Proc. Natl. Sci, Counc. ROC(C) Vol. 10, No. 2, 2000. pp.

185-200

He Was Responsible but She Was to Blame?: Attribution of Responsibility and Blame toward Date Rape among Taiwanese Adolescents

TSUN-YIN LUO Department of Social Psychology Shih-Hsin University Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C.

(Received April 12, 1999; Accepted December 16, 1999) ABSTRACT This study employed a 2222 factorial design to examine the effects of the perpetrator's attractiveness, the victim's sexual experiences, and the dating situation (the perpetrator's intoxication and date location) on Taiwanese adolescents' attribution of responsibility and blame in the case of date rape. Employing a stratied and purposive sampling design, this study recruited a total of 2,970 high school and university/college students (41% male, 59% female) in Taiwan to participate in a questionnaire survey. After designing 16 varied date rape scenarios, the study randomly assigns one version to each participant for the attribution of responsibility and blame towards the perpetrator and the victim. The data suggest that the attribution of blame and the attribution of moral and legal responsibility are related but distinct concepts for the study participants in Taiwan, as reected in the various effects of experimental factors on the respective attributive outcomes for each gender. The study found that Taiwanese adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator than to the victim. However, male adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator, while female adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the victim. In addition, compared with males, female participants were found to be less likely to label the incident rape and less likely to consider the perpetrator guilty of rape. In addition, this study found that sexual experience of the victim and the dating situation (including date location and perpetrator's intoxication) have consistent effects on the attributive outcomes. However, the attractiveness of the perpetrator seems to induce inconsistent effects on the attributive outcome for each gender. The study ndings are discussed in relation to previous research, and feminist implications for date rape education and counseling programs in Taiwan are suggested. Key Words: date rape; attribution of responsibility; attribution of blame; gender differences; Taiwanese adolescents

I. Introduction
In the popular perception, a "classic rape" usually

possesses some stereotypic characteristics, such as an unknown perpetrator, presence of a weapon and/or violence, physical injury to the victim, and promptness of report to the police after the assault (Bridges and

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McGrail, 1989; Estrich, 1987; Weir and Wrightsman, 1990). However, most date rape incidents do not conform to these stereotypes. In general, date rape often involves a known or dating perpetrator, lack of physical violence and victim injury, and delayed or even no report to the authorities. Consequently, date rape incidents are often perceived as controversial or ambiguous, and victims' date rape accusations have always encountered suspicion and ambivalence from society at large (Bridges and McGrail, 1989; Calhoun and Townsley, 1991; Estrich, 1987; Johnson, 1994; Luo, 1995; Parrot and Bechhofer, 1991). Rape may be an ancient phenomenon in Chinese history, but the concept of date rape is relatively new in contemporary Taiwan. As revealed by recent extensive media coverage of date/acquaintance rape in Taiwan, public discourse on date rape accusations often focuses on the issues of the prior relationship between the alleged perpetrator and the victim, the reputation and conduct of the victim, the motive for her accusation, and the seductive elements of the incident, among other factors (Lin, 1996; Luo, 1995, 1999). Regarding the definition of rape among Taiwanese observers, any ambiguity in female behavior which might suggest sexual desire or lack of resistance to sexual advance serves to diminish the probability that intercourse will be labeled rape (Hu, 1985; Lin, 1996; Luo, 1995, 1999). Addressing the social injustice of blaming the victim, previous studies have focused on the effects of victim characteristics on observers' attribution of responsibility and blame. However, the effects of perpetrator and situation characteristics on the attribution have consequently received relatively little research attention (Ward, 1995). This study thus focuses on less researched areas, such as the perpetrator's attractiveness and intoxication, the victim's sexual history, and the dating situation, in order to examine gender differences in attribution of responsibility and blame towards the perpetrator and victim in date rape incidents among Taiwanese adolescents. 1. Perpetrator's Attractiveness Compared with victim characteristics (e.g. Calhoun et al., 1978, 1976; Deitz et al., 1984; Villemur and Hyde, 1983), the impact of perpetrator characteristics on attribution of responsibility and blame has been less thoroughly examined (Ward, 1995). According to previous studies, consistent with

the "what is beautiful is good" stereotype, physically attractive perpetrators in simulated rape cases were found to be more likely than unattractive perpetrators to receive the sympathy of the judging subjects (Dion et al., 1972), to receive decreased perceptions of guilt (Deitz and Byrnes, 1981), and to receive decreased suggested sentences (Jacobson, 1981; Jacobson and Popovich, 1983). However, Jacobson and Popovich (1983) have argued that perpetrator attractiveness should affect judges and decisions only in the circumstance of an ambiguous rape case. In addition, the effect of beauty seems to differ depending on subjects' gender. Female subjects considered the victim less responsible when the perpetrator was unattractive than when he was attractive (Gerdes et al., 1988). 2. Victim's Sexual Experiences The victim's respectability is a major factor inuencing observers' attribution of responsibility in rape incident ( e.g. Hu, 1985; Jones and Aronson, 1973; Kanekar and Kolsawalla, 1977; Luo, 1999). The prevailing view is that a "respectable" woman (e.g. a virgin) is somehow less deserving of a sexual attack, such as rape, than is a disrespectable woman (e.g. a prostitute). As most patriarchal cultures consider virginity a social asset for women, losing virginity often leads to less social worth and respect for a woman (Ng, 1987). Accordingly, traditional societies tend to view an act of rape as just another sexual encounter (Bessmer, 1984; Luo, at press; Russell, 1990; Weis and Borges, 1973), or even seduction on the woman's part (Whatley, 1996) in the case of a nonvirgin woman. Along this line of analysis, previous studies have found that sexually active women are assigned more responsibility in a sexual assault than sexually inactive women (Cann et al., 1979; Hu, 1985; L'Armand and Pepitone, 1982). Hu (1985) surveyed university students in Taiwan on their perception of rape and attribution of responsibility to the victim. She found that Taiwanese students attributed higher responsibility to the victim when she was perceived as "a bad woman". Whatley's meta-analysis of previous studies of victim blame also found that a victim's "questionable character" is more inuential than other frequently examined factors, such as the victim's attractiveness, or acquaintance with the perpetrator, on attribution of responsibility by third party observers (Whatley, 1996). In addition, previous studies indicate that victim

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characteristics inuence observer perceptions of the perpetrator. In general, perpetrators are attributed less blame when victims behave provocatively (Best and Demmin, 1982; Luo, 1999; Yarmey, 1985) or unconventionally (Acock and Ireland, 1983), or if victims are sexually experienced or active (Cann et al., 1979; L'Armand and Pepitone, 1982). 3. Dating Situation Compared with research on victim characteristics, the impact of situational features on attribution of responsibility and blame in rape incidents has been seldom studied (Ward, 1995). Previous studies have shown that acquaintance and date rape are considered more justiable if the woman asked the man to go out, and if the man paid for all the expenses (Muehlenhard et al., 1985). Bostwick and Delucia (1992) found that observers perceived female willingness to engage in sex highest when the woman asked and/or paid for the date, and male willingness to have sex highest when the man asked and/or paid for the date. Nevertheless, they did not nd that "who asked?", or "who paid?" affected rape justiability ratings. Feild and Bienen (1980) found that the majority of their adult sample believed that a woman who goes to a man's apartment on a rst date is responsible if she is subsequently forced to have sex. Mynatt and Allgeier (1990) contended that third party observers tend to make judgments about sexual coercion based on the degree to which the victims are acquainted with the perpetrators, the degree to which they have had voluntary social contact with their perpetrators prior to the incident, the situation in which the contact occurs, and the amount of force used by the perpetrator. Regarding voluntary social contact, Loh (1980) suggested that, as perceived by observers, the greater the victim's degree of choice towards prior social contact with the assailant, the more likely the attribution of voluntary by the latter. 4. Intoxication of Perpetrator Among the many situational factors associated with date rape, the consumption of alcohol by one or both of the dating partners is the most widely acknowledged (Abbey, 1994; Abbey et al., 1994; Koss and Dinero, 1989). Richardson and Campbell's (1982) research found that when the woman in a rape vignette was intoxicated, she was assigned greater responsibility for the rape; however, when the man was

intoxicated, he was assigned less responsibility for the assault. 5. Gender Differences in Attribution of Responsibility and Blame Empirical findings on gender differences in attributive patterns of rape depiction have been inconsistent (Pollard, 1992; Ward, 1995). Pollard (1992) reported that many studies have found women attributing less responsibility to a rape victim than men (e.g. Brekke and Borgida, 1988; Gerdes et al., 1988; Hu, 1985; Johnson et al., 1989; Kleinke and Meyer, 1990; Schult and Schneider, 1991). However, Ward (1995) reported that some studies have shown that women attributed more responsibility to victims, at least under certain circumstances (Krulewitz and Payne, 1978; Luginbuhl and Mullin, 1981). Nevertheless, both reviewers also indicated that there are studies which fail to demonstrate gender differences in attributive patterns (e.g. Acock and Ireland, 1983; Krahe, 1988; Yarmey, 1985). Thus, the role of gender in rape incident attribution patterns remains unclear. Of the few studies conducted in Taiwan, Hu's (1985) survey of university students found that although women expressed more acceptance towards rape victims, neither gender differed signicantly with regard to attribution of responsibility to the victim (p.87). Luo (1999) surveyed high school and university students and found that, compared with women, men considered date rape more justiable and forgivable, particularly under the circumstance that the victim permits and/or precipitates sexual intimacy prior to the rape. Despite the unclear direction of gender differences in attributive patterns, some general trends have been suggested by the literature. Men appear to attribute more blame and responsibility to victims on the basis of their characters than do women (Ward, 1995). For example, men's attributions are often more affected by victim's sexual history and appearance. More specically, men are more likely to perceive a victim as contributing to the incident because of appearance and seductive activities. Women, however, are more likely to rely on situational and chance explanations for sexual violence, and, compared with men, are more likely to perceive the victim as merely 'being in the wrong place at the wrong time' (Luginbuhl and Mullin, 1981; Selby et al., 1977).

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6. Attribution of Responsibility and Blame Several studies have suggested that, although the two concepts of responsibility and blame are similar and interrelated, they are not identical and should not be used synonymously (Krulewitz and Nash, 1979; Kanekar et al., 1985; Krulewitz and Nash, 1979; Pallak and Davies, 1982; Schult and Schneider, 1991; Shaver and Drown, 1986; Shaver, 1985; Tyler and Devinnitz, 1981). Shaver and Drown (1986) dened blame as "the attribution made after the perceiver assesses and does not accept the validity of the offending person's justication or excuse for an effect that the perceiver believes was intentionally brought about (p. 701). In contrast, responsibility is dened as "a label applied to the outcome of a process" (p. 701). Thus, Shaver (1985) has argued that someone can be responsible, but not blameworthy. In responding to an ambiguous event, such as a date rape incident, the Chinese seem to demonstrate a unique distinction in their attribution of responsibility. Probably resulting from the interdependent construal of the self in social relationships (Markus and Kitayama, 1991), Chinese observers tend to make a distinction between legal and moral responsibility in evaluating controversial events. Public discussion of the date rape controversy usually ends with the conclusion that "he might be legally responsible, but she also needs to bear some moral responsibility." In addition, although Western researchers have suggested the concepts of responsibility and blame are related but distinct concepts, Chinese observers seem to treat these concepts as interchangeable and synonymous. Thus, the attribution of responsibility, regardless of its legality or morality, is often inferred from the attribution of blame. Consequently, the alleged victim is perceived to deserve blame as long as she was attributed with some degree of responsibility. In the context of this widespread but unsubstantiated practice, there has been no previous attempt in either the popular or research discourse in Taiwan to distinguish these concepts when applying them to date rape attributions. Based on a review of literature on attribution of responsibility towards date rape, and on studies suggesting an epidemic of date rape in high school and university campuses (Koss, 1985, 1988; Warshaw, 1988), this study seeks to examine the attribution of responsibility and blame toward date rape perpetrators and victims among Taiwanese adolescents. Specic research questions include: How would the

characteristics of the perpetrator, the victim, and the dating situation affect attributive outcome by Taiwanese adolescents? How would the adolescents' gender affect their attributive outcome in the context of date rape? And how would Taiwanese adolescents attribute responsibility (both legal and moral) and blame towards the perpetrator and victim in a date rape incident?

II. Research Design

This study seeks to elaborate three areas left unclear in the literature. First, this study includes some less researched characteristics of the perpetrator, the victim, and the situation in the attribution of date rape. This study examines, in the context of "ambiguous" rape incidents, the effects of perpetrator's attractiveness, the victim's sexual experiences, the dating situation, and the perpetrator's intoxication, on date rape attribution among Taiwanese adolescent observers. Secondly, this study distinguishes legal from moral responsibility to reflect Taiwanese attributive patterns with regard to date rape incidents. Thirdly, as the effect of gender differences in attribution remain inconclusive, this study explores the dynamics of gender patterns among Taiwanese adolescents in their attribution of responsibility and blame in the context of date rape.

III. Measurement Tools: Date rape scenarios

This study employed 2222 factorial design to compose 16 date rape story versions. The four factors examined in this study are the perpetrator's attractiveness (attractive vs. unattractive), the victim's sexual experiences (virgin vs. non-virgin), dating situation (he invited her to his place vs. she invited him to her place) and the intoxication of the perpetrator (intoxicated vs. sober), with the last two factors representing situational characteristics. To facilitate the process of attributing responsibility and blame for the study participants, this study composed an "ambiguous" rape incident by including the following elements in all of the 16 date rape vignettes: (1) The perpetrator and the victim are dating partners, (2) the perpetrator consumed alcohol prior to the incident, (3) the victim indicates interest in sexual intimacy (i.e. she accepted initial sexual advances from the perpetrator), (4) no weapon or extensive force was involved, (5) no physical injury was done to

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the victim, (6) no clear acknowledge of rape by the victim; and (7) no immediate report to the authorities after the incident (Borgida and White, 1978; LaFree, 1988). A sample date rape story version is presented as followed: Jack is a 27-year old single man, who works for a computer company in Taipei. He is tall and attractive (He is short and unattractive). Lisa is 25, unmarried, and works for a trading company in the same city. They met and became acquainted through business interactions. Because they were attracted to each other, they started dating by dining together or going to movies. Nevertheless, their physical intimacy remained at the level of holding hands until the following incident occurred. One night, after dining together, Jack suggested that they go to his apartment (Lisa suggested that they go to her apartment) to listen to music and to talk. Jack, having had a few drinks, seemed to be in a good mood that night. However, despite the alcohol, he remained sober (After a while, he became somewhat intoxicated). As the night went on, Jack started kissing Lisa, who did not resist. Then, Jack started touching her breast. Lisa said "No" but Jack did not listen. Lisa tried to push Jack away but he was persistent. Because Jack did not threaten or coerce her, Lisa did not scream or fight against Jack's advances. She kept saying "No" and trying to push him away. Since Jack kept ignoring her and continued his advances, Lisa's resistance was ineffectual. Consequently, they had sex that night. Lisa had dated three men previously but never had sex with them (Lisa had dated three men previously and had sex with each of them). Nevertheless, what Jack did to her made Lisa feel very uncomfortable, but she could not be sure it was rape. What should Lisa do?

do you think Lisa should bear moral responsibility for the incident?" and "To what extent do you think Jack should be blamed for the incident?" Participants were asked to indicate their opinion on an 11-point Likert scale, with '0' standing for 'not at all' and '10' for 'full /total agreement.'

V. Manipulation Check and Rape Labeling

As a manipulation check, this study also examines the extent of ambiguity and controversy of the date rape incidents. At the end of attributive measurements, the study asked the participants to determine whether the incident constituted rape (Do you consider the incident rape?") and to evaluate the legal consequence of the incident ("Do you consider Jack guilty of rape?)

VI. Research Participants and Procedure

This study, as part of a larger-scale research project, employed questionnaire survey methods to collect data for analysis. Using a stratified and purposive sampling design, this study recruited a total of 2,970 participants, including senior high and rst year university/college students. The study stratied the survey population by academic rank (i.e. senior high, vocational school, college, and university), academic track or major (i.e. natural sciences, humanities, social sciences, etc.), and geographic location (i.e. northern, southwestern, eastern Taiwan, etc.) in order to select a study sample that is representative of these attributes. After selecting classes containing candidates, this study contacted the instructors of the selected classes to request their permission and/or assistance in conducting a questionnaire survey during class meetings. The study conducted questionnaire surveys in a classroom setting. The survey-takers informed classes that this was a study on dating behavior and asked the students to ll out a questionnaire on a voluntary and anonymous basis. Each volunteer participant was then given a random version of the questionnaire. Thus, each participant read only one version of the date rape stories and completed the attribution questions accordingly. The survey took approximately 10 to 15 minutes to complete for most of the classes. The data collection period began in early May 1997 and nished at the end of June of the same year. The 16

IV. Measurement of Attributions

This study was designed to measure three attributions towards the date rape perpetrator and victim, i.e. attribution of legal responsibility, attribution of moral responsibility, and attribution of blame to the perpetrator and the victim, respectively. Questions measuring attribution of responsibility include: "To what extent do you think Jack should bear legal responsibility for the incident?" "To what extent

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date rape stories were relatively evenly distributed among the participants. The study participants consisted of 41% young men and 59% young women, with 39% from senior high schools, 30% from vocational schools, and another 30% from universities and colleges. In terms of geographical location, 36% of the participants were from northern Taiwan, 11% from central-western Taiwan, 23% from southwestern Taiwan, and 21% from eastern Taiwan.

Table 2. Gender Difference on Attribution of Responsibility and Blame on Date Rape (N Mean Score
Male Attribution of Responsibility Legal Liability Offender Victim Moral Responsibility Offender Victim Attribution of Blame Offender to blame Victim to blame 07.11 (2.08) 06.93 (1.77) -12.65** 03.59 (2.20) 04.20 (2.06) 1-7.73*** 08.22 (1.86) 08.06 (1.65) -12.43* 04.16 (2.61) 04.76 (2.59) 1-6.06*** 06.86 (2.07) 07.19 (1.71) 1-4.68*** 03.87 (2.35) 04.92 (2.34) -11.91*** Female t Mean (S.D.) Mean (S.D.) value

2920): T-test with

VII. Research Findings

1. Manipulation Check on the Ambiguity of Rape Incidents As a manipulation check, the data on rape labeling and legal judgment conrms the ambiguity of the rape vignettes designed in this study among the Taiwanese participants. This study found a great deal of disagreement and confusion about how to label and how to evaluate the legal consequences of the proposed rape incident among the adolescent participants. As Table 1 indicates, 39% of the participants labeled the incident rape, and about 36% considered the perpetrator guilty of rape. However, about one fth of the participants did not label the incident rape and 15% did not consider the perpetrator guilty of rape. Furthermore, the majority of the participants indicated that they were not sure if incident was rape (42%) or if the perpetrator (Jack) was guilty of rape (49%). Most strikingly, compared with males, female participants were found to be less likely to label the incident rape and less likely to consider the perpetrator guilty of

Note: * p< .05 **p< .01 *** p< .001

rape. Moreover, women were more likely than their male counterparts to express their confusion about how to label the incident as well as how to evaluate the legal consequence of the incident for the perpetrator. 2. Gender Differences in General Attribution of Responsibility and Blame As the 16 date rape vignettes were relatively evenly distributed among the study participants, this study conducted a t-test of gender differences in attributive pattern. Table 2 indicates a dynamic attributive pattern with regard to date rape between the two genders. Although both adolescent men and women in this study consistently attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator than to the victim, the t-test results indicated signicant gender differences in attribution of responsibility and blame toward the perpetrator and victim with regard to date rape. That is, compared with their female counterparts, male adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator, while female adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the victim. 3. Relationship Between Attributions of Moral and Legal Responsibility and Attribution of Blame The correlation coefcients between legal and moral responsibility are .40 for the perpetrator and .55 for the victim; both are signicant at p < .001. This

Table 1. Gender Difference on Rape Labeling and Guilty Evaluation (N 2934)

Female 38.2 18.8 42.9 33.7 13.9 52.4 Total 39.1 18.8 42.1 18.1 35.9 15.0 49.1 Chi-Square 1.51

Male Is it rape? Yes 40.3 No 18.9 Unsure 40.9 Is he legally guilty of rape? Yes 39.0 No 16.6 Unsure 44.4
Note: ***p .001

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analysis seems to indicate that (1) legal and moral responsibility are significantly related but distinct concepts for the study participants, and (2) the relatedness between moral and legal responsibilities is stronger in the case of the attribution towards the victim than that towards the perpetrator. The correlation coefficients are .41 between blame and moral responsibility, and .49 between blame and legal responsibility for the perpetrator; both are significant at p < .001. As for the victim, the coefficients are .57 between blame and moral responsibility, and .53 between blame and legal responsibility, also significant at p < .001. These results seem to indicate that (1) blame and responsibility (both legal and moral) are signicantly related but distinct concepts among the participants, and (2) the relatedness between blame and responsibility in the case of the attribution towards the victim than that towards the perpetrator. 4. Factors Affecting Role of Gender in Attribution of Responsibility and Blame Based on the previous ndings that (1) male and female participants in this study attributed signicantly different responsibility and blame to the perpetrator and victim, and (2) the concepts of legal and moral responsibility, as well as blame, are significantly related but distinct attributes for the study sample, this study decided to control for the observers' gender in analyzing the effects of the four factors on the three respective attributions towards the perpetrator as well as the victim. 5. Male Attribution of Legal and Moral Responsibilities Table 3 indicates that male participants attributed higher responsibility to the perpetrator than to the victim and they consistently attributed higher moral responsibility than legal responsibility to the perpetrator as well as the victim. The ANOVA indicates signicant main effects of intoxication on the perpetrator's legal responsibility. As Table 3 indicates, the perpetrator is assigned higher legal responsibility when he was sober (M =7.24) than when intoxicated (M = 6.99) [F = 3.92, p <.05]. In addition, the ANOVA also indicates a signicant twoway interaction effect of the perpetrator's attractiveness and intoxication on the attribution of moral responsibility to the perpetrator [ F = 4.83, p <

Table 3. For Male Participants: The Effects of Male Attractiveness, Male Drunkenness, Female Virginness, and Dating Place on Attribution of Responsibility toward the Offender and the Victim (N 1222): ANOVA with F-value and Mean
Offender's Responsibility Main effects combined Attractiveive Drunkness drunk sober Virginness Place 2-Way Interactions Attractiveive Drunk drunk attractive sober unattractive sober attractive drunk unattractive 3-Way Interactions 4-Way Interactions
Note: *p .05

Victim's Responsibility Moral 2.58* 4.16 n.s. 4.14* 4.10 4.21 n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s.

Legal n.s. 7.12 n.s. 3.92* 6.99 7.24 n.s. n.s. n.s.

Moral Legal n.s. n.s. 8.21 n.s. n.s. 8.16 8.26 n.s. n.s. 4.83* 8.33 8.31 8.24 7.92 3.59 n.s. n.s.

n.s. n.s.

n.s. n.s.

.05]. The perpetrator was attributed the highest moral responsibility when he was attractive and intoxicated (M= 8.33), the lowest when he was unattractive and intoxicated (M= 7.92). Furthermore, the analysis suggests significant main effects of perpetrator intoxication on the victim's moral responsibility. The victim was assigned higher moral responsibility when the perpetrator was sober (M =4.21) than intoxicated (M = 4.10) [F = 4.14, p < .05]. 6. Male Attribution of Blame Table 4 indicates that male participants attributed higher blame to the perpetrator (M = 6.86) than the victim (M = 3.85). The ANOVA shows a signicant main effect of perpetrator's attractiveness on the blame attributed to him by the male participants. The perpetrator was attributed higher blame when he was unattractive (M =7.06) than attractive (M = 6.74) [F = 6.28, p < .05]. No interactions are signicant.

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Table 4. For Male Participants: The Effects of Male Attractiveness, Male Drunk, Female Virgin-ness, and Dating Place on Attribution of Blame toward the Offender and the Victim (N value and Mean
Offender to Blame n.s. 6.86 6.28 6.74 7.06 n.s. n.s. virgin nonvirgin n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. Victim to Blame n.s. 3.85 n.s.

1222): ANOVA with F-

The analysis indicated a signicance-approaching main effect of the victim's virginity on the blame attributed to her by the male participants. The victim was attributed higher blame when she was not a virgin (M = 4.00) than a virgin (M = 3.74) [ F = 3.57, p = .05]. No interactions are signicant. 7. Female Attribution of Legal and Moral Responsibilities As Table 5 indicates, female participants of this study attributed higher responsibilities to the perpetrator than to the victim. Moreover, they consistently attributed higher moral responsibility than legal responsibility to the perpetrator as well as to the victim. The ANOVA shows four signicant main effects of the study variables on the attribution of responsibilities to the perpetrator. To be specic, the perpetrator was attributed higher legal responsibility when he invited the victim to his place (M = 7.11) than when she did (M = 6.75) [F=18.57, p <. 001]. In addition, the perpetrator was attributed higher moral

Main effects combined Attractiveive attractiveive unattractiveive Drunkenness Virginness

Place 2-Way Interactions 3-Way Interactions 4-Way Interactions

Note: *p .05

n.s. 3.57( ) 3.74 4.00 n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s.

Table 5. For Female Participants: The Effects of Male Attractiveness, Male Drunkenness, Female Virginness, and Dating Place on Attribution of Responsibility toward the Offender and the Victim (N
Offender's Main effects combined Attractiveive attractiveive unattractiveive Drunk drunk sober Virgin virgin nonvirgin Place hers his 2-Way Interactions Attractiveive Virgin virgin attractive virgin unattractive nonvirgin attractive nonvirgin unattractive Legal 5.50*** 6.93 n.s. 6.90 6.97 n.s. Moral 5.27*** 8.06 n.s. 8.08 8.03 4.49* 7.99 8.15 5.40* 8.15 7.97 18.57*** 7.94 8.19 5.41* 8.10 8.23 8.07 7.84

1746): ANOVA with F-value and Mean

Victim's Legal Moral 3.75** 2.65* 4.20 4.75 n.s. n.s. 4.22 4.77 4.17 4.72 n.s. n.s.

n.s. 6.90 6.96 9.80** 6.75 7.11 4.48* 6.80 7.05 7.01 6.89

n.s. 4.20 4.21 11.21** 4.39 4.01 n.s.

n.s. 4.72 4.78 14.72*** 4.94 4.55 2.15* 6.32* 4.87 4.50 4.66 4.94
(To Be Continued)

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Table 5. (Continued)
Offender's Legal 3-Way Interactions Attractive Virgin Place Her place: nonvirgin attractive virgin attractive nonvirgin unattractive virgin unattracteive His place nonvirgin unattractive virgin attractive virgin unattractive nonvirgin attractive Drunk Virgin Place Her place virgin drunk virgin undrunk nonvirgin undrunk nonvirgin drunk His place virgin sober nonvirgin sober nonvirgin drunk virgin drunk 4-Way Interactions Attractive Drunk Virgin Place Virgin and her place:drunk unattractive sober attractive sober unattractive drunk attractive Nonvirgin and her place:sober unattractive sober attractive drunk attractive drunk unattractive Virgin and his place:sober unattractive sober attractive drunk unattractive drunk attractive Nonvirgin and his place:sober attractive drunk attractive drunk unattractive sober unattractive
Note: * p< .05 ** p< .01 *** p<. 001

Victim's Moral n.s Legal 4.18* Moral n.s. 4.51 4.38 4.27 4.22 4.18 3.87

n.s.

4.36

n.s.

n.s.

5.29* 8.11 8.04 7.95 7.64 8.44 8.17 8.13 8.06 4.19* 8.41

3.77 n.s.

n.s.

n.s. 4.19* 8.10

n.s.

7.93 7.92 7.97 7.94 7.77 7.43 8.46 8.42 8.09 8.04 8.42 8.22 8.01 7.91

responsibility when (1) he was sober (M =8.15) than intoxicated (M =7.99) [ F= 4.49, p <.05]; (2) when the victim was a virgin (M = 8.15) than non-virgin (M =7.97) [ F = 5.40, p < .05]; and (3) when he invited her to his place (M = 8.19) than when she did (M =7.94) [ F =11.21, p <.01].

A two-way interaction effect of the perpetrator's attractiveness and the victim's virginity was signicant with regard to the legal responsibility attributed to the perpetrator [ F = 4.48, p < .05]. The perpetrator was attributed highest legal responsibility when he was unattractive and she was a virgin (M = 7.05), the

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lowest when he was attractive and she was a virgin (M = 6.80). The ANOVA also indicates signicant four way interaction effect of the four study variables on the moral responsibility attributed to the perpetrator [ F = 4.19, p < .05]. The perpetrator was attributed the highest moral responsibility when he invited a virgin to his place, and when he was unattractive and sober (M = 8.46). In contrast, the perpetrator was attributed the lowest moral responsibility when he was invited to a non-virgin victim's place and when he was unattractive and intoxicated (M = 7.43). The ANOVA shows one signicant main effect of the dating situation on legal and moral responsibilities attributed to the victim. The victim was attributed higher legal and moral responsibilities when she invited the perpetrator to her place (M = 4.39 and M = 4.94, respectively) than when he invited her to his place (M = 4.01 and M = 4.55) [ F = 14.72, p < .001, and F = 9.80, p < .01, respectively]. The ANOVA indicates a signicant three-way interaction effect among the perpetrator's attractiveness, victim's virginity, and the dating situation with regard to the legal responsibility attributed to the victim [ F = 4.18, p < .05]. The victim was attributed the highest legal responsibility when she, a non-virgin, invited an attractive perpetrator to her place (M = 4.51). In contrast, the victim was attributed the lowest legal responsibility when she, a non-virgin, was invited to the place of the attractive perpetrator (M = 3.77). A two-way interaction effect between the perpetrator's attractiveness and the victim's virginity is significant with regard to the moral responsibility attributed to the victim [ F = 6.32, p < .05]. The victim was attributed highest moral responsibility when she was not a virgin and he was not attractive (M = 4.94), the lowest when she was a virgin and he was unattractive (M = 4.50 ). 8. Female Attribution of Blame Table 6 indicates that female participants attributed higher blame to the perpetrator (M = 7.18) than to the victim (M =4.92). The ANOVA shows three signicant main effects of the study variables on the attribution of blame to the perpetrator. To be specic, the perpetrator was blamed the most when (1) he was not attractive (M = 7.32) than when attractive ( M = 7.08) [F = 6.87, p < .01], (2) when he was sober (M =7.27) than when intoxicated (M = 7.10) [F = 4.09,

Table 6. For Female Participants: The Effects of Male Attractiveness, Male Drunk, Female Virgin-ness, and Dating Place on Attribution of Blame toward the Offender and the Victim (N value and Mean
Offender to Blame 9.55*** 7.18 6.87** 7.08 7.32 4.09* 7.10 7.27 n.s. 7.15 7.22 25.34*** 6.97 7.39 5.55* 7.41 7.24 7.20 6.97 6.44* 7.22 6.93 6.93 6.85 7.61 7.45 7.37 7.18 n.s. Victim to Blame 5.37*** 4.92 n.s.

1746): ANOVA with F-

Main effects combined Attractiveive attractiveive unattractiveive Drunkenness drunk sober Virginness virgin nonvirgin Place hers his 2-Way Interactions Attractiveive virginness virgin unattractive nonvirgin unattractive nonvirgin attractive virgin attractive 3-Way Interactions Drunk Virgin Place Her place nonvirgin sober virgin drunk virgin sober nonvirgin x drunk His place virgin sober nonvirgin drunk nonvirgin sober virgin drunk 4-Way Interactions

n.s.

n.s.

17.82*** 5.15 4.68 n.s.

n.s.

n.s.

Note: *p< .05 **p< .01 *** p< .001

p <.05] , and (3) when he invited her to his place (M = 7.39 ) than when she invited him to her place (M = 6.97) [ F = 25.34, p < .001]. A three-way interaction among the perpetrator's intoxication, the victim's virginity, and the dating

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situation also has a signicant effect on the blame attributed to the perpetrator [ F = 6.44, p < .05]. The perpetrator was blamed the most when he invited a virgin victim to his place and was sober (M = 7.61), and was blamed the least when he was invited by a non-virgin to her place and was intoxicated (M = 6.85). The ANOVA indicated one main effect of the dating situation on the attribution of blame to the victim. The victim was attributed higher blame when she invited him to her place (M = 5.15) than in the reverse situation (M = 4.68) [F = 17.82, p < .001]. No interaction effect was signicant.

VIII. Summary and Discussion

This study employed 2222 factorial design to examine the effects of perpetrator's attractiveness, the victim's sexual experiences, and the dating situations (the perpetrator's intoxication and dating location) on Taiwanese adolescents' attribution of responsibility and blame in the context of date rape. In general, the study found that Taiwanese adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator than to the victim. However, some intriguing gender differences in attributive pattern were also found: Compared with their female counterparts, male adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the perpetrator, while female adolescents attributed higher responsibility and blame to the victim. In addition, compared with males, female participants were found less likely to label the incident rape and less likely to consider the perpetrator guilty of rape. These ndings contradict most of the previous studies in which women had been found to be more sympathetic than men towards the female victim of date rape, more critical than men of the perpetrator in general (e.g. Brekke and Borgida, 1988; Gerdes et al., 1988; Hu, 1985; Johnson, 1994; Johnson et al., 1989; Kleinke and Meyer, 1990; Luo, 1999; Schult and Schneider, 1991), and readier to apply the label of rape to forcible sexual intercourse in an ambiguous dating situation (e.g. Hattery Freetly and Kane, 1995; Sanday, 1990; Scully, 1990). The data suggest that attribution of moral and legal responsibility as well as attribution of blame are related but distinct concepts for the study participants in Taiwan, as reected in the effects of experimental factors on the respective attributive outcomes for each gender. These ndings lend support to the suggestion by previous studies (e.g. Kanekar et al., 1985;

Krulewitz and Nash, 1979; Pallak and Davies, 1982; Schult and Schneider, 1991) that attribution of responsibility and blame are related but distinct concepts, and add an Asian dimension to past ndings: the distinction between moral and legal responsibility. This study found that the sexual experience of the victim and the dating situation (including dating location and intoxication of the perpetrator) have consistent effects on attributive outcomes. That is, the study participants tend to attribute higher responsibility and blame to sexually experienced victims, sober perpetrators, and the party who offered a dating place, in addition to the various combinations of these factors. For example, female participants attributed highest moral and legal responsibility to an unattractive and sober perpetrator, as well as to a sexually experienced victim who invited the perpetrator to her place. Male participants attributed higher moral responsibility to the victim when the perpetrator was sober, and more blame to the sexually experienced victim but least blame to the virgin victim. These ndings are consistent with previous studies concerning victims' sexual experience (e.g. Cann et al., 1979; Hu, 1985; L'Armand and Pepitone, 1982) and dating situations (e.g. Bostwick and Delucia, 1992; Field and Bienen, 1980; Muehlenhard et al., 1985 for dating arrangement and Richardson and Campbell, 1982 for dating intoxication). However, the attractiveness of the perpetrator seems to induce inconsistent effects for each gender on their attributive pattern. In terms of the attribution of responsibility and blame to the perpetrator, male participants considered an intoxicated perpetrator more morally responsible when he was attractive but less so when he was not attractive. Nevertheless, female participants considered an unattractive perpetrator more morally and legally responsible when he invited a virgin to his place and an attractive perpetrator more legally responsible when he was invited to go to the place of a sexually experienced victim. Furthermore, in terms of attribution of responsibility and blame to the victim: Female participants considered the victim more morally responsible when she was raped by an unattractive perpetrator but more legally responsible when raped by an attractive perpetrator. In contrast, they considered a virgin victim less morally responsible when raped by an unattractive perpetrator, and a sexually experienced victim less legally responsible when raped by an attractive perpetrator. These ndings suggest a complicated attributive

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pattern among Taiwanese adolescents based on the perpetrator's attractiveness in the context of ambiguous date rape. Unlike most studies conducted in America supporting the "what is beautiful is good" stereotypes (Dion et al., 1972; Deitz and Byrnes, 1981; Jacobson, 1981; Jacobson and Popovich, 1983), this study found that a perpetrator's attractiveness is not always considered "good" by Taiwanese adolescents even in the context of an ambiguous rape case (see Jacobson and Popovich 1983). Gerdes et al. (1988) suggested that the effect of beauty seems to differ depending on subjects' gender. Findings of the present study suggest that, for each gender, the effect of perpetrator's attractiveness on observers' attribution of responsibility and blame is contingent on the characteristics of the victim and the dating arrangement. In addition, the analyses of interactive effects among the experimental factors, although complicated and sometimes contradictory, highlight some general attitudinal trends toward ambiguous date rape among adolescents in Taiwan. First, the young women in this study tended to consider the perpetrator most responsible and blamable when he was suspected to have premeditated the date rape incident, as reected in the combination of sober and unattractive perpetrator inviting a virgin victim to his place. In contrast, these same participants considered the perpetrator less responsible and blamable when the victim was suspected of facilitating the incident, as reected in the combination of a sexually experienced victim inviting an intoxicated perpetrator to her place. Furthermore, compared with males, Taiwanese female adolescents tend to (1) hold a more lenient attitude toward an attractive and intoxicated perpetrator when he was invited to a non-virgin victim's place; and (2) exhibit a stronger victim-blame mentality in the context of date rape, particularly toward a victim with previous sexual experiences who invited the perpetrator to her place. Secondly, the attributive pattern among young Taiwanese men seems to suggest that (1) they are more lenient towards the sexual misconduct of an intoxicated or attractive perpetrator, and (2) they seem to suspect the victim of "seducing" a sober men into sexual misconduct, or at least, of failing to prevent the sexual misconduct of a sober man, since his sexual advances are presumed easier to resist by the victim than those of an intoxicated man. In sum, the study found that young women in Taiwan tend to blame the victim more due to her

sexual experience and her incautious or even suggestive hospitality (in inviting the perpetrator to her place), while their male counterparts tend to hold the victim morally responsible for her failure to resist the sexual misconduct of a sober perpetrator. These attributive patterns seem to suggest that female adolescents in Taiwan consider the causative and/or facilitative role of the party involved salient in their attribution of responsibility and blame in the context of date rape. That is, they perceive the party who caused or facilitated the date rape incident as the one responsible and to blame. In contrast, male adolescents seem to consider the resistant and preventive role of the victim salient in their attributive patterns with regard to data rape incidents. The overall ndings of this study lend support to Taiwanese feminist accusations concerning the effect omnipresent patriarchal ideology on the date rape issue in Taiwan (Lin, 1996; Luo, 1995, 1998). As revealed in the study ndings, Taiwanese adolescents' critical attitudes toward date rape victims with "questionable character" (such as with sexual experience) and "questionable behavior" (such as initiation of hospitality), and leniency toward attractive perpetrators in "excusable" situations (such as getting intoxicated and being invited to the victim's place) seem to reect an ingrained patriarchal ideology towards sexual violence against women in Chinese culture. As (1) young women in Taiwan seem to be more critical of the victim and more lenient with the perpetrator than their male counterparts; and (2) women are at higher risk of becoming date rape victims, and of higher likelihood of being peers to the victim, the alarming victim-blame mentality revealed in this study requires immediate attention in date rape prevention education and victim counseling programs in Taiwan. Programs on date rape education and counseling need to develop indigenously effective strategies to combat the prevailing mentalities of shielding the rapist and blaming the victim among adolescents in Taiwan (Lin, 1996; Luo, at press). In addition, feminist consciousness of sexual autonomy should be a top priority for date rape education programs. By effectively addressing and rectifying the social practices of shielding the rapist and blaming the victim, date rape education programs can then empower adolescents in Taiwan with consciousness of sexual autonomy in their romantic interactions, enabling them to avoid being pressured and coerced into unwanted sexual activities.

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IX. Research Limitations and Suggestions

As an initial effort to examine Taiwanese attribution of responsibility and blame in the context of date rape, this study is limited in several ways. Firstly, in analyzing the independent and joint effects of the four experimental factors on the attributive outcomes, this study found several threeway and four-way interaction effects, particularly with regard to the moral responsibility attributed to the perpetrator by the female adolescents. Since these high-level interaction effects were complicated and difficult to interpret, the study can only identify a general trend of attributive patterns. Future studies may develop better methodological strategies to overcome this challenge. Secondly, in focusing on the distinction between legal vs. moral responsibility, the study did not explicitly examine the study factors' effects on attribution of causal responsibility in date rape contexts. In addition, while emphasizing the conceptual differences between responsibility and blame, this study did not include the concept of fault in its investigation. As the literature on attribution suggests, some conceptual relationships exist among responsibility, blame and fault (Kanekar et al., 1985; Krulewitz and Nash, 1979; Pallak and Davies, 1982; Schult and Schneider, 1991). Future studies may further explore the dynamics of different types of responsibility, such as causal responsibility, in relation to the attribution of moral and legal responsibilities among Taiwanese observers. Thirdly, with a much larger sample size than that in most experimental attribution research, this study is privileged with some degree of representativeness in its findings. Nevertheless, this advantage is not without cost: the findings may be somewhat compromised by the inconsistent cell number for each experimental design. Future studies need to develop better strategies to deal with the dilemma of experimental design vs. sample representativeness. Last, this study found that the characteristics of dating situations, such as who invites/whose place and the sobriety of the perpetrator, are the most salient factors affecting date rape attribution among Taiwanese adolescents. Future research should further explore the effects of dating situation, such as who initiates the date, who pays for the expense, who got intoxicated, etc., on the attributive outcomes.

Acknowledgments This article has been prepared as part of a larger research project conducted by the same author with the support of National Science Council grant # 85-2413H-128-001. The author wishes to express gratitude to the students who volunteered to participate in this study and to their instructors, who provided valuable assistance in implementing the survey. References
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2 2790 16 41% 59%

200