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Countering Sectarianism in 1947


ANIL NAURIYA [ March 31 2000 ]
[Gandhi, nowadays rather trivialised in neo-Savarkarite theatre and other media, believed that the task of nation-building implied that some Hindus prepare themselves to die protecting Muslims and vice versa. Hindu, Muslim and other sectarian communalist ideologies have trouble understanding that they feed into one another. Gandhi understood the inter-connectedness of these tendencies. That is why he had described his last fast in January 1948, which was to lead to his assassination, as being against the majorities in both India and Pakistan and "on behalf of the minorities in Pakistan as of the Muslim minority in the (Indian) Union''. The following translation of an account in Hindi by Mahavir Tyagi (1899-1980) depicts the degree of idealism and sacrifice Gandhi expected from members of the Congress and from those who followed his lead ]: Mahatma Gandhi was in great agony at the time of the partition of India in 1947 when intercommunal strife and riots spread across the country. It is impossible to describe his grief and restlessness. The Central and provincial governments seemed to have become ineffective and helpless. It appeared as if swaraj, nourished with the life-blood of countless families, was now hopelessly blighted. In those days I was a member both of the Constituent Assembly and of the UP Assembly. One morning I asked Lucknow's Police Superintendent for a constable's uniform and went to see Govind Ballabh Pant, the UP Premier. Taken aback at a constable barging in, the Premier demanded an explanation. He laughed and stood up when he saw that it was me. What's the crazy idea, he asked. I said, "Hindu-Muslim conflict has broken out at many places. The police is not doing anything to prevent or control it; nor are Congressmen coming forward. I have decided to raise a 250strong volunteer force to help restore peace.'' Pantji liked the idea. It was officially gazetted as the "Tyagi police''; though the members of the force would be unpaid they would have police powers, uniforms, rifles and rations. The force was given training at the police lines, Meerut, which became our headquarters. After a month's training, I went to Delhi and, in uniform, called on Mahatma Gandhi. Seeing me, he burst out laughing. With a brisk salute I pulled up a chair beside his charpoy. "I have come for your blessings, Bapu.'' "You can't have my blessings'', he replied. I thought Bapu was unhappy about my non-khaddar uniform. Disappointed, I got up to leave: "If you can't bless this work, you are free to oppose it. We have jumped into the fray and are not going to retreat.''

"You haven't understood. I've no objection to blessing you. But you must promise to make me dance.'' I relaxed a bit but did not follow Bapu's meaning. As a child I recalled my grandmother saying of me exasperatedly, "nach nachata hai''. What is it you mean, I asked Bapu. "When I learn from the papers that Mahavir Tyagi was killed saving Muslim lives and that his body is lying in the Saharanpur Bazaar, I will dance with joy. So promise that you will make me dance.'' Choking with emotion, I placed my hands on his feet and promised that, God willing, I would make him dance. Bapu sat up and, resting his hand on my shoulder, came to see me off to the door. Affectionately, he said: "We have won swaraj but satyagraha has not really been tested in my lifetime. I want 50 or a 100 people like you to lay down their lives for ahimsa and satyagraha; my life's purpose would then have been served.'' Turning to go, I asked again for his blessings. "When I dance, that will be my blessing to you.'' It is my misfortune that I could not fulfil the promise. Bapu was martyred while I lost not even a finger. [Excerpted from Mahavir Tyagi's memoirs, `Azadi Ka Andolan -- Hanste Huye Aansu' ]

Indian Express, March 31 2000 ]

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