Molina-Vital - A Functional-Cognitive Approach To The Middle Voice in Ancash Quechua (First Part - First Draft)

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar
Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani
Student: Carlos Molina-Vital
December 2011
A FunctionalCognitive approach to the Middle Voice: The Case of Ancash Quechua Differences in clausal organization across languages especially those in the choice of primary syntactic argument mean that correspondence patterns between the situation types and the clause types will be different, too. [] In other words, constructions expressing transitive situation types across languages are different in structure. This comes as no surprise in view of the fact that what is called passive across languages is often vastly different in structure and even in function, so that two or more types of passive can be happily accommodated within a single language. (Shibatani 2006: 263)
1. Introduction and objectives of this work In the previous quote, Shibatani presents a fact that cannot be emphasized enough: languages differ in the way they organize what we, linguists, consider to be the same grammatical phenomena crosslinguistically. There are, thus, plenty of different ways in which something such as the traditional notion of middle voice can be expressed in different languages. When somebody is studying the middle voice, or any other grammatical descriptive construct, has to assume that any generalization is going to be insufficient, unless
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crosslinguistic examination goes hand in hand with a detailed description of the conceptual factors that are relevant to understand the grammatical construct under study. In this regard, the notion of middle voice is a very complex one, comprising other complex notions such as transitivity, nature of participants, naturalness of the event, etc. The main theoretical claim in this paper is that no single conceptual parameter should be proposed as the definitive element of the middle voice construct. Seminal works like Kemmers extensive typological description of the middle voice and articles thereon (1993, 1994, 1995), as well as the series of publications Shibatani has devoted to voice in general (1985, 1988, 2002, 2006) have, in my opinion, taken the position that the middle voice can be best described by a very precisely defined property (non-distinguishability of the participants/events for Kemmer 1993) or a much broader description based on the traditional semantics associated to middle events (an event whose development is restricted to a loosely defined personal sphere of the agent for Shibatani 2006). Building upon Kemmers and Shibatanis contributions to the study of middle voice, I will propose that the notion of subject affectedness is central to the definition of middle voice, at least for Ancash Quechua (AQ). Following Shibatanis observation that languages differ not only in the structure of what is considered the same functional category, but they even differ in
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the way the allegedly same function is conceived (2006: 263), I consider the middle voice as both a radial category (as proposed in Lakoff 1987) and the result of different level of schemas interacting in a conceptual domain (as established by Langacker 1987). In other words, subject affectedness is a precise concept with the highest level of centrality in the radial category and highest level of abstraction in the schemas that regulate the usage of the middle voice in AQ (and also in Spanish, as I will argue when discussing the relevant theoretical issues). As tempting as proposing a definitive and universal characterization to a grammatical category, I believe that the correct conceptual foundation to functional categories in language needs to take into consideration different parameters that interact at different levels when defining a category in a given language. Only extensive crosslinguistic examination based on a rich theory of (cognitive) semantics will provide a coherent picture of what concepts are involved in the constitution of linguistic categories, and how they are organized. Organization patterns will reveal similar, compatible, but not identical, even if the category is considered to be the same, as dictated by methodological grounds in the functional-typological tradition started by Greenberg (1963). Consequently, this paper will present a description of the middle voice in a Central Quechua dialect, Ancash Quechua (AQ) based on the idea different parameters are
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simultaneously present in that category, most importantly, those which give shape to the notion of event. As a result, middle voice cannot be studied in isolation from Aktionsart, the inherent nature of the event-type denoted by the verb, as Bakker (1994: 25) rightly puts; or, as Hintz (2011: 5) suggests in his comprehensive study of Southern Conchucos Quechua (SCQ), a dialect of AQ: An unusual characteristic of SCQ is the interface linking aspect with other semantic domains, including manner and middle voice. In other words, one grammatical marker may combine aspect and tense in its semantics, another aspect and modality, or aspect and manner, and so forth.
My description of the middle voice will start by examining those situations that Kemmer (1993) has proposed as typical middle situations present crosslinguistically. From there on, I will provide a conceptual motivation to the use of AQ middle suffix -ku, particularly in contrast with another voice suffix, passive ka. In addition, for completions sake, I will suggest some conceptual basis for understanding the interaction between the aspectual suffix
ri (inchoative) and middle voice.

In the next section I will deal with how Kemmers typology of middle situations is expressed in AQ. Once the data has been presented, the following section will be devoted to an exhaustive analysis of the conceptual semantics presented in these constructions will be
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provided for middle ku, passive ka, and inchoative ri. Finally, I will deal with the theoretical problems the data from AQ, as well as some data from Spanish, present to a theory of middle voice as those proposed by Kemmer (1993), and Shibatani (2006). I will propose an approach that combines the broad notion of voice required by Shibatanis observation of diversity in form both inter and intra-linguistically (as made explicit in Shibatani & Artawa 2003: 258), and the detailed semantic distinctions regarding events and participants as presented by Kemmer (1993: Ch. 3 and 4). 2. The expression of middle situations in Ancash Quechua AQ is a Central Quechua variety (Julca 2009: 39) spoken in the majority of the mountain sectors of the Ancash region, as well as in the northwestern side of the Hunuco region, both in Peru. The importance of this subfamily of the Quechuan Languages is that, due to widespread dialectal fragmentation and toponymical evidence, it is one of the regions where Proto Quechua is likely to have started. In addition to this, central varieties display a richer suffix inventory than the dialects in the Peripheral Quechua variety (spoken in the Southern Andes from the Huancavelica region in Peru to the western part of Bolivia and a rather reduced zone in northern Argentina). Interestingly enough, all the Central dialects have a distinction between
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what traditionally has been called a medio-reflexive suffix, ku, and a passive suffix, -ka (Parker 1976: 116-117). Most of the data I will present in this paper has been elicited either from my main consultant, a native speaker, or from folkloric tales from the most prestigious variety in the AQ dialect: Huaylas Quechua. This region, located in the middle of two high mountain chains,
Cordillera Blanca (White Mountain Chain, named this way because of their peaks covered
with permanent glaciers), and Cordillera Negra (Black Mountain Chain, which has virtually no snow covered peaks). Still, some data of middle voice use comes from the Southern Conchucos dialect, located on the west slope of the Cordillera Negra, as it has been described by Hintz (2011).
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In order to offer a detailed description of the usage of the middle voice marker, I will follow Kemmers typology of middle situations (1993: 16-20). For sake of completion, I will include reflexive situations, although middlereflexive markers in different languages.
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Quechua, while the varieties labeled Quechua II are Peripheral Quechua.
Figure 1. The Quechua dialects in South America. Quechua I corresponds to central
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According to her position, reflexives and middle should be differentiated on the basis of how the former introduces a stronger distinction between the macro-roles Inititator of the event and Endpoint of the event. In other words, whenever a reflexive marker is used (usually a phonologically heavier marker), some degree of distinction if applied between participants since two different roles are clearly performed; however, it is not expected that both participants are the same individual, which is a case of coreference. I will address the problems the notion of distinguishability between Inititator and Endpoint in the final section of this paper. I will present a list including those cases presented by Kemmer that can be expressed through a suffix. In most of the situations, the suffix used is ku, which has been considered the current expression of the Proto Quechua suffix *-ku, the middle-passive suffix according to Cerrn-Palomino (1987: 146). I will present examples for every middle and reflexive situation 1 in Kemmers typology, even if they are represented by a suffix other than ku. The particular behavior of the suffixes involved in the coding of the situation will be presented. However, a
stage needs to extend seamlessly to the explanation of natural and emphatic reciprocals (those marked with periphrastic coding).
For the moment, I will mostly leave reciprocals out of this study. However, I am aware that every finding at this
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more in depth discussion will take place when comparing middle ku, passive ka, and inchoative ri. 2 A. Grooming and body care Kemmer (1993: 53-55) presents this kind of events as prototypical cases of middle situations, and she makes the case for distinguishing reflexives from middles. Based on the typical light morphological marking or intransitive-like marking of grooming events in, perhaps, every language with a middle system, she presents grooming and body care events as a prime example of a situation that does not involve the expectation of an action performed towards an external patient or Endpoint. (1) Peyo paqa ku -rqa -n.
Pedro wash.head MID PAST 3 Pedro washed (his head). (2) Qaqlla : face -ta kuka jabon -wan shullpa ku rqa a.
1.SG ACC coca soap INST wash
MID PAST 1S
I washed my face with coca soap (3) Shura ku rqa -: mushuq ratash -ni -: -ta alli rika ku na -paq.
dress MID PAST 1.SG new
I dressed up with my new clothes to look good.
cloth EU 1 ACC good see MID CONC DAT
varieties, Central or Peripheral, is a one form middle system. Although there is an emphatic form that implies as it seems to be the case of heavy forms in Russian like sebja, clearly distinct from the light form sja.
Following the classification of marking systems presented by Kemmer (1993: 24-28), AQ, as well as all the other
coreference, kiki, this is seldom used, and cannot be considered a systematic resource to mark reflexive situations
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As it seems to be the case for many languages surveyed in Kemmers work, even if there is a clear direct object (as in 2 and 3) , the fact that it is a possession or part of the subject makes the action still considered not directed towards an external Endpoint. Certainly this idea is true of grooming events only based on how frequently those actions are carried out by individuals affecting their own bodies. Only during exceptional periods of life (early childhood, elderly age, incapacity, etc.) an individual becomes the object of a grooming or body care event. In AQ, there is no need, according to my consultant, to mark emphatically an unexpected subject, although is an open option using the emphatic pronoun
kiki, which must be marked with nominal suffix, as (4) shows.

(4) Lullu wamra kiki -n arma ku rqa tender child The baby bathed himself -n.
self 3 bath MID PAST 3.SG
B. Change in body posture This events share some similarity with more prototypical reflexive events: the agent is acting over itself in order to change the position of its whole body. However, Kemmer (1993: 55) considers that they are typologically distinguished from reflexives, appearing commonly as bare intransitives. This means that something restricts this kind of verbs from being used more frequently as regular transitives. Certainly, the way in which we change our body posture is not
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the same way as we make somebody change its body posture. In AQ this events are coded either with inchoative or with middle markers. (5) Nuqantsik kapilla -chaw qunqu ri -ntsik. we chapel LOC knee INC 1.PL.INC We kneeled in the chapel. (6) Huanshi patsaa -chaw laata Juan Juan got on all fours on the ground. ri rqa -n.
ground LOC be.on.all.fours INC PAST 3S
(7)
Huanshi patsaa -chaw punu ku Juan Juan slept on the ground. ground LOC lay
rqa n
MIDPAST 3S
Example (5) presents a very good example of change of posture that in Kemmers survey tends to be middle marked, but that prefers to use the inchoative suffix. The next couple of examples present a more interesting contrast. While (6) introduces a complete change in body posture using the inchoative ri, we can see how in (7) a different situation that still expresses a change in posture requires middle ku. This contrast can be motivated through focusing on just the change from one position to another with ri, and focusing on the process of getting ready to sleep by taking the required posture with ku. The disposition in the agent to do so in order to sleep in (7) is clearly conveyed by the stem punu, sleep (therefore, there is some kind of telicity implied in 7).
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C. Non-translational motion This kind of situation involves, according to Kemmer (1993: 56), movement of the body without changing location. In this case the change of position doesnt require an external locus that frames the whole body, as in change of body posture. The motion is strictly confined to the body remaining in a general position. For this typically middle situation, AQ again displays preference for coding those events using inchoative ri instead of middle ku (which is still used for this kind of situation in Southern Quechua varieties, like Cuzco or Ayacucho Quechua). Examples (8)-(11) come from Colonia (2002), another version of the popular folk tale Achkay, about two abandoned kids and an evil witch. Relevant events are in bold. (8) Tsay -naw patsa -ri -yaa -naq cama -n -kuna -man. 3 PL DI
that LOC ground INC PL NRPST bed There they lay on their beds (9) Tsay -na tuma -ri taripaa -ri reach -sh wamra -r, -q -ta -qa qipa -naq
-n -ta 3 ACC achikay -ta -qa ACC TOP
that DISC HS child turn INC SUBSS see
TOP behind rikaa -ri INC -na.
NRPST witch
INC AG ACC DISC
Then, the girl turned around and just saw the witch, who was reaching her.
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(10) Tsay -na kuku -rku
-sh
muna want i and -q
-pa INTENS
-r muchki
aytsa -ta -yka -ku
hurqu -rku -naq
-na
-n -paq
that DISC HS
SUBSS meat ACC take.out CONC 3 BEN
-naq, -yka
duck UPMT NRPST tsay puwa -ku that boil
bow.down IMPF MID UPMT NRPST manka -man DIR
MID IMPF AG pot
Then, because (she) wanted the meat, she leaned over in order to take (it) out, and she fell (in)to that boiling pot. (11) cama bed kamtsa toasted.corn alista -pa -piq shaa -ri -ta -ku -rku -r -na 3 -rku -n DAT -yaa NRPS -naq. -paq
ABL raise INC UPMT SUBSS anka -yaa -r qalla ACC toast PL
get.ready BEN MID begin UPMT PL
Getting up off bed they began to get ready to toast the corn. The previous sentences show a clear preference for ri to mark nontranslational motion. The case that differs from that tendency is muchkiykakurnaq, to bow down. In the context of the story, this nontranslational motion takes place when the witchs daughter tries to reach for the pieces of meat in the boiling caldron, and accidentally falls in killing herself. The contrast between ri and ku, as suggested by the previous sentences, seems to be in the higher level of volitionality and effort with which something is done. Confirmation of the previous hypothesis is provided by (12) and (13):
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(12) Chanka -ta
suta
ri -rqa
muscle ACC stretch INC PAST 1.SG I sprained a muscle. suta
(13) Chanka -ta
ku rqa
-:
muscle ACC stretch MID PAST 1.SG
I sprained a muscle (the subject deliberately stretched the muscle to sprain it) The contrast between the two previous sentences suggests that ri is representing an
action that takes place accidentally, with no volitionality from the affected entity. The subject is doing something that affects itself. However, affectedness is, in this case, evoked by the accidental, punctual aspect of ri. Contrary to the well attested trend by which middle tends to mark lack of volition in the Inititator of the event, AQ seems to privilege the opposite: higher level of engagement in carrying out an event. D. Indirect middle Quechua is, in general, famous for its liberal use of the middle market ku to represent what Kemmer (1993: 78) presents an action whose effect accrues back to the Initiator. This kind of event implies that the action has been performed for the Initiators own benefit. This use is prominently featured as a staple of Quechua languages in every grammatical description that touches the middle-reflexive marker. I will present just a few examples of this situation type from the wealth of cases that could be considered in this category, particularly those that
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given the semantic of the event they modify, are more likely to express an effect that, somehow, goes back to the Initiator, as Kemmer proposes. (14) kuntur -na -sh paka -ku -rku -naq ripra -n ruri -n -man
condor DISC HS hide MID UPMT NRPST wing 3 inside 3 DIR The condor hid (her) inside of his wing (Colonia 2002). (15) maa roqu cut tsay wamra miku eat -ku -ykaa -naq -q siqsi Achikay -qa wamra -ta TOP child -wan pishta -r SUBSS
actually that child
AG witch
ACC slit
MID IMPF NRPST sharp.leaf INST
Actually, the children-eating witch, having slit the child was cutting him with a sharp leaf (Colonia 2002). The two previous examples can be understood as events with a typical transitive structure, two participants interacting in which one is affected by the actions of the Initiator. However, the middle marker cannot be expressing that the action is primarily directed to the initiator, or that is circumscribed to its personal sphere as a defining characteristic, since there is a clear external object on each sentence. A possible objection could be that on those sentences ku is not really coding an indirect middle situation but some careful or decisive way in carrying out the event. Examples (16) and (17) provide evidence in favor of the indirect middle interpretation as more basic for ku than the modal one (but that doesnt exclude the
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fact, as we will see later, that there is a modal value in ku commonly used by speakers of AQ).
(16) Mayu rikra n -ta
paqi ku ri rqa -n.
Mario arm 3 ACC break MID INC PAST 3.SG Mario broke his arm (and he is particularly affected) (17) mana ima no huk one what -ta -si tuma maya -r ri INC -r SUBS nin, ishpa -ku -q aywa ku -na: urinate MID AG go MID NRPST
OBJ EVEN aware SUBSS 3
eski:na -pa
corner GEN turn
Not being aware of anything, he was going around the corner to relieve himself. (Hintz 2008: 243) It seems counterintuitive to propose that someone broke carefully his own arm. My consultant, who in numerous times emphasized the volitional value of ku as marking an action done with care, in this case only suggested that the subject of (16) was very affected by breaking of his arm. On the other hand, it is particularly challenging to imagine how the act of urinating in (17) can be carefully performed or with special interest, unless that interest is geared towards self-relieving (a typical case of self beneficiary). The action, therefore, is not completely restricted to a personal sphere, but shows how the subject is psychologically affected by achieving relief.
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Finally, a case in which an event is the (intransitive) expression of inner emotions gets marked as middle. Although the verb waqay (to cry) seems a better candidate for the emotion middle situation type, I think that it is not an emotion experienced by a subject, instead is a bodily expression of emotion, having a more dynamic configuration, instead of a psychological-emotional one. The next sentence, therefore, is probably emphasizing the emotion suffered by the initiator of the crying event, a case of indirect middle. 3 (18) waylaayu turi lazy -yki -qa waqa -ku -n TOP cry MID
brother 2
Your lazy brother is crying (Colonia 2002). The use of ku as an expression of self-benefit or particular interest in the event performed can affect virtually any verb, transitive or not, provided that the subject is a volitional agent. I will briefly discuss in section 3 the relation between this common use of ku and the extension of the middle semantics into modality and aspect. E. Naturally reciprocal events
understand this reading in the context from which this sentence has been taken, it is also possible to understand the
It is possible to propose that (8) is a case of imperfect marking of the verb waqay. Although it is possible to
sentence as expressing simple present in AQ, therefore, -ku is mostly an indirect marker. See Hintz (2011: 174178) for a detailed discussion of the relation of middle voice and imperfect aspect in Southern Conchucos Quechua.
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In this middle situation type, the action is initiated by a plural subject. Every element in the subject gets to be both initiator and endpoint of the event described, although not acting on itself, but in a reciprocal way (initiator once for an external object, then external object for the initiator that was the object before). Although Kemmer (1993: 96-102) analyzes different kinds of reciprocal situations, in this paper, I will just present how naturally reciprocal events function in AQ. This kind of situation is a middle one because it describes an interaction between elements in the subject that is naturally understood as reciprocal (e.g. to meet), or is usually presented as such (e.g. to kiss, to fight). (19) Paykuna tari na they ku ri r, chaqra chaqra waqu -na ku ya rqa n.
meet RECP MID INC SUBSS strong strong hug
RECP MID PL PAST
When they met, they hug each other strongly. (20) Tsuri -i kuna -qa manam imay -pis child 1 PL TOP no maqa na ku ya nqa -tsu.
when ADD hit
RECP MID PL FUT.3 NEG
My children will never fight (hit each other). In AQ, as well as in many other varieties using middle-reflexive ku, the distributive or nominalizing suffix na is very commonly used to introduce a reciprocal situation. 4 Even naturally reciprocal events go marked with the reciprocal suffix na and the middle ku. This
na using a formal semantics framework. To my knowledge, the only study presenting na in naku as a
nominalizer (the potential or concretizer nominalizer) is Calvos Cuzco Quechua grammar (1993).
grammarians something like a welded complex suffix. Faller (2007) explores in detail the reciprocal value of
Theres little investigation done regarding the nature of na in the combination naku, considered by most
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should be considered problematic for Kemmers theoretical perspective (based on Haiman 1983), since this combination is heavier in form that just ku, therefore it should be used for reciprocal situations in which there was no natural expectation of reciprocity (i.e. and event like to kill each other). Still, there are some cases of natural reciprocals that only use ku. However, there are cases in which na is absent. (21) I ishka -n wamaya -y -paq pelya -ku -yku -ya: -naq.
and two 3 fear
INF BEN fight MID EMP PL NRPS
And the two of them fought terribly. (Weber 2008: ) Considering that na is not contributing any special emphatic reciprocal meaning, I think (very speculative at this point) that originally it was the marker of reciprocity (or another category that could incorporate that meaning, such as collective event). Due to the selfaffectedness displayed by the interaction of members of the plural subject, the suffix ku was used in combination with na (taking the slot after it, importantly). The primary function of na as distributive might explain why it remains used in naturally reciprocal events because reciprocity in AQ (and I believe in the Quechua family) is not historically rooted on middle marking, therefore the use of na precedes the use of ku. F. Translational motion
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Like many languages in which the use of middle markers is well extended, AQ can use ku
with typically intransitive motion events, such as ayway, to go. As I will discuss in section 4, this kind of middle situations represent a case that, although extremely frequent, can still be considered an extension from the prototypical middle situations (in Kemmers account grooming and body action). In fact, cases like these need to be fully explained by the conceptual parameter that is considered central to the categorization of an event as a middle situation. Some examples of translational middle situations in AQ are provided below. (22) Tsay -man wina -ka -rku that DIR fill ras fast go aywa -ku -naq MID NRPST -r -na -sh,
PAS UPMT SUBSS DISC HS
Once it (the basket) was filled, (she) went away quickly. (23) Usha ri -r, ras -lla wayi yki -man aywa ku -y. DIR go MID IMP
finish INC SUBSS fast LIM house 2
When you have finished, go quickly to your house. However, to clarify the contribution of ku in this kind of middle situation, contrast between the use of ku and unmarked sentences, as well as those using the inchoative ri marker is in order.
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(24) Pishqu -kuna shumaq parii ya n. bird PL nice fly PL 3 Birds fly nicely. (25) Pishqu -kuna parii ku ya n. bird PL fly MID PL Birds fly (carefully). (26) Pishqu -kuna parii ri ya -n. bird PL fly INC PL Birds fly away (scared). In sentences (24)-(26) it can be seen how a motion event like pariiy (to fly) is conceptualized in different ways. While (24) shows no particular distinctive way in which the birds carry out their flying, the use of ku in (25) makes the event the result of a particular disposition of its agent in order to perform it. My consultant even said of (25) that it expresses something like birds fly by themselves, or the admiration on how birds are capable of flying by virtue of their being in a special way (compared to all those beings incapable of flying by their own means). This can be easily seen as related to the special dedication or interest with which the agent engages in carrying out a situation, prominently present in other middle situation types. Sentence (26) contrasts with the previous ones in that it expresses the contrast between a previous situation and the one resulting from the birds having flown. This change is
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noticeable due to its quick resolution and unexpectedness. All those properties are coded by the suffix ri. Instead of reaching the change of state/location as a consequence of the performance of an action due to reasons within the personal sphere of the agent, AQ marks change of state with ri. This suffix has been commonly described in different AQ grammars as inchoative, but in a sense that is related to the beginning of the event. In other words, the situation is regarded as not developed, as just in its initial stage (Parker 1973: 20). However, as (26), and other sentences using ri presented in this paper, the perspective taken by AQ speakers is many times on how entering into an event means having completely left a previous state behind. This change reading tends to be most salient when theres an abrupt and quick transition from one state to the other and those states are completely different. G. Emotion middle Verbs expressing emotional interaction between a subject-experiencer and a source (or motivator) of the emotion are sometimes expressed with middle ku in AQ. In Kemmers perspective (1993: 130-132), the high level of affectedness of the subject is in correspondence with one of the main functions of middle markers crosslinguistically. This situation is analogous, then to the indirect middle type. However, Kemmer (1993: 132) will still prefer to motivate the middle marking of these events on the indistinguishability of Initiator and
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Endpoint participants. The structure of the emotion event involves that the subject experiences the emotion, but also it makes an object the target of his/her emotions. By taking action making something the target of emotions and by suffering those emotions at the same time, the subject is reducing distinguishability of participants to a minimum. 5 In some sense, the other argument, the motivator of the emotions, doesnt suffer at all, which makes it a less than typical object, and this justifies the conceptualization of a subject as initiator and endpoint in an event. Some basic verbs within this class are (27) i pia tsay -shi pi ku rku -pis ya tsay man cha -n. 3S pti n
and this HS who ADD this DIR arrive SUBDS 3.SG irritate MID UPMT PL
And, if someone comes, they become UPMTenly irritated (Villari 2009: 40). Based on Parker and Chvez (1976) and Carranza Romero (2003), Piay (be angry) seems to be always marked with ku. This would make an interesting case for comparison with inchoative ri. Due to the meaning of piay, the contribution of ku is very close to the idea of getting into the state of being angry, which was commonly expressed in change of posture and nontranslational middle situations with inchoative ri. Data regarding the use of ri in
approach to Kemmers explanations based on indistinguishability of participants will be elaborated in section 4.
an event), and roles (the minimal conceptual identities required by an event to achieve full completion). A critical
I am aware that this kind of explanation is confusing participants (those entities that engage in the realization of
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combination with ku for intransitive emotion verbs like piay, that express going through an emotion is required. In addition, this type of verbs can provide evidence regarding whetherri is restricted to marking change of state in actions and not emotions. The most urgent question for this kind of middle situation is what can be the function of
ku. So far, the most consistent uses of the middle suffix in AQ have come from activities that
involve a high level of attention to the performance of the event, or the intention to obtain benefits from the event, or actions directed towards the self. However, although more evidence is required, (27) cannot be easily understood as an inchoative, as Villari suggests in her translation of that sentence, since we have evidence that ri is more frequently used to convey that aspectual meaning. Examples (28) and (29) will present the contrast between an emotion verb on the intransitive end of the spectrum llakiy (to be worried) with and without ku. (28) Wawqi i brother 1 kuna -qa llaki PL -ya rqa -n sanasa -n PAS 3 T My brothers were sad because their friend died. (29) Wawqi i brother 1 uqra lose kuna PL -qa llaki i -mi. E ku ya rqa -n ruray ni n kuna -ta EU 3 PL ACC friend 3 -kuna wanu -pti PL die -n -mi. EV
TOP be.sad PL
SUBDS 3
TOP be.sad MID PL PAST 3 do
yku pti
EMP SUBDS 1
My brothers were worried because I lost their works.
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The verb llakiy is regarded by Parker and Chavez (1976) as inherently intransitive, and
describes a state of sorrow. The main contrast, as attested by my consultant, lays on the fact that (29), the form with ku, expresses a somewhat more active or intense emotion: to be concerned, to worry about. On the other hand, (29) just expresses the subject wawqiikuna as affected by sorrow, but not actively thinking about what makes them feel this way. This reflects the idea that ku is introducing the notion of an Inititator of the event displaying more engagement or volition. The only case of an emotion verb that can be considered more transitive-like (as love or hate) gathered at this point of my research is mantsay (to fear / to be afraid). Contrasting between forms with middle marker and without it is relevant for our characterization of the middle domain in AQ. (30) Juan -qa allqu -ta mantsa rqa -n PAST 3.S
Juan TOP dog ACC fear
Juan feared the dog (was afraid of the dog). (31) Juan -qa allqu -ta mantsa ku rqa n.
Juan TOP dog ACC fear
PAST 3.SG
Juan feared the dog (for some time). According to my consultant (and in full agreement with the observations made in Hintz 2011: Ch. 8), the contrast here is not precisely a voice based one, but one of aspect. (31)
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presents the event of being afraid as something that took place in the past for an undetermined extended period. As I will argue in section 4, this prolongation of an event through ku is a consequence of the focus AQ middle voice has on the carefulness / high intensity with which the subject engages in the middle marked event. (30) is interesting in itself, since it shows that in AQ not every emotion verb requires middle marking. In this sense, mantsay can be regarded as more active than piay in (27) or even llakiy in (28). However, it is not the case that
mantsakuy only expresses some durative meaning.
(32) Juan mantsa ku rqa -n Juan fear
allqu -ta
rika -r.
MID PAST 3.SG dog ACC see SUBS
Juan was afraid (of doing something) when he saw the dog. (He was scared of doing something because of the dog.) (33) Ama mantsa -ku -ya -y tsu!
PROH fear
Do not fear (you guys)! (Colonia 2002)
MID PL IMP NEG
Sentence (32) can be considered analogous to (29). In both cases the event is intensified by the use of ku. (32) is particularly interesting because the lack of a direct object makes
mantsakurqan the expression of a fear in which the subject is very engaged into. This level of
commitment to the fear is what creates, in the context of (32) the impression that there was something that the subject wanted to do, and now he/she is worried that wont be accomplished
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due to the presence of the dog. The focus is not on the origin of the fear, but in the resulting state as more relevant to the subject in terms of personal affectedness. Along the same lines is sentence (33) the lack of direct object produces that the focus of the intensity of the feeling is not transmitted in the form of an extended relation between subject and source of fear, instead the fear is intensified as a personal experience, as something that affects the subject personally. In the context of the story, the witch introduces herself to the kids after noticing that they have been lost and hungry, and perhaps, realizing that her own aspect is not exactly the most charming and ease-producing. If this is true, then,
mantsakuyaytsu can hardly refer to a durative situation. 6 Instead, according to my consultant, in

this case, the command is expressing the advice from the witch to kids so that they dont feel afraid of anything in general. This suggests that theres in the kids some active involvement in their being afraid they have the power to stop that feeling, as the command suggests. 7 H. Emotive speech action
durative reading of ku is blocked by the imperative mood.

7
AQ does present a durative suffix, imperfective yka in commands. Therefore, it is not possible to argue that the
as the central parameter of middle voice in AQ.
not possible, that would emphasize the intrinsic nature of self affectedness through high involvement in the event
One piece of evidence that I need to verify is if mantsay can take a direct object without using ku. If this were
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A few verbs that can be considered part of this category were found in the analyzed narrations. They can be interpreted as an extension of the previous class, in that they suggest high involvement of the subject in the event because of the effects the speech act accrues on his/her self. (34) i tapu -ku -naq kay -naw
and ask MID NRPST this LOC and (she) asked here (Colonia 2002). (35) qam -qa asha -ku -maa -na -yki -paq BEN
you TOP insult MID 1OBJ CONC 2
so that you insult me (Colonia 2002). Every instance of tapuy (to ask) gathered in the story of the witch has been marked with
ku. My impression is that, given the context, the witch was more than questioning, inquiring
of the whereabouts of the girl she was chasing. This intensified way of asking is a result of the strong commitment the witch has to capturing and killing the girl, which motivates the usage of
ku. The same can be said about ashay, to insult. In (35), the object of the insulting (1st
person object maa, referring to a skunk) is different from the subject qan (2nd person singular, referring to the witch), which makes the use of ku clearly detached from any form of reflexivity (and, by extension, very difficult to conceive as a case of indistinguishability of participants, since there are two very clearly differentiated participants in (35)). In any case,
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according to the skunk, the action is performed by the witch with notorious effort directed against him. Therefore, his taking offense is magnified and his reaction (spraying the witchs eyes) is justified. I. Other speech actions More forms of this kind are needed in the database. The ones I requested from my consultant didnt use ku. The only example that reflects an event such as bragging shows no middle marker, perhaps because nikachaykacha is a root that has welded suffixes that convey the intensification and involvement of the self in the action of bragging. The extension of the stem contrast with the tendency of verb stems in AQ to be two syllables long. (36) Pablu -qa nikachaykacha -n Pablo TOP brag llapan pita -pis alli ka -q tushu q -naw.
3.SG all
ABL ADD good be AG dance AG SI
Pablo says he is better than everyone since he is the best dancer. J. Cognition middle Kemmer's explanation of mental events (1993: 127-130) elaborates upon the possibility that experiencing something means that the initiator is aware of something (consciously grasps an stimulus), and that at the same time is affected by that stimulus (forms part of his/her knowledge). This allows Kemmer to maintain her claim that the central property of middle voice semantics is the lack of differentiation between participants in an event.
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(37) uniku -qa pinsa -ku only TOP think MID pacha -n belly 3 2002).
-yka -naq IMPF NRPST -: 1
Achikay witch -lla -ta LIM ACC
-pa GEN -na -sh DISC HS
-chaw usha -ka -y LOC finish PAS INF
The only thing (the girl) was thinking about was ending up in the witch's belly (Colonia:
The use of -ku with the cognition verb pinsay (a loan from Spanish pensar, to think) is interesting for several reasons. First, it is not an aspectual, durative, use of ku because there is already an imperfective suffix, -yka, present. Second, with an aspectual meaning discarded, the next possibility is that ku is expressing a reflexive situation, one in which the girl thinks herself inside the belly of the witch. This cant be the case, since there is a nominalized form with infinitive y used as direct object (marked ta). In addition, the indirect middle semantics does not seem very plausible, since there is no clear benefit obtainable in this particular situation. Still, there is high level of affectedness of the self in the way the situation is described: a nightmarish situation completely affecting the initiator of the cognition event. Therefore, the more abstract notion of subject affectedness seems to be behind the use of ku in (37). The preeminence of self-affectedness in (37) does not exclude the possibility that, instead of the already discarded aspectual reading of ku, there is a volitional reading. Still, I believe that any volitional reading is rooted in the existence of some strong interest in carrying out the
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event. Interest is nothing but a form of self affectedness. Therefore, volitional meaning is a more concrete application result of the self-affectedness parameter. Other verbs of cognition using ku gathered seem to express more readily a volitional reading, instead of a more abstract view invoking directly self-affectedness of the subject. (38) Qanyan yacha ku nqa yki -ta yarpa -nki -ku?
Yesterday know MID NMZ 2
ACC remember 2.SG INT
Do you remember what you learned yesterday? (39) Allaapa -n yarpa a.lot ku -: kawaa -ni i -paq. EU 1 BEN
EV remember MID 1.SG life
I worry a lot about my life. (40) Allaapa -n yarpa a.lot chaku -: kawaa -ni i -paq. EU 1 BEN
EV remember CARE 1.SG life
I habitually reflect a lot about my life. Sentence (38) provides evidence in favor of the enhanced volitionality as a more accessible (though not conceptually central) parameter for middle voice in different AQ middle domains. While the meaning of the stem yacha- is to know in a rather neutral way, the presence of the suffix ku creates an intensification of the event, with higher involvement of the subject in the process of knowing, which straightforwardly produces the meaning learning (which is nothing but engage willingly and through effort in the process of knowing). In similar fashion, the composite suffix chaku in (40) is describing a carefully
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performed action. I believe that this form is the result of the combination ofchaa (certainty) and ku (middle). The difference between (39) and (40) is that the latter introduces more emphasis in the way I reflect, which equals to the concept of being worried. Although, -ku introduces intensification / enhanced volitionality in the way the subject carries out a situation as we have repeatedly shown in this paper, (39), according to my consultant, uses ku to express a habitual meaning for thinking. This habitual meaning has been analyzed by Hintz (2011: 175-176) for Southern Conchucos Quechua, and also it was reported for Huaylas Quechua data in Villari (2009). However, I wouldnt be surprised if there is also the possibility to interpret (39) as also meaning to be worried about my life. Perhaps, -chaku is just a higher level of intensity. More comparison is needed here. K. Spontaneous events Spontaneity is the area of middle semantics that approaches the most to the traditional inchoative aspectual meaning. Kemmer (1993: 142) studies this spontaneous situations are impersonal ones, since they dont typically involve the direct involvement of an agent. This type of middle situation is very important to describe the middle voice system in AQ. Given that the notion of high involvement in an event (based on the self affectedness of the subject parameter) appears to be the most common semantic import of the middle voice in AQ, this
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would immediately clash with the semantics of spontaneous situations they allow no room for an agent displaying any volitionality. This contradiction seems to be the reason behind the fact that, among the data gathered, there is only one instance (elicited from my consultant) of a spontaneous event using ku. (41) Aytsa ismu rqa -n mana kachi -n chura -y meat rot PAST 3 no salt 3 put raykur -mi.
INF because EV
The meat rotted because of not having put salt (to it). (42) Achaq millkapa ta warm meal qipi y tsu, puchqu nqa -n.
ACC wrap INF NEG turn.vinegar 3FUT EV
Dont wrap the hot meal, it will turn vinegary. The two examples above can be considered cases of lexical middles, since neither ismuy nor puchquy require ku to have an spontaneous sense in which an action is confined to the subject affecting it greatly, although there is no way to express high volitionality or carefulness in the way the action takes place. Sentences (43)-(45) were elicited trying to find a situation in which explicit change required some particular marking. More cases of naturally spontaneous events need to be gathered to confirm the impossibility of -ku (this would exclude impersonal middles like the
door closed).
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(43) Kuru
tiplash
-man tikra
rqa n.
caterpillar butterfly DIR change PAST 3.SG The caterpillar changed into a butterfly. (44) kuru tiplash -man tikra ri -rqa -n
caterpillar butterfly DIR change INC PAST 3.PL The caterpillar UPMTenly changed into a butterfly. While the verb tikray in (43) expresses change (literally turn into) by itself, the use of ri in (44) only adds the sense of UPMTen event. This is a common meaning for inchoative suffixes, however, it has been observed in previous examples that ri has the power to convey not only a UPMTen event, but a clear change of state, even for typically middle situations like change in body posture or nontranslational motion (Cf. particularly (9) and (26) above), displacing ku from one of its more central functions according to Kemmers crosslinguistic analysis. The elicited case of a spontaneous event marked with ku in (45) proved difficult, and I would consider it highly artificial. However, my consultant said that if anything, that sentence entails that the metamorphosis was prolonged, and the animal takes its time progressing into the new state. (45) kuru tiplash -man tikra ku -rqa -n
caterpillar butterfly DIR change MID PAST 3.SG The caterpillar was changing into a butterfly.
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Not surprisingly, if we add ri to the previous sentence, we will have that the event
started unexpectedly, but the notion of an extended time used for the transformation is still present. (46) kuru tiplash -man tikra ku ri rqa -n
caterpillar butterfly DIR change PAST INCH PAST 3.SG The caterpillar started changing into a butterfly. L. Reflexive and emphatic Although this kind of situations are not considered as middle semantics in Kemmers perspective, I think that, as Shibatani proposed, reflexives should be considered a form of middle based on conceptual, typological and methodological reasons that I will discuss on section 4. Thus, I will provide some examples of these situations in AQ. A general way of describing the common semantic factor behind these cases is that the situation described using a reflexive-emphatic marker (a periphrastic form, a pronoun, in general any form heavier than those used for typical middle situations) is regarded as more unusual. This could be because a situation that normally involves two different participants is carried out by a single participant upon his/her own self. The following sentences show us that the reflexive use of ku is still strong in AQ. This should suggest us that, while the typically middle uses are yielding to ri and other modal and aspectual meanings, the reflexive meaning holds onto one of its more
35
December 2011
basic uses because reflexivity is very compatible with high volitionality and carefulness in the way an action is performed. To act onto ourselves in a way that replicates how we act onto others takes particular determination and carefulness. (47) Kiki yki -ta same 2 rika ku nki.
ACC see MID 2
You see yourself My consultant made it clear that (48) uses the emphatic pronoun kiki (same) only for clarification sake. The form (Qan) rikakunki is perfectly fine to express you see yourself. This is evident in (49), which uses an indirect reflexive without any emphatic / heavy form. (48) Kadeena n chain Juan 3 kuna piq aywa -y PL ABL go -ta ku na n -n. 3.SG paq, BEN
INF MID CONC 3 ruqu ku rqa
Hwanshi qa maki -n TOP hand 3
ACC cut MID PR
In order to escape from the chains, Juan cut his hand. The next sentence reflects what Kemmer (1995) considers a proper case of introducing an unexpected referent via an emphatic pronoun.
(49) Kiki i -mi wawqi yki -pa same 1 EV brother 2
imayka
n kuna ta
-pis apa
-shaq.
GEN how.many 3 PL
ACC ADD carry 1FU
I myself will take your brothers things.
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M. Verbalizer of objects for self-benefit In this case, -ku is used, with the infinitive y, to derivate verbs from objects. According to Parker (1976: 140), the main characteristic of this form of verbalization is that it usually takes nouns that are used for dressing, eating, or other daily activities. The only example of this verb in a text is this: (50) hiqa -ri go -naq yamta -ku -q.
INC NRPST firewood MID AG
(She) left to pick up firewood. Other nouns that are derived into verbs through the use of ku are given in Parker (1976: 140) and Villari (2009: 28-29). tsuku -ku llanki -ku tanta -ku wayna: -ku chakra -ku -y -y -y -y -y to put the hat on to put the sandals to get bread to get a lover (from wayna, young man)
to get a small farm
It is important to notice that these nouns do not form verbs unless they present the suffix
ku. Therefore, tsukuy!, an imperative formed using tsuku (hat) and the 2nd person imperative y, is impossible it has no discernible meaning. On the other hand, tsukukuy!, which includes ku as a verbalizer, is perfectly a normal form which means get a hat! or put on a hat!
37
December 2011
This final case of use of the middle voice marker is not only a case of category creation the category is defined by middle semantics. One of the most basic ways in which a person makes something relevant to his own benefit is bay bringing that object into his/her personal sphere. In that sense, verbalization with ku should be understood as an especial case of indirect middle situation type.
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Apendix: List of Abbreviations Used 1: 1st person 2: 2nd person 3: 3rd person ABL: Ablative ACC: Accusative ADD: Additive ADJC: Adjencency AG: Agentive ASSI: Assistive BEN: Benefactive CARE: Careful action CAUS: Causative CISL: Cislocative CONC: Concretive COND: Conditional CONT: Contrastive DAT: Dative DIM: Diminutive DIR: Directional DISC: Discontinuative DUB: Dubitative DUR: Durative EU: Euphonic EV: Evidential EXC: Exclusive EMP: Emphatic FUT: Future GEN: Genitive GER: Gerund HS: Hearsay evidential IMP : Imperative IMPF : Imperfective INC: Inchoative INF: Infinitive INS: Instrumental INT: Interrogative particle LIM : Limitative LOC: Locative MID : Middle NEG: Negative particle NMZ: nominalizer NRPST : Narrative past PART : Participle PAS : Passive PERF: Perfective PLUP : Pluperfect RECP : Reciprocal SIM : Similar, comparative SUBSS : Subordinator same subject SUBDS : Subordinator different subject TOP : Topic UPMT : Upwad motion, suddenly.
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References Calvo-Prez, Julio. 1993. Pragmtica y gramtica del quechua cuzqueo. Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolom de Las Casas. Carranza Romero, Francisco. 2003. Diccionario quechua ancashino-castellano. Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert. Colonia Macedo, Prspero. 2002. Achiqu. La vieja que coma nios. Huaraz, ncash: Academia Regional de Quechua de ncash - ILV. Croft, William. 2001. Radical construction grammar: syntactic theory in typological perspective. Oxford University Press. Faller, Martina. 2007. The Ingredients of Reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua. Journal of Semantics 24.255 -288. doi:10.1093/jos/ffm004. Fox, Barbara A., and Paul J. Hopper. 1994. Voice: form and function. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Givn, Talmy. 2001. Syntax: an introduction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Greenberg, Joseph. 1963. Some universals of language with special reference to the order of meaningful elements. Universals of Language, 73-113. Haiman, John. 1983. Iconic and Economic Motivation. Language 59.781-819. Hintz, Daniel. 2011. Crossing aspectual frontiers : emergence, evolution, and interwoven semantic domains in South Conchucos Quechua discourse. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hopper, Paul, and Sandra A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse. Language 56.251-299. Jackendoff, Ray. 1996. The Proper Treatment of Measuring Out, Telicity, and Perhaps Even Quantification in English. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 14.305-354. Julca Guerrero, Flix. 2009. Quechua ancashino. Una mirada actual. Lima: Pedaggico de San Marcos - CARE. Kemmer, S. 1995. Emphatic and reflexive-self: expectations, viewpoint, and subjectivity. Subjectivity and Subjectivisation: Linguistic Perspectives, ed. by Dieter Stein and Susan Wright, 55-82. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
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Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993. The middle voice. J. Benjamins Pub. Co. Klaiman, M. H. 1991. Control and grammar. Linguistics 29.623-652. Lakoff, George. 1987. Women, fire, and dangerous things: what categories reveal about the mind. Univ. of Chicago Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1987. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar: Theoretical prerequisites. Stanford University Press. Maldonado, Ricardo. 2009. Middle as a basic voice system. Studies in role and reference grammar, ed. by Guerrero, Lilian, Sergio Ibez y Valeria Belloro. Mexico D.F.: Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas, UNAM. ---1999. A media voz : problemas conceptuales del cltico se. Mxico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas. Meier, Elke, and David Weber (eds.) 2008. ACHKAY: Mito vigente en el mundo quechua. Serie Lingstica Peruana 54. Lima: Instituto Lingstico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/americas/peru/show_work.asp?id=50734. Nss, shild. 2007a. Prototypical transitivity. John Benjamins Publishing Company. ---2007b. Defining transitivity: Markedness vs. prototypicality. New Challenges in Typology, ed. by Matti Miestamo and Bernhard Wlchli, 189:179-198. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. http://www.reference-global.com/doi/abs/10.1515/9783110198904.3.179. Pantoja Ramos, Santiago, Jose Ripkens, and German Swisshelm. 1974. Cuentos y relatos en el quechua de Huaraz. Estudios culturales benedictinos ; no. 3. Huaraz, Peru: [s.n.]. Parker, Gary. 1973. Derivacin verbal en el quechua de Ancash. [Lima]: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos Centro de Investigacin de Lingu stica Aplicada. ---1976. Gramtica quechua, Ancash-Huailas. Lima: Ministerio de Educacin. Parker, Gary and Amancio Chvez. Diccionario quechua, Ancash-Huailas. Lima: Ministerio de Educacin. Rice, S. 2011. Towards a transitive prototype: Evidence from some atypical English passives. Proceedings of the annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 13: Shibatani, Masayoshi, and Ketut Artawa. 2007. The Middle Voice in Balinese. SEALSXIII: papers from the 13th meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, 239-261. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1985a. Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis. Language 61.821-848. doi:10.2307/414491. ---1998. Voice Parameters. Kobe Papers in Linguistics 3.93-111.
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---2006. On the conceptual framework for voice phenomena. Linguistics 44.217-269. doi:10.1515/LING.2006.009. Stein, Dieter, and Susan Wright. 2005. Subjectivity and Subjectivisation: Linguistic Perspectives. Cambridge University Press. Tuggy, D.H., and D.H. Tuggy. 1985. Imagic meaning and dative possessors in Spanish. Selected Technical Articles Related to Translation 13.114. Villari, Cristina. 2009. The middle voice in Ancash Quechua: the semantic functions of the suffix ku. Universita di Bologna. Weber, David. 1987. Juan del Oso. Serie Lingstica Peruana 26. Yarinacocha: Ministerio de Educacin del Per-Instituto Lingistico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/americas/peru/show_work.asp?id=21800.
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Molina-Vital - A Functional-Cognitive Approach To The Middle Voice in Ancash Quechua (First Part - First Draft)

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Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

ri (inchoative) and middle voice.

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Quechua, while the varieties labeled Quechua II are Peripheral Quechua.

Figure 1. The Quechua dialects in South America. Quechua I corresponds to central

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

1.SG ACC coca soap INST wash

dress MID PAST 1.SG new

I dressed up with my new clothes to look good.

cloth EU 1 ACC good see MID CONC DAT

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

kiki, which must be marked with nominal suffix, as (4) shows.

self 3 bath MID PAST 3.SG

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

ground LOC be.on.all.fours INC PAST 3S

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

-n -ta 3 ACC achikay -ta -qa ACC TOP

that DISC HS child turn INC SUBSS see

TOP behind rikaa -ri INC -na.

INC AG ACC DISC

Seminar in Syntax and Semantics: Voice and Grammar

Prof.: Masayoshi Shibatani

Student: Carlos Molina-Vital

(10) Tsay -na kuku -rku

muna want i and -q

aytsa -ta -yka -ku

hurqu -rku -naq

SUBSS meat ACC take.out CONC 3 BEN

duck UPMT NRPST tsay puwa -ku that boil

bow.down IMPF MID UPMT NRPST manka -man DIR

MID IMPF AG pot

get.ready BEN MID begin UPMT PL