volume; Rousioti Stournaras in this volume; Vasilakis 2004), economy and socioeconomic change (Nowicki 1999; Wallace 2004), household analysis (Glowacki 2004; Mook 1998), social organization (Day Snyder 2004; Mazarakis Ainian 1997; Nowicki 2002; Tsipopoulou in this volume; Whitley 1991), ethnicity and cultural identity (Darcque 1990; Tsipopoulou 2005), religion (DAgata 2006; Eliopoulos 2004; Gesell 2004; Klein 2004; Klein Glowacki 2009; Prent 2005; Shaw Shaw 2000), and the character of private, communal, public and civic spaces (DAgata 2000; Haggis Mook in the present volume; Sjgren 2007). In a thought-provoking essay on meaningful architecture in archaeology, M. Locock defined the concept as being concerned with the analysis of buildings primarily in terms of their role in the constructing society, as a mode of creating and transmitting social statements (Locock 1994, 1). Two additional corollaries bear further scrutiny. First, that a house was not invented -- rather its form was negotiated between numerous social groups, and the final form is the result of those negotiations. Second, as the building is changed by its occupants over time, the buildings meanings have a diachronic trajectory as a further dimension (Locock 1994, 5-6). Our case study provides an opportunity to evaluate both Coulsons and Lococks perspectives regarding architecture and society. By

noting the ways in which the private domestic buildings at Vronda were originally designed and subsequently modified over time, and then by comparing them to buildings with a more communal character, we seek to understand the ways in which the community at Vronda established and negotiated architectural space. LM IIIC ARCHITECTURE AT KAVOUSI VRONDA The site of Vronda is located in eastern Crete, in the foothills of the Thripti mountain range above the modern village of Kavousi. It is one of several Late Minoan IIIC sites in the region, which include nearby Kastro and Azoria and, in the Isthmus of Ierapetra, Vasiliki Kephala and Monastiraki Chalasmenos, the latter excavated by Coulson and M. Tsipopoulou (Haggis 1993; 2005, 81-85; see also Eliopoulos 1998; 2004; Coulson Tsipopoulou 1994; Tsipopoulou 2005; in the present volume). Excavations at Vronda have revealed several distinct building complexes that made up a large part of the LM IIIC settlement (fig. 1). These complexes include houses around the summit and slopes, a large building used for ritual dining and drinking, and a freestanding shrine or temple (Day 1997; Day Klein Turner 2009; Day Glowacki Klein 2000; Gesell 2004; Gesell Day Coulson 1995; Glowacki 2004; 2007; Klein 2004; Klein Glowacki 2009). The settlement was abandoned near the end of the LM IIIC period, and the buildings eventually decayed and collapsed. The site was subsequently used for burials, first for inhumation burials in small tholos tombs (SM-EG) at the periphery of what had been the inhabited space, then for cremation burials (LG-EO) that often took advantage of the partially collapsed rooms, walls, and building materials from the earlier settlement (Gesell Day Coulson 1990; Day in the present volume). Despite the damage caused by these and other post-abandonment disturbances, the comprehensive manner of excava-

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tion and detailed analysis of architecture, artifacts and ecofacts allow us to consider a number of essential questions, ranging from building materials and construction techniques to household analysis. That is, there are both physical and social dimensions to the study of architecture and the built environment that can and should be explored as far as site formation processes and physical preservation allow. The ground plan, materials, and techniques employed in the buildings at Vronda are remarkably consistent and present a clear example of vernacular architecture in LM IIIC East Crete. All of the preserved structures are rectilinear, built largely of unworked rubble and mud mortar, with flat clay roofs. Materials were available locally, and construction techniques were relatively simple. Common interior features include benches and platforms, stands, slab enclosures (or bins), central hearths, and built ovens. Most building complexes at Vronda began with an initial set of rooms to which others were added in a sequence that can be determined from close analysis of wall joins and abutments. The architectural expansion, the sizes of the rooms, the reduplication of features such as hearths and ovens, and the blocking of doorways and routes of communication probably reflect the changing sizes and relationships of co-residential groups both within each building complex and within the settlement as whole (Glowacki 2002; 2004; 2007). Deviations from this baseline character are readily apparent and can be evaluated in greater detail by combining architectural analysis with ceramic, floral, faunal, and lithic studies to shed more light on the human activities, both within a specific architectural space and the wider settlement. BUILDING COMPLEX C-D Our study of the excavated domestic complexes at Vronda reveals a pattern of agglutinative growth, beginning with a simple rectangular unit of one to three rooms that most likely

served a single family or household. Building C-D (fig. 2) on the western side of the summit provides an instructive example (Gesell Day Coulson 1995, 70-75; Klein 2004, 96-98; Day Klein Turner 2009, 79-123). Analysis of wall bonds and abutments indicates that there were several stages in the buildings construction history, beginning with rooms C3 and C4 on the highest terrace to the east (fig. 3a). Room C4 contains a large central hearth, an oven in its northeast corner, a bin in the northwest, and benches along the eastern and southern walls. Communication between the two rooms is not evident, but it may have been through a doorway located above the preserved level of foundations -- a phenomenon that can be observed in other buildings at Vronda. In a second architectural phase (fig. 3b) room C1 was built on a lower terrace to the west, followed by room C2 to its north (fig. 3c). Each of these rooms has a central hearth, and room C2 has a well-preserved oven against its eastern wall. In the next phase (fig. 3d), room D1 was built on the same terrace as rooms C1 and C2, adjacent but not communicating with the earlier building. Room D1 is the largest interior space within this building complex (c. 38.9 m2) and contains not only a central hearth and bin, but a well-built platform in the southeast corner on which two animal figurines were found; another was discovered on the floor a few feet away (Gesell Day Coulson 1995, 71-73, figs. 2:2-4, pl.18:a-b; Gesell in the present volume). The construction of room C5 (fig. 3e) clearly follows D1, but the lack of its northeast and eastern walls makes it difficult to establish its place in the construction sequence of the building complex. In Building D, the architectural sequence continues with the construction of rooms D2 and D3 (fig. 3f), followed by D4 and D5 on a lower terrace (fig. 3g). There are several important observations to be gained from this picture of Building C-D. The initial phase of construction was a rectangular two-room structure, located on a level terrace. In subsequent phases, the building

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expanded either in a linear fashion by adding rectangular rooms along the same level or onto an adjoining, lower terrace. Each successive expansion sees the addition of a rectangular hearth room that would have provided means of cooking, interior illumination, and heating in cold weather. Common built features include a long bench, bin, and oven. With the exception of the large room D1, where the corner platform and animal figurines suggest household cult activity, there is remarkable homogeneity throughout the complex in building materials, construction methods, interior features and material deposits. READING THE MEANING OF LM IIIC ARCHITECTURE AT VRONDA Let us consider how this picture of Building C-D might reflect the process of architectural negotiation. First, we suggest that several factors argue in favor of the involvement of a single group in the construction process of each domestic complex. These include: (1) The reliance upon existing walls to build new rooms. Except for the original tworoom structure (C3+C4), the location and construction of all other rooms is dependent upon pre-existing architecture. (2) The proximity and communication from one room to the next. This is especially true in the case of Building D, where it would have been possible at one time to move directly from room D1 to the other rooms. The blocking up of the doorway between D2 and D4 in a later phase restricts movement and has the result of establishing an adjacent but not immediately accessible household. (3) The preference for enlarging the existing structure, rather than creating a separate, free-standing building elsewhere on

the site, despite the fact that there seems to have been ample room on the slopes. In our opinion, these three points argue strongly in favor of the family as the basic social unit within the settlement. The architectural expansion of the domestic complexes can reasonably be seen as a reflection of a familys growth (i.e., successful reproduction and survival) over time, perhaps three to four generations, as individual families and household units grew into extended families and multi-household complexes (Glowacki 2004, 133-134; 2007, 134, 138). RELATING THE PART TO THE WHOLE: HOUSE TO HOUSE If we look beyond Building C-D to the pattern of architectural development throughout the Vronda settlement (fig. 1), we find additional evidence in favor of a society based upon individual families establishing houses that are expanded over time. All of the other complexes that have a primarily private or domestic function demonstrate a similar pattern of growth from an initial rectangular unit. These include Building J-K on the northern edge of the summit, Building L-M further north, Building E to the southeast, and Building I-O-N, located on the western slope. Building Q on the eastern slope, located just below the massive terrace wall east of Building A-B, may also have been a house, although not enough of this building has been explored to discuss its form or function in any detail. The preserved architectural evidence argues for existence of at least six or seven core households within the community where each family established its own independent structure. While there are similarities in plan, building materials, and construction techniques that could be used to argue for a society that was -- at least at the household level -- of a uniform economic and social status, there are also recognisable levels of distinction evident in the

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architectural form. For example, Building C-D has at least three large hearth rooms, two smaller ones, and has a larger interior area than almost any other complex. We can also note that the badly preserved Building J-K on the north side of the summit also has rooms that are usually larger than Building I-O-N on the western slope, but the latter expands to a much greater overall space. Clearly there are other factors in play, perhaps reflecting higher status or success of one group, their location on the summit, or the growth and change of the community over time. RELATING THE PART TO THE WHOLE: HOUSE TO SETTLEMENT How might the architectural growth of the settlement over several generations offer further insight into social dynamics? It is unfortunate that we cannot demonstrate that the core households were all established at the same time, nor can we determine the chronological relationship of architectural phases between complexes. But the spatial distribution of the initial architectural units over the Vronda ridge reveals several interesting points. Let us compare a hypothetical plan of the settlement at its foundation with the final phase as recovered through excavation (fig. 4). The top of the summit was densely occupied by Buildings A-B, C (rooms C3+ C4), and J (rooms J3+J4). Building Q (rooms Q+Q2) stood on the eastern slope abutting the large terrace wall. Building E (rooms E1+E4) was also located below the summit on the steep southeastern slope, Building G on the southwest, and Building L on the north. Building I (rooms I3+I4+I5) occupied the western slope by itself. The concentration of buildings on the summit suggests that this was the location of choice. Building A-B occupied the highest point within the settlement and has been interpreted, based on its size and function, as a rulers house and/ or a place for ritual dining and drinking for at

least some members of the community (Day Snyder 2004, esp. 73, 77-78; Day Klein Turner 2009, 59-63; see also Whitley 1991, 349350; Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 208-210; Wallace 2005, 264). The disposition of three additional domestic complexes around Building A-B suggests that a location on the summit took advantage of both practical and social considerations, benefiting from a higher elevation and prestige through proximity to this extraordinary structure. An element of social competition may also be in play. An explanation for the remote location of Building I-O-N may be found in the simple lack of remaining space on the summit (perhaps signaling lower prestige?), or could have a chronological component (that is, it was established after the other complexes claimed the preferred space). NEGOTIATING SPACE: AGGLUTINATIVE VS. STATIC ARCHITECTURE Our last point considers the matter of the negotiation of architectural space over time, the diachronic trajectory of the built environment put forth by Locock. As discussed above, each of the domestic complexes expands sequentially, probably reflecting the growth of the different families. While there was clearly unoccupied space within the settlement, the choice was made to add rooms onto existing structures, perhaps reflecting the importance of kinship within the community or even property ownership. The agglutinative growth of the domestic complexes at Vronda stands in contrast to what we can observe in two special buildings: A-B and G. Building A-B, the Big House located at the top of the summit, is a complex of superlatives in this settlement. It has the largest single interior space (room A1 = 71 m2), unique architectural embellishment (painted terracotta window frame) and special interior wall decoration (cattle skulls and agrimi horns), as well as the largest pithoi and overall storage capacity (Day

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1997; 1999; Day Snyder 2004; Day Klein Turner 2009, 15-63). It is also the only building for which there may be evidence for two stories. Although Buildings A and B do not have bonding walls at the level to which they are preserved, the architectural orientation and proximity, as well as material evidence, suggests that they were part of a single complex. The static quality of Building A is made apparent by the fact that it did not expand over time. Building B, however, has a recognisable sequence of construction and divisions of rooms, as well as the addition of room B7 in a later phase, which may reflect a need for increased storage. Building G, on the southwestern slope, is a two-room structure dedicated exclusively to the cult of the goddess with upraised arms (Gesell 2004, 136-141, 147 no. 9; Klein 2004; Prent 2005, 151-154, no. A.21; Klein Glowacki 2009, 154-156). It was clearly constructed in a single phase. Although its interior roofed area (c. 35.75 m2) is equivalent to that of the initial phases of the houses, Building G like Building A also does not grow in an agglutinative fashion over time. Additionally, its faade incorporates much larger boulders than was commonly used in the houses, an indication of differential selection of material and greater energy expenditure in construction. Building G also has a long and broad exterior bench a feature unparalleled in the preserved domestic architecture of Vronda. What might these observations tell us about social negotiations at the time of their construction and period of use? By comparison with the domestic complexes, whose increase in size seems to reflect the growth in population over successive generations, it appears that Building A and Building G were of suitable architectural form and dimensions to accommodate the needs of the community, even as its population increased. In neither case do we see the negotiation of form and duplication of features and activity areas that was evident in the private houses. Their architecture in this sense is static, and does not follow the same dia-

chronic trajectory of the agglutinative domestic architecture (Wallace 2005, 261-270). Does this indicate that their meaning within the community was equally static? On the one hand, if Building A-B was a residence that never expanded in size as did other domestic complexes, then clearly the group inhabiting that space was governed by different rules than the rest of the community. Perhaps the function of Building A-B was symbolically tied to a position in society rather than the individual as, for example, a governors mansion where officials are in residence during their tenure. On the other hand, if one of Big Houses uses is for ritual dining, the number of participants never seems to have exceeded the capacity of the original plan. Since the architectural development of the settlement suggests an increasing population, it may be that membership in this group and access to the communal spaces of the Big House became limited or exclusive over time. While we can pose similar questions regarding the architecture of Building G, its function as a communal cult building probably did not include the assembly of large numbers of participants within the structure itself. Instead, there is evidence to suggest that cult equipment was stored and displayed within, and public rituals that were presumably open to all members of the community probably took place outside in the large area before the western faade, where the exterior bench may have served as a symbolic focal point for display or seating of important individuals (Klein 2004, 100; Klein Glowacki 2009, 156, 167; see also Eliopoulos 2004, 85). The original function of the building was maintained over the life of the settlement and, although sets of cult equipment may have been ritually discarded or replaced over time, it is clear that the architectural requirements did not vary.

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CONCLUSION In closing, we would like to argue that this case study of the LM IIIC settlement at Vronda has confirmed Coulsons proposal that the architecture can provide socially significant or meaningful insights into Dark Age society on several levels. Close consideration of individual building design and growth, considered within the larger settlement context, indicates that some buildings had a character or function that was distinct from the others. The growth and modifications of the private domestic building complexes can be understood as reflecting the changing composition, relationships, and negotiations of the separate co-residential groups or households over time, while the buildings of communal character seem to have remained static -- at least in architectural plan -- throughout their functional lifetime. While there are remaining questions we are unable to answer fully at this time, such as the relative growth of individual households within the settlement, or the relationship of the LM IIIC settlement to a contemporary cemetery, the results of the excavations at Vronda offer positive proof that Coulsons advocacy for the contribution of architecture to an objective, multi-disciplinary study of the Dark Ages was justified. BIBLIOGRAPHY Coulson, W.D.E., 1990. The Greek Dark Ages: A Review of the Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research, Athens. Coulson, W.D.E. Haggis, D.C. Mook, M.S. Tobin, J.L., 1997. Excavations on the Kastro at Kavousi: an architectural overview, Hesperia 66, 315-390. Coulson, W.D.E. Tsipopoulou, M., 1994. Preliminary Investigations at Halasmenos, Crete 1992-1993, Aegean Archaeology 1, 65-97. DAgata, A.L., 2000. Public versus domestic? A geometric monumental building at Thronos/Kephala (ancient Sybrita), in -

, 1, Herakleion, 323-339. DAgata, A.L., 2006. Cult activity on Crete in the Early Dark Age: changes, continuities and the development of a Greek cult system, in S. Deger-Jalkotzy & I.S. Lemos (eds.), Ancient Greece: from the Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer, Edinburgh, 397-414. Darque, P., 1990. Pour labandon du terme mgaron, in P. Darcque & R. Treuil (eds.), Lhabitat gen prhistorique. Actes de la Table Ronde internationale organise par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, lUniversit de Paris I et lcole francaise dAthnes, Athnes, 23-25 juin 1987, BCH Suppl. 19, Paris, 21-31. Day, L.P., 1997. The Late Minoan IIIC period at Vronda, Kavousi, in J. Driessen & A. Farnoux (eds.), La Crte mycnienne. Actes de la Table Ronde internationale organise par lcole franaise dAthnes, 26-28 mars 1991, BCH Suppl. 30, Paris, 391-406. Day, L.P., 1999. A Late Minoan IIIC window frame from Vronda, Kavousi, in P.P. Betancourt V. Karageorghis R. Laffineur W.-D. Niemeier (eds.), Meletemata: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as he enters his 65th Year, Aegaeum 20, Lige, 185-190. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E. Gesell, G.C., 1986. Kavousi, 1983-1984: the settlement at Vronda, Hesperia 55, 355-387. Day, L.P. Klein, N.L. Turner, L. (2009). Kavousi IIA: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda. The Buildings on the Summit, Philadelphia. Day, L.P. Glowacki, K.T. Klein, N.L., 2000. Cooking and dining in Late Minoan IIIC Vronda, Kavousi, in , 1, Herakleion, 115-125. Day, L.P. Mook, M.S. Muhly, J.D. (eds.), 2004. Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia.

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Day, L.P. Snyder, L.M., 2004. The Big House at Vronda and the Great House at Karphi: evidence for social structure in LM IIIC Crete, in L.P. Day M.S. Mook J.D. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 63-79. Eliopoulos, Th., 1998. A Preliminary Report on the Discovery of a Temple Complex of the Dark Ages at Kephala Vasilikis, in V. Karageorghis & N.Chr. Stampolidis (eds.), Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus - Dodecanese Crete, 16th - 6th cent. B.C. Proceedings of the International Symposium, Rethymnon 13 - 16 May 1997, Athens, 301-313. Eliopoulos, Th., 2004. Gournia, Vronda Kavousi, Kephala Vasilikis: a triad of interrelated shrines of the expiring Minoan Age on the Isthmus of Ierapetra, in L.P. Day M.S. Mook J.D. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 81-90. Gesell, G.C., 2004. From Knossos to Kavousi: the popularizing of the Minoan Palace Goddess, in A.P. Chapin (ed.), : Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr, Hesperia Suppl. 34, Princeton, 131-150. Gesell, G.C. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E., 1983. Excavations and survey at Kavousi, Crete, 1978-1981, Hesperia 52, 389-420. Gesell, G.C. Coulson W.D.E. Day, L.P., 1991. Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1988, Hesperia 60, 145-177. Gesell, G.C. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E., 1985. Kavousi 1982-1983: the Kastro, Hesperia 55, 355-388. Gesell, G.C. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E., 1988. Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1987, Hesperia 57, 279-301. Gesell, G.C. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E., 1990. Tombs and burial practices in Early Iron Age Crete, Expedition 32, 22-30. Gesell, G.C. Day, L.P. Coulson, W.D.E.,

1995. Excavations at Kavousi, Crete, 1989 and 1990, Hesperia 64, 67-120. Glowacki, K., 2002. Digging houses at LM IIIC Vronda (Kavousi), Crete, in J.-M. Luce (ed.), Habitat et urbanisme dans le monde grec de la fin des palais mycniens la prise de Milet (494 av. J.-C.). Table ronde internationale organise Toulouse les 9-10 mars 2001 par le GRACO, Toulouse, 33-47. Glowacki, K., 2004. Household analysis in Dark Age Crete, in L.P. Day M.S. Mook J.D. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 125-136 Glowacki, K., 2007. House, household and community at LM IIIC Vronda, Kavousi, in R. Westgate N. Fisher J. Whitley (eds.), Building Communities: House, Settlement and Society in the Aegean and Beyond. Proceedings of a Conference held at Cardiff University, 17-21 April 2001, London, 129-139. Haggis, D.C., 1993. Intensive survey, traditional settlement patterns, and Dark Age Crete: the case of Early Iron Age Kavousi, JMA 6, 131-174. Haggis, D.C., 2005. Kavousi I: The Archaeological Survey of the Kavousi Region, Philadelphia. Hayden, B.J., 1990. Aspects of village architecture in the Cretan Postpalatial period, in P. Darcque & R. Treuil (eds.), Lhabitat gen prhistorique. Actes de la table ronde internationale organise par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, lUniversit de Paris I et lcole francaise dAthnes, Athnes, 23-25 juin 1987, BCH Suppl. 19, Paris, 203-213. Hayden, B.J., 1997. Evidence for megalithic farmsteads of Late Minoan III through Early Iron Age date, in J. Driessen & A. Farnoux (eds.), La Crte mycnienne. Actes de la table ronde internationale organise par lcole franaise dAthnes, 26-28 mars 1991, BCH Suppl. 30, Athens, 195-204.

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Klein, N., 2004. The architecture of the Late Minoan IIIC shrine (Building G) at Vronda, Kavousi in L.P. Day M.S. Mook J.D. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 91-101. Klein, N. Glowacki, K. (2009). From Vronda to Dreros: architecture and display in Cretan cult buildings 1200-700 BC, in A.L. DAgata & A. Van de Moortel (eds.), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete, in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hesperia Suppl. 42, Princeton, 153-167. La Motta, V.M. Schiffer, M.B., 1999. Formation processes of house floor assemblages, in P. Allison (ed.), The Archaeology of Household Activities, London, 19-29. Locock, M., 1994. Meaningful architecture, in M. Locock (ed.), Meaningful Architecture: Social Interpretations of Buildings, Aldershot, 1-13. Mazarakis Ainian, A., 1997. From Rulers Dwellings to Temples. Architecture, Religion and Society in Early Iron Age Crete (1100-700 BC), SIMA 121, Jonsered. Nowicki, K., 1999. Economy of refugees: life in the Cretan mountains at the turn of the Bronze and Iron Ages, in A. Chaniotis (ed.), From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders: Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete, Stuttgart, 145-171. Nowicki, K., 2000. Defensible Sites in Crete c.1200 - 800 BC (LM IIIB/IIIC through Early Geometric), Lige. Nowicki, K., 2002. From Late Minoan IIIC refuge settlements to Geometric acropoleis: architecture and social organization of Dark Age villages and towns in Crete, in J.-M. Luce (ed.), Habitat et urbanisme dans le monde grec de la fin des palais mycniens la prise de Milet (494 av. J.-C.). Table ronde internationale organise Toulouse les 9-10 mars 2001 par le GRACO, Toulouse, 149-174. Prent, M., 2005. Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults:

Continuity and Change from Late Minoan IIIC to the Archaic Period, Leiden. Schiffer, M., 1996. Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record (repr.), Salt Lake City. Shaw, J.W. Shaw, M.C. (eds.), 2000. Kommos IV: The Greek Sanctuary, Princeton. Sjgren, L., 2003. Cretan Locations: Discerning Site Variations in Iron Age and Archaic Crete (800-500 BC), BAR-IS 1185, Oxford. Sjgren, L., 2007. Interpreting Cretan private and communal spaces (800-500 BC), in R. Westgate N. Fisher J. Whitley (eds.), Building Communities: House, Settlement and Society in the Aegean and Beyond. Proceedings of a Conference held at Cardiff University, 17-21 April 2001, London, 149-155. Tsipopoulou, M., 2005. Mycenoans at the Isthmus of Ierapetra: some (preliminary) thoughts on the foundation of the (Eteo) Cretan cultural identity, in A.L. DAgata & J. Moody (eds.), Ariadnes Threads: Connections between Crete and the Mainland in Late Minoan III (LM IIIA2 to LM IIIC). Proceedings of the International Workshop held at Athens, April 5-6, 2003, Athens, 303-334. Vasilakis, A., 2004. , in N.Chr. Stampolidis & A. Giannikouri (eds.), To . , , 1-4 , Athens, 93-104. Wallace, S.A., 2004. - , in N.Chr. Stampolidis & A. Giannikouri (eds.), To . , , 1-4 , Athens, 1-10. Wallace, S.A., 2005. Last chance to see? Karfi (Crete) in the twenty-first century: presentation of new architectural data and their analysis in the current context of research, BSA 100, 215-274. Whitley, J., 1991. Social diversity in Dark Age Greece, BSA 86, 341-364.

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Fig. 1. Vronda, Kavousi. LM IIIC settlement plan.

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Fig. 2. Vronda, Kavousi. Building C-D state plan.

Fig. 3. Architectural sequence and growth of Building C-D.

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KEVIN T. GLOWACKI, NANCY L. KLEIN

Fig. 4. Vronda, Kavousi. LM IIIC settlement plan with initial architectural units of each building complex indicated.