Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
Master's Thesis
My thanks go to my future wife Alison and to my family and nearest friends for loving and sup
porting me during the time of studies and preparation. My thanks also go to Prof. Knerr for helping
me to conceptualize and structure the work.
Furthermore I want to thank the Fundación Agrecol Andes for the opportunity to visit Bolivia and
do an internship there and all the participants of the ECO-Feria project for their efforts to establish
an ecological market in Cochabamba.
Special thanks also go to all the helpful people in Bolivia who took their time to answer my ques
tions and fill out my questionnaires, in particular to Daniel Vildozo, Rosario Melgarejo, Grover
Bustillos, Nelson Ramos, Armando Sanchez, Mario Choque, Marga van't Hoff, Hugo Maldonado,
Mariano Quisbert and many others.
I also thank all the developers of Open Office for their great work, which made it a lot easier for
me to write this down.
I hope the process of change that is taking place in Bolivia will contribute to improve the living
conditions of the many Bolivians who have lived through centuries of exploitation and repression. I
have faith that the Bolivian people will not need violence to resolve their internal conflicts and will
take the right path of national self determination and independence which will also lead to food
sovereignty.
i
Table of Contents
List of tables........................................................................................................................................iii
List of figures......................................................................................................................................iii
List of abbreviations.............................................................................................................................v
Abstract...............................................................................................................................................vi
1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................1
1.1 Relevance of the topic...............................................................................................................2
1.2 Research question.....................................................................................................................2
1.3 Organization of the thesis.........................................................................................................3
2 State of research...............................................................................................................................4
2.1 Purpose of laws and certification for organic products............................................................4
2.2 Evolution of organic agriculture, certification and legislation in Germany / Europe...............6
2.3 Experiences in other Latin American countries........................................................................9
2.3.1 Chile..................................................................................................................................9
2.3.2 Argentina.........................................................................................................................11
2.3.3 Paraguay..........................................................................................................................12
2.3.4 Brazil...............................................................................................................................13
2.3.5 Peru.................................................................................................................................14
2.3.6 Ecuador...........................................................................................................................15
2.3.7 Costa Rica.......................................................................................................................16
2.3.8 Mexico............................................................................................................................17
3 Methodology and material..............................................................................................................19
3.1 Analysis of law 3525/06.........................................................................................................19
3.2 Analysis of the market............................................................................................................20
4 Bolivia............................................................................................................................................24
4.1 Basic country facts..................................................................................................................24
4.2 Socio-economic framework....................................................................................................25
4.3 The agricultural sector............................................................................................................26
4.4 Government control over the local market.............................................................................27
4.5 The production and export of certified organic products........................................................28
5 Law 3525/06...................................................................................................................................31
5.1 Development of ecological legislation in Bolivia...................................................................32
5.2 Contents of law 3525/06.........................................................................................................34
5.3 Implications for the local market (alternative certification)...................................................39
5.4 Implementation.......................................................................................................................40
5.5 Experts opinions (surveys and interviews).............................................................................40
6 The local market for organic products............................................................................................42
6.1 The stakeholders.....................................................................................................................42
6.1.1 Producers and Processors................................................................................................42
6.1.2 Retailers..........................................................................................................................44
6.1.3 Consumers.......................................................................................................................45
6.1.4 Certifiers..........................................................................................................................46
ii
6.1.5 General public.................................................................................................................47
6.2 Results of the surveys.............................................................................................................48
6.2.1 Producers.........................................................................................................................48
6.2.2 Retailers..........................................................................................................................51
6.2.3 Consumers.......................................................................................................................53
6.2.4 Experts............................................................................................................................57
6.3 Results of studies previously conducted in Bolivia................................................................61
6.3.1 2006 AOPEB / ACSHA study in La Paz
(FAO project TCP/RLA/3006)..................................................................................................61
6.3.2 2004 Agrecol Andes study in Cochabamba (ECO Feria project)...................................62
6.3.3 2002 FAO study ASOPEC Santa Cruz............................................................................63
6.3.4 1997 AOPEB study in La Paz.........................................................................................65
7 Discussion and interpretation of the results....................................................................................66
7.1 Producers................................................................................................................................66
7.2 Retailers..................................................................................................................................68
7.3 Consumers..............................................................................................................................69
7.4 SWOT Analysis......................................................................................................................70
8 Conclusion and Recommendations................................................................................................72
References..........................................................................................................................................75
Annexes.................................................................................................................................................I
Political map of Bolivia....................................................................................................................I
The surveys.....................................................................................................................................II
Ecological producers and processors:........................................................................................II
Personnel or owners of points of sale for ecological products..................................................III
Consumers of ecological products............................................................................................IV
Experts on the ecological agriculture and the local market.......................................................V
Experts on the new legislation..................................................................................................VI
Questionnaire for certifying bodies to estimate the national certified production for export. VII
A selection of organic labels found on products in Bolivia........................................................VIII
Ecological retailers and signs........................................................................................................IX
List of tables
Table 1: SENASAGs problems implementing the national control system according to experts
opinions.................................................................................................................................41
Table 2: Experts answers about what should be changed in the legislation.......................................41
Table 3: Experts opinions on growth obstacles for the national ecological market...........................59
iii
List of figures
Figure 1: Private labels of selected farmers associations in Europe.....................................................8
Figure 2: Organic seal of Chile...........................................................................................................10
Figure 3: Organic seal of Costa Rica..................................................................................................17
Figure 4: Age group distribution of surveyed consumers..................................................................22
Figure 5: The logic of a SWOT analysis............................................................................................23
Figure 6: Major ethnic groups............................................................................................................25
Figure 7: Sectoral distribution of GDP and labour force....................................................................25
Figure 8: Share of cultivated area by crops........................................................................................26
Figure 9: Number of certified organic farms 1995 – 2006.................................................................29
Figure 10: Organically certified area (ha) 1995 - 2006 without brazil nut wild collection area........30
Figure 11: Volume of certified organic products 1995 - 2005 (metric tons)......................................30
Figure 12: Composition of the certified organic production in 2005 (volume) ................................31
Figure 13: National logo for ecological products...............................................................................35
Figure 14: Urban household expenditures on food and non-alcoholic beverages..............................45
Figure 15: Producers definitions of ecological products....................................................................48
Figure 16: Sales channels of producers..............................................................................................48
Figure 17: Product categories produced or processed by the respondents.........................................49
Figure 18: Producers guaranty for the ecological status of their products.........................................50
Figure 19: Retailers definitions of ecological products......................................................................51
Figure 20: Product categories sold by the retailers............................................................................52
Figure 21: Retailers assurance of suppliers quality............................................................................52
Figure 22: Retailers ecological quality guarantee to the consumers .................................................53
Figure 23: Consumers definitions of ecological products..................................................................53
Figure 24: Products demanded by the consumers..............................................................................54
Figure 25: Consumers known points of sale for ecological products................................................55
Figure 26: Ecological products bought by consumers.......................................................................55
Figure 27: Consumers actual quality control for ecological products................................................56
Figure 28: Consumers preferred quality control for ecological products...........................................56
Figure 29: Price premium the consumers are willing to pay for guaranteed ecological products.....57
Figure 30: Means of experts estimates about ecological consumers willingness to pay a price
premium.............................................................................................................................58
Figure 31: Means of experts estimates about ecological consumers age structure............................58
Figure 32: Means of experts estimates about ecological consumers guaranty preferences...............59
Figure 33: Means of experts estimates about ecological producers reasons to convert to ecological
agriculture..........................................................................................................................60
iv
List of abbreviations
AOPEB Asociación de Organización de Productores Ecológicos de Bolivia
(organic farmers association of Bolivia)
ACSHA Asociación de Carpas Solares de Hortalizas de Achocalla
AGRUCO Agroecología Universidad Cochabamba
ANAPQUI Asociación Nacional de Productores de Quinua
CAINCO Cámara de Industria, Comercio, Servicios y Turismo de Santa Cruz
CCT Comisión de Coordinación Técnica
CEIISA Centro de Estudios e Investigación en Impactos Socio
ambiementales
CNAPE Consejo Nacional de Producción Ecológica (National Council for
Ecological Production)
CSUTCB Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de
Bolivia (farmers union)
FECAFEB Federación de Caficultores Exportadores de Bolivia
GMO Genetically Modified Organism
HDI Human Development Index
ICS Internal Control System
IFOAM International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements
MAELA Movimiento Agroecológico Latinoamericano
MDRAyMA Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural, Agropecuario, y Medio Ambiente
MPD Ministerio de Planificación del Desarrollo
MPM Ministerio de Producción y Microempresa
MREC Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Cultos
NCA National Competent Authority (in Bolivia the SENASAG)
NOP National Organic Program (USA)
NTFP Non-Timber Forest Products
PGS Participatory Guarantee System
SENASAG Servicio Nacional de Sanidad Agropecuaria e Inocuidad Alimentaria
(Competent Authority)
SWOT-Analysis Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats – Analysis
v
Abstract
The booming demand for organic products leads to high growth rates in this sector, especially in
exporting countries. This study investigates how organic legislation in Latin American countries,
which is intended to support the export sector, can also influence the local market. This is done
through a case study for Bolivia, its new law 3525/06 and its national market for organic products.
The general situation in Bolivia is described briefly, the new law is analyzed, and an analysis of the
national market for organic products is presented. The results are that the new law is very progres
sive and allows easier access to organic certification for the internal market. Nevertheless, the lo
cal organic market is still a very small niche market and completely unregulated, but there is poten
tial for growth if the implementation of the law is accompanied by a broad publicity campaign
aimed at the consumers and support and education for farmers.
vi
1 Introduction
The world market for organic products has been growing fast in the last decade, reach
ing an estimated total value of over 40 billion US dollars in 2007, a figure that more than
doubles the value of 2000. Recently there were even shortages in the supply of organic
products. The consumers are concentrated in the major northern markets (Europe and the
North America comprise 97% of the global organic revenues) but their demand is increas
ingly met by imports from other regions like Asia, Africa or Latin America. The organic pro
duction in these areas has had even higher growth rates than in Europe or the US but is
totally dependent on the export markets - over 90% of the organic products in these coun
tries are exported. (Willer, H. et al., 2008, p. 53ff)
The strong market growth in Europe and North America is also the result of the imple
mentation of organic legislation in the European Union 1991 (EEC2092/91) and in the
United Sates 2002 (NOP – National Organic Program). These laws boosted consumer
confidence in organic product's quality and enabled the explosion of the market.
The focus of this paper is neither on the northern market nor the southern exports but
rather on the southern internal market for organic products. These markets are still very
small which makes the organic producers dependent on export markets and crops. This
can be a very dangerous and unsustainable situation for the organic producers if demand
drops in the northern countries or trade barriers arise. Also this dependency does not ad
here to the original concepts of organic farming such as closed cycles, fairness and sus
tainability. Consequently local markets for organic products in these export oriented coun
tries should be promoted on a national level to reduce dependence on exports, to estab
lish more sustainable production systems and consequently to ensure food security for the
population. These would be measures which would fit into the concept of food sovereignty
which is a term that describes the people's right to self determination of their food and
agricultural systems to achieve food security in a socially just, culturally appropriate, envi
ronmentally sound and sustainable way1.
In the future conventional agricultural practices have to be changed because they are
unsustainable. They cause degradation of soil fertility, pollute the environment, and use
too many non-renewable external inputs mostly on the basis of fossil fuels. Fossil fuels
contribute especially to global climate change and their production has already peaked
1 The term “food sovereignty” is explained and discussed well in Windfuhr, M. and Jonsén, J., 2005
1
which means that they will get ever more expensive. If agriculture depends on them as
heavily as today2 this dependence will lead to higher food prices and subsequent food in
security and hunger. To prevent this alternative production systems such as organic agri
culture have to be promoted and local markets for organic products should be established.
This thesis sheds a light on the exemplary situation of Bolivia, a poor South American
country which is exporting exporting organic products, but has taken first steps towards
food sovereignty and the establishment of a local market for organic food through new leg
islation and policies.
“When we speak of ecological Bolivia we are speaking about sovereignty and human
security; to produce ecological products is not for the money but it is about life, we are
speaking about the life of humanity” (Bolivian President Evo Morales 2006)3
This document might be useful to all stakeholders who wish to get an overview over the
situation, identify key issues and players and hopefully in this way contribute to the growth
of the national market for ecological products in Bolivia.
This paper might also be relevant to researchers who want to draw lines between the sit
uation of the national ecological market and legislation in Bolivia and in other Latin Ameri
can countries
2 A very good paper on the dependence of modern agriculture on fossil fuels is Church, N., 2005.
3 This quote is taken from Vildozo, L., 2007
4 Throughout the whole text the word ecological will be used as a synonym for organic or biological because it is the
most accurate translation of the Spanish term “ecológico”.
2
healthy and nutritious food while paying a fair price to the producer who produces using
environmentally sound practices.
In chapter 2 the reader will get an introduction into why laws and certification for organic
products are needed (2.1) and a brief overview on how the organic movement and legisla
tion developed with the example of Germany / Europe (2.2). In chapter 2.3 a brief glimpse
is taken at the advance of national legislation and markets for organic products in Bolivia's
neighboring countries Chile, Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, Peru and three others Latin
American nations which are Ecuador, Costa Rica and Mexico.
In chapter 3 the methodology and material used in this study are discussed, first for the
analysis of the law (3.1) and then for the analysis of the market (3.2).
In chapter 4 the situation in Bolivia is described starting with basic country facts (4.1) and
an overview of key socio-economic figures (4.2) followed by a description of the agricultur
al sector (4.3). After that the instruments of governmental control over the local market for
agricultural products (4.4) are described and at the end of this chapter is an overview of
the export production of certified organic products (4.5).
In chapter 5 the legislation is analyzed by looking at the evolution of the Bolivian law
3525/06 (5.1) and its contents (5.2), especially analyzing the previsions for the local mar
ket (5.3). At the end of this chapter the efforts and steps that were already made to imple
ment the law (5.4) are discussed and the results of the expert interviews on this topic are
presented (5.5).
In chapter 6 the local market for organic products in Bolivia is described in its 2007 situa
tion (before implementation of the law) first looking at who the stakeholders are (6.1) and
then presenting results of surveys and interviews (6.2) conducted by the author with pro
ducers, retailers, consumers and experts about the market situation. At the end of this
3
chapter the survey results are put into perspective by analyzing similar surveys conducted
in Bolivia (6.3).
In chapter 7 the results are further discussed for producers (7.1), retailers (7.2) and con
sumers (7.3) concluding with a SWOT-Analysis (7.4) for the organic sector in the local Bo
livian food market.
In chapter 8 the author draws his conclusions and gives some recommendations on how
the national organic market could be strengthened in Bolivia.
2 State of research
Quality: The term “organic” describes a certain extrinsic quality aspect of a product which
is connected to its production process. The word signals to the buyer that the
product has been produced using certain production methods which give it a higher
quality or value in the eye of a buyer who has a preference for these production
methods.
Trust: The problem is that such extrinsic quality parameters cannot be verified by the buy
er at the moment of purchase or consumption. The buyer has to trust the informa
tion he gets from the seller.
Information asymmetry: The seller has more information about the product quality than
the buyer.
According to Bodenstein, G. & Spiller, J., 1998, p223ff there are five different levels of in
formation asymmetry:
2. The next level would be quality aspects that are visible from the outside before
consumption like the size of a banana.
4
3. More asymmetrical is the information about quality aspects that can be assessed
by simple sensory means at the moment of consumption, like the taste of a banana.
4. A further step into information asymmetry are quality aspects that can only be
measured with specialized equipment like the nutritive value of the banana or its
contamination with agrochemicals.
5. The last step into complete information asymmetry are extrinsic quality aspects of
a product that cannot be measured in the product itself like process qualities i.e.
child labor used in harvesting the banana.
As 2001 Nobel prize winner George Akerlof describes in his famous 1970 paper “The
Market for Lemons: Quality Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism”, markets for products
with qualities above category 2 can break down. This happens because there is an incen
tive for the sellers to sell low quality products yet claiming they are high quality because
the buyer cannot verify the quality at the time of purchase and on the other hand the buy
ers do not trust the sellers and are not willing to pay a premium price for a quality product
where they cannot assess the quality beforehand, (Akerlof, G., 1970).
There are several instruments to prevent this type of market failure: Guarantees giving
the buyer the right to return the product if the quality does not meet his/her quality expec
tations work for product qualities of category 3. Also brand image and reputation are often
effective in giving buyers the trust to pay price premiums for qualities in category 3. To so
lidify the buyer's trust for product qualities in category 4 apart from giving a guarantee and
having a brand name the seller should present a third party (laboratory) test certificate to
be trustworthy. A good example of the market for milk in India in the 1970s demonstrates
this case. Milk was routinely watered down by the sellers and because the buyers could
not asses the quality they would not pay more than the lowest price. That drove unadulter
ated quality milk out of the market. This problem was fixed by a campaign of the National
Dairy Development Board providing inexpensive butterfat measurement devices and es
tablishing price schemes that reflected the measured quality, (McMillan, J., 2002). For
product qualities of category 5 it is extremely difficult to generate trust in the buyer be
cause these qualities cannot be measured. The successful way here is also to have a
brand name, a trustworthy third party assessment of the quality and the constant effort to
keep the whole production process and supply chain very transparent.
5
As mentioned before, organic quality is an extrinsic process quality and thus belongs into
the last category. This means that in order to be able to sell organic products for a higher
price (reflecting their higher quality) there must be a relationship of trust between buyer
and seller. This is accomplished by labeling the product with labels which should convince
the buyer that the process and product have been inspected and certified by a trustworthy
third party. There are different kinds of third parties. For most of the consumers (in devel
oped countries) the most trustworthy third parties are governmental institutions which are
backed up by laws and regulations.
In conclusion it can be stated that laws and certification of organic products are neces
sary instruments to foster the trust of the consumer in the organic quality of the product by
reducing information asymmetry. This leads to the disposition of the consumers to pay
higher (fairer) prices for organic products. Especially in the case of imported organic prod
ucts laws and certification make a market possible where otherwise it would hardly exist.
Only on very small and direct markets is it possible for trust relationships to develop with
out laws, regulations and certification through friendships between sellers and regular
clients and personal inspections.
The roots of organic agriculture go back to the beginning of the twentieth century. With
the research results of Justus von Liebig at the end of the nineteenth century about plant
nutrition and the development of the Haber-Bosch process in the beginning of the twenti
eth century to mass produce cheap fertilizer, traditional agriculture changed rapidly. Soon
synthetic plant protection agents completed the picture of modern agriculture and farmers
adopted these techniques to achieve higher yields. They subsequently became more and
more dependent on these agrochemicals and the entire food production was just seen as
a function of applying the right amounts of fertilizers and plant protection to a soil that only
served as a growing substrate. In this way natural soil fertility was lost and balanced agro-
ecosystems were destroyed.
6
However some people did not embrace the development but criticized this mechanized
view of agriculture and other consequences of the industrial revolution. They had different
reasons to do so but they often had a more holistic view of the world and, out of the search
for an independent and often communal lifestyle, they wanted to practise a more tradition
al form of agriculture with only natural inputs to produce healthy and wholesome food. This
movement was already taking off at the beginning of the twentieth century. One famous pi
oneer and the founder of biodynamic agriculture was Rudolf Steiner who gave some
courses on agriculture in 1924 describing a farm as a living organism. In Switzerland Dr.
Hans Müller developed and promoted a system that tried to close nutrient cycles. In Eng
land Lady Eve Balfour experimented with organic agriculture and wrote the classic “The
Living Soil” and in the USA J. I. Rodale stressed the fact that only healthy soil can produce
healthy food. Although this was not a united movement, the basic principles were the
same and after World War II the organic movement grew slowly but steadily. Especially
during the 1960s and 1970s many young people joined the movement and moved to the
countryside.
This development only took place in western countries and societies. Thus in the former
communist block and developing countries the concept of organic agriculture5 was virtually
non-existent.
As the organic movement grew bigger different associations were established as for ex
ample the Demeter association for the biodynamic farmers, the Bioland association follow
ing the principles of Dr. Hans Müller or the Soil Association of Lady Eve Balfour in Eng
land. The members of these farmer groups were all convinced about organic agriculture.
They came together and discussed related topics and at a certain point they tried to write
down what they considered to be the most important principles of organic agriculture. Like
this the first standards were developed, in the beginning often not exceeding more than
one or two pages. At the same time the market for organic food developed and consumers
were asking questions about the production methods and a guarantee. In many cases or
ganic food was directly marketed from the farmer to the consumer, so the exchange was
build on a basis of personal trust. As the market grew and organic products were also sold
5 It is important here to differentiate between organic agriculture and traditional agriculture which often is also sus
tainable and “organic by default”.
7
in special shops, consumers either trusted the shop owner or demanded another level of
trust. This need could be satisfied through labels they could trust.
Each organic framer's association allowed its members to sell their products with the la
bel of the association. Using that label implied that the farmer was managing his farm ac
cording to the association's standards.
Figure 1: Private labels of selected farmers associations in Europe
With the use of labels standards also had to be developed and in order to justify the trust
the consumer put into the label, the need appeared to ensure that farmers comply with
these standards. As the members of the associations were meeting regularly in their re
gional groups anyway the idea developed to have the meeting each time at a different
farm and like this the farmer's farms would be inspected by the colleagues. This was still a
system based on trust and solidarity within the organic associations but as the markets
slowly grew, the standards were developed further with more specific guidelines referring
to farm inputs, space for animals and even processing methods. The internal certification
systems of the associations had to follow these developments and were improved continu
ously.
With the growing demand for safe and healthy food due to food scandals and crisis such
as BSE in Europe there were more and more products on the shelves bearing green logos
stating organic, ecological or natural quality. This led to confusion among the consumers
as to how these products were controlled and what standards lay behind these numerous
labels and claims. The organic associations and industry were aware that credibility would
be lost if there was no common legislation for the use of these organic words and there
fore they lobbied for it in the European Union. After the European regulation (EEC2092/91)
was passed only products complying with it could be marketed with organic claims.
This meant that the compliance had to be checked and the regulation called for inspec
tion and certification by accredited certification bodies compliant to the ISO65/EN45011
8
norm. These annual inspections cost the farmers money and confront them with the re
quirements of extensive record keeping of the organic origin of seeds, feeds, animals and
other inputs. Furthermore, the inspectors are not allowed to give advise to the farmers
they inspect, because this would be seen as a conflict of interest.
As a result, the consumers can be pretty sure that only truly organic products are able to
make organic claims and a price premium was justified. That brought a boost in the de
mand for organic products which even led to situations where the supply did not meet the
demand. The farmers associations go on using their labels along the obligatory national
(EU) label, claiming their standards are higher than the EU ones.
On the international level other countries developed their own legislation and control sys
tems like the NOP in the United States or JAS in Japan. The private sector established the
IFOAM norms and organic agriculture was included in the Codex Alimentarius of FAO and
WHO with the CAC/GL 32-1999 standard.
2.3.1 Chile
Organic agricultural area: 9,464 ha (0.06% of total agricultural land)
9
According to Willer, H. et al., 2008 organic production in Chile is almost completely ex
port-oriented (90%). Chile has the advantage that it can produce off-season for the north
ern markets, with the main destination being the US (70%). It mainly exports fresh prod
ucts like vegetables, apples, cherries, asparagus, blueberries, avocado, citrus, kiwi and
olives. More and more processed products like wine, olive oil and fruit juices and concen
trates complete the product range and also meat, mainly lamb and organic salmon are be
ing exported.
The products are certified by international agencies like BCS / Germany and IMO /
Switzerland and three national certifiers including CCO (Certificadora Chile Orgánico),
CIAL (Corporación de Investigación en Agricultura Alternativa) and PROA (Corporación de
Promoción Agropecuaria).
The local market is very limited but there exist some home delivery services in bigger
cities. Supermarkets often have a range of organic fruit and vegetables and some special
ized shops like Tierra Viva and La Ventana Orgánica exist.
The organic movement in Chile has been growing since the mid 1980s, mainly as the re
sult of efforts made by NGO projects. When the export market evolved in the 1990 the pro
ducers and other stakeholders also formed an organization to represent and lobby for the
sector, in 1999 the AAOCH (Agrupación de Agricultura Biológica de Chile) was founded
which is a member of MAELA (Movimiento Agroecológico Latinoamericano) and IFOAM.
A national law (Nr. 20.089) for organic production, processing Figure 2: Organic
th
and trade was passed on Janurary 17 of 2006 naming the SAG seal of Chile
(Servicio Agrícola y Ganadero) as the competent authority to
mange the control system. The regulation for this law was passed
on the 5th of August 2006 and became legally valid the 1st of
February 2007. The law allows for alternative certification for the
local market and direct sales as specified in article 3 of the law
and article 26 of the regulation.
Further information on the law can be found on the website of the SAG and for further in
formation on the the market for organic products in Chile the Ministry of Agriculture pub
lished a market study ODEPA, 2007.
10
2.3.2 Argentina
Organic agricultural area: 2,220,489 ha (1.7% of total agricultural land)
After Australia and China Argentina has the world's third largest area under organic pro
duction. Nevertheless most of this area (2,164,200 ha) is extensive cattle and sheep
ranches on permanent grasslands. Ninety percent of the production is for export with the
major markets being the EU and the US and the major products being meat, cereals,
oilseeds, fruits, and some vegetables. Processed product are also exported as for exam
ple, olive oil, sugar, concentrated juices, honey and wine. Other products include aromatic
and medicinal plants and organic wool.
All these products are certified by the more than twelve national certifying bodies the
most important of which are Argencert and OIA (Organización Internacional Agropecuaria),
Bio Letis, Food Safety, APROBA (Agro Productores Organicos de Buenos Aires), Ambien
tal and MOA (Fundación Mokichi Okada).
The local market for organic products started to grow in the 1990s with home deliveries
and special shops but quickly expanded also to supermarkets which have a full range of
organic products. In the economic crisis after the turn of the century the local consumption
decreased but now a wide variety of products have returned to the shelves. Some super
market chains have even developed their own organic brands. In the field of the special
ized shops El Rincón Orgánico has made itself a worldwide renown name for operating al
most 20 years offering more than 200 organic products to customers in Buenos Aires.
The organic movement in Argentina is led by MAPO (Movimiento Argentino para la Pro
ducción Orgánica) but also several other organizations are active in the sector like
CAPOC (Cámara Argentina de Productores Organicos Certificados), a commerce cham
ber for organic producers and a multitude of local and regional networks. There are also
university courses and investigations into organic agriculture like a degree program at the
university of Buenos Aires (UBA),“Tecnicatura en Producción Vegetal Orgánica”. Also the
INTA (Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria) has carried out research on organic
production systems.
On the legal side Argentina was the first Latin American country to pass a legislation as
early as 1992. Today law 25.127 from 1999 along with its legal framework is valid. The
11
SENASA is the competent authority. Along with Costa Rica Argentina is the only Latin
American country with third country status according to EEC2092/91 in the European
Union.
Further information on Argentina's organic sector can be obtained at the websites of the
mentioned institutions and detailed production information for 2006 is contained in
SENASA, 2007.
2.3.3 Paraguay
Organic agricultural area: 17,705 ha6 (0.07% of total agricultural land)
Paraguay does not have a big organic sector. The main organic export commodity is
sugar, which accounts for over 95% of the organic land. Other products include maté, cot
ton, sesame, soya, fruit, vegetables and some spices and medical plants (AlterVida,
2008).
The products which are for export are certified by foreign certification bodies and the lo
cal market is almost non-existent with the exceptions of some direct marketing or the oc
casional organic product on the supermarket shelf.
In Paraguay there is also a long history of NGO projects that have tried to promote or
ganic agriculture. At the moment the NGO Alter Vida is leading this movement. They also
initiated a project that specifically tries to consolidate the organic market and its organiza
tional structures which can be reached at the website www.productosorganicos.org.py .
With the help and lobby work of the FAO and Alter Vida the government also passed or
ganic legislation on the 6th of June 2008 consisting in law 3.481 and ministerial resolution
893 of the MAG (Ministerio de Agricultura y Ganaderia). There is still a long way ahead be
fore complete implementation.
In Paraguay there is also the problem of the aggressively expanding industrialized soya
production which uses GMO varieties and destroys local communities.
6 This figure is from Willer, H. et al., 2008 but the Paraguayan NGO AlterVida states a figure of 44.290 ha for 2007
on its website www.productosorganicos.org.py
12
2.3.4 Brazil
Organic agricultural area: 880,000 ha7 (0.3% of total agricultural land)
Brazil has a big economy and also has some considerable organic exports. The big ex
tension of organic land is owed mainly to pastures which make up 75% of it. The main or
ganic export crops are coffee, bananas, soya and corn but also vegetables and fruit like
apples and grapes are exported. The major processed products are meat, concentrated
fruit juices, sugar and processed soya.
These products are certified by the 12 national and 9 international certifying bodies ac
tive in Brazil, some examples of which include IBD (Instituto Biodinamico), AAOCERT (As
sociacao De Agricultura Organica) and IMO Brazil.
The national market for organic products in Brazil is Latin America's most developed
one. The main marketing channels today are supermarkets with 45%, followed by markets
(26%) and specialized stores (16%). The rest is marketed through home delivery or inno
vative systems like consumer cooperatives. Fresh vegetables and fruits are the products
with the highest demand but there are also processed organic products on the market like
tea, coffee, mate, jams, oils, breakfast cereals and dairy products. In Brasilia there exists a
completely organic supermarket managed by a producers cooperative and an organic
hamburger shop which sells organic fast food.
The organic movement in Brazil started in the 1970s as part of a counter movement to
the green revolution. In 1981 the “Brazilian Meeting on Alternative Agriculture” took place
and from that time different NGOs also promoted organic agriculture through their projects.
In 1989 the AAO (Associacao De Agricultura Organica) was formed. Today there are nu
merous institutions promoting organic agriculture including for example the Eco Vida Net
work which is a producers and consumers network. But also the Ministry of Agrarian De
velopment is involved in promoting ecological agriculture as an alternative to the multitude
of small farmers in the country. In 2005 “Programa de Desarrollo de Agricultura Orgánica
(Pro-Orgánico)” was initiated to stimulate the production and domestic consumption of or
ganic products This program had funds of almost one million US Dollars.
7 This number does not include all the small farmers that are members of alternative certification and marketing
schemes
8 Ibid (the number of small farmers is estimated to be around 190,000)
13
The legal framework for organic production, processing and marketing is laid down in
Law 10831/2003 from December 23rd 2003. The regulation (Decreto nº 6323) for that law
was passed on the 27th of December 2007. The legislation provides organic farmers with
an alternative to the third party certification system in that the local certification is also
possible through participatory guaranty systems (PGS). In Brazil such a system is already
working within the ECO Vida Network.
2.3.5 Peru
Organic agricultural area: 121,677 ha (0.6% of total agricultural land)
In Peru the vast majority of organic production (97%) is exported mainly to US and EU
markets. Of these exports 94% are coffee and cocoa. Another growing organic export are
bananas and the rest are products such as quinoa, cotton, pecans, brazil nuts, onions, as
paragus, sesame seeds, amaranth and tomatoes. The whole export market for 2006 was
estimated at around 100 million US Dollars.
These products are certified by the national certifier Bio Latina and international certifiers
such as SKAL, IMO and SGS. Most of the coffee is certified via group certification of
smallholder groups and associations.
The national market for organic products has had a steady and successful growth with
the main products on demand being vegetables (43%), fruits (41%), beans (9%) and tu
bers (7%). Different NGOs have promoted weekly organic markets of which the Bio Feria
in Lima of the “Grupo Eco-Lógica Peru” is a prime example with great success since 1999.
There are also home deliveries and the presence of organic products in supermarkets and
specialized shops in the bigger cities. The sales through these channels are estimated to
amount to half a million US Dollars. In the smaller cities like Huanuco “Ferias Ecológicas”
are also taking place, often guaranteeing the organic quality through participatory guaran
tee systems (PGS).
The ecological movement in Peru started in the 1980s through development projects and
NGOs. At the end of that decade (1989) the RAE (Red de Agricultura Ecológica) was
14
founded which connected the different stakeholders. Then in 1996 the National Ecological
Producers Association (ANPE) was formed. There are numerous other important NGOs
such as Centro Ideas and also public institutions such as IDMA (Instituto de Desarrollo y
Medio Ambiente since 1984) or the agrarian university of La Molina involved with the or
ganic movement. (CONAPO, 2004)
The legal framework is given by the technical regulation for ecological products of 2003
(Resolución Ministerial No. 0076-2003-AG) which was elaborated by the CONAPO
(Comisión Nacional de Productos Orgánicos). The SENASA (Servicio Nacional de
Sanidad Agraria) is the national competent authority to implement and supervise the na
tional control system. In January 2008 law No. 29196 was passed. Among others it insti
tutes the CONAPO with a different name - Consejo Nacional de Productos Orgánicos – to
develop new proposals and counsel the ministry on the topic of organic agriculture. There
is still an ongoing process to develop and change the legislation especially for the intro
duction of alternative certification systems.
Further information can be found on the websites of the institutions and NGOs men
tioned above. Another source of updated information is USDA, 2008.
2.3.6 Ecuador
Organic agricultural area: 50,475 ha (0.6% of total agricultural land)
The main organic export crops are cocoa, bananas and coffee. Other products include
quinoa, citrus fruits, mangoes, pineapples and sugar. There is also a significant export of
aquaculture products such as shrimp and tilapia. A considerable share of the products are
also exported with Fair Trade certifications.
These products are certified by four officially registered certification bodies which are
BCS, Ceres Ecuador, Control Union Peru and Ecocert. Additionally Bio Latina, Naturland
and OCIA are active in Ecuador.
The national market for organic products is very small and there is very little information
about it. There are some natural shops in the big cites and organic products can be found
occasionally in the supermarkets there.
15
The organic movement in Ecuador is led by Acción Ecológica which was formed in 1986
and there also exists an Ecuadorian Corporation of Biological Producers (PROBIO). There
are also other active national and international actors.
The legal framework for the organic sector was prepared in Januray 2003 through “De
creto Ejecutivo No 3609” which was updated by the “Normativa General para Promover y
Regular la Producción Orgánica en el Ecuador”. The specific regulation for the the national
norm from October 2006 is the “Acuerdo Ministerial N-º 302, Registro Oficial 384”. The
norm calls for a “Comité Nacional para la Agricultura Orgánica” composed of representa
tives of different private and public entities to develop new proposals and counsel the min
istry on the topic of organic agriculture. The SESA (Servicio Ecuatoriano de de Sanidad
Agropecuaria) is the competent authority implementing and controlling the national organic
system. On its website the lists of registered certifiers and operators are available.
Further information can be found on the websites of the institutions mentioned above or
additionally on the website of the Ecuadorian ministry of agriculture on the topic:
http://www.sica.gov.ec/agronegocios/productos%20para%20invertir/organicos/principal.htm
Costa Rica's main organic exports are banana puree (for baby food), cocoa, coffee, sug
ar, spices and medicinal herbs, blackberries, orange pulp, mango, and pineapple. Some
minor quantities of fresh vegetables are also exported.
These products are certified by two national certifiers, Eco Lógica and AIMCOPOP (Cen
tral American Institute for the Certification of Organic Products) and three registered inter
national certifiers which are BCS, Control Union and OCIA.
The national market for organic products is relatively well developed with a wide range of
products being sold on markets, in shops, supermarkets and through home delivery ser
vices.
The organic movement in Costa Rica has a long history and it's roots lie in the rejection
of the green revolution. Commercial organic projects started as early as 1984 (Costa Rica,
16
2000). In this year also CEDECO (Corporación Educativa para el Desarrollo Costarri
cense), a leading Costa Rican agro-ecological NGO, was founded. Other important NGOs
are MAOCO (Movimiento de Agricultura Orgánica Costarricense) and COPROALDE.
There is also very strong governmental support for organic agriculture in Costa Rica, for
example through the “Programa Nacional de Agricultura Orgánica” which, among others,
prepares promotional materials and developed a portal for organic producers.
On the legal side Costa Rica has had a national regulation for Figure 3: Organic seal
organic production since 1997. Today a new version from the of Costa Rica
18th of September 2000 is in place which is the “Reglamento
sobre la Agricultura Orgánica”, executive decree No. 29782 of
the Ministerio de Agricultura y Ganadería. The implementing
agency is the SFE (Servicio Fitosanitario del Estado), which
also provides updated statistics. The national control system
has been recognized as equivalent by the European Union in
2003, which means that Costa Rica has a third country status
according to EEC2092/91 in the European Union.
Further information can be found on the websites of the institutions mentioned above.
For a study of the internal market for organic products refer to CEDECO, 2001.
2.3.8 Mexico
Organic agricultural area: 404,118 ha (0.4% of total agricultural land)
Mexico has the highest absolute number of organic farms in the world due to the multi
tude of small coffee farmers which make Mexico the world's largest organic coffee produc
er. Apart from coffee there is considerable export of organic cocoa, honey, vegetables,
sesame seeds, blue corn and maguey. Furthermore there is organic production and export
of almost all crops like for example vanilla, banana, papaya, apple, avocado, medicinal
plants, soya, palm oil and nuts. Of the total organic production around 85% are exported
especially but not only to the North American market to which, as a NAFTA member, Mexi
co has easier access. These exports were valued at around 430 million US Dollars for
2007.
17
The organic products are certified by around 18 certifiers including one national certifier
which is Certimex and several international certifiers such as IMO, BCS, OCIA, Naturland,
Bioagricert, Oregon Tilth Certified Organic, Quality Assurance International and others.
The national market for organic products is not very developed but is growing. In super
markets, special shops and markets mainly in the big cities (Mexico, Monterrey y Guadala
jara) there is a range of fresh organic products available. Also processed products like cof
fee, fruit jams and chilli sauces can be bought. Aires de Campo is sucessfully marketing a
range of organic products in its BioCentro stores. In the big cities there are also weekly
fairs called “Tianguis orgánico” which sell organic products and some of them are also de
veloping a PGS. On a national level there is an annual organic trade fair called Exporgáni
cos. There is more potential in the local market because still a lot of the excess organic
production that is not exported is marketed locally undifferentiated through conventional
channels.
The roots of organic agriculture in Mexico can be traced to biodynamic German immi
grants in the 1930 but it was not until the 1980 that the movement picked up speed and or
ganic production spread on larger national scale. There is no national organic producers
organization but the Chapingo University does organic farming research and promotes lo
cal organic markets.
Since 1997 in Mexico there has been an official norm (NOM-037-FITO-1995) for organic
production but it took a long process before the “Ley de Productos Orgánicos” which is the
current legal text was passed on the 7th of February, 2006. The main responsible body for
organic production and control systems is the Secretary for Agriculture (SAGRAPA) which
acts through the National Agriculture and Food Safety Service (Senasica). A “Consejo Na
cional de Producción Orgánica” was formed and is composed of members of public and
private institutions and has a counselor status. The law mentions the possibility for partici
patory certification schemes explicitly in article 24. There is also a new legal project to reg
ulate sustainable / organic aquaculture and fisheries.
Further information on the organic sector in Mexico can be found on the websites of the
institutions mentioned above. For a detailed study of organic production refer to Gómez
Cruz, et al., 2005 .
18
3 Methodology and material
The author visited Bolivia from September 2007 to March 2008 and the present work
was compiled by using the quoted literature and data collected through interviews and sur
veys in the time from December 2007 until March 2008.
The critical point was to identify the right persons (experts) and to get their opinions. The
author contacted various stakeholders, and involved organisations like AOPEB (the organ
ic farmers association of Bolivia), the SENASAG (Servicio Nacional de Sanidad Agro
pecuaria e Inocuidad Alimentaria), the MDRAyMA (Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural, Agro
pecuario, y Medio Ambiente) and four certifying bodies (IMO, Biolatina, Bolicert and
Ceres). Additionally, private persons were contacted who were involved in the process in
earlier stages like Nelson Ramos Santalla (formerly AOPEB), Franz Augstburger and
Jochen Neuendorf (Consultants). The contact was established by e-mail and telephone.
The questionnaire was converted into a pdf-form, which was attached to the contact e-
mails. This was not a successful method and only one of the questionnaires was filled out
and sent back. Nevertheless contact was established in most of the cases and personal in
terviews were conducted including the questionnaire. A further problem was that most of
the experts live and work in La Paz and the author lived and worked in Cochabamba which
complicated the coordination of the interviews even moret.
19
A total of 12 questionnaires could be collected with five female and seven male experts
all of them working with ecological agriculture and eight of them working with certification.
In a self assessment on a five grade scale, five of the experts claimed to have profound
knowledge of law 3525/06 and all related aspects. Another five stated that they knew the
law and had read it. The remaining two experts had not read it completely but knew the
structure and contents of the technical norm.
This kind of thorough market study was impossible for the author to conduct because of
limited resources (time, financial and logistic resources). To get at least an idea about the
situation in the market the author conducted a small field study with producers, retailers
and consumers without defining an exact target group or using the proper random
sampling methods or sample sizes. So the results of this survey cannot be taken as rep
resentative for the whole national market in Bolivia but they can provide a basic impression
of it. The results were analysed using the statistical software SPSS.
Producers / Processors
Most producers / processors were contacted during the “Expoferia Nacional de Produc
tos Ecológicos” which took place in La Paz from the 13 th until the 16th of December, 2007.
The questionnaires (Annex II) were distributed and conversations took place. Unfortu
nately some producers were reluctant to fill in information in the questionnaires. In addition
to these interviews some producers around Cochabamba and in Samaipata (Santa Cruz)
were visited, interviewed and asked to fill out the questionnaires. Most of the producers
20
and processors are not certified (yet) and so all who considered themselves ecological
were eligible to take part in the survey. An approach to contact all the producers affiliated
to AOPEB via an e-mail list and send the pdf-forms to be filled out and sent back was not
successful probably due to the complicated process of saving the filled out questionnaires
and send them back. A web based questionnaire would have been more appropriate for
this approach.
At the end the number of collected questionnaires was 28. Of these producers fifteen
were from La Paz, three from Cochabamba, five from Santa Cruz and another five did not
specify their location. The majority of the respondents were male (22) and thirteen were
owners of the business while fifteen were employees. Eleven were pure processors while
eight were both, producers and processors. Another eight were pure producers.
Retailers / Shops
For the retailer or shop questionnaires (Annex III)the author identified and visited “Eco”,
“Health” and “Natural” shops in the cities of Cochabamba and La Paz where he asked the
clerks or owners to fill out the questionnaires. Some of these questionnaires were also
filled out by participants at the “Expoferia Nacional de Productos Ecológicos”.
A total of 14 questionnaires could be collected with four being filled out by the owner of
the shop and 10 by employees. Nine respondents were female and five were male. Nine of
the shops were in La Paz, four in Cochabamba and one in Potosí.
Consumers
To get a usable amount of filled-in consumer questionnaires (Annex IV) the author dis
tributed these to different “Eco” “Health” and “Natural” shops, a vegetarian restaurant and
a yoga centre in Cochabamba and La Paz to have them filled in by their clients. A poster
was made announcing the survey and promising a little sweet as a thank you. The suc
cess of this approach was very different from location to location, as in some shops the
personnel changed fast, forgot about the questionnaires or took them home. Another op
portunity to contact consumers and have them fill out the questionnaires was at the
“Expoferia Nacional de Productos Ecológicos”, where the author could collect data of 51
consumers. A few more questionnaires were filled out in various other locations. One
should bear in mind that those who filled out the questionnaires were mainly consumers
who were already interested in ecological products.
21
Altogether 139 consumers were sur
Figure 4: Age group distribution of surveyed
veyed, 76 in La Paz and 63 in consumers
Cochabamba. The gender was quite
equally distributed with 66 males, 65 fe
males and eight missing values. Also the
age groups followed a quite normal distri
bution as observable in Figure 4. Most of
the respondents (82%) had a university
education and only two stated primary
school as their educational level. The ma
Source: Own survey data (2008), N=132
jority of the respondents (71%) live in
households of four members and more and 63% stated that they were responsible for food
purchases in their household.
Experts
In order to validate the results of the consumer surveys and get a stronger plausibility,
additional expert questionnaires (Annex V) were designed which where handed out to ex
perts in the fields of ecological production, marketing and rural development. The ques
tions in these questionnaires reflected the questions in the consumer questionnaires and
the experts were asked to estimate / predict some of the results of the of the consumer
and producer survey (i.e. What is the age distribution of the ecological consumers in
Bolivia – please fill in a percentage in each age category). To assess the expertise of the
experts the first part of the questionnaire asked them about their experience with ecologic
al agriculture and rural Bolivian reality.
The experts were staff of AOPEB, certifying bodies, different NGOs and some experi
enced producers, altogether thirteen, seven male and six female. They all had post-sec
ondary education and nine even held post-graduate titles. They all worked either with eco
logical products or agricultural development, eleven of them with both, and had a solid
level of ecological knowledge.
To put the survey results further into perspective the author also searched for secondary
data. It is very difficult to obtain information on local ecological production and consump
tion patterns in Bolivia because either there is no data or the few studies that are conduc
ted are not published or they are not listed and catalogued by appropriate institutions such
22
as the AOPEB10 which makes them very difficult to find. The author was able to find four
other market studies. They all focus on specific aspects of regional markets for ecological
products. The first study11 was conducted 2006 by AOPEB as part of the FAO project TCP/
RLA/3006 to promote the sale of ecological vegetables produced and marketed by ACSHA
in La Paz. The second study is a preliminary market study conducted in 2004 by the Fun
dación Agrecol Andes for their ECO Feria project in Cochabamba. The third study by Dr.
Marco Gemelli12 was conducted in 2002 in the La Florida province of Santa Cruz in con
nection with the FAO project “GCP/INT/542/ITA –1992/2002” which was helping to estab
lish the ecological women's producers association ASOPEC. The last study is a thesis by
Helmut Jacob of the University of Kassel. In 1997 he did an internship with AOPEB and
conducted a market study for them in La Paz. Another qualitative study was conducted by
Christina Keys of Guelph University / Canada in 2007 but no results were available yet.
To integrate the results of the surveys and the secondary data and finally asses the over
all market situation for ecological products in the face of the new legislation, the technique
of the SWOT analysis was chosen. SWOT is an acronym for Strengths, Weaknesses, Op
portunities and Threats. With a set object
ive in mind (in this case the increase in the Figure 5: The logic of a SWOT analysis
market share for ecological products on the
market for food in Bolivia) firstly the internal
and present strengths and weaknesses are
examined and then the external present
and maybe future opportunities and threats.
This technique is most commonly used to
asses the situation of projects, companies
or other individual entities. In the present
work it is used to describe the situation and
perspectives of a whole market segment,
namely the market for ecological products.
Source: Wikipedia.org
Figure 5 shows the logic of a SWOT ana
lysis.
10 Two of the studies that were found were conducted in close cooperation with AOPEB but when the author asked
AOPEB staff about market studies it was only known that they existed but it was impossible to find them.
11 FAO, 2006b
12 Gemelli, M., 2003
23
In conclusion it can be stated that a mix of methods, both qualitative and quantitative,
was applied including structured questionnaires for producers, retailers and consumers
which were complemented by expert questionnaires, interviews and secondary data col
lection to be able to arrive at a structured qualitative assessment as is the SWOT analysis.
4 Bolivia
Bolivia is a landlocked country in South America. It is marked by its topographical, cli
matic, biological, cultural and socio-economic diversity.
This topography poses a big challenge to the expansion of infrastructure like roads or
the electrical grid. Even the main national road (the only one that is asphalted on its whole
length) that connects La Paz, Oruro, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz is frequently blocked
by mudslides in the difficult descent from the highlands into the lowlands.
24
4.2 Socio-economic framework
As mentioned before, Bolivia is a very diverse
Figure 6: Major ethnic groups
country. This also holds true when looking at
the ethnic composition of the population as
seen in Figure 6. Bolivia is the country in Latin
America with the highest percentage of indige
nous population. Especially in rural areas of the
altiplano and valle regions the people lead a
very traditional lifestyle mostly depending on
subsistence agriculture. Source: adapted from CIA, 2008
Although Bolivia is rich in natural resources like metals or natural gas it is one of the
poorest South American countries, with an overall poverty rate of around 60% 15 and 39,5%
(in rural areas 62,3%)16 of the population living in extreme poverty. The GDP per capita
was at 2,819 $ US PPP in 2005 and the Human Development Index (HDI) of Bolivia is
0.695 which places it on rank 117 in the world
Figure 7: Sectoral distribution of GDP
(UNDP, 2008). The poor living conditions, es and labour force
pecially in rural areas of the altiplano drive the
people to migrate into the cities or new settle
ments in the tropical lowlands like the Cha
pare region, areas where often coca is being
cultivated to achieve a steady and sufficient
income. The total share of the urban popula
tion arrived at the level of 62% in the 2001
census, 65% of which lived in the 3 main ur
ban areas of La Paz, Santa Cruz and
Cochabamba17. The rural population lives
mainly (80%) in the altiplano and valle regions
(MDRAyMA, 2007a page 9)
15 Different sources: UNDP 62,7% ; CIA 60%, INE 63,12% (2001 data)
16 INE, 2006 Table No. 3.06.01.02, (2002 data)
17 La Paz = La Paz-Achocalla-El Alto-Viacha; Cochabamba = Cochabamba -Quillacollo - Sacaba - Colcapirhua -
Tiquipaya - Vinto
25
figure shows that still a big share of the workforce (40%) is employed in the agricultural
sector yet it only contributes only 14,5% to the Bolivian GDP. Moreover, as World Bank,
2005 describes on page vi: “in 2002, more than 55 percent of the labor force was in the in
formal sector, either as self-employed (40 percent) or salaried workers (15 percent). An
additional 10 percent of workers were unpaid, principally working in family businesses or
are apprentices.”
18 FAO, 2006a
19 At an exchange rate of 7,8 to the US $ this would be 32 $ US and 65 $ US respectively.
20 MDRAyMA, 2007a, page 12
21 This is not taking into account the illegal export of coca or cocaine of which Bolivia is the worlds third largest pro
ducer.
22 FAO-STAT, 2006 and FAO, 2006a
26
The new government under President Evo Morales has identified these structures of un
equal distribution of land and the strong orientation towards export crops among others as
the cause for constantly rising food prices, loss of national food self-sufficiency and the
need to import food not mentioning the social unrest this situation is causing. That is why
in the frame of the national plan of development: “dignified, sovereign, productive and
democratic Bolivia, to live well” (Republica de Bolivia, 2006) a plan for a so called “rural,
agrarian and forestry revolution” (MDRAyMA, 2007a) was developed to change the situ
ation. Special emphasis has been placed on small producers, food sovereignty, redistribu
tion and access to land, ecological and sustainable production. As there is a strong politic
al opposition and struggle in Bolivia at the time this is written the implementation and suc
cess of this government program is unclear.
The government agency to control and certify phyto-sanitary, veterinary, and food-safety
aspects of agricultural production and trade in Bolivia is the SENASAG, which was found
ed in 2000. Its main instrument in controlling food-safety is the “Registro Sanitario” which
is obligatory for importers, processors and packagers of food products. Since 2002 all pre-
packaged processed food has to be registered and bear the registration number, name
and address of the producer and the date of expiry. The registration of all the operators
and the process of inspection and certification is not yet complete and there are still a lot of
products on the market (especially open air markets) that are not labeled nor controlled ac
cording to the law. From time to time, - especially before holidays - a few concentrated de
commissioning operations are carried out in the markets and some operators are (tem
porarily) shut down. These operations are almost always accompanied by PR campaigns
including television, radio and press coverage to raise the consciousness of the population
about the hazards of unregistered and unlabeled food 26. Nonetheless, as mentioned be
23 Schneider F., 2006
24 CAINCO, 2008
25 Transparency International, 2007
26 To get an idea of the situation the reader may refer to online press articles of Los Tiempos, 27.07.05 ...contd. on p. 28
27
fore these regulations only apply to processed goods and there is virtually no control of the
(mis-)use of (forbidden) agrochemicals in the production of the raw materials although
there is a system for registration in place27 for these. In fact, the only agricultural products
which are controlled regularly by the SENASAG are export products. These products must
have the complete sanitary documentation to leave the country.
In conclusion it can be stated that governmental control over the local market is very lim
ited due to a big informal and also illegal sector. The existing control mainly focuses on
processed and packaged goods. The broad range of fresh products sold directly in the
markets is all too often neither controlled nor registered.
Unfortunately there is no official data source about the number of organic operators, the
area planted with organic crops and the quantity of production and exports until now. The
only source of such information are the certifying bodies working in Bolivia (Imo Control,
Biolatina, Bolicert, Ceres, IBD, Ecocert, Skal, OCIA, QAI, ECO Gress)28. The author tried
to collect this data with a pdf-form (Annex VII) sent and given personally to the three major
28
certifying bodies, namely Imo Control, Biolatina and Bolicert but until now has only re
ceived data from Bolicert. The only available dataset was collected by AOPEB using the
same method (collecting data from the certifiers). This data appears in different AOPEB
papers, websites29 and presentations and is also quoted in some papers of the MDRAyMA
(MDRAyMA, 2007b), most of which are neither dated nor clearly attributable to an individu
al author. It was also used in the compilation of the 2008 report on organic agriculture
worldwide (Willer, H. et al., 2008) by IFOAM and FiBL. It seams that the data was collect
ed in 2006 by AOPEB. Although this data set might not include data of all international cer
tifiers active in Bolivia30 and some values seem to be interpolated it can be considered an
approximation of the real situation and is the only one available at the moment. The data
about the value of the exports seems to come from a report of CAINCO and apparently
also includes non organic grapes and quinoa31 and thus has to be taken as not very reli
able. Below the data of that data set is critically shown in Figure 9, Figure 10, Figure 11
and Figure 12.
29
Figure 10: Organically certified area (ha) 1995 - 2006 without brazil nut wild collection area
Data not included in original AOPEB
papers, only found in Willer, H. et al.,
2008, probably interpolated
Figure 11: Volume of certified organic products 1995 - 2005 (metric tons)
30
The main certified and exported Figure 12: Composition of the certified
crops in Bolivia today are quinoa organic production in 2005 (volume)
5 Law 3525/06
The area of ecological production has been regulated legally in Bolivia since the end of
2006 through one law (Republica de Bolivia, 3525/2006), a ministerial resolution (MDRAy
MA, 280/2006) and one administrative resolution (SENASAG, 217/2006)34.
On November 21st , 2006 law 3525 became effective in Bolivia. This law encompasses
the regulation and promotion of the ecological agriculture and NTFP (Non-Timber Forest
Product) production. The law was followed on the 4th of December, 2006 by the ministeri
al resolution 280/2006 of the MDRAyMA containing the regulation of the national techni
cal norms for ecological production. Ultimately the on December 6th of 2006 the adminis
trative resolution 217/2006 was passed by the SENASAG, containing the regulation on
the national system for the control of ecological production. These legislative and adminis
trative steps were the result of a process that took more then ten years to complete and
which is described below.
32 Bolivia is also the single biggest producer of brazil nuts with a share of 53% of the world market (2002)
33 Source of the percentages: MDRAyMA, 2007b
34 These documents are also the basis of this chapter and source of information where not quoted otherwise. They all
can be accessed at the AOPEB website: http://www.aopeb.org/descargas.php
31
5.1 Development of ecological legislation in Bolivia
The following time line is compiled mainly from a time line given on the AOPEB website
with additional data from personal interviews with Daniel Vildozo and Jochen Neuendorff:
1990: The export of products to fair trade and ecological markets in the north starts with
products like coffee, quinoa, cocoa and brazil nuts, which require certification under
international norms.
1991: 24.09. AOPEB is founded by producer organisations and NGOs as a support institu
tion to help its members in the areas of production, certification and marketing.
1996: AOPEB looks for help from the German GTZ (German Technical Cooperation) and
the consultants Franz Augsburger and Jochen Neuendorff compile the first draft of
a legal framework for Bolivia (a mixture of IFOAM basic Standards and EEC
2092/91). Also the FAO Project TCP/RLA/300635, which is also active in other coun
tries, helped in the whole process.
1998: AOPEB promotes agreements with the Agricultural and Development ministries
(which are renewed in 2002 and 2004 indefinitely) which result in the formation of
the Comisión de Coordinación Técnica (CCT) a committee of private and public en
tities (MACA, MDS, CEPROBOL, SENASAG, UMSA, UAC-CP, AOPEB, FECAFEB)
that works on proposals for politics and norms to strengthen and support ecological
production in Bolivia.
1996: Due to requirements of the international norms AOPEB promotes the creation of the
Bolivian certifying body BOLICERT which is now accredited under ISO Guide 65
(EN 45011) on different international markets.
1998: Commission for revision of the first draft for the legal framework.
2000: 20.01. the AOPEB norm for ecological production is approved and recognized by
the Resolución Ministerial 005/2000 which approves it as the legal norm for ecolo
gical production in Bolivia. IBNORCA (Instituto Boliviano de Normalización y
Calidad) includes it as norm NB 907-00 in its catalogue which theoretically makes it
an obligatory requirement for producers and processors who want to market their
products with ecological claims in Bolivia.
35 FAO, 2006c Apoyo al desarrollo de la agricultura orgánica y fortalecimiento institucional de la certificación orgán
ica (help in the development of organic agriculture and institutional strengthening of organic certification)
32
AOBEP starts its five year plan trying to involve public and private actors in a Movi
miento Agroecológico en Bolivia (MAEB – Agroecological Movement in Bolivia), us
ing farmer-to-farmer-, management- and organizing workshops including modern
information technologies and also focusing on raising awareness among the gener
al public participating in national and international fairs and strengthening interinsti
tutional relationships.
2003: synchronisation of the drafts with the European regulation 2091/91, discussion and
presentation of the project “regulation and promotion of ecological agriculture and
NTFP production” to the legislative powers.
2005: 22.12: Within the framework of the CCT, Decreto Supremo 28558 is passed with the
objective to promote the ecological production on the national level and implement,
the national control system for ecological production. The SENASAG is designated
the national competent authority for the control of ecological production.
2006: January: Within the framework of the CCT through Resolución Ministerial 017/2006,
the Política de Desarrollo de la Producción Ecológica en Bolivia (Policy of develop
ment of the ecological production in Bolivia) is passed.
June: The Government presents its national development plan 2006 – 2010: “digni
fied, sovereign, productive and democratic Bolivia, to live well”36 in which it acknow
ledges the importance of promoting ecological agriculture on a national level espe
cially in chapter 5.4.1 on pages 131, 135 and 137.
19.10. and 15.11. First the parliament and then the senate pass the “law for regula
tion and promotion of ecological agriculture and non-timber forest products produc
tion”.
21.11. In a public act the President of Bolivia, Evo Morales Ayma, proclaims the
“law 3525 for regulation and promotion of ecological agriculture and NTFP produc
tion with the objective to prepare the path for an ecological Bolivia”.
04.12. Within the framework of the application of law 3525 the “national technical
norm for ecological production” is passed through the resolución ministerial
280/2006 of the MDRAyMA (MDRAyMA, 280/2006)
33
06.12. Within the framework of the application of law 3525 the “regulation of the na
tional system for the control of ecological production” is passed through the resolu
ción administrativa 217/2006 of the SENASAG (SENASAG, 217/2006)
All the documents are sent to the European Union with an official request to be in
cluded into the list of third countries according to EEC2092/91.
1. Objective and scope of the law: The objective is to regulate, promote and
strengthen ecological production, to fight against hunger and for healthy food that
is accessible to all. The processes involved should not have a negative effect on
the environment. Therefore in the whole production chain the application of all types
of synthetic inputs a well as genetically modified organisms (GMOs) are not allowed
and all the processes should respond to technical norms and be certified by spe
cialized entities which are recognized by the national competent authority (NCA).
The law is aimed at all agricultural processed and unprocessed products which are
classified as ecological, as well as NTFPs and food products whose main ingredi
ents are ecological. It also applies to inputs for ecological production like seeds,
feeds and fertilizers.
34
Ministerio de Producción y Microempresa, 4) Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y
Cultos, 5) public universities, 6) three representatives of AOPEB (one for the ecolo
gical producers organisations, one for the NTFP producers and one of the director
ate), 7) the farmers union (CSUTCB), 8) the national agricultural confederation
(CONFEAGRO), 9) the national colonizer's confederation and 10) the national ex
porters chamber. In special cases other institutions have to join, always observing
an equal number of votes for private and public sector. The CNAPE has a coordin
ating unit which is responsible for the execution of the mandate of the CNAPE and
is elected by the directorate.
4. Structure of the national system for control: The control system should be
transparent, protect the consumers and create equal conditions for those who par
ticipate in the ecological market. Therefore the CNAPE will propose technical
norms which regulate the production, storage, transport, processing, allowed inputs,
packaging, labeling, certification, use of the national logo, trade, export and import
of ecological products. These norms will be approved by the MDRAyMA. The exec
utive authority of the national control system will be the SENASAG (national compe
tent authority). The SENASAG has the tasks to authorize and register certifiers and
operators, control the compliance with the norms, apply sanctions, keep up-to-date
lists of allowed inputs, resolve conflicts between certifiers and operators, control na
tional and international trade and promote agreements of equivalence of the nation
al control system with other governments to facilitate trade of ecological products.
The regulation of procedures of the national control system will be approved by the
SENASAG.
5. The national logo for ecological products: Figure 13: National logo for
The national logo (Figure 13) should identify and ecological products
guarantee ecological products. The CNAPE de
fines the conditions for the use of the logo accord
ing to the regulation. All properly certified prod
ucts should use the logo.
2) For the national and local market the certification can be carried out by alterna
tive control systems which have to be evaluated, approved and controlled by the
SENASAG.
Furthermore, all previous and contrary laws and decrees (especially Decreto Supremo
No. 28559 from 2005) are declared invalid.
Article 1 apart from a production, following ecological cycles and the respect for the envir
onment asks for respect for forms of communitarian organisation and indigenous
cultures and it is stated that the norm does not accept contract systems where the
land is only cultivated for commercial purposes. Furthermore, the norm should con
tribute to fair national and international trade relationships.
Article 5 mentions that burning and the use of heavy machinery should be limited to a
minimum and in the Amazon and Chaco areas fields should be divided by wind
36
breaks. It is also required to diversify the ecosystem and to have at least 10% of the
farm area covered with perennial wild or cultivated plants and it is forbidden to use
contaminated or used water for irrigation. The burning of non biodegradable materi
als is also not allowed on farms and their usage is restricted to a minimum.
Article 8 talks about conversion periods and it is interesting to find that the conversion
period from traditional agriculture40 is only 12 months. Also land that was not cultiv
ated for more than 24 months and wild collection do not require a conversion peri
od. On the other hand, land where GMOs were used has to go through a minimum
60 months of conversion period.
Articles 9 and 10 define and regulate the wild collection. For this system it is necessary to
have a management plan which states the area, the number of plants, the collec
tion frequency and quantity and the regrowth of the collected species among other
data.
Article 11 states that local, adapted and especially traditional varieties should be used to
preserve genetic resources and diversity. It is also obligatory to cultivate tropical
perennial crops like coffee and cocoa which are tolerant to shade in agroforestry or
multi-strata systems.
Article 13 specifies the conditions of burning. Systematic and frequent burning is forbid
den and burning can only be carried out in small areas and not annually. The oper
ators have to actively search for alternative production systems that avoid burning.
Article 14 is about soil management and specifically declares that traditional rotation and
soil protection conforms with the norm. It also restricts slash and burn practices in
secondary forests and forbids it completely in primary forests. Furthermore, in for
ested areas a buffer zone of 10 to 50 meters of forest has to be left at the sides of
streams. The excessive use of water for irrigation is also forbidden.
Article 15 about fertilization explicitly forbids the use of human faeces and urine.
Article 19 states that also wool can be sold as ecological if the animal has been managed
according to the norm for 12 (camelids) or 6 (sheep) months.
40 Traditional agriculture as defined in article 2 where no techniques or inputs are used which are forbidden by the
norm.
37
Article 22 about animal health states an exception for the use of synthetic-chemical treat
ments for ecto-parasites in regions with a strong pathogen presence.
Article 29 talks about the logo and labelling. The ecological products have to state all in
gredients and additives as well as the origin of the product and the certification
body and it is again stated that producers who label their products with ecological
claims and are not certified will be sanctioned.
Article 32 asks the operator to keep ordered and chronological records which should al
ways be presentable during all the phases of production.
Article 33 is about certification. All certifying bodies have to be authorized and registered
by the SENASAG. The minimal requirements for the operators at an inspection are
to have the specific norm for their production branch or crop, to have informed all
farmers about the principles of organic farming (in case of an association) and the
specific norms and to have a working internal control system (ICS) or quality guar
antee system41 which are the basis for the certification.
Article 34 talks about the specific norms for different production branches and crops.
Every operator can suggest a specific norm for his branch, which will be revised
and approved by the CNAPE. These specific norms have to comply with the
present general technical norm.
Article 35 is very interesting because it details, how the norm will be revised in the future.
It will be revised and actualized every two years by the CNAPE or in extraordinary
sessions after the request of any operator or certifying body. The AOPEB is the offi
cial coordinator of the norms and will help in the operative processes of revision
and actualization. The revised norms will be available for public revision for 30 days
after which it will be approved by a 2/3 vote by the CNAPE and officially passed on
to the MDRAyMA for legalisation. The same procedure is followed with the specific
norms and all changed norms have to be implemented by the operators and certify
ing bodies within a period of 12 months.
The regimentation of the national system for the control of ecological production 42
devised by the SENASAG with help from the GTZ and the FAO details the tasks of the of
41 The ICS is used in the certification of groups or associations of farmers and a quality guarantee system would be
the equivalent for a single operator mainly consisting in record keeping and fixed standard operation procedures. For
further information on ICS see Naturland, 2002
42 Please refer to SENASAG, 217/2006 for details.
38
the SENASAG as assigned in chapter 4 of law 3525/06. It lists the requirements and pro
cedures to be followed by certifying bodies and operators to be registered, the sanctions in
cases of non compliances, the data to be collected in SENASAGs database and the re
quirements for exports and imports of ecological products including the forms to be used.
● The system has to have a defined, documented structure, which is approved by a in
stance that is recognized by the government. This documentation includes a manual for
standard procedures, a quality manual, a manual of sanctions in case of non compli
ances and a system to monitor and control the flow of ecological products through the
production chain as well as a system to handle complaints and resolve conflicts. All this
documentation has to be archived and verifiable.
● The system has to have written contracts with all of its participants.
● The system has to posses the capacity to inspect (documented inspection) and control
all of the operators at least once a year through a basic and participatory control system
that guaranties conformity with the norms. This can be either trough an ICS or another
quality system.
● The system staff has to be competent and trained to carry out the different tasks.
If all of these conditions are fulfilled the system can apply to be registered by the
SENASAG and after thorough revision and possible visits might be approved. The addi
tional documents the system has to provide for registration are the same as for commer
cial certifying bodies except the accreditation by international agencies and the certified
compliance to ISO guide 65.
At the end of article 18 it is stated that the SENASAG might approve a specific alternat
ive system to be followed in the future for the national and local market.
43 ibid
39
5.4 Implementation
As the whole legislation was passed at the end of 2006, it was valid and enforceable
from that moment on – in theory. The reality in Bolivia at that time was, that the whole in
frastructure and personnel for the implementation was not existent at that moment, espe
cially in the SENASAG which is the main actor in the implementation of the national con
trol system. The SENASAG is now divided into 3 divisions (animal health, plant health and
food safety) and the tasks to be carried out in the framework of the national system for
control of the ecological production are related to all of them, thus it would be necessary to
either create a new division or to have some other administrative arrangement to create a
working group on that field.
In August 2007 the SENASAG assigned the national representative for ecological pro
duction Mrs. Rosario Melgarejo. She has been in charge from then on to build up the sys
tem by first contacting the already operating certifying bodies and asking them to register
with the new national system. Most of the certifying bodies were very reluctant to voluntari
ly register and had not registered by the end of 2007 although there were talks and confer
ences. Mrs. Melgarejo then put a deadline (the 30.01.2008) and afterwards a little more
pressure on the certifying bodies44 and by the 22.06.2008 all were registered including the
operators certified by these certification bodies45. A current problem is that the CNAPE has
not met in almost a year and still has to authorize the use of the logo and talk about its in
ternal procedures and other important pending issues. Until now no attempts have been
made to enforce the law by sanctioning producers and vendors of products that falsely
make ecological claims on the national and local market.
44 Information from personal interviews with Mrs. Melgarejo on the 01.02.08 in Cochabamba and the 07.03.08 in La
Paz
45 Information from e-mail contact with Grover Bustillos of Bolicert the 22.06.2008
40
so optimistic. Three (25%) said it Table 1: SENASAGs problems implementing the
national control system according to experts
would need two years and one
opinions.
(8%) mentioned three years as
the period needed to implement
the system.
46 The respondents had to assign a value of 0 to 10 with 0 meaning no control and 10 complete control.
41
The answers as to when the EU might include Bolivia in their list of third countries with
an equivalent legislation to EEC2092/91, which would make exports to the EU much easi
er, was answered in the following way: Four (33%) thought Bolivia could be included within
two years, another four (33%) stated a period of four years. The others mentioned periods
of seven years (one respondent), ten years (one respondent) and more than ten years
(two respondents).
1. There are the rural poor subsistence farmers who live in remote areas and are
ecological by default because they use traditional and sustainable cultivation meth
42
ods. This group has marginal participation in the market due to the bad infrastruc
ture and remoteness. The excess quantities for the market also vary from season to
season. The poor framers living closer to cities, roads, extension services and other
infrastructure in their majority have abandoned traditional ecological agriculture and
heavily use and misuse argochemicals (La Razon, 06.08.07).
3. The third group are single small and medium farms with highly educated adminis
tration which have good quality management, innovative products and marketing
strategies. A lot of these operations are owned or managed by foreigners, like Finca
La Vispera in Samaipata.
4. A fourth and last category are social, religious, tourism and educational projects
which include ecological food production like the Pairumani Model Farm, El Poncho
Ecocenter, Planeta Luz and the SOS children's village in Cochabamba.
The same categories apply to the processors. A lot of processed products bear refer
ences to ecological or natural qualities but only if the processors are also producers it is
likely that these statements are true. Most of the small and intermediate processors think
that if they do not use any chemicals in their process, the end product is ecological or nat
ural. Often they also equate handicraft or artesanal production with a natural or ecological
quality. They very rarely consider the ecological condition of their raw materials.
A lot of the producers and processors market their products directly on weekly fairs and
markets. In all of the big cities there is a huge number of periodical and permanent mar
43
kets. The ecological products are most often sold on periodical markets in upper class
neighborhoods like the feria franca de la Av. America in Cochabamba. There are also dif
ferentiated periodical markets being established where only ecological (not certified) prod
ucts are being sold like the ECO Feria on Plaza Sucre in Cochabamba50. Some producers
also sell their ecological products to intermediaries and they end up undifferentiated in the
popular markets.
The only official institution for the ecological producers is AOPEB which started off as an
association of ecological producer's organizations but now also admits private enterprises
as members. Most of the producers affiliated to AOPEB are big associations and enterpris
es that export their products51. That is why lobbying and information by AOBEB in the past
was directed to support, facilitate and enable exports of ecological products. Also the
whole efforts by AOPEB to establish national ecological legislation were mainly aimed to
facilitate exports to the EU by being included into the European third country list. Accord
ing to Mr. Vildozo of AOPEB this has changed since 2005 and now the focus lies more on
the internal market and capacity building of farmers.
Conclusively it can be stated that the group of ecological producers is very heteroge
neous and not all are represented by AOPEB.
6.1.2 Retailers
It is very difficult to define this group because there is no single retailer who only sells
certified ecological products. Below retailers will be discussed which claim to sell ecologi
cal, natural and general health products.
AOPEB owns a chain of shops called Super Ecológico52 which are established in La Paz
(four), Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, Sucre and Tarija. Willer, H. et al., 2008 states that in
these shops only certified organic products are sold. The author's research and visits to
the shops in Cochabamba and La Paz revealed that by far not all the products are certified
or from AOPEB affiliates. The other major chain of shops is Irupana. It is a franchise sys
tem of the Irupana Andean Organic Food Company that started small selling coffee and
bread on the local market and now has its major market in exporting ecological Andean
50 This market is supported and promoted by the NGO Agrecol Andes (http://www.agrecolandes.org/)
51 AOBEB's affiliate list contains 37 producers organisations, 10 private businesses and 8 NGOs. In a personal inter
view the 25.01.2008 in La Paz Daniel Vildozo of AOPEB said that the majority of producers (around 70%) affiliated
to AOPEB are exporting.
52 Unfortunately it was not possible to get an interview or informative e-mail contact with the manager of the Super
Ecologicos, Mr. Hernán Vásquez so precise data is not available.
44
grains. The national franchises sell the 150 Irupana products and others that are approved
by Irupana. This way the shops all have a similar design and range of quality products,
some of which are certified. There are eleven shops in La Paz and others in Cochabamba,
Santa Cruz and Oruro. Apart from these two chains, there is a number of individual shops
that sell ecological, nature and health products. They often also buy the products from
AOPEB affiliates or Irupana, but also have their own providers. The quality in these shops
varies widely. There are some shops which are located in richer neighborhoods and offer
only quality products from selected and controlled suppliers and others just use the nature,
health and ecological argument to sell their conventional products. Some of the better
ones are De Mi Tierra – Vivero Tiquipaya in Achumani, La Paz, Protal in Cochabamba and
Naturalia in Santa Cruz. The typical product range can be seen on the website of Eske
mas53 shop in Cochabamba. Only very few shops sell fresh produce and most products
are packaged and processed. The overwhelming majority of the products are tea, coffee,
cereals, cocoa products, honey and herbal food supplements along with beauty and health
products. In the big cities (La Paz, Santa Cruz and Cochabamba) there are also supermar
kets present which cater to the upper class. On their shelves there can be found imported
certified ecological products and some fresh products, mainly salads which bear ecological
references. Most of these salads and other fresh products are often not ecological but cul
tivated using clean water and hygienic standards as opposed to the products in the open
air markets.
45
have a preference for them. The disposition to buy ecological products depends on four
factors:
1. The first factor is the awareness of what constitutes an ecological product and the
consequent shift in preference of ecological products over conventional products.
2. The second factor is the availability of ecological products. The consumer with
preference for ecological products should find these easily in or close to her/his typ
ically frequented shopping areas.
3. The third factor is the price. Even if the consumer has a preference for ecological
products and they are available she/he will not buy them if they are too expensive
for the food budget or compared to conventional products.
4. The fourth and last factor is the degree of trust the consumer has in the products
ecological status. Her/his willingness to buy and pay a premium price depends on
the certainty she/he has that the product is really ecological.
6.1.4 Certifiers
The certifiers operating in Bolivia (Imo Control, Biolatina, Bolicert, Ceres, IBD, Ecocert,
Skal, OCIA, QAI, ECO Gress)54 have no big interest in the national market because their
main business is the certification of export goods. On the other hand they do have an in
terest in participating in the normative processes of the CNAPE because the legislation af
fects their business as it is mandatory for certifying bodies to register with the national sys
tem and they will be supervised by the SENASAG.
There are also at least two approaches to establish alternative control systems for the
national and local market. One organization is the AOPEB which has designed a system
where AOPEB inspectors / technicians inspect Internal Control Systems (ICS) which are
set up in the member associations. This will enable the producers to use the national logo
and also prepares them in case they choose to export by establishing a working ICS.
AOPEB in this system acts very similar to a normal third party certifier who certifies an
ICS. The other project to establish an alternative control system is the ECO Feria in
Cochabamba. The group of producers and processors of this periodical market for ecologi
54 Because until now certifying bodies in Bolivia did not have to register their activity it is not easy to tell which ones
are active in Bolivia. The list is taken out of an e-mail communication with Grover Bustillos of Bolicert and
MDRAyMA, 2007b. It is not conclusive. As soon as the national control system works a complete list should be
available from the SENASAG.
46
cal products along with institutional supporters is trying to build up a participatory guaran
tee system (PGS)55 and register it with the SENASAG.
Conclusively it can be stated that the general public represented by the government is in
favor of ecological production and especially wants to promote it to smallholders with the
vision to improve food security, self-sufficiency and local markets.
55 A PGS is a system where the producers visit and inspect each other and also some outside actors as NGOs, municip
alities or churches take part in the approval and certification system. For more information visit the IFOAM website
at: http://www.ifoam.org/about_ifoam/standards/pgs.html
47
6.2 Results of the surveys
The results of the market study presented below will give a further insight into the local
market for ecological products although the study was not conducted to be representative.
Chapter 3.2 details the methods and materials of data collection.
6.2.1 Producers
The question about what an Figure 15: Producers definitions of ecological products
ecological product is, was an
open question and for the
analysis five different cate
gories were established as can
be seen in Figure 15. Most of
the 28 producers mentioned
the use of chemicals or pesti
cides (19) as the difference to
conventional agriculture. The
second most common word
mentioned was “natural” (10).
Source: Own survey data (2008), open question multiple
The environment was only answers possible (N=28)
mentioned five times and health only twice just as norms and certification were mentioned
twice. Four answers were very vague for example just mentioning a certain product. When
asked if they thought that eco Figure 16: Sales channels of producers
logical and “natural” are the
same, ten (36%) answered “Yes”
and eighteen (64%) “No”. Of
these eighteen ten made a clear
statement that ecological prod
ucts were of higher quality than
“just” natural ones and 8 had no
judgment in their answer about
the difference between ecologi
cal and natural.
Of twenty-four valid answers to the question if they also produce or process conventional
products five (21%) said “Yes” and nineteen (79%) “No”.
56 Due to the unrepresentative character of the survey the data about distribution of the products can be extremely
biased.
57 Professionally processed ecological dairy products are almost non existent in Latin America and as the director of
the model farm Hugo Maldonado told in an interview conducted the 30.01.08 in Pairumani the only other ecological
dairy that he knows of in Latin America is in Costa Rica.
49
different herbs and medicines (5) produced and processed and also the tubers mentioned
are mostly not ordinary potatoes but maca (lepidium meyenii) which is consumed mostly in
a dried up pulverized form for health reasons or yacón (smallanthus sonchifolius) which
has a high natural sweetness and is consumed in sliced and dried form. Other products (5)
include NTFPs and seeds. The ecological cosmetics (4) are often shampoos or soaps pro
duced with aloe vera.
Interestingly, four (14%) of the respondents do not promote their product explicitly as
ecological. Two of them generally delivered deficient data in the questionnaires and of the
other ones Mr. Asano of Samaipata58 does not use the name because he does not care for
denominations and Mr. Rocha from Cochabamba calls his products “natural”.
The question about the price premium for their ecological products was only answered
by twenty-four respondents in a precise way. Of these nineteen (76%) stated that they ask
for a higher price for their ecological products and six (24%) said they sold their ecological
products at the same price as conventional products.
Twenty-seven producers
Figure 18: Producers guaranty for the ecological status
answered the question on of their products
how they guarantee the eco
logical quality of their prod
ucts and their answers can
be seen in Figure 18. Most
of the producers (15) base
their guaranty on a trust re
lationship with their clients.
Nine quoted a third party
certification, three thought
their Registro Sanitario from
the SENASAG would suffice
Source: Own survey data (2008), open question, multiple
and two quoted their AOPEB answers possible (N=27)
affiliation as a means of guarantee. Asked whether they have clients who actually ask for
some sort of guarantee, of a total of twenty-six who answered that question sixteen (62%)
answered with “Yes” and ten (38%) with “No”. The follow-up question for those who an
58 Mr. Asano runs an exemplary horticulture farm using very innovative organic techniques. He rejects any labels for
his “natural cycle” approach and his clients know the quality of his products, so that he even delivers to high class
restaurants in La Paz. (Interview data, Samaipata 04.01.2008)
50
swered “Yes” was which percentage of their clients asked for some sort of guarantee. To
this question the mean value was 55% and the median 50% with three producers quoting
a 100% of clients who ask for a guarantee.
Asked if they had a certification for their ecological products of the twenty-six who an
swered this question twelve (46%) said “No” and fourteen (54%) said “Yes”. Of these four
teen seven (50%) have international certifications, three (21%) have AOPEB certification
and four (29%) mentioned their Registro Sanitario certification.
The range of products sold by the respondents can be observed in Figure 20. The char
acteristics of the products sold in the different categories are the same as discussed
above in the producer section. The most common categories sold are grains, and tea, cof
fee and cocoa which were marked both ten times. The next category is animal products
(8). The categories of herbs and medicines (7), cosmetics (6) and dairy products (6) follow.
Fruit and vegetables are sold by four and three of the retailers respectively. Only three sell
tubers and other products are not described individually but rather as “all other products”.
51
The question if also conven Figure 20: Product categories sold by the retailers
tional products are sold in the
shops was not answered by
seven (50%), two (14%) an
swered “No” and five answered
“Yes”. The range of convention
al products sold in these five
shops was quite similar to the
ecological range.
Asked about the price premium for ecological products, only ten retailers gave an explicit
answer out of which four (40%) said they sell ecological products for the same price as
conventional products and the other six (60%) sell them for a higher price.
52
When asked in turn how Figure 22: Retailers ecological quality guarantee to the
they guarantee ecological consumers
quality to the consumers they
answered as depicted in .
Most of them (43%) expect
the consumers to trust them.
Three (21%) use the Registro
Sanitario, another three (21%)
the AOPEB affiliation and two
(14%) sell products which are
certified by a third party. The
Source: Own survey data (2008), N=14
question if their clients were
asking for guarantee was answered by thirteen and twelve (92%) answered “Yes”, while
only one answered with “No”. The percentage of clients who ask for the product's origin
and guarantee could be gathered only from seven of the retailers and the mean value for
that question was 27%59. On average the ten retailers who answered this question have
54 clients a day in their shops.
6.2.3 Consumers
Of the 139 consumers who Figure 23: Consumers definitions of ecological products
answered the question if they
knew the difference between
ecological and conventional
products, nineteen (14%) an
swered “No” and 119 (86%)
answered with “Yes”. The fol
lowing open question as to
what the difference is, was
answered by 108 persons
and the results can be seen in Source: Own survey data (2008), open question multiple
Figure 23. Most of the re answers possible (N=108)
spondents (67) mentioned chemicals and pesticides as the main difference between eco
59 With such a small sample this value is statistically not very significant but might give an idea.
53
logical and conventional products. The term natural was used thirty-three times and envi
ronment and health were mentioned fourteen and seven times respectively.
The next question whether they thought that ecological and natural are terms that de
scribe the same concept was answered by 135 consumers. Of these 62 (46%) stated that
the terms were equivalent while 73 (54%) disagreed. Of these 73 consumers 61 gave their
opinion about the differences between ecological and natural in an open question. In these
opinions 29 (48%) respondents favored the qualities of ecological products while 17 (28%)
thought that a natural product is of higher purity and quality. Fifteen (24%) respondents
gave no clear judgment in their statements.
The interest in the purchase of Figure 24: Products demanded by the consumers
ecological products was asked
in the next question and of the
136 consumers who answered
this question only five explicitly
stated that they had no interest
in buying ecological products. In
an open follow up question the
others were asked to list the
products they were interested
Source: Own survey data (2008), open question multiple
in. The grouped results of the
answers possible (N=117)
117 answers to that question
can be observed in Figure 24. Most answers (49) included cereals and grains and their
products such as bread and other pastries. The second category of demand was fresh fruit
and vegetables (33), followed by the “tea, coffee and chocolate” category (30). Other prod
ucts such as dairy products (10), food supplements (9), honey (7) meat (3) and soya prod
ucts (3) were mentioned with less frequency.
Asked if they knew where to buy ecological products, 29 (21%) of the 137 respondents
said they did not know and the other 108 (79%) said they knew. The subsequent question
where to buy ecological products was answered by 106 persons and the results are shown
in Figure 25. Most respondents know special shops (86) which sell ecological products60
and 20 mentioned markets. Supermarkets were only mentioned three times and other an
swers (5) were very unspecific.
60 This is possibly a very biased answer as 41,6% of the surveys were conducted in special ecological shops.
54
The next block of questions Figure 25: Consumers known points of sale for
was about the existing patterns ecological products
of ecological consumption, first
asking how frequently the con
sumers have bought ecological
products. Of the 138 respon
dents only eight (6%) had never
bought ecological products. Sev
enty-four (53%) had purchased
ecological products a few times
and 56 (41%) were frequent buy
ers. These frequent buyers are
in their majority (55%) female,
over 35 years old and live in a Source: Own survey data (2008), open question multiple
household with four persons. answers possible (N=106)
The open follow up question about the range of ecological products bought was an
swered by 118 people and the results are shown in Figure 26. Most ecological consumers
have bought dry and processed products like tea, coffee, chocolate (55), cereals, grains
and bread (54). The next cat
Figure 26: Ecological products bought by consumers
egory are vegetables and
fruit61 (33), followed by honey
(22) and food supplements
(13). Dairy products were only
mentioned eight times62. The
least mentioned categories
were soya products (7) and
meat (3)63.
55
ucts the consumers answers Figure 27: Consumers actual quality control for
where distributed quite equally ecological products
between the four predefined
categories as seen in Figure
27. Only the trust in the point
of sale received a significantly
higher value than the others.
56
The next question was about the Figure 29: Price premium the consumers are
price premium the consumers would willing to pay for guaranteed ecological
products
be willing to pay for a guaranteed
ecological product. This question
was answered by 130 respondents
who on average would be willing to
pay 10% more for the guaranteed
ecological product. The distribution
of the answers can is shown in Fig
ure 29. Only sixteen (12%) would
not pay a higher price. Only one re
spondent stated a willingness to pay
up to forty percent more.
The data on household food expenditures was too poor to be included into the analysis.
6.2.4 Experts
Asked about the percentage of economically active Bolivians who are conscious about
the concept of ecological agriculture and products the mean of the experts answers was
23%. All the following questions referred to this group of conscious Bolivians.
57
The share of conscious con Figure 30: Means of experts estimates about
sumers who would actively ecological consumers willingness to pay a
price premium
search for ecological products
was estimated by the experts to
be at 31%64. The expert's opinion
about the distribution of the will
ingness to pay a price premium
among the ecological consumers
is depicted in Figure 30. Accord
ing to these answers the average
price premium would be around
9%65 and only a little bit less than
one quarter of the ecological con
sumers would be willing to pay
more than 10% more.
Source: Own survey data (2008), N=8
The age group composition of
the ecological consumer group
was estimated as depicted in Fig
Figure 31: Means of experts estimates about
ecological consumers age structure
ure 31 so the average age would
be around 40 years.
58
son would consume ecological Figure 32: Means of experts estimates about
food while the other half expects ecological consumers guaranty preferences
the majority of ecological con
sumers to spend more than
500 Bs per month and person on
food66.
communicating trust.
66 This discrepancy might be due to a misunderstanding of the experts also counting the poor traditional subsistence
farmers as ecological consumers.
59
Asked about the pro Figure 33: Means of experts estimates about ecological
ducer's reasons to producers reasons to convert to ecological agriculture
convert to ecological
production methods,
the experts opinions
are reflected in Figure
33. The majority is be
lieved by the experts
to convert because of
economic, market driv
en reasons (42%). The
second reason would
be adverse effects of
agrochemicals to the
producer's health
(19%), followed by ad
Source: Own survey data (2008), N=10
verse effects on the
environment and sustainability of production (17%). Cheaper ecological production meth
ods (13%) do not have a big influence on conversion as is the case with reasons of food
sovereignty and healthy home consumption (10%). As other possible reasons economic
incentives by the government or NGOs, market access and education were stated.
The last question about the level of understanding of ecological rules and legislation and
in the different producer groups was answered by eight experts. The highest level of un
derstanding was assigned to the big individual farmers (50)67 almost equal to that of farm
ers associations (48). The small individual farmers are believed by the experts to have
most difficulties in understanding the rules (32).
67 The scale was 0 to 100 with 0 meaning total ignorance and disability to understand the rules and 100 meaning com
plete understanding of the rules and facility to implement them.
60
6.3 Results of studies previously conducted in Bolivia
To complement results of the market study and arrive at a more accurate picture of the
situation the author searched for secondary data found the four studies presented below.
The market study was carried out by the student Teodoro Apaza Siñani who did it as part
of his thesis and was supported by AOPEB. First a small survey (N=140) was conducted
in four AOPEB “Super Ecológico” shops in La Paz to define the characteristics of the tar
get group. The results were:
● 79% had an monthly income higher than 1000 Bs (~133 $ US) and 29% higher
than 3000 Bs (~400 $ US)69.
● 19% frequented the “Super Ecológico” more then once a week, 31 % once a
week and the rest less frequent
● The most demanded products were dry cereals, bread, teas, chocolates, dehy
drated fruits, diet products, yogurt, cheese, honey, health products etc. Fresh veg
etables were among the least demanded products.
With these results and census data the population of the target group was defined to be
1,010,812 in La Paz and this led to the calculation of a minimum sample size of 450 for the
big market study which included many more questions. This was carried out by three addi
68 FAO, 2006b is the report paper which is the basis for this chapter.
69 The national minimum wage was 440 Bs at this time.
61
tional students in different parts of the city. Unfortunately, the only result that could be
found in the report is that 254 consumers would be willing to buy 11 different vegetables
almost weekly and directly from ACSHA.
Another part of the study was the assessment of the demand for ecological vegetables
by two of the city's supermarkets, namely KETAL and Hipermaxi. The supermarkets were
interested in establishing separated sections for ecological products. They said that the
demand for these products was evident. The KETAL chain which has four markets in the
city estimated an initial demand of 2000 bags ( 800 g - 900 g a bag) of vegetables.
ACSHA's production is between 800 and 1200 bags a week and that is why they could not
supply these supermarkets..
● The majority of local fresh products have no differentiated sales channels and
prices because most of them are sold through conventional sales channels72.
● The way of promotion for the fresh ecological products is mainly mouth to mouth
by direct sale.
● One exemplary case is Granja Polen, a farm which sells its fresh products directly
and packaged with a label on a weekly market in an upper class neighborhood
where a price premium of 20% is realized.
● Most of the processed products are differentiated through their packaging and
points of sale.
● The processed products also achieve a price premium in the extreme case of the
Pairumani milk up to 300%.
70 Unpublished internal document: “Feria Ecológica Regular como estrategia de promoción de la producción, certifica
ción y comercialización de los productos ecológicos en el Departamento de Cochabamba”
71 The products were categorized in “natural”, “en conversión” and “ecológico” and fresh / processed with the majority
not being certified (only two processors who export had a certificate)
72 The term conventional sales channels here means through intermediaries, agents and wholesalers.
62
The consumer survey was conducted by six interviewers in ten different locations which
included the Cochabamba International Fair (FEICOBOL 2004), weekly markets where
ecological products are actually sold, direct farmer's markets, markets for lower income
classes, and a supermarket.
● 57% did not know the difference between ecological and conventional products.
This percentage was lower in the upper-class markets and higher in the lower-class
markets.
● 85% of the consumers were interested in buying ecological products. The figure
for the biggest lower-class market (La Cancha) was only 50%.
● 62% did not know where to where to buy ecological products, and 25% said they
knew (for example Super Ecológico, Protal and supermarkets)
● The ranking of preferred guarantee systems was: local certification (49%), foreign
certification (24%), trust system (21%) and peer control (8%) with differences be
tween age groups.
● 81% of the consumers were explicitly willing to pay a price premium for ecological
products. The average price premium of these consumers was 11.5%73.
● The majority (50%) wanted to buy their ecological products at specialized mar
kets, another 34% in special sections of existing markets and 16% in supermarkets.
63
ture conservation through integrated land-use and resource management which included
the introduction of ecological agricultural practices. This led to the creation of ASOPEC
(Asociación de Productoras Ecológicas), an ecological women's smallholder association
which started marketing their ecological products in the year 2000. The study focused on
the possibilities to improve ASOPECs marketing success with the creation of market infor
mation systems. It has a very good introduction on ecological agriculture in Latin America,
complete with country profiles.
An interesting figure mentioned in the country profile of Bolivia is a 30% price premium 75
for certified ecological products which also appears in other non quotable sources. On
pages 25ff Dr. Gemelli presents major stakeholders like AOPEB, ANAPQUI and EL CEIBO
and on pages 39 to 44 he describes the agriculture in Bolivia in general and the study area
in detail.
The market study consists of structured interviews with 37 producers, 3 presidents of as
sociations, AOPEB staff, 5 responsibles of purchasing departments of supermarkets and
shops and 2 transport businesses. Also an assessment of the competitors was made.
The principle outcomes of the study in the field of the market were:
● The producers had no historical market data and did not calculate production
times so they were unable to calculate the production costs and produce according
to the demand of the market. This led to a diverse production of which on average
10% could not be sold.
● The KETAL supermarkets returned and did not pay for 12.5% of the products that
are not sold, because they spoil faster than conventional products and often also do
not look optimal.
64
● The responsible from the Hipermaxi supermarket was interested in introducing a
line of ecological and unusual products for the wealthy and European consumers.
● 45.5% of the producers see supermarkets as the best marketing channel and
30,3% the direct clients.
A small (N=14) series of interviews was conducted with producers and processors affili
ated to AOPEB with the following main results:
● Most of the producers stated that they produced ecologically because of the bet
ter revenues and possible export opportunities.
● Most marketing was done through their presence at national and international
fairs because most of the AOPEB affiliates were export-oriented.
The consumer survey (N=533) was conducted with seven previously trained interviewers
in front of two supermarkets (KETAL and Zatt) and three Irupana stores in middle and up
per-class neighborhoods of La Paz. The questionnaire contained 22 mostly closed ques
tions and the major results are listed below:
● The importance of different places for household food purchases was ranked by
the consumers as follows: 42% markets, 34% Supermarkets, 23% shops, 1% street
vendors.
● The decision for a point of sale was made by the price (38%), presentation and
hygiene (27%), the range of products (11%), vicinity (8%), exclusiveness of the
products (5%), friendly atmosphere (4%) and others (7%). There was a clear rever
sal of importance between price and presentation in the income group above 1000
$ US of monthly income.
65
● The most important property of the food for the consumers was its durability
(89%), its vitamin content and nutritional value (68%), the taste (63%) and the price
(54%), which again lost in importance for the higher income consumers.
● The packaging of food products is noticed by and important for 85% of the con
sumers and of these 57% are looking at the material, 28% at color and 15% the
form of the package.
● 41% of the consumers did not know the difference between ecological and con
ventional products while the majority of the rest had very imprecise opinions using
adjectives like natural or healthy. Some mentioned agrochemicals and some the irri
gation with clean water.
● The preferred ecological guaranty for 56% of the consumers would be from an in
dependent third party, for 24% a governmental control, for 15% a special trade
mark and for 6% information by the sales personnel.
7.1 Producers
As identified in chapter 6.1.1 there are four distinct ecological producer groups. These
groups are not represented equally in the survey. The first group of the remote subsis
tence farmers is not covered at all. There were also some misunderstandings as to how to
fill out the survey especially with question four about the reason to convert, which had to
be eliminated from the analysis altogether. This problem arose because some question
naires were not filled out in the presence of the author on the Bio Bolivia 2007 fair in La
Paz. Nevertheless there are some results which describe the group of organic producers
which are active on the national market.
66
Almost all producers defined ecological products through the absence of agrochemicals.
More than a third used the word “natural” in their description and only a small minority (2)
mentioned norms and certification as a criterion for the ecological quality.
The distinction between ecological and natural is important because the term natural is
not protected by law 3525/06, which only protects the terms ecológico, orgánico and bi
ológico and their derivations. So a product label saying “100% natural” does not mean that
the product is ecological, but it is used widely by the producers and more than one third of
them consider the terms to be equal. This is especially the case for the producers and pro
cessors who are not certified by a third party certifier (which is the majority).
The average number of sales channels the producers use is three to four and the most
important (non-export) sales channels are markets and specialized shops but they use
other channels as well. Sometimes the ecological production is also sold undifferentiated
through conventional sales channels but the majority (76%) of the producers are able to
sell their products at a higher price than comparable conventional products. This is espe
cially the case for processed or dried products that are packaged. Generally the producers
of fresh products have more difficulties to sell their products anywhere else than directly at
markets, because often they do not meet the quantity and quality76 the supermarkets or
other shops demand. This leads to the tendency to package salads and other vegetables
in plastic bags to differentiate and protect them.
Although over half of the producers have clients that ask for a guarantee, trust is still the
way for more than half of the producers to guarantee the ecological status of their prod
ucts. Some use the AOPEB logo to inspire trust and some think their “Registro Sanitario”
certificate is enough. The third party ecological certification is only used by the producers
who also export.
Most of the bigger producers have changed to ecological production for economic rea
sons especially to access the export market and most of the smaller ones have changed
through development projects and NGO support.
Conclusively it can be stated that in the group of the small and medium size businesses
there are a lot of producers and especially processors who do not have a clear under
standing of what constitutes an ecological product according to the regulations and will
76 Because the smaller producers have no cooling chain the products loose their quality fast and the shelf life is re
duced.
67
have difficulties adjusting to the new law 3525/06. The easiest way for them to avoid this
problem is by labeling their products as “natural”.
7.2 Retailers
Of the fourteen retailers who filled out the questionnaires only four were owners of the
shop, the others were employees. The fact that mostly employees attend the stores was
probably also the reason why in several shops they were reluctant to fill out any question
naire without confirmation from the boss. Only specialized shops are included in the sam
ple and no supermarket or market retailer, so results can be only valid for this group.
The shops are mostly located in middle- or upper-class neighborhoods and receive
20 to 200 clients a day. There are two chains which are Irupana and Super Ecológico and
the rest are individual enterprises.77
Only a very small percentage of the products in these shops are certified ecological.
These are mostly coffee and chocolate and often there is a complete lack of fresh prod
ucts like vegetables and fruit.
This lack of fresh products in the shops could be due to the fact that consumers are used
to buying fresh products in markets rather than in shops78 and that higher income classes
prefer to buy everything in the supermarkets because of quality policies and hygienic stan
dards. Furthermore, the vegetables are not a high value product and perish fast. That is
why these specialized and often very small shops use their shelf space for high priced,
processed, non-perishable goods that come in boxes or other containers that can be easi
ly stacked. These products include a range of cereals, teas, food supplements, honey,
dried fruit, cosmetics, soya-products and natural medicines.
The majority of surveyed store attendants define an ecological product through the ab
sence of chemicals in the production but also more than half of them think that ecological
and natural products are the same.
The product quality in the shops is mainly guaranteed through personal checks on the
supplier side and through trust on the consumer side. Certificates and labels do not play
an important role in the marketing but rather producer brands like El Ceibo or Irupana
have the trust of the consumers. These products are sold with a premium price.
68
The supermarkets are interested in ecological products and already have some certified
products on their shelves. These are also mainly processed products because there is no
steady supply of fresh ecological vegetables. Some packaged salads from greenhouses
are sold with ecological claims but the only certified “fresh” product the author saw in a su
permarket was an onion79.
Conclusively it can be stated that the smaller shops are laid out and earn their money
selling mainly packaged and processed high quality (high added value) and high price
products, while the fresh products are mainly still sold at the markets (sometimes special
sections of markets). The Supermarkets have an interest and potential in the market for
fresh ecological products and also home delivery schemes could be successfully devel
oped.
7.3 Consumers
Because most of the questionnaires were filled out at ecological points of sale or at the
ecological fair (Bio Bolivia 2007) the results of the consumer survey are only valid for the
group of people who already have gotten in contact with the concept of ecological prod
ucts80. This group has mostly post-secondary education and belongs to the middle- or up
per-social classes. Their households have an average of around four members. They de
mand mainly processed cereal products, coffee, tea, chocolates and fresh fruit and veg
etables which they prefer to buy in the specialized shops, at special market stands or in
supermarkets. There is also a demand for direct home delivery of ecological products, as
shown by the 2006 AOPEB / ACSHA study. Half of the consumers frequent the ecological
points of sale at least once a week. They ask questions about the origin and quality of the
products and are willing to pay a price premium of around 9% - 30%81 for guaranteed eco
logical products. The main reason for buying ecological products is the personal health
and wellness aspect, that is why they also like to buy food supplements like Stevia or
Maca powders and natural shampoos. More than half of them considers the term natural
to be equivalent to the term ecological or even consider natural products to be healthier.
Because there is no widely known logo or certificate for ecological products, the con
sumers base their purchases mainly on their trust in the point of sale. They are attracted
by clean, hygienic stores, with an adequate presentation of the products. Also competent
69
sales personnel who can answer their questions and the vicinity to the regular shopping
places or residential zones are important factors here. Most of them would prefer to identi
fy ecological products by a label of a certification body rather than through a national label
or just trust. In general this group of middle- and upper-class households can be described
as influenced by western (mainly US-American) lifestyles. The LOHAS (Lifestyle Of Health
And Sustainability) which is a growing market segment in western countries is also influ
encing a small consumer group in Bolivia.
In the total adult Bolivian population the degree of consciousness about the ecological
concept was estimated by the experts to be at 23%. The Agrecol Andes study found an av
erage of 43% of the people interviewed in Cochabamba to have knowledge of the term but
with a big difference between low and high income neighborhoods so the experts figure of
23% seems to be more adequate for urban Bolivia. Parting from these figures below there
is the attempt to estimate the size of the ecological consumer group in Bolivia.
If taking the urban (62%) Bolivian population which is over 25 years old (63%) and multi
plying it with the expert's 23% we arrive at a figure of 830,805 ecologically conscious ur
ban people which are over 25 years old and are potential ecological consumers. If out of
this we now take the figure of 31% which the experts stated as active ecological con
sumers inside the conscious group we arrive at an 257,549 active ecological, urban con
sumers over 25 years old. If we now only take the urban population of the metropolitan ar
eas of La Paz, Santa Cruz and Cochabamba82 (65%) we arrive at 167,407 for these three
urban centers which would mean 70,849 in La Paz, 53,426 in Santa Cruz and 43,132 in
Cochabamba83. This whole calculation is based on the figure of 7.13% of active ecological
consumers as the mean of the experts opinions about consumer consciousness and be
havior which was described in chapter 6.2.4. The figures thus have to be considered as
rough estimates.
Strengths are, that in the major cities there already exist a number of specialized shops
and there are producers who produce ecologically as well as consumers who buy the
82 Only in these cities there exists a somehow developed and active ecological market.
83 For the the calculations the total population was put at 9,247,816 (2008 est.) and the other data is 2001 census data.
70
products. There is a producer's association (AOPEB) which represents a number of pro
ducers and has had big influence on the political decisions and agenda regarding ecologi
cal agriculture. To add to this fact, a big number of poor subsistence farmers are still culti
vating their fields in traditional (ecological) ways and there is a number of development
projects of NGOs and other implementing agencies working in the field of ecological agri
culture. Furthermore, the government has already passed legislation explicitly allowing an
easier (more accessible to all) way for certification for the national market. It also included
the promotion of ecological agriculture in various development plans.
Weaknesses are the generally low consumer awareness of the ecological concept as
well as the producers lack of knowledge of ecological production methods. Also the truly
ecological product is currently very difficult to distinguish from conventional products be
cause false ecological denominations are used in an unregulated way. There is no single
common label or other identification84 and most of the ecological shops also sell non-certi
fied and conventional products. This confuses the consumer and decreases her/his willing
ness to pay a price premium. The SENASAG and especially the responsible team for the
national ecological control system is underfunded and the system is not working / function
ing yet. Another weakness is the product range of the shops, which is very narrow and of
ten only consists of dry, processed and specialty products totally lacking a range of fresh
fruit and vegetables or milk. The differentiated shops are also only present in the major
cities and thus in the other parts of the country no market for ecological products exists.
Furthermore the weak infrastructure and the resulting long ways to the market and rela
tively high marketing costs are prohibitive to poor rural farmers who want to market their
ecological products in the cities where a differentiated market exists. That is why a lot of
ecological products are sold undifferentiated along with the conventional ones.
Opportunities in the future are the full implementation of law 3525/06 and the national
control system along with an information and education campaign by the government and
NGOs. Given that enough resources are allocated to these activities, consumer aware
ness could rise. The common national label would also clearly differentiate ecological
products which would rise the willingness of the consumers to pay a price premium or at
least prefer the guaranteed ecological product over the conventional one. Another opportu
nity is if public institutions follow the guidelines of the government and give preference to
84 There has been and still is the AOPEB label and some Labels of Bio Latina, IMO or Bolicert but not all ecological
producers use them because they cost money.
71
ecological products when acquiring food, for example for school lunches. All this would in
crease demand for ecological products and the supply would follow.
Threats can be the great political instability which could result in the rejection of the new
constitution and a changed government which would obliterate the development plans of
the current one. The political quarrels also might consume further attention and resources
for the implementation of the national control system. Even if the control system could be
established there is a high risk that the resources for a control of the market (false declara
tion) would be insufficient. A lack of resources also means that a nationwide information
and education campaign will be not sufficient or, worse, completely missing. This is espe
cially important as most of the consumers do not see a difference between “ecological”
and “natural” which is not a legally protected term. All of this would mean that in reality un
informed consumers would still be confronted with an unregulated market. Like this the
number of consumers preferring and searching for ecological products would not increase
and it would remain a small niche market.
Certified ecological production in Bolivia is mainly for export and also the lobby (AOPEB
and Exporters) worked in the past primarily to facilitate exports. That is a major reason
why a national legislation was pushed forward by AOPEB which was designed to be equiv
alent to most international standards and especially targeting the third country status for
ecological exports to the European Union. Around 2005 the focus of AOPEB and later the
government changed to include the national market into their projects and this resulted in
a legislation that has a split control system with a strict third party certification for the ex
port market on the one hand and the possibility for alternative and less costly certification
schemes for the national market on the other hand. This is a very innovative and progres
sive legislation for a developing nation such as Bolivia, for it considers the often prohibitive
costs of regular third party certification for poor farmers and gives them an alternative op
tion. In this way the development of a national market for ecological products is fostered.
The difficult point is when this theory hits the Bolivian reality which is characterized by
widespread poverty, political instability, widely uncontrolled markets, deficient infrastruc
72
ture due to the challenging topography and last but not least almost completely unin
formed producers and consumers when it comes to ecological agriculture and products. All
these factors pose a big threat to the proper function of the new national control system.
The poverty will hold back a huge majority of the population from buying guaranteed eco
logical products for a premium price. The lack of funds on the side of the government
could slow down the implementation and execution of the control system and probably will
also not suffice to launch the necessary information campaign. The political instability can
cause the discontinuity in the personnel responsible for the implementation of the law and
also put the focus on more urgent and immediate political projects and struggles. The mar
kets are very difficult to control and a control for false ecological declarations is very un
likely to be established on a scale bigger than some samples and even then there is a high
risk of corruption by the inspectors. The deficient infrastructure will keep remote small
farmers from participating in the differentiated market for fresh ecological products which is
currently only existent in the big cities. The most important factor is the knowledge of the
consumers and producers about ecological products and production methods. Today most
Bolivian market-oriented farmers use agrochemicals often even in very irresponsible ways.
The main reason for these farmers to convert to ecological production methods would be a
premium price for ecological products. On the side of the consumers the consciousness
could only be raised through a media campaign introducing the ecological concept and the
new national logo and a continuous support of ecological agriculture by a special govern
ment program as exists in Costa Rica.
The research question was: “If in Bolivia a regulating law for organic agriculture, pro
cessing and marketing will be able to promote the growth of the local market for organic
products, thus providing consumers with the opportunity to consume healthy and nutritious
food while paying a fair price to the producer who produces using environmentally sound
practices.”
The answer to this question is that such a positive effect of the organic legislation can
only be achieved if, apart from the law, there is a strong commitment of the government to
promote organic production and consumption through support and extension for the farm
ers and education and promotion for the consumers. These would be cost intensive pro
grams and it is very likely that the Bolivian government, although committed to the ideas,
will not be able to finance them unless external donors give financial and logistic support.
73
To obtain an accurate picture of the situation and adjust the necessary policies and
projects, further research including a complete market study should be carried out as soon
as the SENASAG has registered all certifiers and producers.
74
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78
Annexes
I
The surveys
Ecological producers and processors:
II
Personnel or owners of points of sale for ecological products
III
Consumers of ecological products
IV
Experts on the ecological agriculture and the local market
V
Experts on the new legislation
VI
Questionnaire for certifying bodies to estimate the national certified
production for export
VII
A selection of organic labels found on products in Bolivia
X
Photos by Arnd Zschocke
XI