Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
A.Internal trade
Middlemen2, whose number greatly increased in the mid-18th century, were the ones who were able
to link supply and demand in England more and more effectively across the countryside. This unified
the countryside, and it was to be further improved in the late 18th century by the use of boats and
roads. But, already in the 1740s and 1750s, the link between supply and demand was helped by a
considerable growth in coastal shipping3. This resulted in the production of items like Cheshire
cheese, corn and coal (= bulk goods) from Newcastle, which found their way onto the London
market, a huge market for internal trade.
The London market was greatly enlarged by its population growth and an increase in wealth due to
the expansion of foreign trade. One of Britain's advantages was that London was the largest of all
Western cities with 750,000 inhabitants (15% of the population of the country). At that time, London
was twice as big as Paris. The predominance of London had transformed agriculture in the South and
in the East, and commodities (= raw material such as food and fuel, i.e. mostly coal) flowed in from
everywhere. Regions like Scotland and Ireland transported many products to London on Rivers and
on the sea, more than on roads.
1
= Propriétaire terrien
2
Intermediary between a manufacturer and a consumer.
3
= Cabotage
Another difference with the continent was that London was not the only centre of trade in Britain. By
the mid-18th century, new centres were developing, especially on the Atlantic coast, thanks to trade
with America. Bristol, Glasgow and Liverpool were developing as great ports of the Atlantic coast.
They played a role in foreign trade and also developed much activity, which gave much vitality to the
hinterland4.
One of the other elements about England's internal trade was the total absence of internal barriers
or customs, contrary to the situation on the continent, and especially in France. The situation in
England at that time can be called "internal free trade", although this expression did not exist yet.
England, Wales and Scotland formed one single market for English traders. The British Isles were the
most considerable area in Europe for this kind of "internal free trade". Ireland was in a special
situation, since commerce there and from there was severely restricted. In spite of the Union Act with
Scotland in 1707, it was difficult for Scottish traders to sell their products in England. English traders
definitely dominated.
A regime of enterprise and improvement already existed in England. There was a general spirit of
adventure and entrepreneurship. This was opening new markets both at home and abroad because
of the absence of official obstacles and administrative hassles. Contrary to France, an overall spirit of
freedom reigned.
Another factor was that commercial goals were in the mind of most people, from the simplest
artisan5 to the moneyed man in the City (City with a capital C means London). This factor conditioned
everything else. Even people who had little or nothing to do with trade (i.e. Daniel Defoe) expressed
the idea that trade was "one of the glories of Britain", before industry and agriculture. At all levels,
from local markets in villages to great fairs in cities, commercial concerns dominated the minds of
producers in both cities and the countryside.
There was no official obstacle to trade, which was officially encouraged by the authorities (i.e. the
Royal Society and the Society for the encouragement of arts, manufactures and commerce). Trade
also got helped from the government and the Parliament.
Help from the State about internal trade can be seen in the way a major obstacle to trade was lifted.
What was this major brake (= curb, obstacle)? The state of the roads was abominable. The network
was very poor in the early and mid-18th century. Even Defoe described it and confirmed it was
insufficient and very bad. Therefore roads were expensive to use. Later, in the 2 nd half of the 18th
century, Arthur Young also described it. In the mid-18th century, at many times of the year, roads
were too soft for wagons and became mud. Others were paved but dated back from Roman time and
were too narrow. They were not repaired because there was no official authority for this. The users of
the roads did not pay for their upkeep since it was the responsibility of the parishes 6, both financially
and physically, to repair and maintain the roads. But people from the parishes were only expected to
do it 6 days a year without getting paid, and moreover they were not experts. They did not have the
necessary materials and were not even given the necessary tools, so nothing was done. There was
no control. On the whole, the best roads in the British Isles remained the Roman roads, just because
they were the only ones which were paved.
As a consequence, sacks7 of heavy materials (i.e. coal, corn, hardware…) were transported on the
sides of horses, because wheeled traffic would have broken or stuck in the mud. There were great
holes and ruts. It took 2 days to travel from Dover to London, while nowadays it only takes about 2
hours. It took 10 days from London to Edinburgh, whereas now it takes less than one day or even half
a day. Towards 1750, transporting one tonne of goods over 30 km could double the price. Therefore,
economically speaking, it could not go on; something had to be done.
This situation had to change for economic progress and commercial development. The solution was a
system of turnpikes8. It was a national policy since it was created and enforced through Acts of
Parliament. At first it was on a small scale, concerning only the worst sections of some roads, but for
the first time the idea as to make the users of the roads pay for their upkeep and repairs. To run
these turnpikes, turnpike trusts were established. This solution meant that England was already
4
The surrounding areas
5
Craftsmen, farmers…
6
= paroisses
7
Bags
8
Toll gates / toll bars
applying a policy of private initiative. Between nationalization or privatization, between the State and
the private sector, England had already chosen private initiative two centuries before Thatcher or
Blair. Turnpike trusts were in private hands although they were created by Parliament. They were
given powers to build gates and toll bars 9, and in return had to guarantee repairs or constructions in
a certain area or along a certain highway.
Between 1700 and 1750, some 400 Road Acts were passed in Parliament. Yet, it meant that only 10
turnpikes a year were founded until 1750. By 1748, there were only 160 of them. These figures stand
in contrast with those of later years. Indeed, between 1750 and 1790, 1600 Road Acts were passed.
Over 530 trusts had been established by 1770. Therefore there was a considerable development in
their number. Most cities were linked thanks to it, but the process took rather a long time. This is the
reason why, until the 2nd half of the 18th century, river traffic was very important to transport food,
fuel, timber, etc. The main rivers were the Thames, the Trent, the Mersey, the Severn, the Avon.
Some parts of them had been deepened and locks 10 had been built in the early 18th century. The role
of river navigation would be complemented by canals.
B.Overseas trade
External11 trade was developing to such an extent that it was perhaps even greater than internal
trade. This is due to England's expanding empire and colonies. In the early 18th century, England
was expanding along the Atlantic coast in North America, in the Caribbean (especially in Jamaica)
and in the West Indies. Commerce exploitation of these places had started in the West Indies before
America, but England had nothing in Africa or in India yet. West Indies were important because sugar
cane were produced there (sugar, Rhum and molasses). When England loose Northern America, it
turns its attention to India, Asia and Australia the West Indies lost their importance.
One of the reasons for the expansion of foreign trade was Mercantilism, i.e. the Mercantile system. It
had prevailed since the Tudors in the 15th century. This system had been reinforced by a series of
Navigation Acts since the first one had been passed in 1651, 1660 and 1663. This system officially
existed until 1849. One of its most important aspects was that all goods had to be transported
exclusively onboard English ships, with English crews, and re-exported via English ports. Therefore
this can be called protectionism. Indeed, this was a means of protecting England's trade and
economy. It was a form of economic nationalism. This system instituted the monopoly of English
commerce in England, protectionist tariffs, and an active role for the state as a consequence of this
(= State intervention). England therefore developed private sector through the turnpike system as
well as State intervention through Mercantilism and Navigation Acts.
The 17th century had seen a "commercial revolution" because of Mercantilism. In the 18th century,
the Navigation Acts firmly established for the English the infamous triangular commerce. This
consisted in ships leaving the British Isles, sailing to Africa loaded with cheap goods to be exchanged
for slaves, who were transported and sold to the West Indies (Jamaica and other smaller islands
known as the Sugar Islands). The ships returned to England loaded with sugar, rum, spices, etc.
Yet, Britain was not alone in this triangular trade. Her rivals were the Dutch, the French, the Spanish,
the Portuguese (Spain and Portugal had started this system). In France, the most famous harbours
for triangular trade were Bordeaux and Nantes. In Britain they were Bristol and Liverpool. Britain was
one of the most eager and aggressive promoters of this trade. She even sold slaves to Spanish
colonies in central and South America, after she had gained a monopoly in 1713 by signing the
Asiento12 with the then declining Spanish Empire. (In 1713, Spain and Britain also signed the Utrecht
Treaty, which has justified British presence in Gibraltar ever since.)
Especially the slave trade was very lucrative. Fortunes were made in Bristol and Liverpool thanks to
that trade. Therefore Britain belonged to the European economy and to the worldwide economy of
European maritime states.
England's commercial network extended all over the world. First, in Europe, it extended to Northern
Europe and the Mediterranean. In what was called the New World, i.e. the Northern American
continent, she had a monopoly over her colonies as well as in the West Indies thanks to the imperial
system. For a long time, the West Indies were economically more important than the North American
colonies. The network also extended to Africa, but there were no colonies there yet, only trading
9
= barrières de péage
10
= écluses
11
Foreign
12
= contrat
posts. This was the same in India and in the Far East: there were only trading posts and what the
British called at that time "factories", (i.e. warehouses13).
In Britain itself, there were many sea ports. Britain's monopoly in colonial trade was ensured by the
Navigation Acts. The prosperity of the sea ports was often based on slave trade. There were also
shipwrights, which meant that ship owners participated in navigation and transport of goods
between Africa and the colonies. They imported sugar, molasses and rum from the West Indies to
Europe, and all these goods were produced thanks to slaves. Later, tobacco (from Virginia) and
cotton was also imported from America to England.
Around 1750, 100,000 British slaves were onboard some 6,000 ships. A huge number of people were
employed in both internal and external trade (clerks, accountants14, stevedores15, etc). Masses of
goods flowed to and from the colonies. The colonies too had to buy what they needed to England and
were prohibited from buying to other countries. Among other goods imported to England were tea
and coffee, for which the English were acquiring a taste.
For all these reasons, according to Bayly in Imperial Meridian, "English people came to consider
themselves as denizens16 of a consumer society, and national taste started to extend
beyond items of clothing and food to luxuries such as tea and coffee and services such as
commercial horseracing, theatre and concerts". The expression "consumer society" did not
exist at that time but can now be applied to that period.
By the 18th century, England had already become "a nation of shopkeepers", which was originally an
insult by Napoleon. The merchants were characteristic figures of that period and commercial aims
and preoccupations were on everyone's minds. Foreign trade was just more lucrative than internal
trade, but the authorities and the government were firm defenders of external trade too. How did the
government help foreign trade? The government was always willing, and even eager, to conquer
markets. In those days, it could be done by the military solution or by colonization. Foreign policy
was dominated by these economical aims, in England at least. (On the contrary, France wanted to
acquire new land by colonizing, but not necessarily for trade.) Therefore, Britain's war aims were
usually purely commercial too. This was certainly influenced by the presence in London of lobbies
(already at that time): industrialists17 lobbies, traders' lobbies and financers' lobbies. They often
urged the government into finding new markets, just as today's lobbies do. Once a market was
conquered, the English could dominate local competition (this was what happened in India in the late
18th century for example). As a whole, this behaviour was to lead to Britain's worldwide quasi-
monopoly.
Another way of helping external trade was by signing treaties, which Britain often did, for instance
with Russia. The government also ensured that the Royal Navy was always kept in a high state of
readiness to deploy overseas wherever it was necessary and defend Britain's interests on the seas all
over the world. All traders enjoyed a great, if not complete, autonomy. They were officially
encouraged by the Board of Trade (= today's Minister of Trade). A good fiscal system also
encouraged trade, which meant low taxes. Indeed, Britain believed that what was good for the
merchant was good for the monarch as well.
England's perception of trade was different from other countries'. She considered low taxes on
masses of products better than high taxes of very few goods (which few people would thus have
been able to buy).
Finally, foreigners who studied the situation in England or simply visited the country all admired both
Britain's internal and external trade and the freedom enjoyed by merchants. They saw this
commercial freedom as having pervaded18 the whole of English society, they saw it as having
resulted in greater political freedom and as the symbol of a healthy society. Voltaire often had to
escape to England and live there as an exile because of his problems with the French monarchy,
therefore he had a chance to observe the interplay between commercial freedom and political liberty.
He wrote about it, and exclaimed in Lettres philosophiques (1734): "Le commerce, qui a enrichi
les citoyens en Angleterre, a contribué à les rendre libres, et cette liberté a étendu le
commerce à son tour [= cercle vertueux]; de là s'est transformée la grandeur de l'Etat."
Another philosopher who wrote about England was Montesquieu, but it was later.
13
= entrepôts
14
= comptables
15
= dockers
16
= habitants, membres
17
= industriels, N
18
= se diffuser sur, proliférer dans
* TRANSITION *
The development of both internal and external trade represented a huge accumulation of capital19.
Both individuals and companies needed to conduct business through banks and through a financial
system in order to be able to make investments and obtain loans. In the case of chartered
companies, huge fleets of ships were involved. They belonged for example to the East India company
(a chartered company), which also had to maintain trading posts, pay their staffs at home and
abroad, the ships' crews and their own armies in several colonies. For instance, they provided
weapons and guns, doctors, etc. A royal charter was given by the King to the chartered companies,
which was a permission for them to colonize and exploit an overseas territory. For example, Virginia
and Pennsylvania were founded under a chartered company. The company had a monopoly over the
territory and managed it on the King's name.
III.Financial
III.Financial and banking system
An important financial and banking system already existed in Britain in the 18th century.
A.Financial system
It had some notable characteristics, such as the existence of joint-stock companies20. These
companies enabled the big aristocratic landlords to meet and work with financiers in London because
they all belonged to the Board of Directors21 of these companies. Not all landlords wanted to engage
in trade, but these boards meant that they could work, in their own interest and also for the benefit
of the country's economy, with the businessmen of London. Landlords who had wealth and political
power could work together with people who had a business experience. In London, the City was
already a big financial centre.
B.Banking system
Banks had been founded not only in London, but also in provincial towns and in most major cities
and ports. Banks were important for investors, who could thus get loans and borrow money to invest
it. Would-be investors could therefore find money in a relatively easy way, which in an important
factor to explain the future Industrial Revolution. However, too much had been made of the banking
system by some historians: there were problems too about it. Many banks were too small (the
business of one man or one family), many went bankrupt (= there were bankruptcies), there were
frauds, etc. Many would-be investors in fact did not resort to banks but to self-financing instead. So
the role of banks in the economy has to be put and kept into perspective.
What remains true is that, thanks to the financial system, England was able to resist enemies
(especially France) and to support and finance its allies (especially in the Napoleonic wars). The
financial system, thanks to domestic and foreign trade, kept improving.
IV.Agriculture
IV.Agriculture
"The change between 1700 and 1800 was astonishing. England not only produced food
for a population that had doubled itself as well as grain for treble [= three times] the
number of horses, but, during the first part of the period [the 18 th century], became the
granary of Europe." (Cf. Lord Ernle, a historian, in English farming, past and present and also on
http://www.soilandhealth.org/01aglibrary/010136ernle/010136ch7.htm) Yet, this view is challenged
by other historians.
What is also remarkable is that, already around 1750, agriculture no longer dominated the economy,
contrary to other economies in other countries. This is a paradox. By 1780, agriculture accounted for
only 30% of the national income. By the end of the 18th century, agriculture employed only 1/3 of
the working population, as opposed to 70 to 80% at the beginning. These figures need explaining. At
the same time, over 75% of the total population still lived in the countryside. Agriculture was still
vital for three reasons:
•In 1750, only two cities (London and Edinburgh) had over 50,000 inhabitants.
19
= capitaux
20
= sociétés par actions
21
= conseil d'administration
•Agriculture was still the indispensable basis for other activities, especially for trade,
because agriculture was the only permanent source of food. Indeed, food imports could not be
regular at that time, and they could not be cheap enough. This situation lasted until the 1870s or
1880s. The reasons for it were wars, shipwrecks, the high cost of transport (especially in mainland
England), etc. As a result, British agriculture just had to feed the British population.
•Political and social life of the country, i.e. Parliament and the whole structure of society,
was dominated by land owners, landlords, aristocrats, or simply wealthy people who had bought land
and whose fortune and way of life depended, either totally or mostly, on agriculture. To belong to the
upper classes and enter politics, one needed to own land. Land ownership almost automatically gave
a seat in Parliament, and it was a matter of social prestige and political power. In Parliament itself,
small villages and rural counties had more weight than some large cities, because the situation in
Parliament had not changed since the Middle Ages. Until the 19th century, laws favouring landlords
and their interests were passed to the detriment of industrials and other activities. This situation did
not really change until 1832.
Another reason for the predominance of agriculture was that the elite's lifestyle (especially sports
and past times), opinions and philosophy were turned towards the countryside. Those who wanted to
enter the high society circles had to imitate them. This perpetuated the land-owning class and way
of life. Any change affecting the countryside was automatically reflected in political life, and
therefore affected as well the whole social structure itself.
The organization of the society in those days was the following:
•The monarch.
•A few hundred very rich aristocratic landlords such as dukes, i.e. high nobility.
•A larger number of members of the gentry, and especially squires. (High nobility and the
gentry owned half the land in England. A great part of the other half belonged to the monarch.)
•The land nobles and the gentry owned was usually leased out22 to some tens of thousands
of people known as farmers. (The word "farmers" in English at that time is very different from the
French word "fermiers": this was a very enviable position.) This system of leasing out the land is also
referred to as "landlord-tenant" system in history books.
•The farmers worked the land with the help of numerous labourers23, cottagers and servants.
Sometimes these people owned a very small patch (=plot) of land themselves, but only a few
cottagers and freeholders24 were able to survive and have their own lodgings.
One of the question in why? Social prestige, political power not only.
Another reason as a social class many land lords were quite willing to devote both attention and
money to improving the land and method of cultivation. So did so out of curiosity in a spirit of
scientific discovery at any value at 1st, but when the other saw that a profit could be made this
became the main motivation.
What is interesting from that point of view is that the money acquired in financial system by land
lords was often reinvested in agriculture but also could be in industry or trade.
One of the cause of what is known as the agriculture revolution.
Usually agriculture is associated with archaic methods but in 18 th century England was society
already adapted to produce cheaper and better goods and another preoccupation was marketing and
selling on national and international scale.
The movement toward increasing fields movement of increasing productivism took one or two
other century to settle in the agricultural revolution has already started before 1750 and made
possible 1st to improve technique and commercial methods and secondly thank to legal measures.
A.Before 1750
On of the chief measure was known as the enclosure movement. This was a movement that allowed
the regrouping and concentration of land and historians tell us that the enclosure of land has been
going on since Tudor time (1485-1603) among this form there was:
22
= données à bail
23
= journaliers
24
= propriétaires fonciers sans obligations
• The enclosure of open fields into hedged fields to promote better individual farming,
•The enclosure of village commons (part of land common of all villagers everyone can use
it)
•The enclosure of arable land for pasture especially for sheep.
One of the problem with open field was that lead to quarrel between neighbours, and also to
irregular farming.
Until of the 18th century a part of that form they had provoke little resentment and they were always
presented as a economic necessity or event in the early 18th century as a duty.
The population increase they have to be fed but land were potentially the best were still
unenclosed and therefore cultivated with archaic practices of cultivation (e.g. fallowing land)
Fallowing land25 was the main method of cultivation.
The idea of agricultural improvement has been in the air since the Restoration (1660-1688.) With an
increasing number of books on better methods ands spirit of scientific progress.
Name associated with agricultural improvement:
•Jethro Tull
•Lord Townshend known as Turnip Townshend
•Arthur Young
•Thomas Coke who found land in Norfolk and because he succeeded, he became Coke of
Norfolk.
•Collings Brothers
Their role is now disputed by serious historians who are not agree these men would be myth.
In the 1st half of the 18th century e.g. Jethro Tull bar have often been described as one of the 1st
scientific farmer and claims that he had invented two important tools:
•The seed drill
•The horse hoe
This in fact is a false claim in particular he didn’t invented the seed drill.
Lord Engle had opposite opinions: He considered them (Tull) as pioneers.
Overton: “despite the evidence, the myth associated with these individuals are proved
extremely different dislodge.”
It doesn’t mean most of them weren’t successful or admirable in what they achieved. From our point
of view, we must be careful and compare what historian wrote about them. Even if part of their
success is a myth, we must know what each of them did or tried to do.
Overton himself wrote: “There’s general agreement that their role has been exaggerated.”
But they did something anyway.
Some landlords, certainly not many at the beginning were on the lookout for new methods. Enclosure
was seen as an opportunity for experiment and change. They were encouraged by modern method
theorist and agricultural writers, collectively known as agriculturalists, who denounced ancient
methods and commons as economically harmful to everyone. Denounced open fields because they
accused this system of delaying the adoption of improvement, which (some) in fact had been known
since 17th century. E.g. old method of fallowing, different scientific rotation of crops; cultivation of
turnips and potatoes (since 17th century: known), use of silos, storage of water, proper feeding of
stock in winter, use of oil-cake26. Why weren’t these improvements used? Because it was a question
of routines (cf. all habits dies hard.)
When ideas of men like Tull appeared, much of the England land still belonged to the small squires
and other small owners (who weren’t interested or didn’t have the necessary capital.) until 1740’s,
25
= jachère
26
= tourteau
al improvements (especially enclosure) had been enforced at a local level. E.g. only 67 enclosure
acts were voted form 1721 to 1740.
What happened in the 1740’s, considered by most as the benefits of the agricultural revolution, was
in a way what happened with turnpike post = acceleration. Became a national policy since it was to
be reinforced by a new procedure, with a new type of act of parliament to overcome the resistance of
individual owners. It was the will of the parliament with the benefit of hindsight, I can see that in
most cases, the way enclosure was carried out, was scandalous. The very big land owners controlled
parliament. Many small owners were cheated out of their best lands. They had to be content with the
little money or bad land that was given in compensation by corrupted parliamentary commissioners.
The decision of the commissioners couldn’t be challenged. The pace of enclosure increased with
each decade. Between 1741 and 1760, over 200 enclosure acts were voted. This movement
continued after 1760, until 1830’s and 1840’s and had serious social consequences. Hundred of
thousand of acres were to be enclosed, but some of the socio-economical consequences in the late
18th century. Another young= considered as a sincere agriculturalist.
Agricultural industry explains why (cf. Trevelyan) “great compact estates cultivated by
tenants and landless labourers covered more and more of England at the expense of the
other forms of cultivation and ownership.” Agricultural revolution plus enclosure had one result
on the English landscape: the landscape that so many think is typical of the eternals England, with
its chessboard pattern, dates back to no further than 18th and 19th centuries
V.Industry:
V.Industry:
One of the goal is to show that, even before Industrial revolution, first regional specialization already
existed, and secondly the Industrial world in England wasn’t a desert (Industry was already
represented by different activities. E.g. coalmining, the iron industry, manufactured goods.) E.g.
millions of tons of cal were produces.
A.Coal mining:
This figure represented astronomical quantities for those days. The methods used were very simple,
even archaic. There were all sort of mining: iron, copper, tin, led, zinc. Coal was just one form of
mining, but it was already the typical activity in different areas; in and around Newcastle, Dunham,
in the county of Northumberland. It was already one major industrial section in counties like
Staffordshire an Leicestershire. From the point of view of technology, machines used in coal mining
had already been invented and machines depending on coal too. Denis Papin, inventor of steam
engine, had to flee from France because of his invention and died around 1712 in London.
In 1705, two very famous men in England (Thomas Savery and Thomas Newcomen) also invented
steam engine used for the first time in 1712. In the following years: was used to solve a very serious
problem in mines: pimping water out (problem of flooding.) This allowed mines, shafts, galleries to
be dug deeper and deeper.
In parallel with these technological advances, the demand for coal had been increasing since 17 th
century, not for industry but for domestic use (heating.) Coal had became the regular domestic fuel
in London for example and in all the regions to which it could be transported by water. In fact a
historian (J.H. Plumb), in a paperback England in the 18th century says: “The demand for coal was
too great in the early 18th century that it’s almost possible to peak of a coal rush.”
Apart from being used as fuel, coal was used in many industrial processes of manufacture. The great
demand that there was meant that shafts were sunk very deep, sometimes to 130 meters or more.
The demand also resulted in a great number of people and horses being employed. For example,
near Newcastle, to transport coal, over 20,000 horses were employed in the mines (this was before
the use of wagons became common). There was still a great amount of surface mining, as opposed
to shafts, and there were also many small businesses with only two or three minors, sometimes even
just one.
B.Iron
With regard to British iron, it had been considered as one of the best in Europe, if not the best, since
the 17th century. This industry had grown rapidly, especially in Birmingham and the area around it,
which was called the Black Country. One problem was that coal or coke fires were not yet applied.
Using coke is a process which greatly improves the quality of iron, and it had in fact been discovered
by Abraham Darby between 1709 and 1713, but it was not used in smelting works 27 until 1734 to
1750. Even then, coke was not in general use.
Compared with today's iron, 18th-century iron was not of excellent quality; it was expensive to
produce and transport because there was a real problem in iron transporting. In 1720, 50,000 tons
were produced, and even at the end of the 18th century only 100,000 tons were produced. So this
industry needed greater improvements.
The main markets for the iron industry were military needs (to make guns, cannons, cannon balls,
swords, etc.) and agriculture (to make tools, wheels, ploughs, horse shoes, etc.). It was not yet the
time for the famous Coal and Iron Revolution, which was to come especially after 1830 with the
development of railways and the Age of Coal and Iron.
27
= fonderies
28
= prospérer
29
= travail artisanal à domicile
30
= bonneterie
So, even in the early 18th century, the situation was complex in industry and one should not
oversimplify the description of this situation. To understand the whole range of situations which then
existed, we can say that in some parts of England, especially in the woollen industry, independent
artisans travelled and sold themselves on the markets the goods they had produced: there was no
middleman. They produced goods with their family and/or labourers they employed. In other parts of
the country, merchants and middlemen travelled to villages to buy finished or semi-finished goods
from independent artisans. Yet, in other areas, especially in Yorkshire for wool and in Lancashire for
cotton, the goods were more and more often produced by semi-independent artisans. In some cases,
they might still own their workshops, frames or looms. But they were not totally independent
because they received the raw material from merchants and depended on them for their supplies.
This is called the putting-out system31, and this expression is still used today. This system had not
generalized to the whole country but it was developing.
There were other cases, especially in the south-west of England in the woollen industry, and also in
Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire among hosiers, where the wage-earners worked in premises32 with
tools that were owned by one big merchant employer or "manufacturer". He also provided the raw
material, so that the wage-earners totally depended on him. Sometimes, especially in the south-
west, they depended on him even for their homes.
At that time, the situation was quite different from the time when it was exclusively the villagers' and
cottagers' wives who spun and wove the raw material, produced by their own sheep, for their own
needs or possibly the needs of people living in the same village. This could still exist in some areas,
but such an archaic system could not prevail for long in the 18th century and its days were
practically over. Each village and region was gradually specializing in one type of manufacture, so
that, more and more often, self-sufficiency33 no longer applied and was no longer sustainable. All the
villages needed to import from other parts of England the goods they no longer produced. Workers
were too busy producing wool and had no time to produce their own food, so they had to import it,
and vice versa in other areas. This was one of the reasons for the development of internal trade as
well.
Most historians underline that the shift from self-sufficiency to a more modern structure was fairly
rapid. For instance, when George II acceded to the throne in 1727, the word "manufacturer" did not
describe a capitalist employer and owner of a factory but the hand worker himself in his small
workshop. Then, it came to describe the people who managed various workshops that could be
scattered over a wide area (these people were often merchant employers). This represented some
form of capitalist organization and supervision, but it was a far cry from the type of capitalist
concentration that was to appear in the rest of the 18th century and in the 19th century (the
development of factories, the concentration of the means of production and of the labour force).
Now let us focus on the obstacles to this type of capitalist concentration in the 18th century. During
the first part of the century, no technical invention really opened the way to that sort of
concentration. In fact, it was quite the opposite. The techniques used by a majority of workers went
against this evolution. For example, in the textile industry, the first modernized and "mechanized"
means of production were in fact small devices which should not even be called machines. They
could be used even in the smallest cottage. Another example were the metal industries. Coke had
been discovered but, despite this discovery, charcoal34 was still in use, and the problem with it was
that it could not be effectively transported because it was very brittle 35. So the smelting works36 that
used charcoal and the ironworks37 were small and scattered in forests and along streams.
These were obstacles to the sort of concentration that was to exist in the very late 18th century and
in the 19th century, when the Industrial Revolution started. The only forms of capitalist concentration
existing in industry in the mid-18th century were mainly commercial and financial, i.e. money was
concentrated in the hands of a few industrialists.
31
= sous-traitance
32
workshops, locaux
33
= auto-suffisance, autarcie
34
= charbon de bois
35
= friable
36
= fonderies
37
= forges
New processes, which were so important in the following years, had appeared before 1750, but at
the time, they were first shrouded in secrecy because any invention that could result in the loss of
jobs was rejected by artisans and craftsmen, or simply by angry workers. This was possible because
they were organized in powerful guilds which dated back to the Middle Ages, especially in old
industries such as the woollen industry.
Another obstacle to the development of inventions were protectionist measures against foreign
inventions.
We can now focus on the social structure in industry and industrial categories or classes. We must
notice that the word "class" was not used at that time with the same meaning as it has today. Wages
could be paid in cash, but there also existed the truck system38. Instead of being given money in
exchange for his labour, a worker was given some of the goods he had produced. So he had to sell
those goods himself if he wanted money. The problem was that the goods he was given were often of
poor quality, so they were difficult to sell. This system led to rioting.
This is why the social structure is so difficult to determine. Prices and wages varied from one region
to another. Women and children could be employed in their family workshops, under vastly different
conditions from one region and one family to another. A relatively large number of artisans also
worked on farms. One aristocratic landlord could own himself all the mines or all the ores in one
county.
1.The social hierarchy of industrial classes
At the top of it was the rich urban upper-class made up of merchants and middlemen.
Just below them were the master artisans or craftsmen, who lived either in town or in the
countryside. They belonged to what was called the "middling sort". (The expression "social class" did
not exist at that time, although the notion did, and words such as rank, situation or estate were used
to refer to one's class.) The members of this category were relatively independent, contrary to other
artisans depending entirely on merchants and what they called their masters.
Below them were the journeymen.
At the bottom were the young, i.e. the apprentices. Apprentices had to learn their trade for seven
years. Young children lived with a master and after seven years they could become themselves
artisans and set up in business.
The worst-off category was constituted by the minors. Most of them lived in the countryside. As new
technologies developed, pits were deeper and deeper, which involved that minors spent more and
more time underground and were more and more segregated from other Englishmen. They were
literally invisible and this is why it took so long to improve their lot. The first improvements only
came around the 1840s. There were more and more accidents and explosions, and very often, as in
other industries, women and children were employed as bearers to carry the coal in the galleries
with horses.
In the mining districts of Durham and Northumberland, minors formed combinations to protest about
their working conditions, but even if they were thousands, they were unable to better their
conditions. In Scotland, the situation was even worse as minors were in the same condition as
peasants in the Middle Ages, i.e. they were reduced to the condition of bondmen 39. This means that
they were legally obliged to work as minors for the duration of their lives and they belonged to their
employer.
Even before the heyday of capitalism, i.e. the 19th century, which is always described as the most
evil century in respect of the workers' condition, the living conditions of many workers were
deplorable. Another characteristic which already existed before the 19th century and which is often
described as typical of the 19th century was that the minors' employers had very little contact with
their employees. Within the coal-mining industry, there was a complete barrier between the
employer and the manual worker, which announced the situation in the late 18th century and in the
19th century.
2.General conclusion
By the 1750s, England and Britain had a large number of major assets40, among which could be
found a prosperous and thriving trade, in parallel with a growing colonial empire (which had very
38
= système de troc
39
= serfs
bright prospects and literally no limit to its growth), a powerful navy, improving marketing and
banking structures, an improving agriculture, commercially-minded elites, a large capital city, a
renowned woollen industry, etc.
On the other hand, if we concentrate on industry, workers were more and more specialized but a lot
of them were still employed in agriculture at the same time. In industry, this was a disadvantage
because it meant breaks in output according to the season, and also the fact that the goods
produced were of poor quality. From the point of view of efficiency, there were too many scattered
workshops in which whole families were employed, which caused a break on technical innovation
and industrial expansion. Another break was caused by the state of the roads and the poor
transportation network.
Yet the scattering of industries had one important advantage. Land owners, who belonged to the
agricultural world, also owned the mines on their estates and the workshops in the villages.
Therefore it was in their interest to invest money in the construction of railroads and canals, so that
the carriage of farm products and also coal and industrial goods could be made easier. But better
roads and new canals only appeared mostly after 1750. Until then, the economic situation, and
especially production under the domestic system, was only adapted to a rural society and a
relatively stagnant population.
40
= avantages
1
= professions libérales
later in the 18th century, the Methodists (with John Wesley). These religious minorities played an
important role, that of spreading the spirit of freedom.
Annex
I.Historians
I.Historians & Writers:
After the war, Trevelyan became regius professor of modern history at Cambridge University. His
books include British History in the Nineteenth Century (1922), History of England (1926), George
Otto Trevelyan (1932) and English Social History (1944). George Macaulay Trevelyan died in 1962.
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/Jtrevelyan.htm
D.J.H. Plumb:
British Historian
He is seen as mentor to a school of historians, having in common a wish to write accessible, broad-
based work for the public: a generation of scholars that includes Roy Porter, Simon Schama, Linda
Colley, David Cannadine and others, who came to prominence in the 1990s. He was champion of a
'social history' in a wide sense; he backed this up with a connoisseur's knowledge of some fields of
the fine arts, such as Flemish painting and porcelain. This approach rubbed off on those he
influenced, while he clashed unrepentantly with other historians (notably Cambridge colleague
Geoffrey Elton, with a perspective from constitutional history) whose emphasis was on more
traditional scholarship.
He was born in Leicester and educated at Alderman Newton's Grammar School, University College,
Leicester and then Christ's College, Cambridge. His doctorate (1936) was supervised by G. M.
Trevelyan; this was the unique occasion when Trevelyan accepted a student. He had a research
fellowship at King's College, Cambridge just before World War II, during which he was at Bletchley
Park where he headed a section working on a German Naval hand cipher, Reservehandverfahren.
He became a Fellow of Christ's College in 1946, remaining there. He was Master of the college from
1978 to 1982. He became Professor of Modern English History in the University in 1966. He was
knighted in 1982.
In the 1960s he branched out as an editor, notably of The History of Human Society series. Later he
worked on a television series about the British Royal family and the royal collections.
Friends from his early life, C. P. Snow and William Cooper, portrayed him in novels; he also is known
to be the model for a character in an Angus Wilson short story, The Wrong Set.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J.H._Plumb
E.Overton:
(à completer)
F.Lord Engle
(à completer)
II.Inventors
II.Inventors
Young was a vigorous advocate of agrarian improvements, especially enclosures and long leases,
and his statistics and lively prose must have helped publicize and diffuse the innovations in farming
practices that were taking place. He was consulted by agriculturists and politicians at home and
abroad, including George Washington, and received numerous honors. His marriage to Martha Allen
from 1765 was unhappy, though, with faults seemingly on both sides. The youngest of the couple's
four children died in 1797, triggering the melancholia and religious fervor that characterised Young in
his later years. His prodigious work rate slowed after about 1805 on account of deteriorating vision,
and ultimately blindness.
Some contemporary rivals, notably William Marshall, were fiercely critical of Young's abilities as a
farmer and accurate observer: the judgment of historians remains divided. Young certainly never
made a financial success of farming, but this was partly because he expended large sums on
agricultural experiments and was frequently absent from his farm writing or travelling. Allegations
that Young's enquiries were based on alehouse gossip, or conducted too hastily, are perhaps not
without some truth, but his sample survey investigative procedure undoubtedly represented a
pioneering scientific approach to agricultural research. Ironically, historians' analysis of Youngs facts
and figures has produced results that do not always support his original conclusions. For example,
enclosures turn out to be not as important in increasing farm output as Young maintained.
http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/stead.young
http://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=4839
His seed drill would sow seed in uniform rows and cover up the seed in the rows. Up to that point,
sowing seeds was done by hand by scattering seeds on the ground. Tull considered this method
wasteful since many seeds did not take root. The first prototype seed drill was built from the foot
pedals of Jethro Tull's local church organ.
Jethro Tull was part of a group of farmers who founded the Norfolk system, an early attempt to apply
science to farming. In 1731, he published The New Horse Houghing Husbandry: or, an Essay on the
Principles of Tillage and Vegetation.
http://inventors.about.com/library/inventors/bljethrotull.htm
F.Collings Brothers:
Stock raisers, first scientific breeders of Shorthorn, or Durham, beef cattle.
Robert Colling (1749 - March 7, 1820), and his brother Charles (1751 - January 16, 1836), English
stock breeders, famous for their improvement of the Shorthorn breed of cattle, were the sons of
Charles Colling, a farmer of Ketton near Darlington. Their lives are closely connected with the history
of the Shorthorn breed. Of the two brothers, Charles is probably the better known, and it was his visit
to the farm of Robert Bakewell at Dishley that first led the brothers to realize the possibilities of
scientific selective breeding of cattle. Charles succeeded to his father's farm at Ketton. Robert, after
being first apprenticed to a grocer in Shields, took a farm at Barmpton. An animal which he bought at
Charles's advice for and afterwards sold to his brother, became known as the celebrated Hubback, a
bull which formed the basis of both the Ketton and Barmpton herds.
The two brothers pursued the same system of inbreeding which they had learned from Robert
Bakewell, and both the Ketton and the Barmpton herds were sold by auction in the autumn of 1810.
Robert Colling died unmarried at Barmpton on the 7th of March 1820, leaving his property to his
brother. Charles Colling, who is remembered as the owner of the famous bulls Hubback, Favorite and
Comet, and the breeder of the celebrated Durham Ox, was more of a specialist and a businessman
than his brother. He died on the 16th of January 1836.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Colling
steam pressure, but the extra stress placed on the boiler by this pressure made it unreliable. The
machine was therefore not capable of raising water from the depth of a mine, and the almost only
known working versions were used for water-supply pumping in London. However an attempt was
made (unsuccessfully) to use one to clear water from a mine at Broadwaters in Wednesbury, then in
Staffordshire.
Savery worked for the Sick and Hurt Commissioners. His duties took him to Dartmouth, which is
probably how he came into contact with Thomas Newcomen. The Commissioners contracted the
supply of medicines to the Navy Stock Company, which was connected with the Society of
Apothecaries, John Meres being clerk to both.
In 1701, he obtained an Act of Parliament extending the life of his patent for a further 21 years, to
1733. Rights under this passed to the unincorporated Proprietors of the Invention for Raising Water
by Fire. The John Meres was their secretary and treasurer.
By 1712, arrangements were made with Thomas Newcomen to develop Newcomen's more advanced
design of steam engine, which was marketed under Savery's patent. Newcomen's engine worked
purely by atmospheric pressure, thereby avoiding the dangers of high-pressure steam, and used the
piston concept invented in 1690 by the Frenchman Denis Papin to produce the first steam engine
capable of raising water from deep mines.
Several later pumping systems may be based on Savery's pump. For example, the twin-chamber
pulsometer steam pump was a successful development of it.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Savery
A.George II (1683-1760:
George was elector of Hanover and second Hanoverian king of Great Britain and Ireland.
George was born in Hanover, Germany on 10 November 1683, the only son of the elector of Hanover.
In 1705 he married Princess Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach, and they had nine children.
In 1714 George's father succeeded to the British throne, and created George prince of Wales. The
relationship between father and son was already poor and the prince's London residence, Leicester
House, became a rival court and focus for a dissident Whig group which included Robert Walpole. He
encouraged a reconciliation between father and son. This led to Walpole's inclusion in George I's
administration, whereupon he lost the prince's favour. Only Caroline's intervention kept Walpole in
office when the prince succeeded to the throne in 1727. He cemented his position by securing
George a Civil List (allowance) from Parliament of £800,000, considerably more than previous
monarchs had received. Walpole also won acknowledgement of George's legitimacy from many
influential Tories who supported the exiled Stuart pretender to the English throne. As a result, no
senior politician deserted George's cause during the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745. Charles Edward
Stuart, the 'Young Pretender' landed in Scotland but, after some initial success, was defeated at the
Battle of Culloden in 1746.
George seemed destined to imitate his father, quarrelling with his son Frederick Louis, Prince of
Wales, who in turn became a leader of an anti-administration faction. War broke out with Spain in
1739. In 1742 Walpole, who had dominated government since 1721, resigned. George quickly found
another mentor in John Carteret who, with George, brought England into the War of the Austrian
Succession (1740-48), prompting accusations that he was subordinating English interests to those of
George's German possessions. In 1743, George led his troops into battle against the French at
Dettingen, the last British king to fight alongside his soldiers.
During the last decade of his life George took little interest in politics. Britain's involvement in the
Seven Years' War (1756 - 1763) was largely overseen by William Pitt the Elder. This period also saw
the expansion of British influence in India and Canada with the military successes of Clive and Wolfe.
George died on 25 October 1760. Frederick had died in 1751, leaving George's grandson to inherit
the throne.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/george_ii_king.shtml
deceased persons were taken, producing what came to be called "death masks." Methodists
prepared John Wesley's Death Mask, however, to insure that future statuary would represent him
accurately. The mask is courtesy of the Drew University Methodist Collection (Madison, New Jersey).
Wesley died on Wednesday March 2, 1791, in his eighty-eighth year. As he lay dying, his friends
gathered around him, Wesley grasped their hands and said repeatedly, "Farewell, farewell." At the
end, summoning all his remaining strength, he cried out, "The best of all is, God is with us," lifted his
arms and raised his feeble voice again, repeating the words, "The best of all is, God is with us."
http://wesley.nnu.edu/john_wesley/index.htm