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Two Decades of Countering the Economics of Genocide with C&C
CRISIS FORUM Southampton University 14 11 08
2
Contraction & Convergence [C&C] is an International Framework for the control of
human source greenhouse gas emissions and countervailing Expansion & Divergence
or the de facto Economics of Genocide causing dangerous rates of climate change.
GCI has conducted a twenty year campaign to establish C&C. It is now accepted as the
basis of the global agreement needed to avoid rates of climate change accelerating to
the point after which climate change becomes runaway due to the self-generating and
further warming effects of positive feedbacks.
C&C simply assumed equal entitlements to future emissions globally subject to the over-
all limit that saves us and then created a model that would compute any rates of C&C.
However, between 1993 and 1995, GCI fought and won a battle against the economists in the
policy section of the UNs Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change who disagreed. Profes-
sors Nordhaus of the US and David Pearce of the UK led an effort refuting GCIs reasoning but
their arbitrary and discriminatory valuation methods, once exposed, were rejected.
Economists regard human-induced climate change as an increasingly dangerous externality.
However, pandering to this, as they have done, is the economics of genocide as it aggravates the
double-jeopardy trends of globally asymmetric development and climate damages in which the
global community is now increasingly trapped. This will not be corrected through any institution
or market unless a global framework for policies and measures is put in place to show that we are
committed to solving the problem faster than we are creating it. That framework is C&C, now the
most widely cited and arguably the most widely supported proposal in the debate.
Aubrey Meyer - Global Commons Institute
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
UNITED STATES
RUSSIAN
FED.
CHINA
INDIA
Gtc
3Gtc
6Gtc
1850 1900 1950 2000 2050 2100 2150
C
A
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B
O
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A
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N
CONTRACTION
C
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N
V
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G
E
N
C
E
INDIA
CHINA
RF
USA
EU
EU
1
O
GLOBAL TEMPERATURE RISE already.
More than 1
O
more is extremely 'dangerous'.
280 CO2 parts per million 380 ppmv 450 ppmv 400 ppmv ?
CONCENTRATIONS
ONE
o
CELSIUS TEMPERATURE RISE
copyright GCI 2008
CONTENTS
IoS on IPCC Economists Unequal Life Values Cover
Fighting the Economics of Genocide 4 - 6
IPCC SAR WG3 Rejects Unequal Life Values 7 - 8
Indian Government Rejects Unequal Lives COP-1 9 -10
Indian Government Adopts C&C COP-1 11
Very Near Miss for C&C at COP-3 Kyoto 1997
RCEP Adopts and Advocates C&C; 2000 12 -13
Article on for FUTURE ENERGY 14 - 19
Sterns anti-C&C case gets [a] started 20
[b] more confused 22
[c] reversed 23
[d] resumed 24
GCI open letter to Mr. Stern about his U-Turns 25
IPCC Contraction:Concentrations 1994 - 2007 26 - 27
GCI on IPCC Revised Contraction Rates 28 - 29
Growing Support for C&C 30 - 35
DEFRA & APPGCC acknowledge C&C Integrity 36
Two Decades of Countering the Economics of Genocide with C&C
A collection of materials for the workshop organised by the
CRISIS FORUM at Southampton University 14 11 08
4
I08
I994
GCI ARCHIVE
1994
FEBRUARY ?8
3
William Nordhaus
Yale University
Yale University
Professor William D. Nordhaus
Department of Economics
P.O. Box 1972, Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut 06511-1972
Fax: 203-432-5779
Phone: 203-432-3587
Email: NORDHAUS@ECON.YALE.EDU
February 28, 1994
Mr Richard Douthwaite
Global Commons Institute
Dear Mr. Douthwaite:
I was recently sent an article you wrote that commented on some
of my work (TWR, no. 40, p. 3). To begin with, you will be happy to
know that I actually am not part of the IPCC process, so whatever errors
I have broadcast will not be imposed by me. On a more serious note, I
believe that you have not seen the most recent work, which will be
published soon by MIT Press and which I include.
I believe the major difference of opinion between yourself and the
economic point of view is whether it is appropriate to balance
economic and ecological objectives. You say that the decisions have to
made on the basis of judgement alone, which suggests that you
recognize that there is no way to avoid making choices, at least
implicitly. The economic perspective in cost-benefit analysis attempts to
condense the complex set of impacts over space, time and sectors by
summarizing them in a scalar measure of value; others prefer to keep
the measures in the original and undigested vectors of impacts. The fact
that the scalar is in monetary units is not really crucial, it could be in
spotted-owl equivalents if you preferred. Perhaps what you really
object to is the test of whether your values about species diversity,
ecosystem preservation, and so forth are shared in the political and
economic market place. I wonder if, by insulting and denigrating those
who propose methods of constructing valuations of such things as
species diversity you are really trying to protect your own views from
careful scrutiny.
Sincerely yours
(Signed William Nordhaus)
cc: D Pearce
Starting in 1989, the frst ffteen years of GCI are documented in the
Archive stored at: - www.gci.org.uk/Archive/Mega_Doc_1989_2004.pdf
By 1990, GCI had established a presence at the UN climate change negotiations. Under the
banner of Equity and Survival, the simple message was equal rights to the commons. As of
1993 we began an engagement with the neo-classical economists who had arrived at the
UN. Their mission was to conduct a global cost-beneft analysis [G-CBA] of climate change
so the famous climate-change-question of William Nordhaus To Slow or not to Slow could
be answered. Professor Nordhaus already took the position that [1] all countries had or
aspired to have the economic structure of the USA [2] agriculture was 2-3% of US GDP [3]
if things got hotter due to global warming, they had air-conditioning and shopping malls.
As the IPCC prepared its Second Assessment Report [SAR] in 1993, Prof Nordhaus was
appointed to be the convening lead author of the impending G-CBA. GCI was asked to
contribute to the Equity and Social Considerations section of the SAR. However, GCI took
the view that Prof Nordhaus appointment was not suitable and so we informed as many
UN delegates to the negotiations as possible of his views and his impending appointment.
Within a month he was stood down and replaced by Prof David Pearce of UCL UK.
David Pearce immediately instituted
procedures to improve on Nord-
haus. These included the quickly
notorious differential monetary value
of lives to be lost due to climate
change. In essence these were pro-
portional to the income of the people
who were to lose their lives this way
- in a nutshell, ffteen dead Indians
equalled one dead Englishman.
During the fght that began over that
issue, Professor Nordhaus got wind
of why he had been stood down and
wrote the angry letter reproduced
alongside. In it he assumed [rightly]
that GCIs objections included the
Dollar as the numeraire or the unit-
of-measurement in the G-CBA, and
sarcastically offered the alternative
of spotted-owl-equivalents.
GCI responded simply by asking
why, if a
spotted owl
equalled a
spotted owl,
a human
didnt equal
a human?
No answer was offered.
Global Commons Institute [GCI] 1994 detailed submission to
Working Group Three of the Second Assessment Report
of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change for the
First Conference of the Parties [April 95 Berlin] to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is here:
www.gci.org.uk/papers/Nairobi3b.pdf the fnal essay follows.
5
22
CONCLUSION - Spotted Owls and Fighting the Economics of Genocide
These allocation exercises show the scale of worsening maldistribution of resources globally since
the war. The trend was increasingly inequitable and unsustainable. OECD countries - although they do not
yet admit to it officially - are now on the defensive about this state of affairs. Their principal tactic has
been to blame developing countries for future impacts, rather than accept responsibility for the past and
present impacts of the industrial countries. No-one is advocating hair-shirt politics. However, it is
unrealistic for the industrial countries to promote the future as an extension of the present unless this
includes a willingness to become accountable over the massive structural advantage which they have
developed globally whilst running up this global environmental debt on everyones account.
Overall, this is not a complicated debate. The resources in question are global common property
and vital to survival. The well-being of all people now and into the future depend on the integrity of these
resources being maintained. There is a simple choice to be made; - either we accept that everyone has an
equal right to be here and to share the benefits of these resources or we reject that everyone has equal
rights in this. This is choosing for equity and survival or for increasing inequity and loss of sustainability.
It is that simple.
As a matter of principle and of prudence, GCI accepts and affirms that everyone has an equal right
to be here. We base our modelling and analysis on that acceptance, and present our analysis as an
affirmation of that right. We note that rights to income should be accompanied by responsibilities for its
impacts, which effectively rewards efficiencies. Contrarily, the Global Cost/Benefit Analysts (now in the
IPCC Working Group Three (WG3)) do no affirm the equal right to be here. They appear not even to
accept it either. Certainly - at least by default - they are rejecting this right, as the analysis presented by
them so far, suggests that rights increase proportional to income. Advised by these very people, the World
Bank has openly promoted the idea that the right to emit carbon dioxide should be proportional to income
for example.
2
The policy measures for the mitigation of emissions proposed by many of these economists
preparing material for WG3
II
I99S
GCI ARCHIVE
1995
APRIL
3
Kamal Nath
Indian Environment Minister
We face the actuality of scarce resources and the increasing
potential for conflict with each other over these scarce resources.
The social, financial and ecological inter-relationships of equity
should guide the route to global ecological recovery.
Policy Instruments such as Tradable Emissions Quotas, Carbon
Taxes and Joint Implementation may well serve to make matters
worse unless they are properly referenced to targets and timetables
for equitable emissions reductions overall. This means devising
and implementing a programme for convergence at equitable
and sustainable par values for consumption on a per capita basis
globally.
[Indian Environment Minsister]
JULY ?
1
Independent
One Western life is worth 15 in the
Third World, says UN report
Lives in poor countries should be valued as worth 15 times less
than those in the West, according to UN economists calculating
the possible cost to the world of global warming. Their
calculations are in unpublished ofcial documents, seen by the
Independent on Sunday, which are expected to be endorsed
by the worlds governments this week. The documents are
designed to guide policymakers in deciding how to respond to
potentially disastrous climate change.
The calculations which the documents admit are
controversial and reect discrimination against the less well
off are bound to create an internal row just as evidence is
mounting that global warming is taking hold. Research in both
Britain and the United States shows that 1995 could be the
hottest ever year worldwide.
As Kamal Nath did this he also introduced C&C to the COP1,
quoting verbatim from the GCI submission to IPCC SAR WG3: -
123
C&C AT THE CLIMAX OF THE KYOTO [COP3]
UN CLIMATE NEGOTIATION, 10 12 1997
For full transcript of fnal COP-3 Kyoto negotiation, see: -
http://www.gci.org.uk/temp/COP3_Transcript.pdf
THE AFRICA GROUP [Rungano Karimanzira]:
. . . . . we do support the amendment that is proposed by the
distinguished delegation from India, and just to emphasise the point of the issues that
still need a lot of clarifcation, would like to propose in that paragraph the inclusion, after
entitlements that is the proposal by the delegation of India, the following wording.
After entitlements, the global ceiling date and time for Contraction and Convergence of
global emissions because we do think that you cannot talk about trading if there are not
entitlements, also there is a question of Contraction and Convergence of global emissions
that comes into play when you talk about the issue of equity . . . . .
CHAIRMAN [Raul Estrada Oyuela]:
I thank you very much. May I ask again the distinguished delegate of
the USA if they have another suggestion to propose in connection with the proposals made
by the distinguished delegate of India . . . . . he does . . . .
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA [Jonathon Pershing]:
. . . . It does seem to us that the proposals by for example India
and perhaps by others who speak to Contraction and Convergence are elements
for the future, elements perhaps for a next agreement that we may ultimately all seek to
engage in . . . .
Three years later at COP3 in Kyoto, the campaign for C&C had matured
considerably but not conclusively [see http://www.gci.org.uk/brief-
ings/zew.pdf ]; the matter was kicked into touch with the explanation
that it would be dealt with later . . .
II
I99S
GCI ARCHIVE
1995
APRIL
3
Kamal Nath
Indian Environment Minister
We face the actuality of scarce resources and the increasing
potential for conflict with each other over these scarce resources.
The social, financial and ecological inter-relationships of equity
should guide the route to global ecological recovery.
Policy Instruments such as Tradable Emissions Quotas, Carbon
Taxes and Joint Implementation may well serve to make matters
worse unless they are properly referenced to targets and timetables
for equitable emissions reductions overall. This means devising
and implementing a programme for convergence at equitable
and sustainable par values for consumption on a per capita basis
globally.
[Indian Environment Minsister]
JULY ?
1
Independent
One Western life is worth 15 in the
Third World, says UN report
Lives in poor countries should be valued as worth 15 times less
than those in the West, according to UN economists calculating
the possible cost to the world of global warming. Their
calculations are in unpublished ofcial documents, seen by the
Independent on Sunday, which are expected to be endorsed
by the worlds governments this week. The documents are
designed to guide policymakers in deciding how to respond to
potentially disastrous climate change.
The calculations which the documents admit are
controversial and reect discrimination against the less well
off are bound to create an internal row just as evidence is
mounting that global warming is taking hold. Research in both
Britain and the United States shows that 1995 could be the
hottest ever year worldwide.
II
I99S
GCI ARCHIVE
1995
APRIL
3
Kamal Nath
Indian Environment Minister
We face the actuality of scarce resources and the increasing
potential for conflict with each other over these scarce resources.
The social, financial and ecological inter-relationships of equity
should guide the route to global ecological recovery.
Policy Instruments such as Tradable Emissions Quotas, Carbon
Taxes and Joint Implementation may well serve to make matters
worse unless they are properly referenced to targets and timetables
for equitable emissions reductions overall. This means devising
and implementing a programme for convergence at equitable
and sustainable par values for consumption on a per capita basis
globally.
[Indian Environment Minsister]
JULY ?
1
Independent
One Western life is worth 15 in the
Third World, says UN report
Lives in poor countries should be valued as worth 15 times less
than those in the West, according to UN economists calculating
the possible cost to the world of global warming. Their
calculations are in unpublished ofcial documents, seen by the
Independent on Sunday, which are expected to be endorsed
by the worlds governments this week. The documents are
designed to guide policymakers in deciding how to respond to
potentially disastrous climate change.
The calculations which the documents admit are
controversial and reect discrimination against the less well
off are bound to create an internal row just as evidence is
mounting that global warming is taking hold. Research in both
Britain and the United States shows that 1995 could be the
hottest ever year worldwide.
12
138 7
The Global Commons I nst it ut e [ GCI ] was founded in
1990. This was in response t o t he mainst reaming of
global climat e change as a polit ical issue. Realising t he
enormit y of t he climat e crisis, we devised a founding
st at ement on t he principle of Equit y and Survival. [ 1]
I n November 1990, t he Unit ed Nat ions began t o creat e
t he Framework on Climat e Convent ion [ UNFCCC] . GCI
cont ribut ed t o t his and in June 1992 t he Convent ion was
agreed at t he Eart h Summit in Rio. I t s obj ect ive was
dened as stabilizing the rising greenhouse gas [GHG]
concent rat ion of t he global at mosphere. I t s principles of
equit y and precaut ion were est ablished in int ernat ional
law. Climat e scient ist s had showed t hat a deep overall
contraction of GHG emissions from human sources is
prerequisit e t o achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
I n 1995 negot iat ions t o achieve t his cont ract ion began
administ ered by t he specially creat ed UNFCCC secret ariat .
Bet ween 1992 and 1995 and at t he request of t he
I nt ergovernment al Panel on Climat e Change [ I PCC] ,
GCI cont ribut ed analysis highlight ing t he worsening
asymmet ry, or Expansion and Divergence [ E&D] of
global economic development . I t became clear t he global
maj orit y most damaged by climat e changes were already
impoverished by t he economic st ruct ures of t hose who
were also now causing the damaging GHG emissions. [2]
To creat e a sust ainable basis on which t o resolve t his
inequit y, GCI also developed t he Cont ract ion and
Convergence (C&C) model of fut ure emissions. I n 1995
t he model was int roduced by t he I ndian Government [ 3]
and it was subsequent ly adopt ed and t abled by t he Africa
Group of Nat ions in August 1997. [ 4]
Negot iat ions for t he Kyot o Prot ocol t o t he UNFCCC ran
from 1995 unt il 1997. I n December 1997 and short ly
before t hey wit hdrew from t hese negot iat ions, t he USA
st at ed, C&C cont ains element s for t he next agreement
t hat we may ult imat ely all seek t o engage in. [ 5]
Since t hen C&C has been widely referenced in t he
debat e about achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
In 2000 C&C was the rst recommendation of the UK
Royal Commission on Environment al Pollut ion in it s
proposals t o government . [ 6] I n December 2003 C&C
was adopt ed by t he German Government s Advisory
Council on Global Change in it s recommendat ions. [ 7]
I n 2003 t he secret ariat of t he UNFCCC said t he obj ect ive
of t he UNFCCC, inevit ably requires Cont ract ion and
Convergence. [ 8] The Lat in America Division of t he
World Bank in Washingt on DC said, C&C leaves a
last ing, posit ive and visionary impression wit h us. I n
2004 t he Archbishop of Cant erbury t ook t he posit ion
t hat , C&C t hinking appears ut opian only if we refuse t o
cont emplat e t he alt ernat ives honest ly. [ 9] I n 2002, t he
UK Government accepted GCI authorship of the denition
st at ement of C&C, recognising t he need, t o prot ect t he
int egrit y of t he argument .
This st at ement follows and is available in t hirt een
languages. [10] It has been adopted by the House of
Commons Environment al Aundit Commit t ee and in part in
t he UNs fort hcoming Millennium Assessment . I n 2005,
t he UK Government will host t he next G-8 summit . The
Government has already commit t ed t his event t o dealing
st rat egically wit h t he problems of Africa and Climat e
Change. Numerous civil societ y and fait h groups are now
act ively lobbying t he Government t o have C&C adopt ed
as t he const it ut ional basis for avoiding dangerous fut ure
climat e change.
[ 1] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ signon/ OrigSt at ement 2.pdf
[ 2] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ art icles/ Nairob3b.pdf
[ 3] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Archive/ MegaDoc_19.pdf [ page 116]
[ 4] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ nairobi/ AFRI CA_GROUP.pdf
[ 5] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t emp/ COP3_Transcript .pdf
[ 6] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ RCEP_Chapt er_4.pdf
[ 7] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ WBGU_Summary.pdf
[ 8] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ slideshow/ C&C_UNFCCC.pdf
[ 9] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ speeches/ Williams.pdf
[ 10] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t ranslat ions.ht ml
GCI BRI EFI NG: CONTRACTI ON & CONVERGENCE
The Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (RCEP - 2000)
The Need for an International Agreement - Contraction & Convergence
3. The government should press for a future global climate agreement based on the Contraction & Conver-
gence approach, combined with international trading in emission permits. Together, these offer the best long-
term prospect of securing equity, economy and international consensus (4.69).
4.47 Continued, vigorous debate is needed, within and between nations, on the best basis for an agreement
to follow the Kyoto Protocol. Our view is that an effective, enduring and equitable climate protocol will eventu-
ally require emission quotas to be allocated to nations on a simple and equal per capita basis. There will have
to be a comprehensive system of monitoring emissions to ensure the quotas are complied with. Adjustment
factors could be used to compensate for differences in nations basic energy needs. Those countries which
regularly experience very low or high temperatures might, for instance, be entitled to an extra allocation per
capita for space heating or cooling.
4.48 A system of per capita quotas could not be expected to enter into force immediately. At the same time
as entitling developing nations to use substantially more fossil fuels than at present (which they might not be
able to afford), it would require developed nations to make drastic and immediate cuts in their use of fossil
fuels, causing serious damage to their economies.
4.49 A combination of two approaches could avoid this politically and diplomatically unacceptable situation,
while enabling a per capita basis to be adhered to. The frst approach is to require nations emission quotas
to follow a contraction and convergence trajectory. Over the coming decades each nations allocation would
gradually shift from its current level of emissions towards a level set on a uniform per capita basis. By this
means grandfather rights would gradually be removed: the quotas of developed nations would fall, year by
year, while those of the poorest developing nations would rise, until all nations had an entitlement to emit an
equal quantity of greenhouse gases per head (convergence). From then on, the quotas of all nations would
decline together at the same rate (contraction). The combined global total of emissions would follow a profle
through the 21st and 22nd centuries that kept the atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases below a
specifed limit.
4.50 The upper limit on the concentration of greenhouse gases would be determined by international negotia-
tions, as would the date by which all nations would converge on a uniform per capita basis for their emission
quotas, and the intermediate steps towards that. It would probably also be necessary to set a cut-off date for
national populations: beyond that date, further changes in the size of a countrys population would not lead to
any increase or decrease in its emission quota.
4.51 In table 4.1 17 we have applied Contraction & Convergence approach to carbon dioxide emissions,
and calculated what the UKs emissions quotas would be in 2050 and 2100 for four alternative upper limits
on atmospheric concentration. We have assumed for this purpose that 2050 would be both the date by which
nations would converge on a uniform per capita emissions fgure and the cut-off date for national populations.
If 550 ppmv is selected as the upper limit, UK carbon dioxide emissions would have to be reduced by almost
60% from their current level by mid-century, and by almost 80% by 2100. Even stabilisation at a very high
level of 1,000 ppmv would require the UK to cut emissions by some 40% by 2050.
4.52 The UK-based Global Commons Institute has taken the lead in promoting Contraction & Convergence,
and has developed a computer model that specifes emission allocations under a range of scenarios. The con-
cept has been supported by several national governments and legislators. Some developed nations are very
wary of it because it implies drastic reductions in their emissions, but at least one minister in a European gov-
ernment has supported it. Commentators on climate diplomacy have identifed contraction & convergence as
a leading contender among the various proposals for allocating emission quotas to nations in the long term.
4.53 The other ingredient that would make an agreement based on per capita allocations of quotas more
feasible is fexibility of the kind already provided in outline in the Kyoto Protocol. Nations most anxious to emit
greenhouse gases in excess of their allocation over a given period will be able and willing to purchase unused
quota at prices that incline other countries to emit less than their quota, to the beneft of both parties. The
clean development mechanism, which allows developed nations to claim emission reductions by sponsoring
projects that reduce emissions in developing nations to levels lower than they would otherwise have been,
can also be seen as a form of trading.
4.54 In the longer term trading by companies in emission permits, drawn from national emission quotas de-
termined on the basis of a contraction and convergence agreement, could make a valuable contribution to re-
ducing the global costs of stabilising greenhouse gas concentrations while transferring resources from wealthy
nations to poorer ones. Trading needs to be transparent, monitored and regulated, and backed by penalties
on nations that emit more than they are entitled to. If it became merely a means of enabling wealthy nations
to buy up the emission entitlements of poor countries on the cheap, thereby evading taking any action at
home, trading would not serve the cause of climate protection. Nor would it if developing countries that had
sold quota heavily went on to emit in excess of their revised entitlements.
138 7
The Global Commons I nst it ut e [ GCI ] was founded in
1990. This was in response t o t he mainst reaming of
global climat e change as a polit ical issue. Realising t he
enormit y of t he climat e crisis, we devised a founding
st at ement on t he principle of Equit y and Survival. [ 1]
I n November 1990, t he Unit ed Nat ions began t o creat e
t he Framework on Climat e Convent ion [ UNFCCC] . GCI
cont ribut ed t o t his and in June 1992 t he Convent ion was
agreed at t he Eart h Summit in Rio. I t s obj ect ive was
dened as stabilizing the rising greenhouse gas [GHG]
concent rat ion of t he global at mosphere. I t s principles of
equit y and precaut ion were est ablished in int ernat ional
law. Climat e scient ist s had showed t hat a deep overall
contraction of GHG emissions from human sources is
prerequisit e t o achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
I n 1995 negot iat ions t o achieve t his cont ract ion began
administ ered by t he specially creat ed UNFCCC secret ariat .
Bet ween 1992 and 1995 and at t he request of t he
I nt ergovernment al Panel on Climat e Change [ I PCC] ,
GCI cont ribut ed analysis highlight ing t he worsening
asymmet ry, or Expansion and Divergence [ E&D] of
global economic development . I t became clear t he global
maj orit y most damaged by climat e changes were already
impoverished by t he economic st ruct ures of t hose who
were also now causing the damaging GHG emissions. [2]
To creat e a sust ainable basis on which t o resolve t his
inequit y, GCI also developed t he Cont ract ion and
Convergence (C&C) model of fut ure emissions. I n 1995
t he model was int roduced by t he I ndian Government [ 3]
and it was subsequent ly adopt ed and t abled by t he Africa
Group of Nat ions in August 1997. [ 4]
Negot iat ions for t he Kyot o Prot ocol t o t he UNFCCC ran
from 1995 unt il 1997. I n December 1997 and short ly
before t hey wit hdrew from t hese negot iat ions, t he USA
st at ed, C&C cont ains element s for t he next agreement
t hat we may ult imat ely all seek t o engage in. [ 5]
Since t hen C&C has been widely referenced in t he
debat e about achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
In 2000 C&C was the rst recommendation of the UK
Royal Commission on Environment al Pollut ion in it s
proposals t o government . [ 6] I n December 2003 C&C
was adopt ed by t he German Government s Advisory
Council on Global Change in it s recommendat ions. [ 7]
I n 2003 t he secret ariat of t he UNFCCC said t he obj ect ive
of t he UNFCCC, inevit ably requires Cont ract ion and
Convergence. [ 8] The Lat in America Division of t he
World Bank in Washingt on DC said, C&C leaves a
last ing, posit ive and visionary impression wit h us. I n
2004 t he Archbishop of Cant erbury t ook t he posit ion
t hat , C&C t hinking appears ut opian only if we refuse t o
cont emplat e t he alt ernat ives honest ly. [ 9] I n 2002, t he
UK Government accepted GCI authorship of the denition
st at ement of C&C, recognising t he need, t o prot ect t he
int egrit y of t he argument .
This st at ement follows and is available in t hirt een
languages. [10] It has been adopted by the House of
Commons Environment al Aundit Commit t ee and in part in
t he UNs fort hcoming Millennium Assessment . I n 2005,
t he UK Government will host t he next G-8 summit . The
Government has already commit t ed t his event t o dealing
st rat egically wit h t he problems of Africa and Climat e
Change. Numerous civil societ y and fait h groups are now
act ively lobbying t he Government t o have C&C adopt ed
as t he const it ut ional basis for avoiding dangerous fut ure
climat e change.
[ 1] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ signon/ OrigSt at ement 2.pdf
[ 2] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ art icles/ Nairob3b.pdf
[ 3] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Archive/ MegaDoc_19.pdf [ page 116]
[ 4] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ nairobi/ AFRI CA_GROUP.pdf
[ 5] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t emp/ COP3_Transcript .pdf
[ 6] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ RCEP_Chapt er_4.pdf
[ 7] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ WBGU_Summary.pdf
[ 8] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ slideshow/ C&C_UNFCCC.pdf
[ 9] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ speeches/ Williams.pdf
[ 10] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t ranslat ions.ht ml
GCI BRI EFI NG: CONTRACTI ON & CONVERGENCE
The Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (RCEP - 2000)
The Need for an International Agreement - Contraction & Convergence
3. The government should press for a future global climate agreement based on the Contraction & Conver-
gence approach, combined with international trading in emission permits. Together, these offer the best long-
term prospect of securing equity, economy and international consensus (4.69).
4.47 Continued, vigorous debate is needed, within and between nations, on the best basis for an agreement
to follow the Kyoto Protocol. Our view is that an effective, enduring and equitable climate protocol will eventu-
ally require emission quotas to be allocated to nations on a simple and equal per capita basis. There will have
to be a comprehensive system of monitoring emissions to ensure the quotas are complied with. Adjustment
factors could be used to compensate for differences in nations basic energy needs. Those countries which
regularly experience very low or high temperatures might, for instance, be entitled to an extra allocation per
capita for space heating or cooling.
4.48 A system of per capita quotas could not be expected to enter into force immediately. At the same time
as entitling developing nations to use substantially more fossil fuels than at present (which they might not be
able to afford), it would require developed nations to make drastic and immediate cuts in their use of fossil
fuels, causing serious damage to their economies.
4.49 A combination of two approaches could avoid this politically and diplomatically unacceptable situation,
while enabling a per capita basis to be adhered to. The frst approach is to require nations emission quotas
to follow a contraction and convergence trajectory. Over the coming decades each nations allocation would
gradually shift from its current level of emissions towards a level set on a uniform per capita basis. By this
means grandfather rights would gradually be removed: the quotas of developed nations would fall, year by
year, while those of the poorest developing nations would rise, until all nations had an entitlement to emit an
equal quantity of greenhouse gases per head (convergence). From then on, the quotas of all nations would
decline together at the same rate (contraction). The combined global total of emissions would follow a profle
through the 21st and 22nd centuries that kept the atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases below a
specifed limit.
4.50 The upper limit on the concentration of greenhouse gases would be determined by international negotia-
tions, as would the date by which all nations would converge on a uniform per capita basis for their emission
quotas, and the intermediate steps towards that. It would probably also be necessary to set a cut-off date for
national populations: beyond that date, further changes in the size of a countrys population would not lead to
any increase or decrease in its emission quota.
4.51 In table 4.1 17 we have applied Contraction & Convergence approach to carbon dioxide emissions,
and calculated what the UKs emissions quotas would be in 2050 and 2100 for four alternative upper limits
on atmospheric concentration. We have assumed for this purpose that 2050 would be both the date by which
nations would converge on a uniform per capita emissions fgure and the cut-off date for national populations.
If 550 ppmv is selected as the upper limit, UK carbon dioxide emissions would have to be reduced by almost
60% from their current level by mid-century, and by almost 80% by 2100. Even stabilisation at a very high
level of 1,000 ppmv would require the UK to cut emissions by some 40% by 2050.
4.52 The UK-based Global Commons Institute has taken the lead in promoting Contraction & Convergence,
and has developed a computer model that specifes emission allocations under a range of scenarios. The con-
cept has been supported by several national governments and legislators. Some developed nations are very
wary of it because it implies drastic reductions in their emissions, but at least one minister in a European gov-
ernment has supported it. Commentators on climate diplomacy have identifed contraction & convergence as
a leading contender among the various proposals for allocating emission quotas to nations in the long term.
4.53 The other ingredient that would make an agreement based on per capita allocations of quotas more
feasible is fexibility of the kind already provided in outline in the Kyoto Protocol. Nations most anxious to emit
greenhouse gases in excess of their allocation over a given period will be able and willing to purchase unused
quota at prices that incline other countries to emit less than their quota, to the beneft of both parties. The
clean development mechanism, which allows developed nations to claim emission reductions by sponsoring
projects that reduce emissions in developing nations to levels lower than they would otherwise have been,
can also be seen as a form of trading.
4.54 In the longer term trading by companies in emission permits, drawn from national emission quotas de-
termined on the basis of a contraction and convergence agreement, could make a valuable contribution to re-
ducing the global costs of stabilising greenhouse gas concentrations while transferring resources from wealthy
nations to poorer ones. Trading needs to be transparent, monitored and regulated, and backed by penalties
on nations that emit more than they are entitled to. If it became merely a means of enabling wealthy nations
to buy up the emission entitlements of poor countries on the cheap, thereby evading taking any action at
home, trading would not serve the cause of climate protection. Nor would it if developing countries that had
sold quota heavily went on to emit in excess of their revised entitlements.
138 7
The Global Commons I nst it ut e [ GCI ] was founded in
1990. This was in response t o t he mainst reaming of
global climat e change as a polit ical issue. Realising t he
enormit y of t he climat e crisis, we devised a founding
st at ement on t he principle of Equit y and Survival. [ 1]
I n November 1990, t he Unit ed Nat ions began t o creat e
t he Framework on Climat e Convent ion [ UNFCCC] . GCI
cont ribut ed t o t his and in June 1992 t he Convent ion was
agreed at t he Eart h Summit in Rio. I t s obj ect ive was
dened as stabilizing the rising greenhouse gas [GHG]
concent rat ion of t he global at mosphere. I t s principles of
equit y and precaut ion were est ablished in int ernat ional
law. Climat e scient ist s had showed t hat a deep overall
contraction of GHG emissions from human sources is
prerequisit e t o achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
I n 1995 negot iat ions t o achieve t his cont ract ion began
administ ered by t he specially creat ed UNFCCC secret ariat .
Bet ween 1992 and 1995 and at t he request of t he
I nt ergovernment al Panel on Climat e Change [ I PCC] ,
GCI cont ribut ed analysis highlight ing t he worsening
asymmet ry, or Expansion and Divergence [ E&D] of
global economic development . I t became clear t he global
maj orit y most damaged by climat e changes were already
impoverished by t he economic st ruct ures of t hose who
were also now causing the damaging GHG emissions. [2]
To creat e a sust ainable basis on which t o resolve t his
inequit y, GCI also developed t he Cont ract ion and
Convergence (C&C) model of fut ure emissions. I n 1995
t he model was int roduced by t he I ndian Government [ 3]
and it was subsequent ly adopt ed and t abled by t he Africa
Group of Nat ions in August 1997. [ 4]
Negot iat ions for t he Kyot o Prot ocol t o t he UNFCCC ran
from 1995 unt il 1997. I n December 1997 and short ly
before t hey wit hdrew from t hese negot iat ions, t he USA
st at ed, C&C cont ains element s for t he next agreement
t hat we may ult imat ely all seek t o engage in. [ 5]
Since t hen C&C has been widely referenced in t he
debat e about achieving t he obj ect ive of t he UNFCCC.
In 2000 C&C was the rst recommendation of the UK
Royal Commission on Environment al Pollut ion in it s
proposals t o government . [ 6] I n December 2003 C&C
was adopt ed by t he German Government s Advisory
Council on Global Change in it s recommendat ions. [ 7]
I n 2003 t he secret ariat of t he UNFCCC said t he obj ect ive
of t he UNFCCC, inevit ably requires Cont ract ion and
Convergence. [ 8] The Lat in America Division of t he
World Bank in Washingt on DC said, C&C leaves a
last ing, posit ive and visionary impression wit h us. I n
2004 t he Archbishop of Cant erbury t ook t he posit ion
t hat , C&C t hinking appears ut opian only if we refuse t o
cont emplat e t he alt ernat ives honest ly. [ 9] I n 2002, t he
UK Government accepted GCI authorship of the denition
st at ement of C&C, recognising t he need, t o prot ect t he
int egrit y of t he argument .
This st at ement follows and is available in t hirt een
languages. [10] It has been adopted by the House of
Commons Environment al Aundit Commit t ee and in part in
t he UNs fort hcoming Millennium Assessment . I n 2005,
t he UK Government will host t he next G-8 summit . The
Government has already commit t ed t his event t o dealing
st rat egically wit h t he problems of Africa and Climat e
Change. Numerous civil societ y and fait h groups are now
act ively lobbying t he Government t o have C&C adopt ed
as t he const it ut ional basis for avoiding dangerous fut ure
climat e change.
[ 1] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ signon/ OrigSt at ement 2.pdf
[ 2] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ art icles/ Nairob3b.pdf
[ 3] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Archive/ MegaDoc_19.pdf [ page 116]
[ 4] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ nairobi/ AFRI CA_GROUP.pdf
[ 5] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t emp/ COP3_Transcript .pdf
[ 6] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ RCEP_Chapt er_4.pdf
[ 7] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ Endorsement s/ WBGU_Summary.pdf
[ 8] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ slideshow/ C&C_UNFCCC.pdf
[ 9] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ speeches/ Williams.pdf
[ 10] ht t p: / / www.gci.org.uk/ t ranslat ions.ht ml
GCI BRI EFI NG: CONTRACTI ON & CONVERGENCE
The Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (RCEP - 2000)
The Need for an International Agreement - Contraction & Convergence
3. The government should press for a future global climate agreement based on the Contraction & Conver-
gence approach, combined with international trading in emission permits. Together, these offer the best long-
term prospect of securing equity, economy and international consensus (4.69).
4.47 Continued, vigorous debate is needed, within and between nations, on the best basis for an agreement
to follow the Kyoto Protocol. Our view is that an effective, enduring and equitable climate protocol will eventu-
ally require emission quotas to be allocated to nations on a simple and equal per capita basis. There will have
to be a comprehensive system of monitoring emissions to ensure the quotas are complied with. Adjustment
factors could be used to compensate for differences in nations basic energy needs. Those countries which
regularly experience very low or high temperatures might, for instance, be entitled to an extra allocation per
capita for space heating or cooling.
4.48 A system of per capita quotas could not be expected to enter into force immediately. At the same time
as entitling developing nations to use substantially more fossil fuels than at present (which they might not be
able to afford), it would require developed nations to make drastic and immediate cuts in their use of fossil
fuels, causing serious damage to their economies.
4.49 A combination of two approaches could avoid this politically and diplomatically unacceptable situation,
while enabling a per capita basis to be adhered to. The frst approach is to require nations emission quotas
to follow a contraction and convergence trajectory. Over the coming decades each nations allocation would
gradually shift from its current level of emissions towards a level set on a uniform per capita basis. By this
means grandfather rights would gradually be removed: the quotas of developed nations would fall, year by
year, while those of the poorest developing nations would rise, until all nations had an entitlement to emit an
equal quantity of greenhouse gases per head (convergence). From then on, the quotas of all nations would
decline together at the same rate (contraction). The combined global total of emissions would follow a profle
through the 21st and 22nd centuries that kept the atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases below a
specifed limit.
4.50 The upper limit on the concentration of greenhouse gases would be determined by international negotia-
tions, as would the date by which all nations would converge on a uniform per capita basis for their emission
quotas, and the intermediate steps towards that. It would probably also be necessary to set a cut-off date for
national populations: beyond that date, further changes in the size of a countrys population would not lead to
any increase or decrease in its emission quota.
4.51 In table 4.1 17 we have applied Contraction & Convergence approach to carbon dioxide emissions,
and calculated what the UKs emissions quotas would be in 2050 and 2100 for four alternative upper limits
on atmospheric concentration. We have assumed for this purpose that 2050 would be both the date by which
nations would converge on a uniform per capita emissions fgure and the cut-off date for national populations.
If 550 ppmv is selected as the upper limit, UK carbon dioxide emissions would have to be reduced by almost
60% from their current level by mid-century, and by almost 80% by 2100. Even stabilisation at a very high
level of 1,000 ppmv would require the UK to cut emissions by some 40% by 2050.
4.52 The UK-based Global Commons Institute has taken the lead in promoting Contraction & Convergence,
and has developed a computer model that specifes emission allocations under a range of scenarios. The con-
cept has been supported by several national governments and legislators. Some developed nations are very
wary of it because it implies drastic reductions in their emissions, but at least one minister in a European gov-
ernment has supported it. Commentators on climate diplomacy have identifed contraction & convergence as
a leading contender among the various proposals for allocating emission quotas to nations in the long term.
4.53 The other ingredient that would make an agreement based on per capita allocations of quotas more
feasible is fexibility of the kind already provided in outline in the Kyoto Protocol. Nations most anxious to emit
greenhouse gases in excess of their allocation over a given period will be able and willing to purchase unused
quota at prices that incline other countries to emit less than their quota, to the beneft of both parties. The
clean development mechanism, which allows developed nations to claim emission reductions by sponsoring
projects that reduce emissions in developing nations to levels lower than they would otherwise have been,
can also be seen as a form of trading.
4.54 In the longer term trading by companies in emission permits, drawn from national emission quotas de-
termined on the basis of a contraction and convergence agreement, could make a valuable contribution to re-
ducing the global costs of stabilising greenhouse gas concentrations while transferring resources from wealthy
nations to poorer ones. Trading needs to be transparent, monitored and regulated, and backed by penalties
on nations that emit more than they are entitled to. If it became merely a means of enabling wealthy nations
to buy up the emission entitlements of poor countries on the cheap, thereby evading taking any action at
home, trading would not serve the cause of climate protection. Nor would it if developing countries that had
sold quota heavily went on to emit in excess of their revised entitlements.
3 years later in 2000, the campaign had matured further with the
adoption of Contraction & Convergence by the UK Royal Commission on
Environmental Pollution as a principal recommendation to Government.
http://www.rcep.org.uk/pdf/chp4.pdf
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As the Cold war ended, expansion and divergence was not really understood or much
talked about. All were encouraged to see that the West had won the Cold War and
that the market-system was more prosperous because it was more effcient. How-
ever, as the global negotiations on climate change began and the trends of expansion
and divergence became apparent, the IMF and the World Bank realized that the issue
of Purchasing Power [Dis]-Parity [PPP] between the hard-currency countries of the
OECD and the soft-currency countries of the Developing World had to be recognized,
not least because the local-purchasing-value of the Chinese Renimbi for example
was fve times its international purchasing value when traded against the US dollar.
The IMF in fact used this as an argument as to why China didnt any longer qualify for
Overseas Development Assistance [ODA].
As economists made that argument, they also weighed in on how to assess climate
change with cost-beneft analysis and address it with market-mechanisms. They
weighed the costs of action to mitigate climate change versus the costs of adapting to
it. Asserting that all the assets at risk of damage were proportional to the incomes of
the people who owned them, they down-graded developing Country assets [including
lives lost in climate-mortality] 15:1 against the high income Developed Countries.
Predictably their bottom-line proved that it was cheaper to adapt than to mitigate.
This meant the majority of people on the planet who had not caused climate change
and were most vulnerable to it, were too poor to save from it.
The bathos of this discreditable effort was capped by the realization that the PPP
dollar earned per tonne of fossil fuel burned gave effciency values for Developing
Countries that were more effcient for them than the Industrial Country values. The
graphic alongside, shows data for all countries for the year 1990. PPP dollars income
per capita are shown alongside fossil fuel impact per capita from low values on the
left to high values on the right. They are clearly increasingly closely correlated as the
values rise. However, the effciency point is that from high values on the left to low
values on the right [the fags] the effciency value of the Developing Countries is
very signifcantly higher than it is in the Industrial Country group. In a phrase Devel-
oping Country may have been too poor to save, but in respect of economic perform-
ance on climate change, they were much more effcient. These are the very countries
who had argued in response to the call from the United States for a global response,
that a globally equitable response to global climate change was one based on equal-
izing per capita emissions at sustainable values globally. It was a proposition which
already intuited that the dichotomy between equity and effciency was false and
that in terms of the real conservation of energy needed to avoid dangerous rates of
climate change, the gap between equity and effciency does not widen, it closes. It
recognizes no-one is saved unless were all saved.
This is Contraction and Convergence, the model frst proposed to the UN by GCI at
the Second World Climate Conference in 1990. This was within 5 months of their
publication of the First Assessment Report [FAR] of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change [IPCC] who had said that a 60 to 80% cut in emissions was immedi-
ately necessary if the rise in the atmospheric concentration of CO2 was to be halted
at 353 parts per million by volume [ppmv], the value recorded for that year. Ahead of
any notions of trading mitigation off against adaptation, C&C is a model founded on
prevention. As the Kyoto Protocol comes into effect in 2008, the concentration of CO2
has now reached 387 ppmv, the idea of prevention is increasingly urgent. Moreover,
as sinks fail, the concentration of CO2 is rising faster than ever.
The Kyoto Protocol has not signifcantly addressed this. Unless we now become really
committed to achieving the objective of the UNFCCC as soon as possible with a full-
term C&C arrangement, the double-jeopardy of asymmetric development and climate
damages takes the Mutually Assured Destruction of the Cold War to the new and
more lethal Mutually Assisted Suicide of doing too little too late on climate change.
F
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As the Cold war ended, expansion and divergence was not really understood or much
talked about. All were encouraged to see that the West had won the Cold War and
that the market-system was more prosperous because it was more effcient. How-
ever, as the global negotiations on climate change began and the trends of expansion
and divergence became apparent, the IMF and the World Bank realized that the issue
of Purchasing Power [Dis]-Parity [PPP] between the hard-currency countries of the
OECD and the soft-currency countries of the Developing World had to be recognized,
not least because the local-purchasing-value of the Chinese Renimbi for example
was fve times its international purchasing value when traded against the US dollar.
The IMF in fact used this as an argument as to why China didnt any longer qualify for
Overseas Development Assistance [ODA].
As economists made that argument, they also weighed in on how to assess climate
change with cost-beneft analysis and address it with market-mechanisms. They
weighed the costs of action to mitigate climate change versus the costs of adapting to
it. Asserting that all the assets at risk of damage were proportional to the incomes of
the people who owned them, they down-graded developing Country assets [including
lives lost in climate-mortality] 15:1 against the high income Developed Countries.
Predictably their bottom-line proved that it was cheaper to adapt than to mitigate.
This meant the majority of people on the planet who had not caused climate change
and were most vulnerable to it, were too poor to save from it.
The bathos of this discreditable effort was capped by the realization that the PPP
dollar earned per tonne of fossil fuel burned gave effciency values for Developing
Countries that were more effcient for them than the Industrial Country values. The
graphic alongside, shows data for all countries for the year 1990. PPP dollars income
per capita are shown alongside fossil fuel impact per capita from low values on the
left to high values on the right. They are clearly increasingly closely correlated as the
values rise. However, the effciency point is that from high values on the left to low
values on the right [the fags] the effciency value of the Developing Countries is
very signifcantly higher than it is in the Industrial Country group. In a phrase Devel-
oping Country may have been too poor to save, but in respect of economic perform-
ance on climate change, they were much more effcient. These are the very countries
who had argued in response to the call from the United States for a global response,
that a globally equitable response to global climate change was one based on equal-
izing per capita emissions at sustainable values globally. It was a proposition which
already intuited that the dichotomy between equity and effciency was false and
that in terms of the real conservation of energy needed to avoid dangerous rates of
climate change, the gap between equity and effciency does not widen, it closes. It
recognizes no-one is saved unless were all saved.
This is Contraction and Convergence, the model frst proposed to the UN by GCI at
the Second World Climate Conference in 1990. This was within 5 months of their
publication of the First Assessment Report [FAR] of the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change [IPCC] who had said that a 60 to 80% cut in emissions was immedi-
ately necessary if the rise in the atmospheric concentration of CO2 was to be halted
at 353 parts per million by volume [ppmv], the value recorded for that year. Ahead of
any notions of trading mitigation off against adaptation, C&C is a model founded on
prevention. As the Kyoto Protocol comes into effect in 2008, the concentration of CO2
has now reached 387 ppmv, the idea of prevention is increasingly urgent. Moreover,
as sinks fail, the concentration of CO2 is rising faster than ever.
The Kyoto Protocol has not signifcantly addressed this. Unless we now become really
committed to achieving the objective of the UNFCCC as soon as possible with a full-
term C&C arrangement, the double-jeopardy of asymmetric development and climate
damages takes the Mutually Assured Destruction of the Cold War to the new and
more lethal Mutually Assisted Suicide of doing too little too late on climate change.
18
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RISK LEVEL Contracton & Concentratons
C1 Acceptable C2 Dangerous C3 Impossible
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3
RISK LEVEL Contracton & Accelerated Convergence
C1 [2020] C2 [2040] C3 [2040]
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9
With full participation, a full-term global emissions contraction event in the future is
required to stabilize the rising concentrations in the atmosphere. As the graphics on
the left show, it is no longer reliable assume that the sinks for the CO2 will continue
to remove on average 50% of any years emissions. If they continue to fail at rates
that are suggested by recent data, the atmosphere may over time come to retain
100% of emissions or more. This means that a contraction event that is too slow, will
fail to prevent concentrations, temperature and damages rising out of control. Con-
traction needs to be fast enough to do enough soon enough to avoid this.
With risk classifed as C1 Acceptable, C2 Dangerous and C3 Impossible, three sce-
narios of contraction-concentrations futures are shown. Within the contraction rate
chosen, the examples also show convergence to equal per capita emissions entitle-
ments globally by 2020 for C1 and 2040 for C2 and C3. By making future emissions
entitlements proportional to populations, rather than income, convergence progres-
sively assigns the bulk of the future rights-to-emit to developing countries where
per capita emissions have consistently been below the per capita average globally.
As this transfers the bulk of the tradable equity share to Developing Countries, this
gives negotiators a device with which to correct for the historic inequity.
As a strategic framework that corrects the double-jeopardy, C&C is in principle the
only numerate way of projecting our energy future, transparently and globally. It
focuses political leaders and their negotiators at the UN on the two key questions: -
what is the overall concentration limit that we must not exceed? And how do we share
and use resources globally under that limit? C&C integrates the scientifc and constitu-
tional requirements of the UNFCCC with the political and economic challenges of mak-
ing sustainable development inclusive and just in a proportionate and market-friendly
way. Developing Countries have the opportunity to seize the moment with C&C as it
demonstrates how we can and must now organise to solve the climate problem faster
than we are causing it while achieving international reconciliation with each other
within this global limit. The whole renewable agenda is fundamentally dependent on
this integrated strategy. Without it, asymmetric growth and damages will deepen and
compromise economic development everywhere and overwhelm us as rates of climate
changes become self-accelerating and runaway. Doing too little too late creates a
default where an economics of triage and conficts will emerge as systems fail and
vulnerable communities become discards.
This C&C argument has been developed for twenty years with considerable success.
Emerging over many years within the political debate, C&C is now seen as pragmatic
and the favoured option. Unlike other proposals, it in the words of Professor Ross
Garnaut, adds up to its stated outcome. Proposals that dont should be rejected im-
mediately. Indeed some have said that, anyone who thinks it Utopian, simply hasnt
looked honestly at the alternatives.
As it puts people frst, C&C is certainly the most widely cited approach in the litera-
ture and arguably the most widely supported. However, now is the critical period in
the political calendar of climate negotiations to transform this support into acceptance
at the UN by the end of 2009. This is the date by when the so-called post-Kyoto glo-
bal climate deal must be agreed. Our common destiny hinges on this.
Considerable support for C&C is here: -
http://www.gci.org.uk/Endorsements/UNEPFI5f.pdf
http://www.gci.org.uk/Support/support.pdf
20
Until pressured by Cambridge University Press
during 2007/8, Nicholas Stern failed to properly
acknowledge the Contraction and Convergence
proposals from GCI and the source for these [see
below], though these proposals were formally sub-
mitted to his enquiry - See briefng Treasury website at:
www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/media/5/0/GCI_Briefng_C&C.pdf
On page 47 and onwards, Nicholas Stern renames C&C
as contract and converge and attacks [sourceless] it as
an assertion and not an argument [concluding that] it is
unlikely to get support.
Later in the report he compares C&C [GCI via Hohne - who
does acknowledge GCI, though stern removed this] to four
other references provided by Hohne.
This year [08] he changed his assertions to saying;
the pragmatic principle of equity would require an equalisa-
tion of per capita emissions by then [2050] whilst also in-
forming the press, we badly underestimated the degree of
damages and the risks of climate change. All of the links in
the chain are on average worse than we thought a couple of
years ago.
Then he changed again saying C&C was like rights-to-kill;
NICHOLAS STERN THE ECONOMICS OF CLIMATE CHANGE [2006]
PART I: Climate Change Our Approach
2A Ethical Frameworks and Intertemporal Equity/Climate change p 47
The notions of the right to climate protection or climate security of future generations
and of shared responsibilities in a common world can be combined to assert that, collec-
tively, we have the right only to emit some very small amount of GHGs, equal for all, and
that no-one has the right to emit beyond that level without incurring the duty to compen-
sate. We are therefore obliged to pay for the right to emit above that common level.
This can be seen as one argument in favour of the contract and converge proposition,
whereby large emitters should contract emissions and all individuals in the world should
either converge to a common (low) level or pay for the excess (and those below that
level could sell rights).
There are problems with this approach, however. One is that this right, while it might
seem natural to some, is essentially asserted. It is not clear why a common humanity in
a shared world automatically implies that there are equal rights to emit GHGs (however
low). Equality of rights, for example to basic education and health, or to common treat-
ment in voting, can be related to notions of capabilities, empowerment, or the ability to
participate in a society.
Further, they have very powerful consequences in terms of law, policy and structures of
society. How does the right to emit stand in relation to these rights? Rights are of great
importance in ethics but they should be argued rather than merely asserted.
More pragmatically, as we shall examine in Part VI of this report, action on climate
change requires international agreement and this is not a proposition likely to gain the
approval necessary for it to be widely adopted.
Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change
1
KEY ELEMENTS OF A GLOBAL
DEAL ON CLIMATE CHANGE
Nicholas Stern
Lord Stern of Brentford
IG Patel Professor of Economics and Government, LSE
Chair of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment
Acknowledgements
Analytical input for Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change was provided by
individuals associated with the following organisations: HSBC, IDEACarbon, Lehman Brothers,
the London School of Economics and Political Science, McKinsey & Company, and the Judge
Business School, University of Cambridge.
Special thanks to Claire Abeill (HSBC Holdings plc.), Eric Beinhocker (McKinsey Global
Institute), Nick Butler (Judge Business School, University of Cambridge), Sam Fankhauser
(IDEACarbon), John Llewellyn (Lehman Brothers), Jeremy Oppenheim (McKinsey & Company),
and Francis Sullivan (HSBC Holdings plc). We are very grateful for comments received from
colleagues and friends.
Views are not necessarily of those of either the individuals who provided input or their
organisations.
U
Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change
1
KEY ELEMENTS OF A GLOBAL
DEAL ON CLIMATE CHANGE
Nicholas Stern
Lord Stern of Brentford
IG Patel Professor of Economics and Government, LSE
Chair of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment
Acknowledgements
Analytical input for Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change was provided by
individuals associated with the following organisations: HSBC, IDEACarbon, Lehman Brothers,
the London School of Economics and Political Science, McKinsey & Company, and the Judge
Business School, University of Cambridge.
Special thanks to Claire Abeill (HSBC Holdings plc.), Eric Beinhocker (McKinsey Global
Institute), Nick Butler (Judge Business School, University of Cambridge), Sam Fankhauser
(IDEACarbon), John Llewellyn (Lehman Brothers), Jeremy Oppenheim (McKinsey & Company),
and Francis Sullivan (HSBC Holdings plc). We are very grateful for comments received from
colleagues and friends.
Views are not necessarily of those of either the individuals who provided input or their
organisations.
Nicholas Sterns
Great U-Turn on C&C
No [2006] [2008] "Yes
2006
2008
C&C is an assertion without support. The simplicity of C&C is pragmatic.
21
U
Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change
1
KEY ELEMENTS OF A GLOBAL
DEAL ON CLIMATE CHANGE
Nicholas Stern
Lord Stern of Brentford
IG Patel Professor of Economics and Government, LSE
Chair of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment
Acknowledgements
Analytical input for Key Elements of a Global Deal on Climate Change was provided by
individuals associated with the following organisations: HSBC, IDEACarbon, Lehman Brothers,
the London School of Economics and Political Science, McKinsey & Company, and the Judge
Business School, University of Cambridge.
Special thanks to Claire Abeill (HSBC Holdings plc.), Eric Beinhocker (McKinsey Global
Institute), Nick Butler (Judge Business School, University of Cambridge), Sam Fankhauser
(IDEACarbon), John Llewellyn (Lehman Brothers), Jeremy Oppenheim (McKinsey & Company),
and Francis Sullivan (HSBC Holdings plc). We are very grateful for comments received from
colleagues and friends.
Views are not necessarily of those of either the individuals who provided input or their
organisations.
Nicholas Sterns
Great U-Turn on C&C
No [2006] [2008] "Yes
2006
2008
C&C is an assertion without support. The simplicity of C&C is pragmatic.
22
The C&C Briefng submitted to the Stern Review, appears at the end of this document [pp
21-24]. At the time, it and related submissions were not acknowledged. When I enquired if
they had been received I was told there was no record.
The briefng was fnally put on the treasury website after I had to re-deliver it by hand asking
for a signed receipt: -
http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/media/5/0/GCI_Briefng_C&C.pdf
C&C An assertion . . . unlikely to get support.
The Stern Report summarily ignored this C&C contribution, the detailed references and
the provenance.
A vernacular C&C argument [contract and converge unsourced] was introduced [on page
47 of his report] and attacked for being merely an assertion and unlikely to get support.
C&C - Too Diffcult to get Your Head Around
Soon after the launch of the Report, Stern explained it differently to an audience at
LSE, where he was taking up tenure.
A student asked him, when is the political tipping point in favour of Contraction and Con-
vergence? To the astonishment of many, Stern said it was too diffcult to get your head
around.
Now the last question was about the political tipping point coupled with the idea of Con-
traction and Convergence (C&C). For those of you who dont know the jargon, you may
not know what political tipping point means. Its actually quite a deep concept.
But on Contraction and Convergence it means that if you go into carbon-trading and
different nations have different allowances for emissions, the idea of Contraction and
Convergence (C&C) is that you give everybody the same kind of emissions allowance per
capita, regardless of how much they were emitting. So those poor people who emit less
can sell some of their allowance to rich countries that emit more. And thats the story of
Contraction and Convergence and it does have obviously strong ethical attraction to it. It
is based on a proposition on rights which is a bit tricky to get your head around
- we all have the same rights to emit to some level or other. Thats a diffcult
one to understand. I mean you could argue that we have no right to emit. Or
you could argue that have some right to emit; you sort get into quite diffcult
conceptual territory. But the motivation behind the question . . . . that the story of trad-
ing . . . [which requires emissions rights by defnition . . . . ] But whether you translate
your equity concerns specifcally just that one way through, Contraction and Conver-
gence (C&C) seems to me to be an open question and how you implement it is open to
question.
This reply again was C&C rejectionist reasoning and was reiterated in the UNDPs Human
Development Report which confusingly also claimed to be supporting C&C [see pp 12-15]
Margins of Error on curing, The greatest market failure in history.
The Stern Review didnt question this to any conclusion. It merely and memorably
rehearsed the difference between two and three repeats of the total industrial revo-
lutionary emissions output [213,000,000,000 tonnes carbon times 2 or times 3]
as a margin of error on atmospheric ghg concentrations in addressing the cure for,
the greatest market failure in history.
During the course of the years from then until now Nicholas Stern has: -
[1] co-signed a statement with 15 Nobel Laureates endorsing: - The Principle of
carbon justice, i.e. striving for a long-term convergence to equal-per-capita emis-
sions rights accomplished through a medium-term multi-stage approach account-
ing for differentiated national capacities.
http://lists.topica.com/lists/GCN@igc.topica.com/read/message.html?mid=1721226171&sort=d&start=636
23
C&C A spectacularly weak form of justice.
[2] shared a platform with UN veteran Nitin Desai at the Helsinki Process conference
on the 11th of December 2007,. There he denounced C&C as, a spectacularly weak
form of justice. [Um so beeindruckter war ich, mit welcher Klarheit er eine unbequeme
Wahrheit aussprach: Die von in ihren Reden Merkel implizierte Formel von Contraction
and Convergence, das Konvergieren der Pro-Kopf-Emissionsrechte der Lnder in einigen
Dekaden (oft wird 2050 genannt), ist kein grozgiges Angebot des Nordens an die Ent-
wicklungslnder. Es ist in der Tat eine spektakulr schwache Form von Gerechtigkeit (a
spectacularly weak form of equity).
http://lists.topica.com/lists/GCN@igc.topica.com/read/message.html?mid=1721293752&sort=d&start=661
Stern Reverses Position on C&C, A pragmatic principle of equity.
On 5th April 2008, Mr. Stern completely reversed his view on C&C. At the Progressive
Heads of Government Conference he affrmed in favour of C&C as pragmatic principle: -
A pragmatic principle of equity would require an equalisation of per
capita emissions by then.
His actual statement read as follows and it was posted on the Downing Street website: -
An international agreement is essential. It must be based on the criteria of effec-
tiveness, effciency and equity. Effectiveness demands a long-term global goal cap-
ping global emissions and providing a long-term
trajectory for investment in low carbon technolo-
gies. This should be at least a halving of global
emissions by 2050. A pragmatic principle of
equity would require an equalisation of per
capita emissions by then.
This new pro C&C position was immediately endorsed
by the Head of UNDP Kemal Dervis,
. . . . there is an emerging proposal here
which I think is important and helpful, and that is a broad long-term commitment
to equal per capita emissions. [vide King and Gore and WBGU]
http://lists.topica.com/lists/GCN@igc.topica.com/read/message.html?mid=1721425003&sort=d&start=681
April 2008 Stern Publishes for C&C in Key Elements of a Global Deal
The above paper was presented by Stern at the LSE on 30th April 2008. Its declared
purpose is:
to support the negotiations of a post-2012 global treaty
which needs to be agreed by 2009 and translated into na-
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are consistent with the latest scientifc evidence, and which
explicitly defne options and suggest which are more likely
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The underlying principles for the global treaty are stated as:
Effectiveness it must lead to cuts in greenhouse gas
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from climate change at acceptable levels;
Effciency it must be implemented in the most cost-ef-
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hit earliest and hardest, while rich countries have a particular responsibility for
past emissions.
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