8.

The Influence of Netherlandish Realism

HE SECOND HALF of the fifteenth century was a time of considerable change in Cologne. In 1451, the Black Death had afflicted the city and, according to a Carthusian chronicler, cau.;"d huge devastation, 'Iue pestilenti circumquaq'ue magnam edente stragem'; in the same year a great fire had destroyed the chapterhouse and library of the Carthusian monastery, and the chronicler agonizes over the 'immeasurable damage' to their substantial manuscript collection.' Other documents confirm that the ravages of the pestilence caused 'unprecedented' loss of lives; among the named victims are patrons, such as Johannes Rost, a canon of St Kunibert and lamenfed benefactor of the Carthusian monastery, and artists such as the painter and councillor Stefan Lochner. By the end of that terrible year the depleted population found that the established modes of succession were interrupted in all social ranks, and that many of those who had survived, though lacking in requisite experience, had to take up vacant positions in the council, in the merchant companies and in craftsmen's workshops; there is some evidence that foreigners also seized this opportunity to advance their careers. The unhappy situation was probably also a factor that helped to ease the social acceptance of those wealthy immigrant merchants who had recently established themselves in Cologne, and several of them were able to ally themselves to the ancient patriciate through marriage.' In the event, the energy and fortune of some of these prospering newcomers contributed considerably to the regeneration of the city; they also furnished the means for rebuilding and restocking the burnt out chapterhouse and library. Here, the merchant Johann Rinck from Korbach (p1.220) (see Appendix 3), who obtained citizenship in 1432, and his son Peter (pl.221) (see Appendix 3) are singled out by the Carthusian chronicler for their particular generosity, 'perfectus fuit impensis maximorum benefactorum Joannis et Petri Rinck, patritiorum'.' In the second half of the fifteenth century it was the newly established patricians who felt most in need of demonstrating, through generous patronage, their significance in the city. The plague will also have caused numerous unrecorded deaths amongst those who worked in the painters' workshops, and it seems that during the ensuing decade many a major commission was entrusted to painters of indifferent talent or incomplete training, such as the anonymous painter who produced the series of panels depicting the Legend of 51 Ursula, now in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum.4 Other. paintings, for example the Man of Sorrows with St Francis in the same museutn/ appear to have been imported into the city from abroad.' During the second half of
169V

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141. Crucifixioll,

private collection,

Wetzlar

142. Crucifixion, Hessisches Landesmuseum,

Darmstadt

the century Netherlandish paintings of this type were offered for sale at certain churches, notably at St Severin, and it became common practice to add donor portraits to such imports after they had reached Cologne." Some Cologne painters managed to prosper by imitating works from the Dombild Master's workshop, but none could compete with him in artistic quality. Closest in style amongst those who el]1~lated him, but apparently without any creative talent, was a painter of altarpiece panels, now separated and dispersed between Rome, Wroclaw and Freiburg, depicting Apostle Marlyrdoms that echo the Dombild Master's Frankfurt scenes.7 This unknown painter's obvious familiarity with the techniques and models of the Dombild workshop has led to the tenable suggestion that he received his training there. A less discerning response to the Dombild Master's work can be found in the obverse sides of wings from the church of St Brigida, now in Cologne (pI. 140) and Nuremberg, in which the main Dombild scenes are copied. This imitator was apparently aware of the Dombild Master's underdrawing technique, yet in his rigid transfer of prominent figures from the altarpiece he proved himself as devoid of an
172

understanding of the skilful dramatic grouping of protagonists in the original design as he was of the subtle application of light and shade that distinguishes it.' The same painter was engaged with other artists in 1456 to produce anothel; large cycle of the Legend of 51 Ursula for the church of St Ursula, and his contribution there includes a scene showing King Maurus receiving the Ambassadors.' For unknown reasons the reverse sides of the wings from St Brigida were decorated, probably a couple of decades later, by a more accomplished hand with an Annunciation (pl.139) that denotes considerable understanding of spatial constructions and landscape views in the Netherlandish manner; it has a certain affinity with such works as the Annunciation of c.1435 from the circle of Rogier van der Weyden, now in Paris.'" However, the solemn angel in Cologne is more solidly formed than his Netherlandish cousin and does not aspire to similar lively movement. He is, in fact, even closer in character ami ityle to the angel from the Annunciation (c. 1475),now in London, by the Westphalian Master of Liesborn, a painter who is thought to have worked as a journeyman in Cologne." The paintings in Cologne and London set the narrative in similar rooms that incorporate an extraordinary wall apparently made from smooth grey cardboard. An examination of the underdrawing of these works would be useful and might reveal what the much restored surface obscures: the hand of the original designer. It might then be possible to say whether there is any connection between the Cologne Annunciation and the Liesborn workshop; otherwise a common source, now lost, could account for the similarities." The most relevant indigenous precedent for the angel wearing a cope, but not for the spatial setting, survives in the Heislerbach Altarpiece (pI.96). Another interesting survival from this period is a small Crucifixion panel in Darmstadt (pI.142) which reflects figure patterns from the Dombild workshop that were used, for instance, in the Nuremberg Crucifixion (see p.165)." The Darmstadt figures, including sacramental angels with chalice and censer, are silhouetted against a gold ground that is attractively decorated with punchwork; God the Father and the Holy Spirit appear in the apex, surrounded by the heavenly host. The Crucifixion, enlarged to a Trinity and enriched by an allusion to the sacrament, presents a succinct illustration of the essentials of Christian belief, the Credo, and as such it would have been an invaluable aid to meditation. There is a close copy of this Darmstadt panel in a private collection in Wetzlar (pI. 141);the compositions vary only by some minute adjustments to some of the figures that were needed to fit the design into panels of slightly differing proportions." The work in Wetzlar is in rather rubbed condition but would appear to be painted by the same hand as the Darmstadt one. The pattern was also adapted in the same workshop for a manuscript illumination." Such small representations of the Crucifixion, like images of the Virgin, were clearly much in demand in Cologne and, judging from the inventories and wills, adorned many a home there. It is possible that the panels in Darmstadt and Wetzlar were standard repeats painted for stock during slack periods in this unknown workshop, to be customized with donor figures on demand. In this instance, only the Darmstadt !: panel shows the donor, a cleric whose identification has proved problematic despite r the depicted arms.
173

ff

143. Master of the Vision of St John,

Visioll of St John, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum,

Cologne

Equally elusive is the identity of the couple who had their portraits, and that of their numerous progeny, added to a charming image of the ever popular Virgin of Humility (pI. 144).'" The painting, now in Berlin, is remarkable in that it adopts the Dombild Master's patterns yet it rejects his spatial concept in favour of an archaic concentration on surface lines, emphasized by a regular pattern of stars in the sky. The fashions worn date the panel to around 1460, and the audacious placing 0.- she donor family into the enclosed garden is in tune with the more liberal attitude to donor portraiture that had reached Cologne at that time, in the wake of Netherlandish samples." More true to the local tradition is the position of the donors in a panel in Cologne describing the Vision of 51 John (pI. 143). The format of the painting suggests that it may have served as an epitaph, possibly in the church of St Laurenz where the donors held a pew."Hermann Scherfgin (d. c.1455; see Appendix 3), a member of the ancient patriciate and a prominent councillor and burgomaster, and his wife Bela Hirtz are shown in the manner familiar from the Wasservass Calvary (pI.84), as kneeling in the foreground corner and soliciting intercessional prayers both from St John
174

144.

Virgin of Humility, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer

Kulturbesitz,

Gemaldegalerie

THE INFLUENCE

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and from the spectator. The former is depicted in the opposite corner of the painting as experiencing his vision of eternity on the island of Patmos. According to the central image, he is being commanded to write Revelaliolls 4:4-7, describing the enthroned God, surrounded by the four beasts, and noting that: 'round about the throne were four and twenty seats: and upon the seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting, clothed in white raiments: and they had on their heads crowns of gold ... and there were seven lamps ...' The figure style of the painting is in the Cologne tradition, but there is no precedent in Cologne works for the landscape with its perspective setting, its description of reflections and refractions in the shallow part of the sea, and its lush river winding into the milky distance towards a golden background. Such landscapes were, however, painted in Southern Germany by Conrad Witz and it could well be that an artist from that area, such as Hans von Memmingen who is documented in Cologne between 1453 and 1456, brought knowledge of these lucid views with him." It is also worth noting that the young Hans Memling, who was later to excel in the art of limpid landscapes, is thought to have resided in Cologne during this period and that the Scherfgin Vision of St John was later reflected in Memling's 51John Altarpiece in Bruges.'" Moreovel~ inspiration may also have been triggered by imported Netherlandish works, of which the most significant perhaps was Rogier van der Weyden's Columba Altarpiece which arrived in the church of St Kolumba in Col,?gne around 1450-55. Whilst we cannot determine precisely who provided the precedent for the la",dscape in the Scherfgin panel, it is apparent that an interest in panoramic settings had been aroused in the Cologne workshops and that aerial perspective was henceforth added to the indigenous artistic vocabulary. There were some earlier imports of Netherlandish work, most notably the altarpiece from the still enigmatic Camp in group that Heinrich von Werl, an influential and cosmopolitan theologian, had brought to Cologne around 1438" and the Merode Altarpiece from the same group which is thought to have been in Cologne from around 1428 until it was taken to Mechelen in 1454," but the response from indigenous workshops and patrons had been sporadic and selective. After the fallow period following the great pestilence, when many painters had been content to imitate the work of the Dombild Master, a new generation of painters began to look for new inspiration and, by around 1460, they were finally willing to find it in Netherlandish panel painting. Inspired by the naturalistic splendour and lively story-telling of the Columba Altarpiece and other Netherlandish works, a group of workshops began to emerge in Cologne that were capable of responding to the Netherlandish challenge and of regenerating the reputation of the painters of Cologne. Judging by the number of paintings that have survived from this period, these workshops must have been exceptionally large and busy. Perhaps it is futile to conjecture whether the increase in commissions occurred because patrons were haunted by the fear of death in the wake of the epidemic, or because the increased wealth of the survivors afforded them ample leisure to contemplate the sins incurred in the making of their fortunes;" they certainly showed great eagerness to purchase
176 18. Dombild Master, Mllsicinn Al1gels, detail from the L<1stJudgement, Wi'lllmf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne [)

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the salvation of their souls; and to intercede for family members, by ordering altarpieces and votive panels. The workshops that dominated artistic production in Cologne in the decades after 1460were those of the Master of the Life of the Virgin,"the Master of the Lyversberg Passion and the Master of the Legend of St George. These painters shared an increased interest in the realistic description of figures and forms found in Netherlandish art, and this has led to considerable confusion in the attribution of works conn'ected with them. The difficulties are compounded by an occasional overlap of patterns, and by traces of the work of several distinct assistants in each master's 02uvre.Judging by the visual evidence, a marked change in workshop organisation ~ust have occurred. The traditional small production team, with assistants trained carefully over a period of time in the master's methods and style, must have become unworkable when they wJ:eoverburdened with commissions, for a more open and flexible arrangement seems tt have been introduced that allowed the master to augment the original team by hiring extra, more individual hands as needed. It is quite possible that neighbouring workshops were willing to lend their guild brothers a pattern or even a painter, and this would account for some overlap of patterns and styles between the major workshops. Howevel~ the paintings from the three workshops differ sufficiently in style and concept to allow attribution in most cases, and this short survey must concentrate on establishing the distinguishing features. Evenh.l~lly,a systematic examination of the underdrawings and of the painting techniques of all the works from this circle should enable us also to understand and define the extent and nature of any reciprocal assistance. The Master of the Life of the Virgin is named after a series of eight paintings from the church of St Ursula in Cologne, of which seven are now in Munich and one in London (pis 146-153). His works are distinguished by the clear layout of his compositions in which Rogier van der Weyden's concise figure style is adapted by

145. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Ullderdrawillg, detail from the Rotterdam Visitation, infra-red reflectogram by Molly Faries

24. Master of the Lyversberg

Passion,

\ Deposition, Lyversberg

Passion, Wallraf-Richartz-Museul11,

Cologne

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l
152. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Presentation, National Gallery, London

153. Detail of pI. 152

exchanging Rogier's emotional stress on line for Cologne decorum. Because of his figure style and the deep spatial settings, often enriched by genre detail, this painter was originally thought to be of Netherlandish origin or training. Further study has led to the recognition that his Cologne vocabulary is much stronger than his foreign modulations. His narratives are set against a gold ground, often decorated by an inner frame of floral punchwork, and he favours large, inscribed halos. His preference for pressed brocades" with large patterns, used to negate the illusion of his deep spatial settings, is also in the Cologne tradition, as are his bright and clear colours, including a prominent use of lead-tin yellow, as well as his skill in placing and contrasting colours across the picture surface (colour pI.26). Moreover, his underdrawing technique (pI. 145) shows regular and curved cross hatchings that are characteristic of the practice in Cologne, and derive from the graphic conventions exercised in the Dombil<1 Master's workshop; it has no connection with the Netherlandish custom." The"work of the Master of the Life of tile Virgin is sufficiently rooted in the Cologne tradition to conclude that his apparent knowledge of Netherlandish works can derive from an intelligent scrutiny of paintings, drawings, patterns, or prints that reached Cologne through intermediaries and that any journey he may have made to the Netherlands did not affect his basic approach. The Altarpiece of lite Life of Ihe Virgin consists of eight scenes that have been sawn apart. It has been suggested that they originally formed a triptych with the narratives arranged in two rows, with four scenes in the central panel and two in each of the wings." The open altarpiece would then have shown in the upper row the Meeting al the Golden Gate (pI.146),Birth of the Virgin (pl.147),Presentation of lite Virgin (pI.152),and Marriage of the Virgin (pI.14S),and in the lower row the Annunciation (pl.149), Visitalion (pI.150),Presenlatiol1 of Christ and Assumplion (pI.151).Several of the paintings have lost the original tracery which decorated the top corners of the panels. A Crucifixion and a Corolla lion of tlte Virgin, painted on the reverse sides of the wings, are juxtaposed to illustrate the most poignant moments of the Virgin's suffering and joy. The cycle misses certain essential scenes from the life of the Virgin, such as a description of her death, and it is therefore possible, but by no means certain, that the altarpiece originally comprised a larger number of scenes or that the Deal!! of the Virgin was depicted in the lost predella. A dendrochronological examination of the wood at Munich has led to the suggestion that, presuming a storage time for the wood of the apparently usual ten years, the panels were pa"inted after 1484; on stylistic grounds it has been proposed that the panels were stored only for a minimum period in this case, and painted nearer 1476." The impact of Rogier van der Weyden's Columba Altarpiece on the Master of the Life of the Virgin is readily apparent. In the Anl1uncialiol1 in Munich (pI. 149), the figure of the Virgin, her face with 'its frame of lank hair, the pattern of the floor tiles and the off-centre position near the picture plane of the lily-vase are all inspired by Van der Weyden's design. Howevel~ the gesture of the Virgin and the cushioned bench can be found in a small Allnuncialion in Lisbon by the equally influential 0 Louvain painter Dirk Bouts." For the angel wearing a cope and for his swift move-; ment the master could rely on indigenous models (pI.96), as he did for his ambiva- .
181

it

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i'l

,II
i,l
I~

'j
THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM THE !J'\.IFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALlSiv!

, lent space structure. In his '1"00111, the recession of tiles and furniture creates a spatial

1! I
Ii i ~.~

illusion that is promptly undermined by the flat halo of the Virgin and by the wide cloth of honour, ironed into folds, that is held against a gold ground by charming
angels \,vith indigenous antecedents. The cloth of honour
\'V8S

equally

popular

in the

li

!l! .IJI! Iii ...'..\! \

I~ ... ~

, 11.. , "i

II,

I!
ill'l

'",I;;
!

[,
! ,

Netherlands, but there its size was restricted to a smaller area behind the exalted figure, and Van der Weyden's Nativity in the Mirnflores Altarpiece (c. 1444) in Berlin provides a pertinent example of the logical articulation of the spatial depth behind each side of the brocade cloth. In the Life of the Virgin panel, the ambiguity of the spatial construction is increased by an inconsistency of the depicted light that denies the figures their full plastic volume, allowing the painter to exploit the play of the lines of drapery on the picture surface. This is particularly apparent in the figure of the angel, where monumentality is implied by fine modelling and then negated again by the strong fold and brocade patterns in his cope and by the insufficient cast shadow. The borrowing of patterns is more explicit in the related Presentation panel in London (colour pI. 26; pI. 152), in which the figures of Simeon and the Child are directly translated from their representation in the Colli mba Altarpiece wing, where the Joseph figure and the realistic features of the protagonists also provided inspiration. On the other hand the setting of the London scene owes nothing to Netherlandish art: it has an obvious affinity with the Dombild Master's Darmstadt version of this narrative (colour p1.21) in that the composition is placed against a gold ground and centralised around an altar carved with the prefiguring Old Testament scenes." The difference between these two renderings by Cologne artists lies in the paring down to essentials that gives the later work an increased sense of clarity and serene spirituality and strips it of the sensuous luxury and variety of the former. God, the angels, the brocade cloth, the Candlemas procession and the strewn leaves that delight in the Darmstadt panel have been omitted in favour of a stress on the solemnity of the ceremony, well expressed in the reverent composure of the attendants. The figures in London are not fully modelled and are not allowed to cast much shadow; rather, they appear carved in a shallow frieze that has been set into a golden box. The repetition of the clear colours,at harmonious intervals, echoed by the pattern repeat in the floor tiles, adds lucidity to the design. The realism of the fig~ ures and textures accounts for the strongly Netherlandish flavour of the work, whilst the still and upright poses of the protagonists, and the cool colours, denote the Cologne inheritance. The frieze arrangement of figmes is repeated in every scene but the Golden Gale (pl.146) and Birlh of Ihe Virgin (pl.147), where the depiction of multiple narratives called for a different kind of composition. An extensive landscape easily accommodates the various stages of Joachim's story in the fanner while a spacious interior serves to depict the various activities in St Anne's bedchamber in the latter." There, the moment after the birth of Mary is set in a large room where the activities of midwives and servants give ample opportunity to dwell on genre detail, such as a pitcher, a cushion, a half-open linen chest, and a shining basin that are displayed in harmonious intervals across the picture. The lively protagonists are carefully grouped
182

and anchored in two strong diagonal composition lines, leading to two standing gossipers ill the background. This is the most Netherlandish of the compositions in setting and figure style, but even here the painter illcluded a broad-patterned brocade curtain hung against the gold background to undermine the spatial illusion, and he used an inconsistent light to deny the figures their full substance. Any assistance that the master might have had for this series of paintings is largely disguised by traditional workshop unity but there are two exceptions, in that the Marriage of the Virgin (pI.14S) is inconsistent in style and seems to have been painted by more than one hand, and the Assumption (pI.151) is executed with notable stylistic independence." The Visitalion (pI.150) in Munich is of unusual iconography in that it shows four figmes silhouetted against an extended and varied landscape that culminates in a golden sky populated by floating angels." Mary and Elizabeth meet in the company of a servant girl who holds her mistress's pattens, and they are attended by the kneeling donor. A variant of the subject at Rotterdam, painted around 1470 by the same master, is of the more usual type and depicts only Mary and Elizabeth; its close resemblance to Rogier van der Weyden's Leipzig painting suggests that this was also the original inspiration for the Munich version." The donor depicted in the Munich Visitation is identified by his coat of anns as Dr Johann von dem Hirtz (d. 14S1), a patrician knight and, judging by his collar, a member of the Noble Order of the Holy Ghost." His self-confidence is expressed not only in his fashionable and fur-briImned attire but also in his desire to be depicted in equal size and location to the two saints. However, traditional decorum is preserved to a degree in that the donor is still spiritually separated from their historic meeting by the outward turn of his figure and by an expression of deep meditation in his unfocused eyes. Not content with his prominent depiction alone, Hirtz also seems to have requested that his own face, and those of some of his relatives, be shown in the guise of the protagonists in other panels. In the Presentation (pI.152) a black-bearded man, a lean-faced young man, a fashionably coiffed lady holding the doves and the donor himself feature among the attendants; the same faces occur in other narratives. This would appear to be an early example of the type of portraiture described later by the chronicler Weinsberg for his own commission (see p.42): 'Und ich hab audl in die angesichter allesamenleuth laissenn conleljelen uissgescheiden Jhesu Christi angesichl, lind steil in Marien bilt Feigen Ernsl mynC/' frauwcn suster arlgesicht, in Joannis under dem creutz myner !rauzvel1 50/15 !allans"' i/1 Marco myn broder Gotschalck, in Luca myn broder Cherstgin.
f

Portraits also seem to permeate the facial features in another work attributed to the Master of the Life of the Virgin, the De Monte Lamenlat;on in Cologne (pI. 154) from the collegiate church of St Andreas." There, Joseph of Arimathaea and Nicodem,lS (pI.155) are dressed in fine contemporary attire and their faces are strongly characterized." As they display the Corpus Chris Ii in a moment ot such poignant grief that all action is arrested, they afford the ardent kneeling donor, Canon Gerhard de Monte (p1.1S6) (d.1480; see Appendix 3), a chance to touch reverently and with respectfully covered hands the fingers of the dead Christ." Such daring intimacy is
183

154. Master of the Life of the Virgin, De MOilte

Lmnelltntioll,

Wallraf-Richartz-Museum,

Cologne

not normally accorded to a donor. In Rogier van der Weyden's Lamel1lalion il1 Fronl of the Sepulchre in Florence it is St John who touches the dead Christ with covered hands; more usually, this fervent action is the prerogative of Mary Magdalene." In the De Monte Lamentation, however, we have the donor elevated to the role of a significant participant in an historic event, although in the diminishing hierarchic figure scales applied to the saints, Joseph and Nicodemus, and the donor respectively, a small touch of modesty may yet be detected. The donor's confident relationship with Christ in the painting is echoed in a frame inscription that affirms that this professor of theology of the University of Cologne had returned his soul to God, 'sacrae theologiae eximius professor a1limam suam creatori reddidit'. Clearly unburdened by the remorse and fear of hell that prompted the pious commissions of many fellow citizens, Canon Gerhard de Monte had complete faith in his own place beside his Creator; he gave scant room to the traditional prayer request and his epitaph principally served to commemorate the bachelor theologian's worldly achievements. The conceit was completed by including the principal patrons of the collegiate church,
Andrew and Matthew, amongst the witnesses of his intilnacy with Christ.40 The same

saints support Gerhard's nephews, the brothers (see Appendix 3) Canon Lambert (d.1499) (pl.157) and Canon Johannes de Monte (d.1508), who had their portraits
184 155. Master of the Life of the Virgin, detail: Nicodem/./s, De Monte Lamentation, detail of pI.] 54

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THE

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added to the epitaph, probably by the Master of the Legend of St George after 1500, in wing panels that included similar inscriptions about their own careers in the church and university.' For the figure and features of Christ in the De Monle Lal11entation and for the saintly protagonists the painter was again indebted to Rogier van der Weyden, particularly to the Descenl from the Cross, which was then in Louvain and is now in Madrid:' However; the conception of the landscape as a measured succession of foreground, middleground and background is closer to the art of Dirk Bouts, even if it lacks that painter's ability to integrate figures and space. There are also sporadiC resemblances in the Cologne master's work to figure patterns from Bouts and Memling, but they remain of a general nature and are more likely to reflect a mutual dependence on the paintings of Rogier van der Weyden. In the Dc Monte Lamelltation, the creative ability of the Master of the Life of the Virgin is manifest as much in his sensitive characterization of the elderly, careworn faces (pI. 155) as in his firmly organized pictorial construction. In this instance, he groups the protagonists in strong parallel diagonal and horizontal construction lines, which are then steadied by the cross and softened by slight movements of heads." The prolific workshop of this master also produced the popular small images of the Virgin, of which an example in Cologne of around 1480,showing a Maria Laclans with 51 Bernard (colour pI.22), is perhaps the most interesting: The picture refers to,

156. Master of the Life of the Virgin, detail: Gerhard de MOllte, De Monte Lamentation, detail of pI. 154

but does not illustrate, the legend of St Bernard's desperate prayer in the church of St Varies in Chatillon-sur-Seine that resulted in a statue of the Virgin moistening his lips with her milk. The legend was popular in Cologne, and seems to have inspired the mystic Heinrich Suso (see p.16) to a vision in which the Virgin quenched his own thirst:' In the painting, the Carthusian Bernard is shown next to the Virgin lac/ailS and reverently touching the Child, who is seated on a cushion placed on the parapet before them. They are plausibly pOSitioned,in the maIUler of contemporary portraits, against an atmospheric landscape, though their inscribed and decorated halos are silhouetted against a gold ground which is framed by a broad band of punchwork (colour pI.22) The sophisticated dichotomy of realistic protagonists, separated from the viewer only by a parapet, with the mystical symbolism of the gold ground that denies reality, is echoed in the spatial game of depth against surface pattern 'and gives the painting a spiritual dimension most suitable for its purpose, that of an aid to private devotion. The realism of Bernard's features is of a general kind that seems to fall short of portraiture. Secular portraits were, howevel; also painted in the same workshop, and two halflength depictions of unknown men, dressed in the fur-brimmed fashions reserved for patricians, survive in Munich and Karlsruhe (pis 158 and 159):' The portrait in Munich is of an ultimately Netherlandish format, with the sitter shown half-length and in three-quarter view:' A plain dark-green background, with only a hint at interior panelling and shade, focuses the viewer's attention on the face and hands of a man who seems to be of stubborn disposition and gazes straight past the viewer. His left hand appears to rest on a ledge that is hidden by the frame; in his right hand he displays a pair of dividers. Whether this attribute was intended to describe the sitter as a master builder or; as the patriCian attire and precious ring may imply, refers rather to a leisure interest, the sitter had it included so that this important part of his life would not be forgotten, 'das es in der gedechlnis plibe'. For; as the chronicler Weinsberg later explained, when somebody was to be portrayed it was not sufficient to delineate his head and body with precision, his dress and accessories were of equal importance: 'Wan eman abgernailt oder conlrafeil wirl, so ist nei aUein das heubl Lind leib ZLI Ireffen, dan auch sine kleidoLlng, was er Limb, uff und 011 gehal.'' An exact description was of sllch value because family and old friends liked to have and keep such images, 'sich ...contrafeilungenerfreuen und die gerne in der verwarsarnheit behalten', in memory of the sitter. And, as Weinsberg himself confidently hoped to still have friends after his demise, 'und verhoff nDch frunde llach minem abslerben zu haben' who would cherish his memory, he decided to add a written description of his habits, manners, faults and merits, 'sitten, gewonheiten, mangeln und gnaden', to a now lost portrait drawing of himself. The Porlrail of a Gentleman in Karlsrllhe (pI. 159)appears, on stylistic grounds, to be painted around 1480,a decade after the Munich panel. The monumental image of the llnknown sitter is silhouetted against a luminous landscape. His form is pressed against the picture plane, but constricted by the frame that even cuts across his 'acorn
187

157. Detail from the

left wing: Lambert de Monte, De Monte

Lamentation, detail of pI. 154

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160. Master of the Life of the Virgin, window:

Bee/gill Schlossgin n!lrl

rinughter, Hardenrath chapel (destroyed)

158. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Portmit of a Master Blli/ricr (?), Baye\". Staatsgemaldesarmniungen, Aite Pinakothek, Munich 159. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Portrait GC!lilelllllll, Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe

of 11

cup' cap, whilst a fictive stone arch, that can be glimpsed in the upper corners, anchors the design to the frame." The sitter's patrician attire reflects that of the earlier portrait with only small fashion changes such as the rounded fur collar and elongated hat, and these confirm the later date of the work." The attacking format of the Karlsruhe painting exposes the rather weak features and indecisive character of this sitter, and the book held half open in his hand testifies to his scholarly or pious inclination. Judging from old photographs, the Master of the Life of the Virgin was also the author of wall-paintings in the Salvatorkapelle in St Maria im Kapitol which were destroyed during the Second World War. This convent church had been the focus of episcopal and noble patronage since its foundation. Its consequent prestige attracted the munificent support of the merchant and councillor Johann Hardenrath (d. before 1479, see Appendix 3), a patrician neighbour of the church who had attained citizenship in 1449 and now wished to demonstrate the wealth and consequence of his family to fellow citizens. To this effect he commissioned, in 1466, from the competent but not inspired Konrad Kuyn (d.1469) stone choir screens which included portraits of himseJf(p1.46) and his wife Beelgin Schlossgin. According to the chronicler Koelhoff, he went on to greatly enrich, 'groislich gezierl', the church with the most splendid and costly private chapel in the city (see p.28). He endowed this with a choragic foundation and, according to a contract made in 1468 with the abbess, promised to furnish and maintain it in perpetuity entirely at the' expense of the Hardenrath family" The richly carved and painted decoration of the chapel included a wall-painting with images of the patrons flanking, like altarpiece wings, a central section which showed six painted traceried niches containing standing saints; to
188

161. Window,

Bee/Sill Sclilossgin Il!ld rillushler, Hardenrath chapel

(destroyed)

'1:

189

..... ~-- _-ftj-~,:

:X,

I':

Jt .

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complete the allusion, the painter added a 'predella' containing busts of saints painted in grisaille. Johann Hardenrath (pI.8) was depicted kneeling at prayer in a vaulted room, accompanied by his son. His thick velvet gown, richly trimmed with flll; and the dagger and seal pouch at his belt, show him to be a patrician of considerable wealth and inlportance. The impression was confirmed by the elegant demeanour and attire of his wife and daughter (pI.16l) in the opposite 'wing'. Their coats of arms were diligently repeated in painted and carved parts of the chapel, to ensure that nobody would forget the identity of the generous donor or fail to commemorate the right family, 'dal solche mell10rie /lit" achter en bliwe'. To make doubly sure, the donor images and arms were repeated in the splendid stained-glass windows of the chapel (pI.160)." The tranquil images of the Master of the Life of the Virgin and his measured lyrical compositions are in contrast to the dramatic, crowded scenes that distinguish the art of a rival workshop, that of the Master of the Lyversberg Passion. This painter is named after fragments of a Passion altarpiece from the Carthusian monastery of St Barbara that came into the Lyversberg collection in Cologne after secularization and are now dispersed between Cologne and Nuremberg (colour pis 23, 24)." The Lyversberg Master's style is distinct also in that his figures do not aspire to the elegance or elongation favoured in other Cologne workshops: they appear realistically sturdy, broad-shouldered, fairly round-headed and restless. The lively realism of these protagonists all but contradicts the sacred mystery implied by the decorated gold grounds. This master's palette is dominated by acid yello~s and greens which are, however, softened in effect by a juxtaposition with pinks and brown-hued reds. His landscapes do not always dissolve in bluish atmospheric haze; instead they blend to a greeny golden distance against the gold ground. In the realistic description and spatial grouping of his figures, the Master of the Lyversberg Passion shows an understanding of Netherlandish designs that goes well beyond the surface acquaintance manifest in the work of the Master of the Life of the Virgin, yet he was also clearly familiar with Cologne usage and painted in cool colours against a gold ground, making prominent use of lead-tin yellow, and adopting the traditional brocade patterns from the City workshops.~ All, this, combined with an underdrawing style that uses a complex system of hatchings and cross-hatchings characteristic of Cologne workshops, indicates that he learned his trade in Cologne (pl.177).;; We can only surmise that he subsequently had an opportunity to travel a little in the Netherlands and acquaint 'himself there with certain compositions and practices. His stocky figure style and his tendency to place figures more plausibly into their setting has an affinity with the work of Dirk Bouts that suggests that he may have seen it in nearby Louvain which at that time formed part of the archbishopric of Cologne.'" However; patterns developed from paintings by Bouts and by Van der Weyden had a considerable diffusion across Western Europe and continued to reach Cologne also by means of intermediaries. 57 The surviving panels from the Lyversberg Passion (pis 162,164-166,168, 170-171) originally formed the wings of an altarpiece for the huge high altar; 'arne lapidem i111111ensuI11c preciosum', of the Carthusian church. When opened, the altarpiece a
190

I
I

162. Master of the Lyversberg

P8ssion,

AJI/JIII/ciClfioll,

Lyversberg

Passion, Germanisches

Nation8lmuseum,

Nuremberg

<1

163. Master of the Life of the Virgin, 14domtioll Germanisches NatiollCllmuseu!1l, Nuremberg

(:f the

Killg:;,

164. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Germclnisches

Passion, Adomtiol/, Lyversberg Nationalmllscum, Nuremberg

would have measured around 560 cm. The lost central section of this large work may well have been carved and is likely to have included images of the patron saints of the altar, and possibly items from the impressive relic collection of the monastery.'" The left wing showed a Last Supper and an Arresl above a Christ befo1'e Pilale and a Mocking of Cli1'ist and Flagellation, with an Annuncialion on the reverse side (pI.162); the right wing showed a Carrying of the Cross and a Crucifixion above a Deposition and a Resurrection with the Three Maries al the Sepulchre, with an Adoralion of the Kings on the reverse side (pis 168, 164).'"The scenes are compositionally balanced, so that the two architectural scenes in one wing and two crosses in the other are placed diagonally across the wing panel. The quartered wing arrangement follows a tradition familiar in Westphalia and Cologne."' The Lyversberg Master's knowledge of the Columba Altarpiece is apparent in the Adoration of the Kings panel in Nuremberg (pI.164)," not only in the figure of the king doffing his hat (Van der Weyden's design evolved from the Dombild courtier in the same position) the dignified features of Joseph and the group of onlookers, but also in compositional devices such as the other hat placed on the ground before the king and the construction of the arched shed. The centralized arrangement of the principal protagonists is, however, in the Cologne tradition. It is interesting to compare the Lyversberg composition with the Nuremberg Adoralion by the Master of the Life of the Virgin (pl.163; dated on stylistic grounds to the early 1470s)/' who shared both these sources of inspiration. The differences between the two narratives are not so much due to their diverging formats as they are to the dissimilar temperaments of their authors. The Life of the Virgin composition is symmetrical, centred around the
192

Virgin who, with Joseph, is framed by the single arch of the shed. The Child in her lap provides the visual and emotional centre of the composition, its pose linking the two kneeling kings and, through them, the two diagonal lines that run to the upright spectators on each side. All movement is arrested save that of the middle king who ceremoniously sinks to his knees in adoration. Colours and composition convey a sense of harmonious interval. In contrast, the Lyversberg composition is dominated by a throng of actors forming a tight diagonal grouping that is stopped by the upright form of the kneeling oldest king; this diagonal line is echoed in the foreground rocks. The composition is stabilized by the heavy architecture of the shed and by the balancing figures of the standing king and Joseph, but destabilised again by the contraposes of the Child and the middle king, whose curious kneeling posture allows him both to display his fashionably elongated boot and to take his precious gift from his page. The well-nigh weightless figure of the page might reasonably be described as dancing attention. This is a detailed narrative, compelling in its numerous human activities, for the Virgin touches the Child's foot, the.Child strains his little arms toward his mothel; the oldest king seems to speak, the next one looks towards the Child as he turns to take the vessel from the twisting page, the youngest king doffs his hat and three flags flutter in the wind. The colours are used to clarify the forms and are applied in small patches that create a restless echoing pattern across the painted surface. The lyric poetry of the Master of the Life of the Virgin is here contrasted by expressive drama. In an earlier attempt at the subject in a Life of the Virgin Alta1'piece in Linz of 1463 (pI.165), the Lyversberg Master was much closer to the Master of the Life of the Virgin in the selection and arrangement of motifs, but
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On the other hand the Lyversberg Master eschewed the emotional intensity that permeates Van der Weyden's dramatic art and therefore, in borrowing that painter's design of the Descellt from the Cross in Munich,"' for his polyptych (colour p1.24), he calmed the fervoLll~ reduced the number of participants, and turned the figures more towards the spectator. In his composition, Salome no longer wrings her hands in frenzied grief, but folds them in numbed prayer. St John's youthful face is now framed by lovingly described silky curls which soften the impact of the desolate eyes that invite the viewer to share in his sorrow; the tears clinging to his cheeks (pI.137), however, are in true Van der Weyden style. The careful construction of the Cologne design also incorporates the pattern of parallel lines that is such a striking feature in Van der Weyden's Munich composition and also in his Madrid Descent/rom the Cross. In the Lyversberg Descent, the verticalJine of the cross, partially masked by the diagonal of the laddel~ is echoed in Christ's left arm, in ti,e simplified silhouette of the back of Nicodemus, and in a fence post and a tree; the line of the Virgin's left arm is repeated 'in the folds of John's turned-back mantle and then again in Salome's right
arm.

165. Master of the Lyversberg

Passion, Adoration

of the Kings,

Kath Pfarrkirche

St Maria, Linz

even then his rendering is episodic and lively, in contrast with the solemnity of his colleague's composition."' The Lyversberg Master's response to compositional ideas and new patterns is selective and intelligent. For the Carrying of the Cross (colour pI. 23), for instance, he enriched familiar iconography, such as he may have seen in the Passion panels from the Lawrence Master's workshop (pl.75), with new drama which he introduced through realistic characterization of the protagonists, inspired by Netherlandish models. For his scene describing an exhausted Christ amongst his supporters and adversaries, he may have followed a model used also by Memling for his Passion panel, now in Turin."' The two interpretations differ in dramatic impact, however, for Memling spread the group along the path and shows the nude prisoner further forward in the sad procession. In contrast to that muted narrative, the Cologne master explOits the dramatic potential by juxtaposing Christ and the nude prisonel~ by allowing the crowd to surge nearer to Christ and Joseph of Arimathaea, and by showing the soldier in the act of striking Christ.
194

The Cologne master's response to patterns from Dirk Bouts can be clearly defined by cOl~paring the Lyversberg Arrest and Resurrection (pis 166 and 168) with similar scenes, now in Munich, from an altarpiece from the church of St Laurenz in Cologne (pis 167, 169) that is thought to have been painted in the Louvain workshop around the time of Bouts' death in 1475.N' Although the Lyversberg Passion predates these works by a decade, the debt to an earlier painting by Bouts, or to a common but now lost source, is made explicit in the Arresl in the reproduction of all the principal motifs, even including a burning torch that lost its meaning when the Lyversberg Master chose a daytime setting rather than the night scene of Bouts' work. The Lyversberg Master used fewer figures than Bouts for his design, leaving out all the subsidiary stories so that he could heighten the dramatic impact of the narrative. Moreover, he subtly altered the narrative content of the model by showing not only Peter lifting his sword to sever an ear from the crouching servant Malchus but also Christ extending his hand in pity to restore it (John 18:1-12)." In addition, his Judas compounds his betrayal by bestowing hi, kiss whilst helping to seize Christ. The Cologne painter also allowed the man with the slashed sleeve not only to grab at Christ's cloak but also to lift a club to strike him, and other bystanders to beat him and pull his hair in a manner that is more usually reserved for Flagellation scenes. The leading soldiel~inward-looking in Bouts' design is turned towards the viewer in the Lyversberg Passion, presumably to contrast his stance with the inward-looking version of this pattern in the Carryil1g of Ihe Cross on the opposite wing (colour pI. 23). Most of the Passion paintings of this period include some patterns that were widely diffused. The Resurrection from St Laurenz (pI. 169) in Munich is no exception, but there are certain elements in this particular interpretation of such models that caused scholars to claim it, together with the Arresl, as a prototype for the Lyversberg designs, until dendrochronological examination of the wood showed that they were botl1 painted later than the Passion panels. However, the Netherlandish flavour of the panels from St Laurenz is too prominent to suggest that the Lyversberg compo195

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166. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Arrest, Passion, Wal1raf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne

] 68.

Lyversberg

167. Dirk Bouts, Arrest,

photograph A. L. Dierick

Master of the Lyvcrsberg Passion, Resllrreclioll, Lyversberg Passion, Wallraf-Rich8rtz-Museum, Cologne

169. Dirk Bouts workshop, Resurrectioll, Bayer.Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Alte Pinakothek, Munich

sitions designs were the p~oto'types. Among the corresponding examples, a soldier sheltering his eyes from the supernatural light is particularly striking. The pose of this soldier is, howevel~ 1110re vigorous in the Cologne lnaster's \vork and is, in fact, rather closer to an earlier version by Bouts that he used in a Crucifixion triptych, now in Granada.'" In the design for St Laurenz, the soldier is feebly stretched out on his back in front of a poorly integrated assembly of motifs that, although it follows Bouts' preference for isolated figures, does not attain his sense of spiritual unity. One can only presume what certain differences in the underdrawing of the Munich panel seems to confirm, that although Bouts painted the Arrest for the altarpiece, the Resurrecliol1 was among the works completed after his death by his workshop. In the Lyversberg version the motives are assembled in a manner that is in many ways closer to Conrad von Soest's Niederwildungen Altarpiece, even though the sprawling soldier is depicted there as still sleeping (pI. 67). The Cologne master's composition is strengthened by placing the sarcophagus in a firm diagonal, sheltering the angel within it, and then stabilizing the design by placing the upright figures of the Three Marys to one side and Christ to the other (pl.168). This organization allows a reasonable space for the three guards leaning against the sarcophagus and for the depiction, in a dramatic counter turn, of the light-blinded soldier. The lively characterization of faces, coupled with the precise description of fabrics, textures, armour reflections and plants, confirms the Lyversberg Master's debt to Netherlandish sources. The art of the Lyversberg Master may be eclectic in detail, indebted as it is to Netherlandish inventions and to Cologne/Westphalian traditions, but it successfully fuses these elements into a personal idiom. Thus the Annunciation (pI. 162) from the Passion cycle owes as much to Conrad von Soest's 'Dortinund design (pI. 69) as it does to Netherlandish art. The interior setting, the simple tile pattern, the oculus window, the Virgin kneeling by her prie-dieu before a bench, and the angel's gesture reflect Conrad's work, whilst the Christ Child with the cross is a common Westphalian feature!" In all other respects, and notably in the integration of the figures with the realistic setting, in the furniture, in the window with a landscape view and in the exact pose of tIle Virgin, the Lyversberg Master, like the Master of the Life of the Virgin (pl.149), was indebted to Dirk Bouts' models, as seen in Lisbon and Madrid. However, a comparison of the two Cologne works, painted under the same influence, serves to demonstrate the increased realism and drama that the Lyversberg Master was inspired to bring even to such a quiet and traditional scene as the Allliunciation. From such patterns, the master appears to have made model drawings which served him, and according to some variation in the style of underdrawing of the panels, his assistants to transfer the design .onto the panel. This was done with a reasonable amount of detail, presumably so that the master could ensure a unity of style for the altarpiece. On close scrutiny, the finished appearance also denotes the collaboration in some passages. The gift of the Lyversberg Passion altarpiece is listed in the local Carthusian records of 1465 amongst numerous donations obtained from the monastery's 'greatest benefactors, the patricians Johannes and Peter Rinck' (see Appendix 3)." According to a
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note added to the record by a contemporary hand, the altarpiece and two windows together cost Joharu1 1200 Rhenish Gulden (see p.41). To be hailed the greatest benefactors of the monastery that attracted liberal support from many of the wealthiest
citizens and frolTt foreigners, '1)(711Irmtzherrcl1, rifterschaftel1 ind van dell burgerclI vall

Col/ell hoecillichcr begiftet illd geziert', the Rincks must have been remarkably generous. It is perhaps equally significant that the chronicler stressed the donors' patrician status, a reference that he was prone to omit for the ancient patriciate. Johann Rinck (d. 1464)had only gained citizenship in 1432 and it was not merely the religious inclination of his son Dr. Peter Rinck (d.1501), discussed earlier (see p.28 and n.22), and
his own need of atonement that made him generous, as the manner of his giving sho\,vs that he recognized the social value of having his family name commemorated and his status celebrated in this splendid temple. It is also a measure of the pro-

fessional esteem commanded by the Master of the Lyversberg Passion, that' he attracted the patronage of the ambitious and cosmopolitan Johann Rinck and his learned son. When the altarpiece stood closed on the high altar of the church, the arms of the Rinck family could be seen, prominently displayed in the Annunciation scene (pI. 162). When the altarpiece stood open, the viewer could observe amongst the assembly of apostles in the Last Supper a strongly characterized figure (pl.170), marked by his contemporary attire." When comparing this image with a donor portrait of Peter Rinck from a Carthusian Misericordia (pis 219, 220), painted around the same time by an unknown hand, it is tempting to conjecture that it is Peter, who, having aspired to membership of the Carthusian community before l1is health failed, joined the community of apostles in the painting at the institution of the Eucharist." Apparently, Johann was not depicted in the passion panels, even though his portrait balanced that of his son in the Misericordia painting. Johann Rinck is also shown, together with his first wife and Peter's mothl; Gertgin Blitterswich (d.1439), in another work by the Master of the Lyversberg Passion, the Coronation of the Virgin (pl.l71), now in Munich." The painting style of the panel indicates a date after Johann had remarried. However, if the epitaph had been commissioned by Johann himself on~ could ~xpect it to include, in Jine with the traditions of the times, portraits 01 all the Jiving and deceased members of his family. The fact that neither the second wife, Beelgin von 5uchtelen (d. 1462),nor any children are included forcibly suggests that the work was commissioned by f:eter, presumably soon after Johann's demise in 1464, to honour and commemorate"'his parents. To this effect the painting was placed in the splendid family chapel at"St Kolumba, built in 1463 (see pp.27-28), 'Capella ... sU111plibus el expensis ex funrial11e11to erecta'. This sumptuous and expensive chapel was central to Johann's carefully laid plans to ensure salvation by funding perpetual prayers, commenriacio, and services to be said by his grave before the altar." The vision of heaven with the Virgin framed by a glory of lively musician angels is placed so near the patch of earth that holds the supplicant donors in the traditional manner, that the panel seems designed by Pete; or his advisors, to confirm the success of Johann's endeavours.

170. Master of the Lyversberg

Passion, Lnst SlIppe!", Lyversberg

Passion,

detail of colour pI. 23

r>

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narrative demands a more lively expression, they can tend towards caricature; elsewhere their stillness serves to evoke a conten1plative response in the viewer. In his

early work, a delight in realistic detail can threaten to undermine the integrity of the composition, but his acquaintance with Netherlandish art goes beyond the mere assimilation of patterns noted in the contemporary Cologne workshops. Despite his occasional adoption of traditional inscribed halos and gold grounds, and his use of one Cologne brocade pattern, all presumably responding to patrons' requests, he clearly served his apprenticeship outside Cologne." This master's underdrawing technique of 'widely spaced parallel lines, crossed at times, and in short looped strokes for highlights (pl.176), derives from the Netherlandish tradition and his painting style evokes works produced in the Louvain region under the influence of Dirk Bouts and Rogier van der Weyden." For his eponymous altarpiece, now in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, the Master of the Legend of St George described the legend in eight narrative panels (colour pI.29, pl.175), with representations of the Nativily (pI.173) and Ecce Homo (pl.174) on the reverse sides of the wings which include the donor portraits and coats of arms."' The legend is narrated in two rows and reads across the wings and central section, each row linked through a continuous landscape. The upper row commences with the

172. Master 0f the Lyversberg-Passioll,

Nativity,

Kath Pfarrkirche St Maria, Linz

171. Master of the Lyversberg P<1SSiOIl, CorOllalioll of IIII! Virgin, B<1yer. StaatsgemtildesamlTllungen, Alte Pin<1kothek, MIJnich

When another affluent Cologne merchant and councillor, Peter Kannengiesser (d. 1473; see Appendix 3), wished to be commemorated in an altarpiece, he had all the living and deceased members of his family included in the donor portraits. They are depicted on the closed wings of a large altarpiece (pis 173,174) thought to have come from the altar of St George in Gross-St Martin." The opened triptych narrates Voragine's version of the story of St George, and the anonymous painter is named after this work.'" This Master of the Legend of St George presided over a major workshop that attracted the patronage of university professors, senior clergy and various distinguished families in and around Cologne." He differs from his two major competitors in that he painted almost entirely in the Netherlandish manner; his style can be characterized as realistic, with lively figures, often arranged in parallel planes set into a landscape setting. When he is not requested to use a gold ground, his atmospheric landscapes rise to a high horizon against a milky blue sky and are plausibly described with the help of winding river settings and colour diminution, although they are never totally integrated. The muted tonality of his landscapes is contrasted by notably warm orange and yellow hues in his figures' costumes. The lean, almost gaunt faces of his protagonists have a taciturn air and, in the rare instances where the
200

175. Master of the Legend of St George, 51 Georsc s{nyillS flu: rimsoll, The Legend of St George, Wa!lraf~Richartz-Museum, Cologne

plight of the princess, then shows in turn her rescue by St George killing the evil dragon, the ensuing conversion of the royal family (with donor coats of arms in the church window), and the saint's refusal to abandon his faith for which he is cruelly tortured on the cross. The tale continues in the lower row, delighting in episodes of horrific torture the saint is said to have endured and ending with his Christian burial. No precedent survives from Cologne for such a cycle describing the life and suffering of a saint, apart from the very different narration of the travels of St Ursula and her companions, although such legends may well have decorated predellas that are now lost. A comparison of the torture scenes with those of the apostle ma,tyrdoms by the Dombild Master (pis 117, 118) serves only to illustrate the profo~~d change in artistic conception that had taken place in Cologne. In the panel describing the fight with the dragon (pI.175), there is a multiple narrative, embedded in the landscape, that leads the eye towards the decisive event shown in the foreground, parallel to the picture plane. The knight in shining armour, seated on a richly harnessed rearing horse, with his head silhouetted against a lettered golden halo, drives his lance.through the throat of a beautiful winged dragon. The elegant princess observes the action from the rear of the front stage; she stands before a rocky promontory that masks the middle ground but does allow a glimpse through to a landscape with a river winding its way towards a town. In this paint204

176. Master of the Legend of St George, Ulf{icrdmwiliS from the Apostle Triptych, iMra-red refe!ctogram, Alte Pinakothek, Munich

177. Master of the Lyversberg Passion,

Underdrawing from J.

the

Lyversberg Passion, infra-red ref!ectogram by R. J. van Asperen de Boer 205

178. Master of the Legend

and Valerian, private collection,

of St George, Geneva

Cecilia

ing rocks, flowers, trees, animals of all sizes, bones, buildings, material textures and reflections are all realistically described in a manner that is consistent and that owes nothing to the Cologne tradition. It is in the Nalivity (pI.173) on the reverse side of the wing that some similarities with the Lyversberg Master's Linz version (pI.172) becomes apparent, both in compositional terms and in the design for Joseph. It would appear that both artists responded to a model that ultimately derives from Van der Weyden's Bladelin Altarpiece."' Yet where the Lyversberg Master had described the angels as bending busily over the child in sundry activities, the Legend of St George Master returned to the original patterns of upright, praying angels, and he added monumentality to the Joseph figure by pulling his hood up over the back of the head, causing the silhouette of his cloak to billow out and increase his bulk. The donol~ Peter Kannegiessel~ who is depicted in a meadow before the Nativity stable, has taken off his pattens, presumably to indicate that he kneels on holy ground. He is accompanied both by his first wife Christina Sli:issginand her children and by his second wife Bela Hawyser (d. c.1486) and her children, with the relevant coats of arms. The Kannegiesser coat of arms in the adjacent Ecce Homo panel (pI.174)
206

179.

Love's

EIIChmllllll!llt,

Museum

der bildenden

Kunste, Leipzig

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would suggest that the couple depicted there are Peter's parents Heinrich Kannegiesser and Margarethe Elverfeld, both deceased by the time the altarpiece was painted." The donor figures are shown in three-quarter view for easy identification and to indicate supplication, and are attired in red and black for the living or, as customary, in black alone for the deceased. As Peter wears a red hood, the panel must have been painted before his death in 1473. Dendrochronological examination of the wood suggests a felling date of 1454"., and and therefore a painting date after 1464 has been proposed. On stylistic grounds, a date soon after 1464 seems likely." Arourid a decade latel~when the Master of the Legend of St George was painting the Calvary Triplych, recently restored to St Kunibert church,'" he had softened his initially rather dry figure style, presumably under the influence of the work of the Master of the Life of the Virgin, but had not abandoned his Netherlandish accent. The triptych shows a Calvary, flanked by a Tral7sfiguralion and a Resurrection, all depicted in subtle and varied hues of cool tonality against a gold ground, with a now all but erased Al1l7Ul7cialiol1on the reverse sides of the wings. The Calvary bears arms that are generally thought to belong to the patrician Hermann Rinck (d. 1496):"' The most unusual painting amongst the many works attributed to the Legend of SI George Master and his workshop is a panel in private possession in Geneva (pl.178) which shows, against an atmospheric landscape setting, a fashionably attired young patrician couple and an angel holding crowns of roses over their heads." The narrative is ambiguous, the semblance of a sewlar portrait of two elegant and modish figures is not supported by the generalized features of the protagonists; it has therefore been suggested that they represent St Cecilia and her husband Valerian who, according to the Golden Legend, received crowns of roses and lilies as tokens of their chastity: 'Valerian was baptized by St Urban and went back to find Cecilia talking to.an angel in her room. The angel held two crowns of roses and lilies in her hand, one of which she gave to Cecilia and the other to Valerian, saying "Guard these crowns with spotless hearts and clean bodies, because I have brought them to you fran1 God's heaven/ll.''l7 Although the story is set in the saint's bedchamber, the painting has an outdoor setting. The charming image may have a double meaning, possibly derived from long lost poetry, that is no longer accessible to us. It may be worth considering whether the delightful Eyckian panel in Leipzig of disputed attribution and depicting Love's Enchanlment (pl.179)" could be by the same hand as the enigmatic painting in Geneva. A contemporary and equally anonymous artist responded to Netherlandish landscape settings with almost typographical accuracy whilst he remained bound in the Cologne tradition for his figure style. This Master is named after a panel from St Bonifatius church showing a Glorification of the Virgin, now in much restored condition in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum." Another of his works, a wing panel in the WallrafRichartz-Museum, depicts Sainls Prolecling I"e Cily of Cologne (pl.180),'" an illustration of the local adage that nobody is master of Cologne but God and his saints: 'dal
208

180. M<1ster of the Glorification

of the Virgin, The Virgin (lI1d Clli/d {llId Saints

before the City ojCO/OgIIC, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum,

Alllle, Peter, Gemll1, Cologne

I7l1d Christopher

niemantz dey stat von Collen here sie dan gol and sine hilligen '. St Anne, the Virgin and Child, and Saints Christopher, Gereon and Peter are shown as standing on a shallow stage before the traditional brocade cloth of honour and gold ground. In the background, the city of Cologne (pI. 180) is described with such topographical accuracy that the painting can be plausibly dated to after 1493 by the completion date of certain depicted buildings." The panoramic view extends beyond the city, southwards along the Rhine, and includes the small towns of Bruhl, Bonn and Sieburg, the Siebengebirge (seven mountains) and, in the far background, some mountains of the Eiffel.lt is instructive to compare the near accurate description of the Citylayout, that includes monuments, burghers' houses, people and trade, with the assembly of just the more important monuments in earlier city views. The style of the painting, with such emphasis on luxurious garments and on the splendour of the armour and jewels, as well as the use of brilliant colours, harks
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back to the art of the Dombild Mastel~ whose Virgin also informs the features of her representation in this work.''' In contrast, the fold patterns in the robes of the male protagonists are realistically described. Presumably as much by inclination as at the request of more traditionally minded patrons, this able painter combined Cologne's innate love of beauty, elegance and luxury, with those elements of Netherlandish painting that could enhance the sophisticated effect. The propaganda message of the Saints' panel expresses an exuberant confidence in the city, which was rekindled when it finally achieved chartered imperial status in 1475. Such conJidence was encouraged by the numerous festive visits of Emperor Friedrich III between 1473 and 1488, and notably reinforced through the lavish imperial wedding celebrations of 147i (see p. 18). The panel of the city saints was produced when the new emperol~ Maximilian I, having been crowned in Aachen in 1493, was expected to make his first imperial visit to the city. It is likely that in
the context of the many iJnperiai and royal visits to the city much ephen1eral art

was produced in Cologne that perpetuated the Courtly Style. The implication of social status and power that the style therefore evoked made it a subtle tool also in commemorative religious art commissioned by private patrons, especially when coupled with elements of realistic painting. Howevel~ for paintings that were based on the meditation texts that detailed the suffering of Christ or the saints, consistent realistic description was usually preferred during these decades. The work of the Master of the Glorification of the Virgin avoids such explicit realism and can instead be characterized as a judicious updating of the Courtly Style; an instructive example of his approach survives in his free copy of the Dombild Master's Darmstadt Presentation, now in Paris." No doubt aware of the different impact of the dominant styles, some patrons chose their artists according to the subject of their commission. Nicasius Hackeney (d. 1518; see Appendix 3), for instance, commissioned a Netherlandish artist to depict the sombre subject of the Virgin's death and a Cologne artist, who incorporated elements of the Courtly Style in his design, to paint an altarpiece that celebrated the Holy Family and their kin." Nicasius was the son of a Cologne goldsmith and came to prominence in the service of the emperor; he later married into the established patriciate. Having no male heirs, he and his brother George (d.1524; see Appendix 3) strove to keep the family name in memory through grandiose patronage that culminated in a splendid rood screen and a family tomb for St Maria im Kapitol, both ordered by Nicasius in 1517 in Mechelen."' To look after their spiritual needs, the brothers arranged for intercessional services to be said near the tomb every week and commissioned, to support that purpose, an altarpiece of the Death of tlte Virgin from )oos van Cleve in Antwerp, with donor figures of the brothers in shining armour depicted on one wing and those of their elegantly attired wives on the other; a copy of this triptych was then made in Antwerp for the family residence." The brothers left their mark on the city itself by building a magnificent palace for the use of the emperor (see p. 31).'"Their appreciation of Netherlandish art coupled with their love of luxury caused Nicasius to turn, for the Altarpiece of the Holy Kinship, to a master in Cologne who combined realistic description with the beguiling elegance of costly
210

181. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, Holy Killsfiip, Wallraf~Richartz~Museum,

Cologne

brocades, glistening jewels and palatial architecture; the anonymous painter was later named after this work. The Altarpiece of the Holy Kinship" (pis 183, 184; colour pis 27, 28) contains in its central panel an ambitious iconographic programme that includes Saints Catherine and Barbara among the kindred group as well as depictions of the Presenlalion and Death of Ihe Virgin in the top corners of the panel. The complex design is steadied by the vertical emphasis of columns and architecture and by arranging the crowded figure groups in sets of parallel diagonals that diverge to feature the Child ill the centre of the narrative. For all the courtly delight in rich brocades, fash.ionable garments and tapestry-like flowers, a Netherlandish flavour dominates the composition. The realistic figures with their strongly characterized features denote considerable knowledge of recent trends in major Netherlandish workshops, and many details also indicate direct or indirect access to designs by Hugo van der Goes, with the Death of the Virgin scene as the most obvious exemplar (pI. 181).'" Most remarkable are perhaps the wings, in which the donors and saints are silhouetted against a landscape of transparent beauty (colour pI. 28). As the scenery winds
211

II: ,
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THE

INFLUENCE

OF NETHERLANDISH

REALISM

THE INFLUENCE

OF NETHERLANDISH

REALISM

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in black garments, albeit sli'ghtly relieved by the dark brown of his patrician fur collar; a date soon after his demise in 1518 may be inferred."" The prolific workshop of the Younger Master of the Holy Kinship flourished in the city from the 1480sand it attracted significant patronage, including that of the counts of Neuenahr for their family Epitaph,'" painted after 1484, and of a confraternity for the monumental St Sebastia11 Allarpiece, "" painted with considerable workshop assistance around a decade later. Although no documents concerning this master have survived, it is possible to suggest a chronology for his works with the help of two dated paintings: onea workshop production of 1486showing the Mass of St Gregory, now in Utrecht,"'" and the other the Epitaph of Jakob Udema1111 of 1492, now in Nuremberg.'" The Younger Master of the Holy Kinship was commissioned by the Council of Cologne to design the third full window in the north side aisl~ of Cologne Cathedral, made in 1507 or 1508. Other patrons preferred the purely Netherlandish art of another large workshop, presided over by an immigrant master who takes his name from a cycle of large
183. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, left wing, 184. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, Holy Kinship, right wing,

II,

Holy Kinship

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182. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, Holy Ki!lsliip, detail of p1.181

I!
towards a far horizon it changes colour in three distinct band.s in a manner already

observed in the work of the Master of the Life of the Virgin, bu t here developed from the earlier example with considerable skill and an eye for genre detail; the backgrounds contain small representations of the Nativity and Assumption. The donor, Nicasius Hackeney, is depicted in the left wing (pI. 183), accompanied by his patron saint, Nicasius, and by Saint Roch (with his angel assistant), while his second wife Christina has Saints Gudula and Elizabeth (with a beggar) as her companions in the right wing (pl.184). The identification of the numerous donor figures and saints, depicted in a brocade-hung loggia on the reverse sides of the wings, is less certain, although the portraits are clearly of members of the same family.''''' Differences in underdrawing style, which on the inside panels bears all the hallmarks of the Cologne convention, confirm the impression given by the surface appearance that the reverse sides were painted with considerable workshop assistance. ""The earliest possible date for the painting would be 1508, the year in which Nicasius married Christina, although a date after 1514 has been suggested after dendrochronological examination of the wood."" However, as Nicasius is depicted
212 213

185. Master of the Legend of St Ursula, Tile Baptism Germanisches NationClirnuseum,

of Sf Ursula, Legend of St Ursula,

Nuremberg

186. Master of the Legend of St Ursula, The Saillt alld her companions leave Germanisches NationaimuseUll1, Nurernberg

Rome, Legend of St Ursula,

paintings on canvas, depicting the Legend of St Ursula (pis 185, 186).''" In these paintings, the interiors have an Eyckian flavour, while the narrative figure groupings against atmospheric landscapes or city squares are reminiscent of works by the Master of the Tiburtine Sibyl, a follower of Bouts who is thought to have been active in Haarlem.H" The thin, quickly brushed painting technique of these works differs considerably from the careful application of layers of pigment usual in Cologne workshops. The now scattered cycle, of which nineteen canvas paintings are known, was painted for the church of St Severin by several hands of the workshop, and was sponsored by a variety of donors who each had their good deed inscribed on the relevant panel; the series is thought to have been painted between 1495 and 1505. Unfortunately, several of the canvases have been reduced in size, and their donor
portraits
214

apparent that the donations often came from members of the same family, such as 'Wilhem Ynckhuys der jung Kaleryn syn huisfrou' and 'Johan Yl1ckhuys' and 'Enlgyn Syl1 huisfrou', and, for the largest and most significant canvas, the Martyrdom ofSt Ursula ol1d her 11,000 Virgins, now in London, the cost was sllared by 'Wynond van Wickroid, Lysbet syn hllisfrou' and 'Heynrich van Wickroid, Hilgen syn huisfrou'. It is particularly intriguing to note that Johan Ort was obliged to sponsor two panels, one with' Aelheit syn huisfrou' and another with 'Druidgen syn huisfrou', presumably because one wife had died during the production period of the cycle and the next one wished to have
her name cornmenlorated as well.

with arms and inscriptions

are missing.

FrOlTIthe remaining

canvases

it is

The Master of the Legend of St Ursula appears to have also employed in his workshop painters who are likely to have trained in Cologne, and the work of one of them is particularly close to that of his master. 1t would appear that, after his apprentice215

THE

INFLUENCE

or

NETHERLANDISH

REALISM

ship, he spent many year; as a journeyman in this workshop, and learned to assimilate his master's style. Howevel; there is a tendency to reveal small traces of his Cologne inheritance in his independent work, such as the Saints panels in the vestry of the church of St Severin and some of the scenes from a series of twenty canvas paintings in the same church that record the legend of St Severin.'" From these works the anonymous painter has been named the Master of St Severin. In his mature work, for instance the lyrical, centralized composition of the Adoration of the Kings of c.1505 in Cologne, '" and the Virgin e71lhrol1ed with Sai11ls in Detroit (pI.187),'" he proves himself as indebted to the Dombild Master and the Master of the Life of the Virgin as he is to Netherlandish works. By this measure, a fine Porlrail of a Lady (p1.3) in Cologne'" which follows in the tradition of the male portraits by the Master of the Life of the Virgin (pis 158 and 159) should also be ascribed to the Master of St Severin. However, the attribution of this panel, and of many other paintings from the circle of the Masters of St Ursula and St Severin, is still disputed and only a systematic analysis of the underdrawing and painting teclmique of all the works in this disputed group can lead to a more objective assessment. It is generally agreed, howevel; that it is the Master of St Severin who furnished the designs of several of the other windows in the north side aisle of Cologne Cathedral, which were made in a Cologne glassworks from 1507 to 1508. Among the many workshops that flourished in Cologne around the turn of the sixteenth century, only a few had totally abandoned their long-held preference for gold grounds, for brocades and for elegant garments adorned with precious jewels. Indigenous artists tended to avail themselves of all the opportunities that the con'stant mercantile and artistic exchange with the Netherlands afforded, to learn about the most recent trends in realistic painting, but then only to adapt them to an admittedly ever increasing degree that suited their own artistic interests or the preference of their own patrons. At the same time Netherlandish artists were able to establish themselves in the city. By the end of the fifteenth century, the taste for ostentation prevailed, particularly amongst the new members of the patriciate who seized upon the propaganda value of costly commissions. Coupled with their need to impress contemporaries was the desire to be commemorated for posterity, both for spiritual and worldly reasons. This caused them to demand not only veracity in the narrative but also likeness in the portraiture. The dichotomy of having to marry luxurious display with truthful representation had so continually exercised the artists of Cologne that by the end of the fifteenth century all possibilities seemed to have been explored. Yet there was one artist in the Citywho was able to fuse the opposing trends of the spiritual and the real, of courtly elegance and naturalistic description, in a personal style of such extraordinary character and invention that he was able to imbue late medieval painting in Cologne with a final refreshing burst of energy. This anonymous painter has been named the Master of Bartholomew.

187. Master of St Severin, The Virgin Ellthroned with St Cntherille Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit

nl/d Sf Mrry Mngdnlelle,

217