West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 1

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
American Political Philosophy

Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone
PHILOSOPHERS JAMES MADISON ALEXANDER HAMILTON RALPH WALDO EMERSON JOHN DEWEY WOODROW WILSON FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT TOM HAYDEN HOWARD ZINN JOSEPH NYE, JR. RALPH NADER LANI GUINIER THEDA SKOCPOL bell hooks PETER SINGER

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2

WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at wcdebate@aol.com and seek our consent.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81

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...... 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING .................................................... 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED ................................................................... 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ...................................................................................................... .....................................................................................................................................com ................................... 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................. 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................................................................................... 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................. 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE ......................................................................... 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE .................................................................................. 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED .................................................................................................................................................. 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD .............................................................................. 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST ............... 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY......................................................................................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS ................................ 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............... 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM .......................................... 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD ..... 130 bell hooks................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 110 LANI GUINIER ........................... 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ......................................... 139 PETER SINGER ....................................................................... 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................... 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY.......... 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE .................................................................................................................................................... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG ............................................................ 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS ....... 91 JOSEPH NYE.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.............................................. 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY ..................................................................................... 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY ................................................................................................................................... Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN. 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST ....................................... 129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN ...... 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ................. JR..................................................... 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED .......................................................................... 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE ... 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE ...................................................................................................................................... 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................ 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ........................................................................................................ 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www................................................................................................................................................................ 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED ........................................... 120 THEDA SKOCPOL ...................................... 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD ....................... 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................... 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL ......................................................................................... 100 RALPH NADER ....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................wcdebate.............................................

even if just temporarily. Seriously. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers. like the other leading figures of his generation. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. James Madison. Most importantly. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people. like the other leading figures of his generation. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities. No. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. As a result. As a result.com . and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table. James Madison. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780. As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. His idea on the separation of church and state. in fact. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. president. is often placed into one or another ideological box. anti-Federalist. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. though. Interestingly enough. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. Not easily categorizable. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. and scholarship on the American founding is no different.S. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions.wcdebate. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail. Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. and the structure of representative government remain influential. one of the youngest. is often placed into one or another ideological box. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780. he suggests in Federalist 38. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day. A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. Indeed. and scholarship on the American founding is no different." The example to follow. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed. when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. the avoidance of oppression. though: Madison was the smallest U. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. including George Clinton. who died in office in 1812. showing his freedom from dogmatism. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders.

Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years. People will vote to actualize their own wants. Thus. Either they will become the next majority.´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. As a philosophically inclined individual. the majority will look to the long-term. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. needs and desires. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. As a skillful politician. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. Hence. Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. especially if that mass had coincident interests. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. but they aren¶t blind. ³Tyranny of the Majority. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound. The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite. the majority is inherently self-interested. In organizing a republican democracy. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups. like John Ashcroft. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others. and hence have the power to govern. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself. (Sorry. he was able to get what he wanted for that state.com .) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country. Let¶s not belabor the point. What might that mean? Well. This does happen in politics all the time. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich.wcdebate. one must take care to build in safeguards against this. after all.

with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church. The struggle continues to this day. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority. Indeed. The document. he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression.com . He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. Number 10. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. then the potential for abuse is minimized." Even Jefferson. This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85." Madison wrote." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. In fact. 1787. Their charges have serious merit. organic food labeling laws. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together. Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state. Madison reasoned. 1787." The debate raged on. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election. did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus. Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government.wcdebate. written in June 1785. Speaking of potential for abuse. he kept his religious beliefs largely private. While his father was an Episcopalian. The church. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. If power is temporary and fluid. this is part of the logic of the federal system. he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. published November 22. is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. Again.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control.

this consideration ought to be disregarded. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion.´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. and its practical influence on his conduct. His final shot at Jefferson. Madison reasoned. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. and that bypassing that consent was unjust. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce.com . A reverence for the laws. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. like man himself is timid and cautious. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich. Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. . Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. which fortify opinion. And in every other nation. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In a nation of philosophers. the powerful. . which time bestows on everything. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France. to have the prejudices of the community on its side.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. in Madison¶s view. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. This "unreflecting multitude´ was. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan.wcdebate. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. and the summation of his argument. The reason of man. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. which should be declared "void and of no force. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. they are known to have a double effect. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. When the examples. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. the government must continue to go about its business as usual. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. the mass of American people. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. when left alone. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. . and acquires firmness and confidence. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. that "no such obligation can be so transmitted. are antient as well as numerous.

com . When the examples. The reason of man.´ The youngest of the founding fathers. His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson. . frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. are antient as well as numerous. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. . and the most passionately argued. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. And in every other nation. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. In a nation of philosophers. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. they¶re worth checking out. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. and its practical influence on his conduct. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates.wcdebate. this consideration ought to be disregarded. like man himself is timid and cautious. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. which fortify opinion. and acquires firmness and confidence. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. they are known to have a double effect. the most based in a sense of ethics. A reverence for the laws. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. which time bestows on everything. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. when left alone. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. .

. Kans.html. Rewards. ³James Madison: Federalist.loc.com/federalist10. Irving. November 22. Noam. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs.loc. Z MAGAZINE. Madison. 2001. ed.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. Mattern.gov/loc/madison/symposium.gov/loc/madison/symposium. March 16. Library of Congress. N. Lancej. 1776-1826: New York. March 16.. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis. Meyers. Richard K. Matthews. Brant.H. Smith.gov/loc/madison/symposium. http://www. 1780-l792: Ithaca. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC.loc.com.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers.html and http://www. 1995.loc.. FEDERALIST PAPER No. Banning. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY.wcdebate. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville.Y. Va. 2001. http://www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Samples. Beard.org/dailys/11-15-00. http://www. N. 1941-61.loc. Rosen. http://www. Lance.com .html. http://federalistpapers. November 15. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence.html. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE.. John.loc. under the name Publius.cato. Hanover. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.loc. 2000. 1912. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON. 1995. David. ed. Gary. 1997). 1787. 2002.gov/loc/madison/banning-paper. June 1997. James Morton.html and http://www.. accessed April 22. 1981. 1995. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. James. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute.html. Chomsky. Marvin.html and http://www. 10. ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. 2001.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON.html and http://www. Charles historian.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper. University of Kentucky. Hutson.html. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning. March 16. James.." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.

What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. I understand a number of citizens. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties. and alarm for private rights. provides a proper cure for it. indeed. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements.org/dailys/11-15-00. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. 2. to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. http://www.cato. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. These must be chiefly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. both ancient and modern. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. at the same time. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party. Some will say Ms. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. injustice. therefore. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. http://www. http://federalistpapers. adversed to the rights of other citizens. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. np.html. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate.com . Washington's newest celebrity. However the election turns out. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1. on a candid review of our situation. 2002. The instability.cato. p. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. 2000. Clinton more credit than that. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples. James Madison. I give Ms. if not wholly. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. 2002. np. without violating the principles to which he is attached. Sen. accessed April 22. It will be found. 2000. accessed April 22. and that measures are too often decided. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union. p. and of public and personal liberty. equally the friends of public and private faith. who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion. and confusion introduced into the public councils. As Madison knew. cannot certainly be too much admired. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation. 2002.html. have. particularly. November 15. as was wished and expected. or of interest. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. FEDERALIST PAPER No. He will not fail. Hillary Rodham Clinton. 10. and. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors). but it will be found. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. is the latest convert to this cause. 3. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. 1787. that our governments are too unstable. the evidence. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. November 22. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author. to set a due value on any plan which. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.org/dailys/11-15-00. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole. November 15. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas.com/federalist10. in truth.html. accessed April 22. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. By a faction.

against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. 1787. FEDERALIST PAPER No. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. 2002. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed. Nor. FEDERALIST PAPER No." 2. November 22. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.cato. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy. 2002.org/dailys/11-15-00. http://federalistpapers. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken. they would. accessed April 22. 2000.com/federalist10.html. http://federalistpapers. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. their opinions. be felt by a majority of the whole. and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government.com . November 15. PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE. -. and their passions. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties.com/federalist10. it clearly appears.html. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. np. np. 10. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. 2002. who assemble and administer the government in person. November 22. p. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. who have patronized this species of government. in many cases. The inference to which we are brought is. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic.wcdebate. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. http://www. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself. accessed April 22. p. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. FEDERALIST PAPER No. in fine. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations. accessed April 22. Hence. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. increase this security. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. 3. If we abolish the Electoral College. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. np. Theoretic politicians. therefore. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. 1787.html. 4. in controlling the effects of faction. again.com/federalist10. in almost every case. Does it. The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. at the same time. A common passion or interest will. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy. np. http://federalistpapers.html. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. accessed April 22. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here. and render them all subservient to the public good. 10. 10. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. 2002. p. p. 1787. November 22.

would prove that property was the main object of society.com .or. Madison urged: "In future times. 31. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate. historian. According to the equal laws of suffrage. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression"." 3. the force. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition. not only first. In the tenth number of The Federalist. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. historian. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses.wcdebate. -. nevertheless. what is more probable. to give notice of the future danger. under the influence of their common situation. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. p. Governor Morris. the mind or sense of the people at large. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1.If property. and in his opinion. correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. in which case there will be equal danger on another side. p. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. "the majority. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country. then was the main object of government. and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1912. a great majority of the people will not only be without land. Mr. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. he contended. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. who urged that "the government ought to possess. but without any other sort of property. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands. having such coexistent passion or interest. the power will slide into the hands of the former. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government. he added. hence. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY." and Mr.. These will either combine. 1912.. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions.aristocracy. 31.. but symptoms of a levelling spirit." And again. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings. but second. 31. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. 2. 1912." Mr. p. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. historian. -. An accurate view of the matter. from which the rights of property originated. changeableness. MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. Wilson.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy. in a certain quarter." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr.. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared.

there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period. 8. 8. or any government entity. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. One may argue. Madison declared. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison. Furthermore.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons. that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled.'' To achieve this goal. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual. Z MAGAZINE. a personal right which must be privileged above all others.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich. It is the responsibility of government. An agrarian law would soon take place. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. When the facts are stated clearly. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. In a current official document. June 1997. whose views largely prevailed. well born. typically material property. June 1997. if elections ``were open to all classes of people. p. the native population driven out or exterminated. p. Z MAGAZINE. as some historians do. association.com .'' which are property rights. James Madison. Z MAGAZINE. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it. In both principle and practice. But the formulation is misleading. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented. Property has no rights.wcdebate. he urged. 3. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. or prominent from exercising political power. branch. trust. and the constitutional system generally.'' giving land to the landless. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. But the growth of the industrial economy. In the debates on the Constitution. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker. 8. and anti-capitalist in spirit. June 1997. led to a completely new meaning of the term. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form. the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property. Whatever one's assessment of those years. estate. ``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. Madison pointed out that in England. and ``secure the permanent interests of the country.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -.pre-capitalist. Among Madisonian scholars. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise.'' he meant humans. his biographer observes.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. partnership. and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them. 2.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay. offered only limited public participation in the political arena. p. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. associated group.

He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank. Either way. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. were extremely important during the early days of the United States. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. and generally made himself a pain. After Adams was elected President. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. When the Constitutional Convention was convened. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. Much of this is forgotten today. Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. coercive.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. centralized union that would be a representative republic. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world. Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it. rebuke and scandal. After Washington died. an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. then his ideas. as an aristocrat. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel.an aristocratic. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. he also offered a life of tragedy. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. In those papers. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. making it available to the general public. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well.com . Shortly before the presidential election of 1800. was vocally against states¶ rights. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS.wcdebate. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life. Either that.

"implied powers. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy. shortened to Republican. As early as 1776. impressive or important. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power.´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism. In fact. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. wherever a general power to do a thing is given. it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind. Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend. Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing. His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. 44) that "wherever the end is required. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank." Ironically." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. Jefferson. the legacy of Britain.wcdebate. was a vocal opponent of the national bank. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism. they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade. or not immoral. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical. every particular power necessary for doing it is included.´ as is often claimed. (no. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers. Even then-President George Washington. he claims. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction. Hamilton¶s staunch ally.com . and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government). Today. the means are authorized. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution." and the "general welfare. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society.

saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality. his customary colleague. (When Jefferson was elected. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order. then his closest aide. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora. DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. and many other things." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt. so get over it. that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. and as novel as it is extraordinary. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas." This shows his opinion of the average American." he said. punishable by fine and imprisonment. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows. If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy. and consequently the more virulent. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. administering no relief to our real disease. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation. the poison of which. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal." For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. I know he was smart. Benjamin Franklin Bache. without any counterbalancing good. he pardoned all of those convicted. more centralized government.well. Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas. by a subdivision. which is democracy. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals. my friends and I are rich. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. as should be clear. and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice. and everyone else knew it too. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. Allegedly. here¶s a translation: yeah.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. which the urban elite would benefit). Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government. where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches." Again. will only be more concentrated in each part. "Men.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government. More on that in our final section. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. His morals -.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages." Such publications were made high misdemeanors. scandalous and malicious writing. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease.wcdebate. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798.

They apparently did. Abraham Venable. was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators). At that point. Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. Hamilton¶s note to his wife.money. written directly before the duel with Burr. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations. my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. Some Hamilton apologists insist that. And. That happened in 1792.´ Amazingly. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival.com . both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals.wcdebate. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. It gets better. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. But it was not possible. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter. motivated. but a BRIBE. it was on. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ .but he said it was his own money. the public could be kept in the dark no longer. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail . a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. a shady character currently in jail. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and agreed to keep it quiet. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. too. Reynolds had evidence. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school. greedy. and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose. That¶s when it got weird. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. . Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. It wasn¶t even the juiciest. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol.Adieu best of wives and best of Women. not the government's. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. James Reynolds. until July 1797. and by the press). when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department. he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet.. natural politicians. Monroe et. went to Hamilton's office to confront him. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. That money had changed hands. Three congressmen -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in Sports Center parlance. ³Mr. . But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview.James Monroe. he did not intend to fire at Burr. without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem.. As I hope this essay makes clear. Maria. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. . al.

Frisch. http://odur. Richard. Loyola University. Charles Scribner's Sons. Stanley and Eric McKitrick. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Miller. Stourzh. Noam. 1982. October 19. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Frisch. New York and London: Columbia University Press. Brookhiser. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX. Charles. Morton J. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research.. New York: Harper & Row.htm. AMERICAN. THE AGE OF FEDERALISM.let. 1961--79. Elkins. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. p. 1991. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.. ed. 1993. ed. Harold C. historian. January 1995. 1912. senior editor. 1985. 1999. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER. New York. New York: The Free Press. Noam.2002. 13. Chomsky. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON.rug. Stanford: Stanford University Press. University of Groningen. Jacob E. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. John C. Mellon Lecture. 1959. de Carolis.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Department of Alfa-informatica. 2002. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Cooke. accessed April 29. 1994 http://www. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1970. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. Syrett. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Cooke. Lisa Marie.zmag.html. Morton J. ed. Gerald. Chicago. New York: Harper & Brothers. Z MAGAZINE.com . Jacob E. 1997.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. 1964. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America. Chomsky. NATIONAL REVIEW. accessed May 1.

This. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events. vindictive. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution.html. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. http://federalistpapers. and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2002. in the event of disunion. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors. and which usually went under the name of crown lands. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. 1787. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. either by actual possession. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton.wcdebate. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. 1787. A dismemberment of the Confederacy. and rapacious. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7. constitutes nations natural enemies. 2002.com/federalist6. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property. For the Independent Journal. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. November 14. http://federalistpapers. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence. http://federalistpapers. np.html.com/federalist6. that vicinity or nearness of situation. http://federalistpapers. accessed May 2. p. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. 2. This cause would exist among us in full force. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent. accessed May 2.html. November 15. This has been so far accomplished as.com . There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. 2002.com/federalist7." 4. accessed May 2. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. accessed May 2.com/federalist6. For the Independent Journal. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. under a continuation of the Union. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. 1787. however. For the Independent Journal. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. would be to forget that men are ambitious. 1787. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own. or only united in partial confederacies. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. if these States should either be wholly disunited. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. November 14. it has been said. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. For the Independent Journal. p. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors.html. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections. would revive this dispute. np. p. and would create others on the same subject. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which. November 14. np.

Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. Hamilton was. and. accessed May 1. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential. He explained: "The keen. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. although not necessarily equitable. 1997. as it were. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness.htm. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. 2002. 1997. simply drawing on realities that he felt.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as usual.." 2. Hamilton reasoned.rug.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. the prosperity of the institution . steady.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Landed wealth.wcdebate. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. University of Groningen. moral developments.html. http://www. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. of their own interest.. regulate banking practices around the country. magnetic sense. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank.2002. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. provide a uniform currency. As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized.independent." Independent Institute Website. accessed May 1. The "authors of that notable instrument. np. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding.. p.let. 1997. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture. http://odur. provide capital for investments and industry. Department of Politics. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed.rug. The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors." Moreover.let.com . or social capacity. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises. Department of Alfa-informatica. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1. represented by the Virginia opposition.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. pointing invariably to its true pole. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. in the Directors of a Bank. among which are life. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit. and loan the government money in times of emergency. was limiting and limited. accessed May 1. Industry would diversify labor. . as proprietors. in their understanding. abilities which were by nature unequal." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. opposed to the principle of equality. University of Groningen.¶ This they said and this meant. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis.htm. 3. not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives).intellect. . Private ownership. http://odur. University of Dallas. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis. would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England.did not mean to say all were equal in. Department of Alfa-informatica. whereas paper wealth was fluid.2002.. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run. and the pursuit of happiness. liberty.

Madison. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky. perhaps rightly. an important victory. sometimes quite literally. 13. We may recall. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly. as it was called. In the mind of Mr." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. 2." or even influential. in passing. Robert Lansing. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. Indeed.com . p. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality." in the terminology favored by leading planners -." Mr. 1994. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. October 19.html. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient." Mr. Mellon Lecture." and he confessed that while he was still republican. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. That's Hamilton. p. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State. p.org/chomsky/talks/9410education.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky. They feel. whatever cast it takes. the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights. Z MAGAZINE. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened. HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky. Professor of Linguistics at MIT. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. 2002. being independence. speaking for a host of others). rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. 1912. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities. historian. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1. accessed April 29.zmag. Chicago. np. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth. preserved to posterity by Mr. but it is being caged. January 1995. in advocating a life term for Senators. in tracing these evils to their origin. Loyola University. Hamilton. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. but now perceive that they can do better. Randolph. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. Gerry. of course. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended. January 1995. that. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. http://www.the main concern. 13. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power. Z MAGAZINE. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many.wcdebate. The beast may not yet be tamed. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. 3. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored." 4. 31.

from which the rights of property originated.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants.rug. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics.rug. 1997. 1997. Department of Alfa-informatica. Department of Alfa-informatica. and a more diverse economy. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis." Landed wealth. accessed May 1. HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system.let. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package. p. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages. Mr. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. 2002. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". In the tenth number of The Federalist. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest. having such coexistent passion or interest. Mr. np. he added. Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy. In order to stimulate the economy.com . The House of Representatives.. accessed May 1. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. 2. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities.wcdebate. p. hence. University of Groningen. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality.. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. p. . He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. historian. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. he contended.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis. 1912. np. provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government.htm. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. "the majority. University of Groningen. However. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government. Hume contended. 2002. Hume observed. Securities. creates dangerous disparities in wealth. the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises. Hamilton pointed out. Hamilton needed big investors." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 31. and in his opinion.htm. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market." 3. http://odur. Nevertheless. which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure.let.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society. http://odur. indebts the nation to foreign powers.

Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. However. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take. therefore. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists. This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws.wcdebate. there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. These papers. it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. supported a more direct democracy. some of the major figures behind the movement. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. The Confederation could not collect taxes. or Madison) is well documented. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. written by Alexander Hamilton. and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. many called for some kind of reform. Anti-federalists. First. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. support for it was by no means unanimous. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names).com . and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history. Secondly. regulate commerce. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions. who did which paper (Hamilton. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. Moreover. James Madison. Jay.

Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry. and only samples a small part of the population.com . making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want. but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. One such person is Patrick Henry. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. No. Richard Henry Lee. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. For one. the problem of majority tyranny arises. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government. and so on. Samuel Bryan. While of course they all had minor differences. Today what we have is a republic. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. that the government has. there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution. This is democracy at its most tenuous. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. or amount of control. one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading.´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate. and others. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. while they share some of the same beliefs.´ ³Old Whig. ideas. Clinton acquiesced.wcdebate. cultures. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible. Even were polling perfectly accurate. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. while he never supported the Constitution. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. Robert Yates. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato. Clinton despised Madison.

there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. and similar pursuits. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. In fact. and therefore be happy and free. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. on the other hand. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. The reason for this is because. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. Arendt. This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. which encompasses crafts. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. such as food and shelter.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take. say. But even if all of the things above were not true. an important political theorist from this century. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. be achieved. In other words. Finally. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities. this is often not the case. The ancient Greeks despised labor. While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. find that situation lacking. Once all private demands are met. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. Only that way can the desire to life a public life. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). Indeed. interestingly enough. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. The next highest is work. the arts. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts. Therefore. Even if every state kept standing militias. AntiFederalists. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial. but it is often still private in nature. and without a strong federal ability to tax. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned.wcdebate. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. The lowest is that of labor.com . Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints. The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns.

There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. rights. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. Having a national bank system. issuing bonds. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy. With regard to the security issue. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. and the government. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means. As for internal problems. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. Given how complex the economic system is today. By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. internal commerce. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. such as funding of the sciences and arts. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government. it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. and so forth. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. In addition to security. This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. hope is not lost yet. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. but it is a huge issue now. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment.wcdebate. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted.

no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say.wcdebate. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism. as Hannah Arendt suspects. such as greater states rights in a particular area. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. local. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. as a political theory taken in general. the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans.com . Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. has many potential benefits and downfalls. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes. The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny. One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would. federal governments. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth. Money alone cannot produce happiness. there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. Instead. Moreover. or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. Participation in a public democracy. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and therefore in direct democracy.

Simon & Schuster. Robert. Herbert. Georgetown Press. Herbert. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. Dry. 1986. Walter. Christopher. Gordon. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. ARTICLES. 1997. Richard. AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. Penguin. Alfred Knopf. THE HUMAN CONDITION. Northern Illinois University Press. 1992. Berns. Dolbeare. 1987. 1969. Bernard. 1981. Harvard University Press. FROM MANY. 1992. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. 1993. Arendt. 1995. University of Chicago Press. Hannah. Ralph. Sinopoli. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. Hoffer. WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. and Storing. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. University of Chicago Press. Duncan. Kenneth. 1958. John Wiley & Sons. Wood. University of Colorado Press. 1981. Storing.com . THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. inc. Library of America. 1992. Murray. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES. Ketcham. Bruce. University of Chicago Press.wcdebate. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. Bailyn.

In a republic. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. 3. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1. 2. Both of these. Anti-Federalist Writer. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. cowardly. a legislature.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. of consequence. Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing. in the words of Hannah Arendt. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. and consequently of less moderation. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments. of consequence.com . Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. in process of time. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same. p. and the consequence was. the interest of the public is easier perceived.wcdebate. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. and their interests.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. This will retard the operations of government. 1997. and. it is subordinate to exceptions. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. and depends on accidents. The laws and customs of the several states are. are in general lazy. any thing like the extent of the United States. the people. p. be the climate what it may be. p. and interests of the people should be similar. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. by oppressing his fellow citizens. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves. so also was that of the Romans. better understood. abuses are of less extent. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. The United States includes a variety of climates. turbulent. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. In a large republic. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. there can be no virtue. 37. in many respects. that it will ultimately. Professor of Political Science. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. ultimately disempowering. and of course are less protected. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. as would constantly be contending with each other. great and glorious. The Grecian republics were of small extent. he has interest of his own. extended their conquests over large territories of country. the manners. FROM MANY. 1995. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. diverse. FROM MANY. and without virtue there can be no happiness. it is true. sentiments. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views. Anti-Federalist Writer. If this be not the case. 170-171. very diverse. and more within the reach of every citizen. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. 1997. formed of representatives from the respective parts. In a small one. 38. and in some opposite. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus.

it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. connected with their political distribution. nor compact. Furthermore. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. what can you promise yourselves. Spring. In other words. or at least in the opinion we have of security. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. 37-8. 1997. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. Mr. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. either limited or despotic. and observe.wcdebate. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. This moderation in governments. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. FROM MANY. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. into the hands of individuals. 42." Thus. consists in security.com . is a government derived from neither nature. will oppress and grind you²where. Locke remarks. on the score of consolidation of the United States. 78. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. If that latter clause is read correctly. into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. and the equality of the manners. the latter. or the opinion. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters. or the opinion." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. and aggrandizement. whose ambition for power. ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. 1995. and to work together. Associate Professor of Law. p. Political liberty. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. where the mildness of the laws. by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. is best obtained in moderate governments. and the complication of interests. Professor of Political Science. From this picture. and too mysterious for you to understand. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. Anti-Federalist Writer. the great Montesquieu again observes. other than those basic natural laws (but these. rather. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. too. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. beget a confidence in the people. p. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. and this security therefore. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. from the vast extent of your territory. depends in a great measure on their limits. which produces this security. useful or not. 2000. Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations.

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AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 33
FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 34

RALPH WALDO EMERSON
"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.

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However." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency." where matter. But humans could never really reach such a world. and lived through the Civil War. in doing so. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary. two brothers. he was even more a mystic than Plato. and politics.. To understand transcendentalism. removed from day-to-day history. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century. people and history existed.. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King. p.. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. And his marriage of philosophy. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine. immaterial.wcdebate. living entities died. 2000. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy). he lost a spouse. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. Today. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch. while the realm of "becoming. they could only contemplate it.To be great is to be misunderstood. at least in principle. he had his house burn down. and have great potential for debates over morality. Plato. certain major themes stand out in his writings. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. academic science of modernist philosophy. a child. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization. unchanging." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J. In this sense. in contrast. since ³-isms´ are usually systems. Spring. however. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry.. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding. Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. Emerson. and incorruptible. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. But he remained. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. Brown. values. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27.com . and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding." Things changed. 669). one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. 1882. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter. optimistic about humanity. and perfection was unattainable. must be a nonconformist. Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America.

or doctrines. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. because. unlike Plato.´ Like the German and British Romantics. Like Hegel. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking. or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson. which he saw as our connection to the divine. on the other hand." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). as the basis of genuine knowledge. That is why.wcdebate. as its name implies. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. history. Emerson trusted instinct and emotion. He was very close. Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. at the end of "Circles. "Intellect"). In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. to being a pantheist. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant.edu/entries/emerson/). Although. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things. Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. with your best deliberation and heed. comprehensive understanding. Emerson really means to "accept. in this respect. Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter. whilst you rise from your bed. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1. and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. 3. politics and the like. Transcendentalism. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. viewpoints. Plato rejected human matters. Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." including emotions such as love. Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. the past is always swallowed and forgotten. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. being and becoming." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you.com . As mentioned. After all. higher understanding. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more. Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine. Emerson. In other words. Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much. You cannot. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming. based more on feeling than analysis. there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western.stanford." as he puts it. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts. as we shall see.´ 2.

of course. This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies. George Santayana among them. This is true of every human being. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy. Second. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher. p. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine).´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human. First. 2000. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions. morality is more important than obeying the law. presumably. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson. Spring. 669). This. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson.' ´ (Thomas J. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated. however imperfect. Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds. through Nature. they will perform virtuously." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens." Like friendship and reading. Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power. In this way. such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature.´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. Brown. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Implications for Debate First. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. Some critics. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power. but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. or other distinct groups. In his essay ³Self-Reliance. "the otherest. divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´). Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white.com . and the power of individual action. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. and for thoughts. the necessity of self-reliance. democracy." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier. Because of this. since governments are not the ultimate source of morality.

on the other hand. his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. As noted above. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things). Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior. This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions. meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. However. would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences.F. his optimism about humanity and democracy. while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence.com . Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker. Emerson¶s eloquence. Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G.wcdebate. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences. It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics. Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.W. Third. Transcendentalist ethics. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). In this way. For example.

Len and Myerson. Ralph Waldo. Mifflin. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS.. Emerson. N.H. 1903). Ralph Waldo. ed. Sealts Jr. Osgood and Company. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. POEMS. ed. Ralph Waldo.wcdebate. eds. Robinson. Emerson. Porte. Alfred R. GROWTH. ADDRESSES (New York: W. WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. and Whicher. 1978). Haight. 1966). AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. Huggard. 1866). Ralph Waldo. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press.com . Emerson. 1938). OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press.: Kennikat Press. N. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. NAPOLEAN. 1947) Emerson. Milton R. WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press. Emerson. Gougeon. Ralph Waldo. J. 1878). APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Susan Sutton. 1959). Merton M. Emerson. Ralph Waldo.: Friends of the Dartmouth Library. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Smith. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. 1995). eds. Gordon Sherman. 1982). FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. POWER. 1981). McGiffert... 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Ralph Waldo. Arthur Cushman Jr. THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ed. Joel. THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE.. David. William Allen. 1900). EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. Gay Wilson.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Stephen E. Black. 1941). eds. 1969). NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT. and Ferguson. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. 1954). A YANKEE IN CANADA. Joel. Mead. EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. MEANING (New York: Dodd.Y. 1978). Emerson. 1968). Ticknor and Fields. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. Konvitz.

p. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. This element I call an ultimate end. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. American transcendentalist philosopher. 2. in its largest and profoundest sense. Every natural action is graceful. Truth. p. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. It is his. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. he may creep into a corner. Every heroic act is also decent. 15. American transcendentalist philosopher.--the persons. Pindar. 2. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. and nature became ancillary to a man. among sordid objects. and goodness. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. and the frame will suit the picture. 15. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. Socrates. 2000.wcdebate. A virtuous man is in unison with her works. that every false word he has uttered. and abdicate his kingdom. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. 1986. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. is one expression for the universe. American transcendentalist philosopher. that it to say. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. namely. In private places. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. Phocion. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. the sun as its candle. 1986. 12.com . Homer. American transcendentalist philosopher. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet. 1986. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. are but different faces of the same All. God is the all-fair. the opinions. as most men do. and the day. if he will. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect. Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1. The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. He may divest himself of it. is that which is found in combination with the human will. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection. 13. p. p. The presence of a higher. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson. and beauty. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. every departure from his own convictions. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. Beauty.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson.

American transcendentalist philosopher. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. They will not be written out on paper. 2000. p. that an immoral contract is void. principles that astonish.com . and that an immoral statute is void. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. justice. p. in our own remorse. 72-73. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. under what seem foolish details. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. gravity. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. 361. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. for. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. The sense of injustice is blunted. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. 1986. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. and God. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. motion. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. 2000. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. in each other¶s actions. 362. out of space. They elude our persevering thought. if judges only quote authorities. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. These laws execute themselves. fear. at every hazard. 73. pp. It is therefore a principle of law. 2. American transcendentalist philosopher. as laws do not make right. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. and not subject to circumstance. covers. interact. 1986. American transcendentalist philosopher. man. I question the value of our civilization. and in the game of human life. For virtue is the very self of every man. or spoken by the tongue. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. appetite. muscular force. love. They are out of time. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. American transcendentalist philosopher.wcdebate. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed.

´ he announces. combination.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ 2. information (and) science. not to block improvement. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. 1962. and to conspire with the new works of new days. 90.´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. 1999. 68. philosopher. but to watch the uprise of successive mornings. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. pp. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade.com . THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents.wcdebate.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character. 1999.´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation. and sit till we are stone. in doing so. p. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. ³marry Right to Might. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. 68-69. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature.´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates. ³Power´ and ³Wealth. p. 3. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays. In these essays and elsewhere. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design. in its room. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder. ³Life is a search after power.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron.

worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason. by its very definition. the imagination and all its works²art. Law. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. 35. ³Emerson¶s personal history.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil. James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson). p.´ ³We get the impression. 1962. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago. the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room. God. ³of a conscience gasping in the void. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands. for God. panting for sensations. As far as James was concerned. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez. so constantly on his lips. For James.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. ³like a ministry without an opposition. the base. As every new category. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. p. almost exclusively in the moral world. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world. EMERSON AND POWER. Professor of English at Michigan State University. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. as he thinks. dogma. and as the absolute. is not representable by any specific faculty.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. Benefit. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. p.´ James concludes. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity. 32-33. 4. 32.com . it must be approached through the abandonment of all. 31. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. philosopher. then.´ he recalled. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. Mysticism. its rewards and consolations. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson. 1996. as Matthiessen notes. the whole ³Concord school´ had. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative. Boston existed serenely.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor. as we have said. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy.´ He continued. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms. and having there beheld the transfigured reality.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him. Professor of English at Michigan State University. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge.´ It was no surprise. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark. Nature. an island above the extremes of common human experience. 1962. however. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. 2.´ 3.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute. must share this reproach. Empty. the foul. Far from it. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical. philosopher. p. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish. 1996. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana. or Beauty? He could not. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. EMERSON AND POWER. in his 1888 essay.´ sealed off.

com . Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. on October 20. He graduated in 1879. politics and education. Two years later. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. the son of a grocer. and grow accordingly. he received his PhD. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. and taught high school for three years. 1859. in philosophy. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy. Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. From a very early age. at the age of twenty. By now. For Dewey. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. and enrolled at the University of Vermont. Maryland.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. At the same time. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. In the fall of 1882. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. as some critics have charged. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students. Not surprisingly. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher. Vermont. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. If. In 1894.

He wrote essays and books about epistemology. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty. but rather in reference to what "works. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. Ziniewicz. and despite this impact. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. "Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles. I might be a liberal. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws. 1952. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition." in theory or practice. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic. both as a race and as individuals. impartial. few philosophers are more misunderstood. also have a history of change. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea. However. The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world. His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics. No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. But unlike existentialists.augie. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology. Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges. Humans.com . John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education. This will become important later. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real. he was viewed by leftists as fair. and these experiments. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. and education. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. genuine experience.edu/~mafjerke/dewey. Similarly. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. or appeals to the truth of scripture. politics. and allow the child to participate in his or her own education. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience).shtml). "A thing is its history" for Dewey. I might be a socialist. who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because. This explains why. removed from everyday experience. Like existentialists. John Dewey died on June 1.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In 1904. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. Dewey sees humans as part of nature. Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual.net/tzaka/deweynew. www. (http://inst. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence. and concerned with social justice. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914). To them. through experience and reflection (in fact.html).fred. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. as part of nature. although Dewey was no socialist. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.org/history/1997/may1997/dewey.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant. Humans may." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. and least known. and sees nature as constantly changing. ethics. concerning the philosophy of religion.

For Dewey. "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things." In fact. as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling. At least. and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. I reconsider the original idea. (Ziniewicz. Dewey supports community ideals because. The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation. It may even include mystical. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. I could never consider it "true. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute. emotional. First.wcdebate. pragmatically speaking. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry. or religious experience.com . My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. experience is not (as it was for the empiricists). until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. and includes reflection as well as interaction. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world. Moreover.xrefer. Dewey insisted.com/entry/551811) Finally. as already stated. which we'll examine in the next section. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers. the simple reception and contemplation of external data. Rather. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. Second. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. where we learn from and with other people. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry. My assignment is poorly written. I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. I am part of the world). IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. Finally. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism. the example shows that theories and ideas change. What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory.but in all cases there is a social context. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute. experience can be active or passive. It includes long-term. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. because my teachers warn me about it. however.´ In sum. propose and oppose. and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment. we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. At that point. I fail. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. They experiment. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. and so on. as a result of collective experience. When my experience no longer verifies it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. to the maximum benefit of all participants. In summary. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end. (http://www. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. Thus. test.

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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.

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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

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The point of simple tension between the two has been passed.wcdebate. But the necessary unity between the two is involved. political and moral matters is a gift of God. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey. 1991. alert. the explicit thing. brushes. It requires favorable objective conditions. 1968. Carry that identity farther. 1968.com . 3. American pragmatist philosopher. between the natural self and the ideal self. however. desire and purpose more flexible. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. LECTURES ON ETHICS. freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate. In other words. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. the possible self does not represent a remote. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. just as the art of painting requires paint. No more than any other art is it developed internally. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. p. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS. 296. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. 298. That is the basis of responsibility. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. and canvas. but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. and resolute. and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. In its reality. but power of vision and reflection. 89. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. American pragmatist philosopher. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. American pragmatist philosopher. 2. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion. In obligation. p. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth. For these take effect in making preference. and you have freedom. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION.´ are not a hindrance to freedom. because open and moving toward a new future. Thinking. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. like mathematics. It is complete only in its possibilities. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. but upon the whole we act as if that were true. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention.

pp. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. is not good reality. in the problem of personal freedom. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1. 1968. 139. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property. For ordinary purposes. I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. 1968. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. teleologically. 1968. perfectly real. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history. But like all other possibilities. Since actual. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era. morally they alone are ³real.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. it is this kind. American pragmatist philosopher.´ 2. which for us monopolizes the title of reality. pp. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. much less a deviation or excrescence. American pragmatist philosopher. p. which we want or are after. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. emerged. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. It lacks the hallmark of value. and freedom of contract. p. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions. 48-49. It is one with our individuality. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. existentially speaking. while it is. in command of capital. effective. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. American pragmatist philosopher. one absolute and static because exhausted. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. whether moral or psychological. Pragmatically. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. rights and demands are products of interactions. the true kind. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. use of coal and steam. There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. 2. like all others. For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. this possibility has to be actualized. that is for practical purposes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1968. and.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that is. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. 297-98. 281. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences.com . the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature.wcdebate. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. as facts have demonstrated. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. American pragmatist philosopher. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION.

as it usually does. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. 251. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War. 256. 1975. 1977. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. Instead of playing a directing role. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM.com . 2. as I have reiterated. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. to have interpreted their meaning. In a game most of the participants know how to play. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. 114. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect. However. 2. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. Dewey was impressed. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Marxist philosopher and activist. 115. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. like a football captain. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation. to some extent. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals.S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. If ³democracy´ is to include. 1977. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. an authority on some aspect of the culture. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. for it combined a conception of the child. and he or she is meant to be. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. p. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. is also unsatisfactory. Marxist philosopher and activist. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief. p. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism. p.S. at least in broad outline. which claims to be so realistic and practical. should have done no less. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher.´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game.wcdebate. Peters. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. 1975. Peters. p. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. as by Dewey.

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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.

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WOODROW WILSON
When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.

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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 55

These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.

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´ That doesn¶t mean. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time. and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized. outside territorial waters. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. however. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. Still. the removal of all economic barriers to trade. The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany. III. like our own. so far as possible. A free. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. In fact. The removal. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. skeptical of the League of Nations. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. wishes to live its own life. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson. of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. V. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. determine its own institutions.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States.wcdebate.´ Wilson said. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves. alike in peace and in war. open-minded. openly arrived at. ³I. There. II.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. therefore. What we demand in this war. Open covenants of peace. unilaterist school of ³diplomacy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice. However. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . IV. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest. an international regime managing trade. they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression.

Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. But that¶s another story. Lowenthal. Abraham F. this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U. and work together toward common goals. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control. is Wilson¶s legacy. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world. -. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being.com . they would argue. for example). a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. etc. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course. Take the example of Latin America. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical.´ which mean different things to different people. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. the establishment of an independent Polish state. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.) From another right-wing perspective.wcdebate. including evacuation of conquered lands. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. and established the progressive income tax. they argue. given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking. in my estimation. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. The right has a somewhat different slant. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. and even if we can. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. One scholar on inter-American affairs.N. These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. then. was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle. both in domestic and foreign policy. This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy. solve disputes. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs.´ As we¶ve talked about. Overseas.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems. It is better. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV. It is possible. where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments.

He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Wilson retired to Washington. was interventionist by nature. Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics. He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G. This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be. Foreign policy: Wilson. for example. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I. James M.com . but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. as Wilsonian in nature -.000 miles by rail around the country. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president. it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq. Overseas. After this effort. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge. He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world. One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. either). Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. For these reasons. Harding in 1920.C. D. where he died in 1924. his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8. he fell ill and never fully recovered. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back.

South Africa. Thomas. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1965 Link.htm. 1913-1921. Herbert. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 1986 Knock.zmag. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Louis. Noam. p. Kent State University Press. 2002. 2. 2000. University of Arizona Press. Oxford University Press. accessed April 22. 1980 Link. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY. 1920-1939. Princeton University Press. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON.com . 1998. Daniels. 1997 Levin. Howard. November 1994. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. 1998 Chomsky. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. University of California Press. Princeton University Press. 1995 Kuehl. Political Studies Department. available online at http://www. 2002. accessed April 22. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Josephus. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Cambridge University Press. http://www. accessed May 1. 2002. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION. Auchincloss. 1971. Mark. http://web. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER. 1956 Rowen. May 7. Blum.htm. 1991 Zinn. 10.pbs.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Ambrosius.africa. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. Warren and Lynne Dunn. THE NEW FREEDOM. PBS documentary. Viking Press.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. Gilderhus. Greenwood Publishing Group.ufl. Lloyd. 2000. Norman Gordon. Arthur.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. Korwa G. Rhodes University. WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE. No. Princeton University Press. Arthur. 2001.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. Vol. Z MAGAZINE. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University.html.wcdebate. John Morton.

africa. Political Studies Department. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.com . prohibition. 2001.html. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world.pbs. 2. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Historian. as well as presidential ambition. 2001. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. accessed May 1. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities.. p. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. Historian. PBS documentary.html. 2002.htm. available online at http://www. np. p. Historian. 2. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Mulder.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.ufl.wcdebate. PBS documentary. BUT THE COLD WAR. np. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. 4.pbs. accessed April 22. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s. 2002.pbs. South Africa. 2002.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. 3. However.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. and women¶s suffrage. accessed May 1. No. np. 2001. available online at http://www. Adar. Rhodes University. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p.. 1998. np. PBS documentary. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League. accessed May 1. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Indeed. http://web. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit.html.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2002. Wilson matters as the first modern president.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism". The direct election of United States senators. some of which had to wait a long time to come back. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. After his visit to Africa. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. available online at http://www. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 2. Vol. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes. p.

htm. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. 3.africa. Vol. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism. http://web. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. 2. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. np. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy. available online at http://www. np. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.N. and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. 2001. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. http://web.pbs. would promote America's long term interests. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter. Rhodes University. limited government. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. In this respect. 2. Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League.ufl.pbs. 1998. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination. For the colonized peoples of Africa. 2.wcdebate. 2002. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.com . WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. 2002. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. 2. Political Studies Department. 1998. Historian. No. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. Moreover. p. Adar. Thus. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War. p.htm. he was never evasive in that way. Social and Cultural Rights. 2001. accessed May 1. accessed April 22. 2002. p. np. he argued. Rhodes University. 4. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. np. Wilsonianism had a global impact. No.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states. accessed May 1. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. Historian. Vol.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. Political Studies Department. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights. available online at http://www. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson. PBS documentary.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.html. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. 2. South Africa. PBS documentary. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product. 2002. WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. accessed April 22. p. In his view. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. South Africa. For Wilson.html. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. the realization of individual freedom. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. This.ufl. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t. Adar.africa. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic.

PBS documentary. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.html. The Haitian military. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. November 1994. "At first. It hasn't been easy. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue.pbs. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide. aid and training for that purpose since. Consider Peter Hakim. Z MAGAZINE. accessed May 1.." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean. To evaluate what lies ahead. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. and to accept the rule of private power. despite its rhetoric of democracy. That is to continue. Hakim observes. If he is.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy. domestic and foreign. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. They were proven right. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. As the matter is now rephrased. open trade.wcdebate. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination. recognized that the U. p. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously. "in most Latin American countries.com . the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region. France. trusting that "the United States. np. The Europeans knew this. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education. As discussed here in July. The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population. was its friend and protector. the phrase conceals a grain of truth.S. unlike the U.N. Ian Martin. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti. 10."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra. or by its traditional master. and Canada. and the world did not want the American principles. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. available online at http://www. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. and have been kept in power by U. witness the case of Guatemala. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 2. Historian. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. Martin observed. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy. p." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion.S. 2002. Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti. 2001. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing.

p. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. South Africa. As for Woodrow Wilson.pbs. accessed May 1. 2002.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent. No. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G. http://www. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness. 2." he wrote. available online at http://www. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. Apple. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights. Z MAGAZINE. civilized mediation. http://web. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed. In the current era.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. if at times secondary. np. BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown. Adar. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II. portrayed in the same light. accessed April 22. or Helen Keller.htm. Vol. that he bombarded the Mexican coast. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. 3. 2001. November 1994. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. accessed April 22.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. His greatest contradiction from my point of view.africa. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War.htm. however. one of those Wilson sent to prison. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. BUT REPRESSIVE 1. p. very controlling. 2002. 10." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes. but his behavior was often very paternalistic.zmag.wcdebate. Rhodes University.com . 2. Backers of President Aristide. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism. May 7.html. to say nothing about their weapons" -. p. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. np. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3. WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. has been an altogether different story. 1998. the noise of democracy. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa. 2000. He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R. and put anti-war protesters in prison. 2. who reviewed the lessons of history. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase. "For two centuries. PBS documentary. "Like the French in the 19th century. np. Political Studies Department. brought our country into the hell of World War I. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. 2002. W.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.ufl.

Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say. Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit. and it happened 70 years ago.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view). He passed important legislation. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country. The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm . In fact. FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -. Leuchtenburg. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life. FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman. of course -. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. one has doubtless done something right. It wasn¶t. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. He wasn¶t -. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. and was generally beloved by the public. The architect of the New Deal. Even today. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression. agree on this. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats. from right to left to centrist. Historians. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights.com . popularly known as FDR.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people. but we¶ll get to that below. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment. but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles.wcdebate. anyway. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism. Another element is that most American of traits. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt.according to Gentile standards. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. William E. He was elected to an unprecedented four terms. which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part. though.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. I say with a smirk. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. except Werner von Braun. anti-Semitism." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well.

Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -.com . foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform. The preservation of civil liberties for all. If you¶re starving. This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution. Leuchtenberg continued. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House." But believe it or not. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FDR recognized this. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh.and perhaps they are right. he included economic rights in that list. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history. The ending of special privilege for the few. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. These are the simple. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This is not quite true. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. Unlike most every other president. some of that sentiment stems from the same root. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech.began with FDR and his legislative ideas. as we will see later. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. too. The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. Jobs for those who can work. say. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order.wcdebate. and perhaps they are right. you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than. Before. as failing to meet the needs of the public. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person. In order to understand these.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. Security for those who need it.

Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system. the physically handicapped. Specifically. he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.but. and the blind. Nope. were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. shouldn't be a member of the social security system. FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state. 3). pensions for the elderly. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned. unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course. industry. He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank. to him. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government. he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. As evidence. Cradle to the grave .Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -. He had his own ideas -. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before.wcdebate. 2). such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. industry. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. the Federal Housing Administration.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure. ³with few exceptions. FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. the conservative economic theorist. but no one heard it from the President before then. pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide. One of them is Robert Higgs. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. finance. the Farm Credit Administration. and labor relations.but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions. finance. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR.´ He does not say this as a compliment. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration). Higgs writes. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. no one looms larger than FDR. the Social Security Administration. the physically handicapped. Social Security. unemployment insurance.com . The FDR years. the aged poor. the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration). the aged poor. the National Labor Relations Board. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929.instead. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. from the day he is born. Sure. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. the Securities and Exchange Commission. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry.

The vast majority of it was never returned.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began). that students have their college loans federally provided. Charming. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent. financing.com .000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. (Which he was there. being a victim of race-baiting himself. by the way. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. vanden Heuvel argues. No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven. including Henry Ford. vanden Heuvel has noted. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. FDR signed Executive Order 9066.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people.S. Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century. By subsidizing. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. FDR was the first (and. which consigned over 100. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right.´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. To his credit. Korematsu v. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day. and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers. Their property was seized. so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space. CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. United States.´ he writes. the Export-Import Bank. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right. William J. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market. this much is undeniable. though the U. One would think. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. ³Each in its own fashion. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world. insuring. was at war with them. but that¶s the way it is. told by William E. The legal precedent that justified this vile act. Famously. this was not the case. And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one.wcdebate. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. too. Sadly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. say. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office. regulating. narratives end with perfect poetic justice. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat. only sometimes.)´ Sometimes.

1933. Higgs. James MacGregor. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security. New York: Random House Publishing. 1985. Mead and Company Publishers. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY. July 1997. 1979.NET BOOK REVIEW .com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Kenneth S.1987. Arthur M. 1992. September 1998.. EH. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION. 1970. Jr. July 24. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM. William E. Gallagher. http://www. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. http://www. accessed May 1.shtml. Davis.org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech.ECONOMIC HISTORY. Department of History. Schlesinger. accessed May 9. Roosevelt. accessed May 10.´ Jan.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Franklin Delano. 1932-1945.com .org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN.org/chat/chat03. 1959. Roosevelt. Boston: South End Press. 17. accessed May 02. Dallek.feri. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´.independent. Princeton: Princeton University Press. DETERRING DEMOCRACY.htm. Oxford University Press. Robert. 2002. Hugh Gregory. accessed May 5. http://www. Franklin Delano. THE FREEMAN. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.wcdebate.pbs. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns. Kimball.html. Robert. 1935.htm. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937. Leuchtenburg. http://newdeal.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Warren F.eh.washingtonpost. University of Mississippi . Noam. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Michael V. 1986. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Chomsky.html. FRANKLIN D. 2002. 2002. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. 1991. http://www. Namorato. New York: Dodd.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. 2002. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL.

the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. p. In this sense. EH. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. where trading resumed on March 15. 2002.ECONOMIC HISTORY. np. was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. one eyewitness later remembered. and in the New Deal that continued throughout.washingtonpost. np.Happy days are here again. and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. Roosevelt himself. http://www.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. 2002. not least those who are disadvantaged. He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s. how Franklin D. There was something in the air that had not been there before.htm. "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office. Roosevelt's Washington. In the homes on the streets. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in short. Leuchtenburg. years after it had become a fixture in other lands. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V. 1).com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Overnight. Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser. too." On the New York Curb Exchange.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the political paralysis.." noted one business journal. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR. "The people aren't sure." 3.wcdebate.htm. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. . Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America. in Barber's opinion. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite. p. Leuchtenburg. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E. 2.eh.shtml." Again and again. http://www. gone. FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. July 1997. 2002. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days. accessed May 5. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans. The historian James T. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p. accessed May 1.1987. Similar to his earlier study..1987. accessed May 5. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience. p.just where they are going. Namorato.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. University of Mississippi . observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. everyone was joyous. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS. Patterson. 3). the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR.washingtonpost. in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn.. http://www.. Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. After much experimentation. Although not a great economic thinker.NET BOOK REVIEW . the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1. Department of History. np. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. crowds moved excitedly. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt.com . 2).net/bookreviews/library/0024.

³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. Wilson's intellectual heir. in any sector of our national life. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II.com . Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions. p. 2002. As commander-in-chief. Leuchtenburg. Rhodes University. 2002. As a wartime president.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR. 1998. late in his second term. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E. np. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century. 2. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Vol.washingtonpost. No private program and no public policy." Robert Divine has concluded.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Adar. np. p. it is framed with perfect futility. Political Studies Department. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power.1987.wcdebate.1987. http://www.htm. When he took office. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers.ufl. although promulgated by Franklin D. np. it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. http://web.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which. accessed April 22. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. and it seems improbable.washingtonpost. 2. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought.htm. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. http://www. accessed May 5. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1. No.africa.htm. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. 2002. Roosevelt. that such a circumstance will ever arise again." 3. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. accessed May 5. p.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history. South Africa. Leuchtenburg. a position he was said to prefer to all others. given the nature of nuclear weapons. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G. and. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY.

Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. accessed May 02. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution. He was no hero. balance the budget.html. high unemployment.html. In fact. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. But for all his undeniable political prowess. THE FREEMAN. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history. http://www. the New Deal did prolong the depression. Roosevelt deserves no reverence. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence.independent.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. no economy can grow. by taxing and spending. as many observers claimed at the time. Flynn said of FDR. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. he got himself elected time after time. regulations. and direct government participation in productive activities. After all. http://www. http://www. September 1998. September 1998. FDR and Congress. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. THE FREEMAN. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and hence overall private economic activity. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. p. ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs. 2002.com . PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. 2. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. maintain a sound currency. np. As John T. Rather. taxes. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. and business failures. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall. THE FREEMAN. With its bewildering. the New Dealers had a method.1 billion. But however significant his legacies. 3. np. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. accessed May 02. incoherent mass of new expenditures. By wheeling and dealing. by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man.html. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs.´ 4. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes. The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion.independent. September 1998. fear. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. np.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. np. 2002. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. p. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. But instead. accessed May 02. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth.wcdebate. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent. September 1998. subsidies.independent. uncertainty. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment.html. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. THE FREEMAN.2 Without capital accumulation. 2002. In this madness. the New Deal created so much confusion. http://www. accessed May 02. the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. 2002. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. p.independent.

.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1992. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism.shtml. In fact. Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach. THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT.eh. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of. Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected. Namorato. however.a wasteland. and how people like John K. 2002. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s. Somehow. who placed their trust in him. [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors.com .NET BOOK REVIEW .. In the end." etc. Chapter 2.. etc.eh. http://www. by Noel Annan. Still. EH. [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p. July 1997. indeed revere. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine. Department of History. the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era. Department of History. University of Mississippi .zmag. Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy. how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement.." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history." But that is only the carping of trivial minds. July 1997. University of Mississippi .. Finally. There was one published reaction.. 2002.ECONOMIC HISTORY." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one.. Namorato.. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky. "in the grandest style. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense.. who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt. 2. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created.splendidly eternal for romance. through Roosevelt and Truman. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1. accessed May 1... 3. http://www.. http://www. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population. FDR. World War II. Finally. accessed May 1. NOT FDR Michael V. accessed May 1. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books. The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort.." and met the great crisis in their lives.. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur.wcdebate. including many of the poor and working class. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy. a secret love affair.org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. this demeanor as the aristocratic style.." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show. 2002." Try as they might. EH.ECONOMIC HISTORY. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry.net/bookreviews/library/0024.net/bookreviews/library/0024.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover.shtml.. 171). FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V.NET BOOK REVIEW .endearingly exalted.html. in his last chapters.. individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal. DETERRING DEMOCRACY." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching. and the immediate post-war era.

Together.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far. In 1968. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. Basically.S. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -. who were not convicted. Hayden decided to run for elected office. though. So. Nicholas Lemann.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden. let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history. Hayden continued with his activism. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture. wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. Later.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them. the 7th U."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. his life.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. Who is right? Well. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial. Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue. were John Froines and Lee Weiner.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s. And unlike me.tomhayden. his ideas. Hayden -.com) admits. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers. Along with four other defendants -. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971. As some former radicals did. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person. and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s. the Los Angeles Times reported. with that said. "Tom Hayden changed America". there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. In 1969 and 1970. One of those movements.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena.wcdebate. in order to answer that question. Abbie Hoffman. Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s. Students for a Democratic Society.Jerry Rubin. While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors. District Judge Julius Hoffman.com . As his own website (www. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -. The other defendants. Undaunted by his legal trouble. All the defendants.S.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. He later served as a ³freedom rider. Circuit Court of Appeals. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. including Froines and Weiner. Born December 11. 1939. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor.

he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate". praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. husband of actress. workers. That includes student groups. too. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. convict. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. Even in his youth. Until he was forced out by term limits.com . the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams. hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -. he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics. politician.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. and on and on. At least one prominent political figure. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas. again husband of different actress.he sponsored numerous bills. The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and other activists of various stripes. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics.remember. Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters. the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor. What kind of action? Well. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. Hayden fought against university tuition increases. Indeed. While a state legislator.wcdebate. including legislation on behalf of women. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Unlike many of his fellow radicals. kids). the SDS had socialist leanings -. convict with his sentence overturned. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. presidential assistant Richard Goodwin. activist. lots of different kinds. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda. to take action. In fact. former husband of actress. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change. Activist. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. He has an infant son with Williams. of course. (Look it up. He backed pro-labor. author. and more. But mainstream groups honored him. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992.

higher education is not separate from democracy.wcdebate. then. He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. As a result. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. insists Hayden to this day.com . Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy. Hayden might say. Naturally. at least in the United States. this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended. and our friends. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life.. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities. Rather than moral relativism. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would.´ It seems. Thus. Quite the opposite is true. doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. It is not Plato's cave. if one is not progressive at all. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb. might die at any time. or Soviet) communism -. It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. Especially because of the nuclear age. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses. brought awareness that we ourselves. Let us turn to the latter group now.or contaminated by. for example. Just because it isn¶t your morality. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity. of course. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War. the SDS.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others.. Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril. depending on how we view it American society. And. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s.of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -. Like many of his vintage. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars.they were defending their own brand of moral claims. Higher education is fully integrated into . and indeed the 1960s in its entirety.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -.

Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented. According to observers.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic.certainly.and the vexing corollarly question.com . Nevertheless. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen. However. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention. others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups.wcdebate. philosophies and ideas -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies.not unlike many members of the debate community. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate. they might be criticized for methods -. Because of the overturned conviction. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -. CONCLUSION -.is not something we will concern ourselves with here. this is far from undisputed. even if they weren¶t violent themselves.

http://www. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. http://coursesa. New York: New American Library.frontpagemag. November 27. New York: Random House. Tom. 1962.theamericanenterprise. 1999. B1. 1967). accessed May 2. 2001. Tom Hayden. 1972. May/June 1997. accessed May 2. Hayden. Fall 1987.msu.org/taemj97s. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. former radical. activist and former California state legislator. Hayden. 1966 (pb New York: Signet. activist and former California state legislator.html. 2002.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. 1966.com . Ronald. Hayden. 20. Lynd. Hayden. #4. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker. Rinehart and Winston. New York: International Publishers.htm.htm.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. Radosh. p. David. Tom. accessed May 1. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. Volume 4. Chicago: Holt.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01.matrix. activist. WASHINGTON POST. REUNION: A MEMOIR. 2002. http://www. the New Left and the Leftover Left.wcdebate. Tom. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Staughton & Thomas Hayden. December 5. Tom. Port Huron Statement. MISSION TO HANOI. Horowitz. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. 2002. The Other Side. p. 1988.

December 5. and those who did so should be blessed in our history.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the government? It is to this latter yearning. calling on us not to be "good Germans. 2002. They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers.but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. accessed May 2. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. http://coursesa. activist. 3. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden.matrix. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors. not that of their opponents. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1. My serious take on the question might surprise you. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s. p. 4. activist and former California state legislator. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity . one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis.com . is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise. np. Based on five days of joining in protests. Port Huron Statement. On the contrary. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school. do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present. Port Huron Statement. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. Fall 1987. on the contrary. and a commitment to social experimentation with them. accessed May 2. we hope. WASHINGTON POST. 2002.html. the workplaces. np. B1.matrix.html.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. marching. 1999. Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. It was honorable to protest that situation.. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question. p. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. 1962. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags. others today.wcdebate. only one was about Viet Nam. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen. and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. #4. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction. For the first time in memory. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden." That's what Bloom doesn't understand. 20. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. Volume 4. 5. one which moves us and. paralyzing policy discussion. 2. http://coursesa. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s. p. 1962. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war.. that we direct our present appeal. p. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present. being gassed myself. activist.msu. activist.. 1999. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. B1.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. WASHINGTON POST. One reporter even asked me.msu. the bureaucracies. December 5. activist. I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention. But we are a minority . at once the spark and engine of change. They were.

One week after the Kent State shootings. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C. 20. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. the president of Yale. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. 4. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. let's also not forget the 60s are over. Kingman Brewster. Fall 1987.the legitimacy of questioning everything . Volume 4. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can. activist and former California state legislator. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt.wcdebate. p. or Morningside Heights. #4. in the 60s. 20. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. activist and former California state legislator. Volume 4. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . Speaking of mindlessness. 3. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. NPQ: Bloom argues that. p.com . The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. Fall 1987. activist and former California state legislator. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. 2. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. #4. At my university. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. That was the University of Michigan in 1960. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. And it did. Furthermore. and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. Fall 1987. Fall 1987. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. #4. p. 20. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. 20. and Bloom knows that. Volume 4. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind. If there has been an erosion of general education. I'll give another example. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong. Volume 4. #4. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. activist and former California state legislator.

org/taemj97s. everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody. But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. and the chaos on the convention floor. May/June 1997. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China.theamericanenterprise. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King. former radical. 2002. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz. http://www. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot.org/taemj97s. accessed May 1. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police.htm. Hayden and seven other radicals. he said more than once. including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz.theamericanenterprise. May/June 1997. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged. http://www.wcdebate. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War. former radical. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me. Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). accessed May 1." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result.org/taemj97s. http://www. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics. 3. When the dust cleared in Chicago. 2002. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk. 2002. accessed May 1. One of the conspirators. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1. May/June 1997. Jerry Rubin. Four years later. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. it "radicalizes them. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself.com . admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. Because of such considerations. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama.htm. During the trial. 2. When people¶s heads are cracked by police. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.theamericanenterprise.htm. former radical.

accessed May 2. 2002. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz. 2002. 2002. May/June 1997. November 27." 4. former radical." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla. has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account. http://www. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday. accessed May 1. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started. http://www. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz.theamericanenterprise.frontpagemag. http://www. accessed May 1. Todd Gitlin.htm. May/June 1997.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. PREACHING PACIFISM. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. Wednesday. Having secured pacifist cover.org/taemj97s.theamericanenterprise. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. and on Tuesday. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent. Sid Peck. 3. a member of mobe. 2002. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. He recruited the Yippies. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event.htm.htm. the New Left and the Leftover Left.wcdebate. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. accessed May 1. and you check around and you got your piece. Rennie Davis.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism. and Saturday.org/taemj97s.theamericanenterprise. May/June 1997." and he told his co-organizer. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. At the event. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. http://www. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz. one of SDS¶s first leaders. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering. 5. former radical. that he expected 25 people to die. 2001.org/taemj97s." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left. it will flow all over the city. We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden.com . Thursday. former radical.htm. Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE.

org/index23. the character flaws of our leaders. accessed May 12.1 In addition to his historical writing. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors. he has authored several plays.htm 2 Howard Zinn. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography.96/books9616. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. p. np. no date. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum. The author of more than 15 books.000 copies. scientific (i. There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about. [and] popular leaders. His progressive history text. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken. the mass media. revolutionized the way history is told.e. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era. p.´4 for example. http://www.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship. has sold more than 800. 507 5 Zack Stenz. spoken word CDs. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in. 503-506 3 Zinn. the church. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. 1997. April 18-24 1996.18.2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. These are that writing should be disinterested. such as history textbooks used in schools. and the lies propagated by ³politicians. History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written. 506 4 Zinn.wcdebate. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens. ³Zinn and the Art of History. rather than shying away from controversy. http://howardzinn. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. p.com/papers/sonoma/04. from the author¶s perspective. THE ZINN READER. either nationally or in terms of his own life.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. in part. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. that is. 2002. p.metroactive. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. he actively engages it.´5 This is due. objective. In contrast. but almost universally accepted. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline. THE ZINN READER. neutral). I will address each of these in turn. within the context of history. because. rules for ³good´ scholarship. accessed May 11. These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context.. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers. and rational (unemotional).

´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn. December 3. during the depression. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. in nearly all of his books. Stenz. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. from his role as a professor. and closely related to the last point. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. np. p. but extends to all of his writing. Finally. However. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience). particularly the United States. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively. which favors the rich. Marx. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. Third. Inspired by his students. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. and ³when 6 7 Stenz. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. and others. lived in tenements. John Stienbeck. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE. his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. Georgia. One of his lesser known books. http://howardzinn. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. The book is organized into nine sections.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and various communist. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. p. anarchist. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies. 8 Howard Zinn. which was painful. Zinn came from a working class background. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. NONVIOLENCE. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. Z MAG.wcdebate. he participated in extensive protest with his students. This stems. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. however. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester. MOTHER JONES. and his next job as an Air Force bomber." Zinn says. ³[D]espite his popularity.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. np. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. Upton Sinclair. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. 1998. to a great degree.org/index23. accessed May 12.com . Instead. At age eighteen. Despite the benefits of that job. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. 2002. Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. and prohibited union membership. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. and anti-fascist writers. then the punishment itself is unjust. is focused specifically on this topic.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual. physically demanding.

One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence.wcdebate. Moreover. 1968.. Zinn argues that all things being equal. 1968. On the one hand. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail. Self-defense is by its nature focused. In a theoretical sense. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. p. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. blocking streets. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. etc. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power. as being a nonviolent world. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence. or a local tyrannical elite. p. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated.´9 In fact. 1968. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«. may be morally defensible. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 45 11 Howard Zinn. Zinn writes. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Furthermore. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable. desegregation). In any humanist philosophy. This argument. This would include violating curfews. for example.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery. Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence. Revolutionary warfare.. by Zinn. 29 Howard Zinn.. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing.com . This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws.g. On the other hand. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted. p. Unfortunately. nonviolence is better than violence. Martin Luther King Jr. in the course of a protest. Generally. Zinn points out. most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.11 9 Howard Zinn. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. and progress generally. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available.

The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice.com .18. peace. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history.com/papers/sonoma/04. p. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus. There is also justice«. social. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme.¶ Zinn says. they maintain peace and stability. 371 14 Zinn. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. But when it sends young men to war. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. and order are desirable.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. is that law is created by the people. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people. There are two primary differences First. she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice. and will therefore be just. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit. Chaos and violence are not. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as we have seen throughout history. thus making civil disobedience unjustified. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. stability.wcdebate. when there are no other viable means of successful protest. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed. but it may not bring justice. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely. April 18-24 1996.metroactive. be it material. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian. or anything else. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. Many conservative historians. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place. have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book.96/books9616. thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. This is certainly true at times. particularly for a United States historian.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it. and must therefore be followed. 2002. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic. and she sees no other effective method. Thus. accessed May 11. then law and justice are opposed to one another. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights. But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her. in various terms. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality. Often. 370-371 Zinn. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that. p. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. http://www. p. In these situations. THE ZINN READER. THE ZINN READER. THE ZINN READER. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself. therefore.¶ what was considered Zinn. Nevertheless.

The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government. His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«.progressive.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders. by Mark Twain: Similarly. 2002.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. accessed May 11. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot. far from being unpatriotic.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established. 2002. April 18-24 1996. Zinn feels that the real. ³Artists of Resistency.html 17 Howard Zinn. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted.html 18 Zack Stenz. challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy. 2002. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty. accessed May 11. but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government.org/zinn0701. Howard Zinn. Instead.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy. accessed May 11. http://www. However. http://www. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win. in contrast to the perception of his critics. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America.metroactive. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. Thus.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction.wcdebate.org/zinn0701.com . often successfully. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility.com/papers/sonoma/04. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent.progressive.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not. July 2001. And that's a critical thing to do. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience. ³Artists of Resistency.96/books9616.18. http://www. July 2001.

2002. 1994 Zinn. http://www. Howard. Accessed May 17. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. New York: Seven Stories Press.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn. DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA. New York: Seven Stories Press.howardzinn.htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE. New York: Seven Stories Press. New York: Harper Perennial. Boston: Beacon Press. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT. et al.zmag. Howard. SALESGIRLS. New York: Seven Stories Press. Accessed May 17. Boston: Beacon Press. MUSICIANS. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing. Howard. New York: Harper Perennial. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER.wcdebate. 2000 Zinn. THREE STRIKES: MINERS. Howard.org/evolution/articles. Howard. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES.com . THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY.org/bios/homepage. 2001 Zinn. Abe. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill. Howard. HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY. 2000 Zinn. Howard. 1964 FREESPEECH. New York: Signet Books. 2002. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR.ORG. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2002. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Howard. 1968 Zinn. http://free. 1991 Zinn.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.freespeech. Accessed May 17. TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES). Howard. New York: Vintage Books. Ward. http://www. 2002 Zinn. 1999 Fortas. 2001 Zinn.

And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 1998. juries acquitted them. 2002. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. to disorder. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. 2002. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn. And in the 1850s.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. injustices of all sorts. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil. and preferably directed against property rather than people. December 3.wcdebate. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. 1968. escaped slaves. December 3. http://howardzinn. they gathered together in committees. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. http://howardzinn. p. If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. free black people.com . Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake. may move from mild actions. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 48-49. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 3. and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. to overt violence: it would have to guarded.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. to the 1850s.org/index23. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. accessed May 12. And in a number of cases. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. aimed carefully at the source of injustice. 1998. Well people in the North. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. white people. accessed May 12. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter). and other means have been exhausted. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial.org/index23. limited. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience. black people. or in) self-defense. 2. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. There are two reasons for such criteria.

when Dan went underground. their calls for war. we have freedom to speak. ironically. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. The feeling is justified. the representative takes over (as Rousseau.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.org/index23. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government. freedom.that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn. The psychologist Erich Fromm.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. 2. that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. December 3. that the moment we have cast our ballots. and justice. accessed May 12. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom. ³It¶s not God¶s law. thinking about nuclear war. http://howardzinn. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. for the most part nonviolent. DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT. how she felt about her son defying the law. has been directed to stopping the violence of war. 400-401. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 1998.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn. in their appeals to patriotism. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. 3. and before him. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. the principles of peace. Surely. Historically. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter.com . THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels. 65-66. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy.wcdebate. she responded quietly. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s.. Kennedy Campaigning). 1997.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1968. Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. p.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. a devastating war waged. the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights. by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. or finally. it is obedience to governments. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. p. 2002. The disobedience of conscientious citizens. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914.

p. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. however noble. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. charged. as well as practical wisdom. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. 64-65. Both of these are essential. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. does not confer immunity for law violation. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. whatever its type. or both. Agitators and provocateurs. Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. whatever their object. He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. 70-71. and controlled. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. of course. our Constitution and our traditions. p. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas.wcdebate. It was true in the case of Mrs. Vivian Kellems. He cannot pick and choose. For example. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. however large and inconvenient. 1968. teach us that city officials. it is the city¶s duty under law. The motive of civil disobedience. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. However careful both sides may be. must be identified. however peacefully intended by their organizers. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. But at the same time. Each of us must live under law. 62-63. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. and as a matter of good sense. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. 1968. ordered. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. free of punishment or penalty. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. We are a government and a people under law. p. But despite this. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws. 2. there is always danger that individual. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. and convicted. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands. persuasion. Demonstrators must be organized. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance. indeed. It is not merely government that must live under law.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and restrained law enforcement. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. for the rules of law. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. in accordance with the provisions of law. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder. If he is properly arrested. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen.com . He may. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. Frequently. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution. The city must perform this duty. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. He may be passionately inspired. These mass demonstrations. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. These are not controlling. 1968. 3.

Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. worthwhile change. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. 3. http://www. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action.´ 2. if followed to its logical conclusions. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. or even a substantial social reorganization.edu. Pacifist praxis (or. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent. 2001. after a short flowering. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda. 2001. 2002. more appropriately.uow. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. 2002. np. History is replete with variations on these two subthemes.edu. Accessed May 17. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. or. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. Australia. Australia. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1.e. and continued repression in following decades. In El Salvador in 1944. the induced starvation of whole populations and the like. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence. Accessed May 17. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. p. at least a relative degree of nonviolence).uow. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. Associate Professor in Science.wcdebate. was crushed in the Beijing massacre.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. http://www. np. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. p.. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat. Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated. In every instance. p. it is inadequate on its own. 2001. pseudo-praxis). in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous.html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. in practical terms. As these conditions typically include war. There was a military coup later in 1944. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong.com . Associate Professor in Science. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action.

Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Joseph Nye. You might think that Nye is merely another old. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. bald white establishment guy. He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird. And. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. Jr. However. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. and a graduate of the Ph. Jr. Well versed in foreign policy.D program in government at Harvard. Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world. and Nye¶s likely got it. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines.wcdebate. All the while. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. But the guy is a pretty sharp old. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. those are some big outstretched wings. well. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. JR. JR. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election. Joseph Nye. was born in 1937.com . and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities. you¶d sort of be right. Longtime professor? Check. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. He is a Rhodes Scholar. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds.

It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. An attempt to treat China as a threat. despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the case of China. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. such an evolution may continue. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. Take. Nye reasons.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens. as should be clear. then. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy . Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade. China will be a force in the new century. that's hard power. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates. engagement. If that is true. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. does one secure American interests. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power.wcdebate.com . for example. particularly in the post Cold War world. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31. for example. which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand." This has not changed since September 11. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain. we aren¶t going to invade them.especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country.. etc.. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. a hawk per se. Nye is not. Containment is a more hawkish strategy. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today. That said. How. 2002. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. But if I get you to want what I want. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China." Nye has said. Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state. then the United States must not isolate china. economic. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in fact.cultural. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy.

He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers. It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified. and the World Trade Organization.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet.´ he wrote. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world. it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history. In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS. the International Monetary Fund.com . Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable. such as China.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. especially the radical left. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. in his view. Rather than isolating other nations. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. we should be using our influence in a positive manner.

people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it.com .-Japan relationship. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. according to Johnson. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve. Just look at Okinawa. Further left. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. There is no better example of this blowback. Critics of this policy. critics say. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. His most recent book was just published this year. This type of self-justifying behavior. Even open-minded. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. and in Japan particularly.who take a broader view of the American national interest -. is engendering a ³blowback´ -. you will probably find them. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line. Similarly. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests.´ No matter how you slice it. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -. American credibility is diminished. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests. security relationship. It is more likely. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true. Johnson argues. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. for example. on too many fronts. Instead. if you go looking for enemies. critics say. Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States. However.S. Nye¶s defense of the U. the distinction between soft power and hard power. For example.are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics. not enhanced. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals. than the U. They have a common denominator -the term ³power.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. As the old Chinese proverb goes. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories.S.unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. Take.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that. and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas.S. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name.

January 1998. Keohane]. Jr. Nye.. Joseph S. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. August 2001) Nye. Joseph S. Joseph S. January 2002) Nye. 3d ed. DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR. 1999) Nye. Jr. Nye. (New York: Basic Books. http://www. Jr.. Joseph S.. ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000). Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute. Joseph S.: Brookings Institution Press. co-edited with John D.observer...html.. UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY. March 31. (New York: The Free Press. Joseph S.3858.. Jr. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. http://www. Jr.. 1985).com . Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Nye. Joseph S. Nye. 1986). 1997). Joseph S. Number 1.1. D. Joseph S. Nye. Nye. Joseph S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2001).. Jr. GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD. accessed May 1.C. Volume V. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values. Joseph S. Nye. (New York: Longman.com? Governance in A Networked World. co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. Nye.4384507. Jr. WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT. THE OBSERVER. Nye. Jr. Joseph S. Donahue (Washington. 2002.. co-edited with Philip D. 2000. Joseph S. Jr.org/jpri/public/crit5. Nye. accessed May 5..00. Jr. Jr.. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. 2002.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Nye. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER.uk/Print/0. NUCLEAR ETHICS. Jr.-Feb. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. JPRI CRITIQUE. FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000). 2000). Zelikow and Davic C. 1990). democracy.html.. 2002. coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton. HAWKS. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press.. BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press. Jr.´ CURRENT (September 1999).co.jpri. Joseph S. Jr.

However. These protesters are a diverse lot. this last concern is key.html. economic. http://www. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. 2002. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.3858. THE OBSERVER. and Brazil. pluralism. http://www. such as China.4384507. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S.co. March 31. The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century. Conversely. In such a variegated world.. all three sources of power ." For globalization's supporters.com . http://www. THE OBSERVER.remain relevant. And countries like the Canada.observer. Nye. Jr. 2002. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1.3858. Nye. 2. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable. and autonomy. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S. Jr. Of all their complaints. Quebec City.wcdebate. coming mainly from rich countries. and that limits the transformation of power. D.00.00. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. India.uk/Print/0. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power. accessed May 1.C.html.html.uk/Print/0. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S. 2002. Jr. But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies.co. accordingly. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries. if current economic and social trends continue. Nye. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Other countries.3858. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them. 4.military. http://www. Washington.. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance. 2002. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow.org/articles/Nye0701. Some reject corporate capitalism. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent.4384507.00. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power. July/August 2001. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority. Nye.4384507. Seattle.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.html.observer. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe.uk/Print/0. accessed May 2.. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. 2002. and soft . LIBERALISM. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization. Prague. accessed May 1.foreignaffairs. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers. 2002. Jr. The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism. March 31. March 31. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy..observer. THE OBSERVER. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation. accessed May 1. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. 3. 2002. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. the Netherlands.co.. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries.

I agree. First. 2002. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S. In an election year.wcdebate. http://www.´ June 22.. Jr. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. If we treat China as an enemy now. http://www. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple.´ June 22. http://www. In that sense.nyu.nyu. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. a crude policy of containment would not work. np. 2002. 2002. For one thing. Unlike the Soviet Union. America's edge will continue to persist.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried. accessed May 3. p.. 1998. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues. only China can produce an effective containment policy. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. Nye. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. accessed May 3. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China.nyu. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government.html.´ June 22. accessed May 3. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders. Third. np. Containment is likely to be irreversible. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point. in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age. 2002. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China.com . Isolating other countries is bad policy. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. 1998. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. No one knows for certain what China's future will be.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye..West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. p. accessed May 3.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech. np.. np.html. Nye. Jr. 2. p. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power.html. 1998. Jr. Nye. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed. p. Three times in two weeks.html. 4. 3. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War.nyu. Moreover. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. Containment has three fatal flaws. But it is not true in every case.´ June 22. Nye. A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S. Second. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers. Jr. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S. 1998. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear. http://www. Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II.

cfm. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. http://www. NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation. as did advances in communications technology. 4. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action. 2. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. in his phrase. p. Fall 1999. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt. accessed May 1. by contrast. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. was tied to the ability to innovate.org/2-2/whunt. In the study of transnational relations. "a force multiplier in American diplomacy. In short. No. Entrepreneurial dynamism. 2. The terms originate with Joseph S. unquantifiable and indirect. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. np. 2002. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective. According to Nye. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems." Space-based surveillance. 1999. Mount Allison University. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force. it was further assumed. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension. 2. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt. 2002. as. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power. Fall. JANUS HEAD Vol. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. 2.wcdebate. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. µSoft¶ power. and at a greater philosophic remove. Mount Allison University. by contrast. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors. to the test. p. http://www. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category.¶ he argued. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness. 2.. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-. The comparative dimension was critically important. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake. real-time.cfm.org/2-2/whunt. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate.org/2-2/whunt. JANUS HEAD Vol. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. np. JANUS HEAD Vol.janushead. In this context.. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other. was the contrast between authority and liberty.cfm. accessed May 1.janushead. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is. Nye. µHard¶ power was objective. 2002. or to be more precise.janushead. No.com . Mount Allison University. accessed May 1. 2.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. Fall. 2.. the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. (Operation Allied Force. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world. More ancient still. http://www. p. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers. Jr. 1999. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. No. np. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon.

January 1998. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy. 1. JPRI CRITIQUE.1. In an accompanying article. Joseph Nye. So much for some of those shared common interests. 27. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements. http://www. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1. That may not have been how it seemed at the time. of course. Today. to put the matter bluntly. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results.952 people were interviewed. Moreover. Security relationship"-40. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. Only 26% of the U. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy.S. and the fact that the 'hosts." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects. In Japan. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts.org/jpri/public/crit5. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine. these books definitely differ." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause. Number 1. 2002. 3. but commentators are notorious hindsight experts.org/jpri/public/crit5.9% of the Japanese and 20. respondents gave the Middle East top billing. in the U. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision.S. JPRI CRITIQUE. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. Volume V. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula.jpri. January 1998.html. our freedom to do just what we want is limited.html. planes. increased Chinese potency. But in working out our strategy. In some respects. p.S. Volume V.S. Yet we must choose. matters are much harder to figure out. so they say. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance.S. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). Security Treaty.wcdebate. investment adviser.' the Japanese. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. ST.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. While approximately half of both Japanese and U.S. http://www. 2002. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next.4% of the Americans want the U. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U. and a rather bad one.. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror. Thus. these books are similar. is in itself a choice. The chief difference. but despite the immense might that that implies.S. for failing to make up our mind. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. accessed May 5. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers. he argues that it is not just hard power (guns.S. 2002. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. respondents think that the U.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something. perhaps even a superduper power. Feb.1.S. Most likely. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. These are sizeable percentages. it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. B1. Last November 30. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility. 982 responded. military presence reduced.jpri. accessed May 5. whereas 58% of U.com . respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute. 2.S. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower. Number 1. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better.

Ralph Nader recalls. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies. An excellent student. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor. Nathra. he entered Princeton University. The book contained a theme that. After exploring his life. He had to do most of this on his own. illiteracy. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. By 1965. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. and. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees. there were nearly 50. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. oppression. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims.wcdebate.000 automobile deaths every year in America. Nader. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. but wishes there were others like him. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He researched automobile safety anyway. At age 17. of course. At the time. Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. By age 14. Applied beyond our borders. The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. ²Ralph Nader.com . from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record." in THE NATION. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. assets and conditions are never for sale. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety. I will try to explain his philosophy. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers. Guided by such values. environmental perils. which. and then his political project. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. took issue with the assumption. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but wishes he were not. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. and in 1959 published his first article. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader. in fact. Connecticut. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. and so on. in a larger sense. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world.

of course. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W.com . the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton.org/history/bollier_chapter_3. In fact. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. and a plethora of other causes. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. the highest office is the office of citizen. it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson. a former Secretary of the Department of Health. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -. contrary to his predictions. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War.wcdebate. 10 essay.´ and as such. would have a similar idea in 1970. Since the 2000 campaign. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans. Education and Welfare. Why.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame.mit. when he founded Common Cause. innovative development in American politics at the time." as they came to be called. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control. Of course. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action. Nader's "Raiders. in mandatory seat belts and air bags). This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. workers.. Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law. in a democracy. reforms in the Food and Drug Administration. First and most importantly. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests.. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore.edu/BR18. First. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement. albeit reluctantly. the people are the ultimate authorities. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. some decades later." But Jefferson.2/nader. Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. Nor could James Madison. but. By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility. (http://www.nader. and shareholders." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher. as the quotation below explains. official secrecy. most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket. fought for increased water quality. then. Throughout the next thirty years. Bush in 2000. it is argued. taxpayers.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy. (http://bostonreview. consumers." John Gardner. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters. author of the famous Federalist No.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens. simply a distrust). Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED. who had written. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement."the public interest" -was a bold. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism.

4. Finally. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies. literally. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. literally. and frequently more power than. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. Second. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. 56 Over the past two presidential races. 1999. p. "above" the laws of most nations. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. 3. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue. the multinational status of many corporations makes them.´ ±Nader. rather. Some less-than-eloquent critics have. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts. a communist. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. and increasing public financing of elections. In fact. the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. most recently. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. a socialist. sellers need consumers. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. Nader is none of these. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. giant corporations. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. even a Stalinist." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes. any elected or appointed political leader. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against. which should belong to everyone. over the past few decades. are available to the highest bidder. to institutionalized. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors.com . torts and contracts. And. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars. 2.

could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. but if they are threatened with punishment. May 21. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. May 7. Democrats respond that. libertarians claim. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better. at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss.´ we end up with nothing (or. It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats. only four of which existed before the 2000 election.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . Along the same lines. higher taxes for corporations. Regulations fail. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives. 2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise. This is because those people believe that. To begin with. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. but also that elitism is desirable. including candidate Jim Young for governor. Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. Bush. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable. The problem here is not merely one election." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. as some would say in reference to Bush. and often makes things considerably worse. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. if successful. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. At present." In Wisconsin. worse than nothing!). Steverman) reports. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. especially liberal Democrats.wcdebate. Democrats. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. 5.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. Of course. if we hold out for ³everything. 2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. This is an ongoing argument. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. He would like to see much more of this. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations. but the Green Party's current plans. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W. to accept some of what we want.

not merely philosophically. exploitation and imperialism. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. Unlike so many of our sources. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. Were it up to him. in the strongest democratic traditions. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day. Nader is no fan of capitalism. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. Nader eschews elitism. since it¶s what we have.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. either-or. government is the people. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen. we should keep it in check.wcdebate.com . read commentary about him. and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic. it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall. and not just theoretically attractive. At the same time. Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind. but he argues that. After all. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white. his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000. Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. However. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention.

Ralph Nader Congress Project. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. Dan M. THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books. 1972). Ralph. 1977).wcdebate. 2002). Nader. Ralph. Ralph. 1973). 1975). Nader. 2000). Ralph. Katherine. N. Nader. 1982). THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. Martin's Press.com .: Prentice-Hall 1972). Robert F. 1986). Ralph. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. Ralph. 1973). CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St. Nader. 1976). Martin's Press. Nader. 1972). 1974). Chu. 1975). NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs. Nader. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. Ralph. Nader. 1996). TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton. THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. Hays. Nader. Nader. RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers. Ralph. Charles. Isaac. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. McCarry.J.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Franklin D.] (New York: Grossman. Burt. Ralph. Gorey. CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman. 1997).

2000. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation. The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. 1986. debt revocations. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. 2. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public.´ the ³invisible pollutant. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before.wcdebate. political activists. injure our national security. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. political activist. political activist. Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1. CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader. mass famines. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. the stock market is up. production. schools. 56. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. The data one would use is arguably nonexistent. If the larger society has a higher expectation level. limiting their ability to deal with reality. and unemployment is down. p. totaling record amounts of consumer debt. 1999. loan guarantees. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. bailouts. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers.´ the ³invisible gene. discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom.profits are up. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. and weaken our democracy. pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1. THE BIG BOYS. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. giveaways. p. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies.´ the ³invisible currency. 1999. There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist. If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice. p. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden . p. 2. political activist. clinics. tax loopholes. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair. inflation is down. If people think more about how major business executives work. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear. Yet. and marketing technologies. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader. 56. 521.com . WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.having accepted their condition and resigned. artificial intelligence.´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels.

the U. 3. Congress. It would cost jobs. or even at the United Nations. adoption. political activist. 1993. Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. political activist. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. 6. the U. 3. Secrecy. called the Uruguay Round. Every element of the negotiation. state. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. 1993. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. water. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. 1 Citizens beware. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader.com . The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. we won¶t be able to compete. Capitol. By contrast. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader.S. safety. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives. abstruseness. 2. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out. and make workplaces less safe. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). If you do. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether. Narrow. in the halls of the U. provide a decent standard of living to their employees. Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. p. multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. 1993. STATE. state offices.wcdebate. political activist.S. ³You can¶t burden us like that. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. or limit their pollution of the air.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL. in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. THE ENVIRONMENT. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. for example. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists.S. will be met with the refrain. and land. depress wage levels.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs.

America would become a more centrally governed and less free. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. state. 8. employers. in turn. Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. a new elite of un-elected. This is a distinct political ideology. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and. and seek to change it. Burt. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups. on our daily lives.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. SEC.S. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole. President of Capital Legal Foundation. and local governments. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. In other words. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. 1982.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal. 20 Instead.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry. 1982. or in the investment markets. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Burt. economic. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. individualistic nation.´ 2.com . p. and social system. In some cases. p. President of Capital Legal Foundation. with its heavy reliance on individual choice. It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. at the bank. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors. Our diverse. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. p. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. p. de-centralized political. 20 What is clear is that Mr. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. In sum. 1982. Burt. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. political tradition of the last 200 years. Burt. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times.wcdebate. In this regard. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America. the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. But it is a radical departure from U. President of Capital Legal Foundation. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts. President of Capital Legal Foundation. And it has been and would be a government they run. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. 2. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels. Mr. and consumers. 1982.

concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth. 2000. columnist. 2000. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party. THE MILITANT. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes.000" to Mexico. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U.com . 2000. we are the happiest." reads the statement. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -. p. Professor of Economics at MIT. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. That's the problem with Ralph. because -.like the laws of every market economy -. Michael Kinsley. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors.000.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. July 25. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill. October 22.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution." (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D. editor of Slate. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan.000 votes and finished in fourth place. markets. THE HARTFORD COURANT. But several days before Gingrich spoke." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago. March 6.I'm serious -. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman. in his first major speech after leaving Congress. the one that ended apartheid. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president. C3. 3. healthiest. he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. In 2000. or Pfizer. July 25. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. A-19." At the same time. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations. must be bad for the world. 2. p. p. Cohen. He isn't like you and me. 2. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. columnist. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. most prosperous nation in the world. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1.corporate influence. p. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge. 2000. A-19.S. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan. he said. but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies.a move that Africans themselves welcomed. or any corporation. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere. Professor of Economics at MIT.wcdebate.000 to 400. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars.

such a right was not truly meaningful. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country. many places in the North).´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country. places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action. including slavery. two: Quota Queen. Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever. the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. Attorney General for Civil Rights because. we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. a ³quota queen. GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. Now. if you can¶t vote. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem. Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture. Period. In fact. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable.wcdebate.S. That¶s not just me being partisan.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action. In the South (and. After all. and publish books. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case. It had nothing to do with what I had written. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time.com . or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers. to be fair. right? During and prior to the Civil War. it isn¶t a true democracy to you. you didn¶t get to vote. As for the second proposition -. they claimed. but it was a very useful. For them.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. For understandable political reasons. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. And even then and immediately thereafter. it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. though. the right wing said. She was.

is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. of course. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past. Again. Harvey Gantt. The thing is. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane. The result is that you get one minority representative. it has another value: an instrumental value. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice. As Tushnet notes. and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents.wcdebate. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. The problem is that in other districts. and you headed to the polls in Florida. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule.´ The other problem. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind. For example. indeed. Plus. if the right to vote represents full citizenship.mostly Republicans -. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote. and stacking. it takes all kinds). imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. if you go to vote. So. we ought to defend it for minorities. alternatively. The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. though. Hence.´ After all. people -. Cracking and stacking are more complicated. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote. And depending on how old there are.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and created a right to select representatives of choice. cracking. if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice. and they are regularly outvoted. racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities.com . and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election.

Hence. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. People are self-interested. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation. That includes people living in a democracy. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats. When you¶re in power. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now. The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. And nice as that sounds.com . or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. stupid things. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. For example. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution. They will vote to advance their own interests. legislators can get concessions on another. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election. but there¶s another reason. for one thing. There would be problems with identifying these policies. and you¶ll be in big trouble. or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies. it doesn¶t work that way. There are a couple of reasons why. (³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill. the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. Since every vote counts.´) After all. too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and that includes affirmative action. Similarly. there needs to be some check on that abuse. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. every vote counts. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes.wcdebate. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. Total majority rule. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. So. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. but let¶s review some of the high points here.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. economic. for example.

wcdebate. a left-wing critic of Guinier. with its specific mission in mind. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. health care projects. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild. Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office. You might be surprised. that Indian tribes hate him so much. seeing what is working and what is not. etc. college administrators. try to actively undermine their interests. More often. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate. each institution would. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www." Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. However. usually. though. presumably. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids. to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them. after all.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. programmatic change) thinker. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program. and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). Guinier asks. Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. give feedback on. crush their economic infrastructure. their interests will be better served by legislators. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet. GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. There is a reason.com . SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. rather than just in name. Stephen Steinberg. for example. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. Hence. Her rationale for these reforms is simple.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. and is relatively easy to understand. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. This doesn¶t always happen that way. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis. Guinier recognizes this. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. The best strategy lies in other means. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. economically viable future should check out her work.and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative. Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -.wcdebate.com . People that are interested in building a more racially just.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.

mit. New York: Simon & Schuster. Lani. accessed May 1. Guinier. Lani.3/tushnet. 1999. 1995. p." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.edu/BR19. December 200/January 2001. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Boston: Beacon. Guinier. Lani. accessed May 1. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. http://bostonreview.edu/BR25.wcdebate. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994.html. accessed May 1." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86.html. Stephen. p. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Ward. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen. C." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24. Guinier. 1998." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW. 1998. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. "President Clinton's Doubt.mit. edited by J. Steinberg. 505525. 1998. Guinier.html. January 8. Guinier. Lani. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. Guinier. Lani. Guinier. 5.6/steinberg. BOSTON REVIEW. Guinier. http://bostonreview. 89. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. 36-37. p. 2002.mit. http://bostonreview. No. December 200/January 2001. 1077-1154. Smith. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Lani. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. Lani.. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION. Vol. Lani. New York: Free Press.6/connerly. 1998. 2002." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS.com . p. 2002. Tushnet. Mark. Lani Guinier's Certainty. 1-16. March 1991. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY.edu/BR25. 1994. Jr.

I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans. In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier." Indeed. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas ." But once the stereotype was affixed to her. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. EXTRA!." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides. The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities. Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting. Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1. many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. electoral quotas or 'one black. two votes' remedies. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. July/August 1993. 4.a process known as "race-conscious districting. as George Will did. the white minority in South Africa." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City. as it was for Lally Weymouth. after the nomination had already been killed -. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93).com . How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record. EXTRA!. the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. county and municipal governing bodies in America. EXTRA!. 3. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota." reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review. 3. EXTRA!. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. 3. When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. July/August 1993. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded. two conservative columnists. he admitted in an interview with Extra!. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. George Will and Lally Weymouth.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen. Apparently. p. p.on June 4." In reality. p. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. a Reagan-era Justice Department official." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act." 2.wcdebate. rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -. 3." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. Professor of Law at Harvard University. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. p. In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89). color-coded ballots. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs. her views were not only distorted. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -. July/August 1993. July/August 1993. injecting further distortions into the process. Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities.was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts. CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans. so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities. 3. Nor did I write.

np. 2000.shtml. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). In doing so. np. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority. like one¶s family tree or family assets. Professor. and what constitutes fairness for all. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier. accessed May 1. Harvard Law School. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. 2. In other words. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. accessed May 1. http://www. p. That focus. 6/14/93). 2002. Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. Harvard Law School. 3. becomes future-oriented and dynamic. we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. Professor. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse. each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals.org/mainart/confirmative_action. p.shtml. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. can be chronicled with the proper instruments. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation.minerscanary. EXTRA!. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted. 3. in a multiracial democracy." as George Will put it (Newsweek. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate. in other words. June 14. in turn. legitimacy and power base is the black community.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but to ³lift as we climb. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY. between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . June 14.org/mainart/confirmative_action. http://www. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. p. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it." But more important. she was critiquing it. Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. 2002.wcdebate. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks. 2000. July/August 1993. Merit.minerscanary. In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions. ³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier.com . because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy.

December 200/January 2001. December 200/January 2001.edu/BR25. it was surprising. http://bostonreview. 2. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests. For her. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions. http://bostonreview. City College¶s experiment has failed. http://bostonreview. Unfortunately.edu/BR25. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly.edu/BR19. Indian.html.6/connerly. attracting topflight students from around the world. 2002. What is most striking about Guinier's work." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail.mit. In 1970. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is. Thus. Thus. accessed May 1.mit.html. Caucasian. EMPIRICALLY. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools.6/connerly. their argument is not at all new. 2002. It is a long and sordid history.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly.com .html. 3. City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute.6/connerly. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.that society is not so racially polarized. one for which we should all be ashamed. 4. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. public policy could generate gains for everyone. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race.mit. accessed May 1. BOSTON REVIEW. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. December 200/January 2001. For its entire history. we ought to believe -. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. 2002. and refreshing. BOSTON REVIEW. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance. she proposes. Instead. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate.perhaps most particularly whites -.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. Unfortunately. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality. given these tensions. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group.html. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. accessed May 1. http://bostonreview. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures. octoroon.3/tushnet. Hispanic. All we need to do. Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state.wcdebate.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -. BOSTON REVIEW. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. etc.edu/BR25. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. people -. free black. 2002. accessed May 1.mit. according to Guinier's optimistic vision. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work.

though. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik.6/steinberg.mit. here the syllogism runs into trouble. 3.edu/BR25. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. two troubling questions arise. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality. Against this background. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria. Indeed. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for.wcdebate. affirmative action has been under sustained assault. The problem is that "for more than two decades." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities.html. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions. The problem. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions.mit.mit.edu/BR25. However. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups. don¶t fix it. 2002. First.html. http://bostonreview. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." 2. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future. On closer examination. 2002. 2002. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg.edu/BR25." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld. aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling. "if it ain¶t broke. even if enacted. there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1. http://bostonreview. have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second.com . provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1. December 200/January 2001. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg. Though they do not say so explicitly. December 200/January 2001. accessed May 1. December 200/January 2001. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. Therefore±alas. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests. accessed May 1. accessed May 1. Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate.6/steinberg." 2. At first blush.6/steinberg. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. To be sure. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices. Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3. studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias.html. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy. As the saying goes. http://bostonreview.

Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events. Skocpol a researcher. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. by nature. ³rapid. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be. Dr. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. First.´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters. She is a native of the state of Michigan. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods. Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. ³class-based revolts from below. Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. The examples she points to are rebellions that. than other types of societal change. She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S. Next. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard. Skocpol argues. STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society. In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr. professor and well-known author. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.O. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. especially in analyzing revolutions.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). an active citizen. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles. Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side. The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage). However. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department.´ (4).E.com .C. Not only is Dr.wcdebate. shows Skocpol. basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures. in fact. involve class-based revolt but not structural change. but she is a wife and mother. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as. they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations.

com . Her claim is that: First. which they labeled ³the warfare state. not all social revolution is a positive thing.wcdebate. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization. changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. Finally. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. if it wins. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization. those individuals capable of creating change. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U. if affirmed. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. social disorientation. She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change. which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives. Thus.´ that view is inaccurate. for better or worse. The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously.S. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them. the United States¶ model. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and. through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. their social position.S. In the past individuals in a variety of areas. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines. and insurance for workers.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. Hopefully. the conditions that cause change. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia. and the resources available to the group. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. Then there develops a purposive. which started long after these other nations¶ programs.

which included the charities and the home. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. a widely accepted understanding in the U. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. Her book. Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies.S. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work. politics and business. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well. in this case the media was absolutely right. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States.wcdebate.S. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future. ³U. However. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle. First.com . This has a number of implications for debate. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies. having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. Most importantly however. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues. A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations.people who are not children and are not yet retirees. She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low. The work done by Skocpol in her book. THE MISSING MIDDLE. However. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history. unemployment was down.

Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Skocpol argues.S. and still are. She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis. the working population. are generally ignored in political debates. why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple. This may leave some debaters thinking. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy.wcdebate. mainly. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. because the theory of the missing middle addresses.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. First. many of them parents. Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians.com . While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool. Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. Additionally. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U. who Skocpol argues. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population. this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it. Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children.

wcdebate. She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make. to explain events. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. Instead. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with. Additionally. Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. which LD tends to draw upon. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes.

Felicia A. 1997. Norton & Company. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. Skocpol. Fall. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 28. Theda.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Wineman.. April 30.´ OFF OUR BACKS.183.W. 1999. Gail Lee. p. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1992.com . THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. Ritter. May 31. 1982. and Nicole Mellow. Skocpol. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Halliday. THE NEW MAJORITY. 2000. Skocpol. July 31. p. 1997. New York: W. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. Terrance C. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. 1979. Kristin Kay. THE MISSING MIDDLE. September 2000.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers.S. Dubrow. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Steven.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. RUSSIA & CHINA. Gretchen. Greenberg. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Kornbluth. 1996. Theda. Theda and Stanley B. Theda. Boston: South End Press. Case. 1984.171. Skocpol.wcdebate.

from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole.171. bureaucrats. "[C]apitalism in general has no politics. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. 1997." whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites. April 30. Together. INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter.wcdebate.S." she argued in 1980. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy. 14 In Skocpol's vision.. Professor of Sociology. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. 2. There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well. SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker.com . In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992). and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths.183. However. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. p.a polity-centered perspective -.. In her newest work. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow. a graduate student in the same department. I will necessarily condense her account. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. Case. electoral rules.. resulting in over 500 pages of text. organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). governmental institutions. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory. However. Rather. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). p. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP. September 2000. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A. Although not always explicitly. July 31. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy. the United States possesses a decentralized. it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions. weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. and policy feedback loom large. Simply stated. The negotiations and conflicts among politicians. In other words.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. 3. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1. political parties and officials. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader. to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1996. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Given the enormity of her undertaking. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. Kornbluth." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study. bureaucrats. that is. the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state.

Case. (P.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. 2. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged." However.171. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind. p.183. 3. republican motherhood. were doubly paternalist: Elite males. Case. exhausted. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. 1997.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. federal social programs for mothers. 1996.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Felicia A.S. who know them as "social feminists. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1. and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children. In content. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. July 31. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. April 30. and in their processes of creation. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. bureaucrats and national political leaders.wcdebate. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker." or as the fractious." she writes. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political. history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor.171. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. post suffrage women's movement. and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics.. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades. Professor of Sociology. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women. p. Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940. p. potential mothers. in their processes of creation.S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Readers may also hear in maternalism. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. time-bound contribution to political thought. Many women reformers in U. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content. and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special. April 30. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation. Felicia A. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities. 1996. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. Kornbluth. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. More important.com .S. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States.

in the interests of the corporate order. While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. Koven & Michel). If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. p. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients. to "do good. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. Fall. American Bar Foundation. Senior Research Fellow. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. Instead. Halliday. Within political sociology. severe stratification of power. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. np. Northwestern University. Theory of the State. but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. Point for point. 1993. but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. Michel. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children. p. in both class and state. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change. Ironically. from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. Similarly. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. "The Limits of Maternalism. It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE.wcdebate. the predominance of giant corporations. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. Author. liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. 1999. 1984.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY.centered approaches. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. 2. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. teaches American women's gender. not the idea of child care as public service to all. p. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society. 307. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure.36. Sonya. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. 165).com . Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. Terrance C. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. New York: Routledge.

to be sure.PHILOL. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or. after all. np. says Gordon. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. in order to maintain the family wage system. says Gordon. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens". Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. was. NORWAY. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. researcher at European University Institute.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women. not merely a neutral or benign difference. p. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today". the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women. She has no critique of maternalism". 1996. it is a difference.The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time.wcdebate.. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. To Gordon. np. to put it inversely. NORWAY. in a context of male domination. Gender means "female" for Skocpol. PhD." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. Gender is. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist".PHILOL. Spring.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. often called the two-track welfare system. without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. Clearly. "Specifically. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. . with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation. PhD.com . However. and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies. Spring. Women's activism was as much as men's. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences.. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. In other words. researcher at European University Institute. Eirinn Larsen. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. 2. p. They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. in the way Gordon sees it. 1996. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. determined by class as much as by gender. or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference.

academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author. Kentucky. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone.com . She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. correctly it turned out. including hooks. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106). Her father feared. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches. hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. sexism and classism. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind.wcdebate. especially Friere. it was simply recreated in new ways. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. politics. This interest in books was not. as it might be today. She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. In her classes. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life.D. This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. Like everything hooks does. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Paulo Friere. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship. The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on.´ Determined to overcome these notions.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She points out that. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. generally taught by white males. racism and classism. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. from the University of California in Santa Cruz. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. She knew there was something else out there for her. For her. that too much reading would change her life. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar. and the destructive effects of sexism. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym. Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work.

No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. We have those definitions. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race. she argues. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. Classism creates an elite group. capitalist culture that uses racist. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. they just got up in the morning and went. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. Let's start over. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. legitimating standard English. sexist.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group. social movements and educational biases. This process. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. no bussing. She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. racism within feminism. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females.com . this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience.wcdebate. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. Let's reclaim them. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless. not very different from anything the students could relate to. also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. sex or class. Let's share them. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. and classist educational policies. white supremacist. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality. representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31).

about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. Occasionally an author. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. bell hooks sees feminism as. "a movement to end sexism. While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant. is the heart of the matter. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. not born. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent.wcdebate.´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting. she argues. may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns. Let's start there. Sexism. She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement. The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music. and always. She argues that feminists are made. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. or their critics. and oppression. sexist exploitation. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. In her book. ads everywhere and billboards. not division in the movement. In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism. However. television and radio commercials. Let the movement begin again. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272). have often felt marginalized. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework.com . RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system. like hooks. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people.

She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. media and the academy. While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. Finally. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together. Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free.com . Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture.wcdebate. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work. Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. even worse. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well. Whatever the flaw. One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process. hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. Let¶s face it though. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness.

hooks. Albany: State University of New York Press. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Gary A. hooks. 1996. WOMEN WRITING CULTURE. New York: W. Golden. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. 1995. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. 1990. New York: Doubleday. bell. New York: Henry Holt. hooks. bell. Namulundah. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. Cambridge: South End Press. Olsen. and Elizabeth Hirsh. Boston: South End Press. 1999. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. New York: Henry Holt and Company.wcdebate. bell. Patricia Bell-Scott). Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence.com . Norton & Company.W. ³Black Woman Artist Becoming.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1998. bell. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. hooks. 2000. hooks. 1994. BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. 1995 hooks.´ LIFE NOTES (ed. 1995. bell. bell. New York: Henry Holt. YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS.

traditions. feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988. at its very core it is dehumanizing. 67. 2. Of course. 1989.122) 3. p. a ³white´ self. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants. for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. these values and traditions are racial. Chinese Americans. McNaught. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. Nelson et al. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. 1996). groups such as African Americans. However. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. 11. hooks. AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. educational.com . p. in this case. Essentially. THINKING BLACK.109). In a white supremacist society. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. This strategy of colonialism needed no country. and class specific. feeling and knowing as the norm. 1992. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. gender. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. In the United States. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. 1988. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks. Historically. can come into being. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. currently policy makers(Banks. Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers ..wcdebate. 1998. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. 1988. hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. since we who are black can never be white. Boston: South End Press. 1994. AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. but threaten their very existence. 14. p. Namulundah Florence. Critical. 1996). 1998. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being. p. White people¶s values. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. p. in America. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. (1981. p. Once slavery ended. 1995.58). TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST.

the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques. ³A Conversation About Race and Class. 1995. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic. New York: Henry Holt. np. And I would say vice versa as well. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. girls women. p. active and passive. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. Certainly. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges. Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. suspicious ways that we often view white women. New York: Routledge. despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. to assume that black folks. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. particularly sexist black men. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. that they receive in the existing social structure. to be capable of being both strong and weak. p. author. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men.com . particularly sexist black men. CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile.. and Mary Childers. 3. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. however relative. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. etc. 1990. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. professor. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. author. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. New York: Henry Holt. in response to specific contexts. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College. sociologically. Feminist theory needs to study historically. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. p. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. 1995. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites.75. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. social critic.wcdebate. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. social critic. and all our efforts at self-determination. 69. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. for boys to be active and girls to be passive. professor. 2.

Maybe. An unreconstructed black radical feminist. Kelly. 1/22/2001. I was surprised by what I read. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1.wcdebate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. television and radio commercials. 3/14/98. aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. Yes.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like.com . HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. yet at one point. love goes the way of BMW's. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. NATIONAL REVIEW vol.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. p. B1. 50. she has gone mainstream . ads everywhere and billboards. like the older civil rights generation.her passion lost. in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. However. ³For bell. 53. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint.a potentially informing. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone. Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time." 2. Like Jada. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. staff writer. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. and Better Off Financially." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence. She began Ain't I a Woman in college. Buppiedom and Big Houses. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. I was initially excited by the cover story ." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism. Healthier. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory. p. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting. co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. empowering article for Black women. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed.

race-sexuality critics. Assistant Professor. 288-290. Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. law and sexuality. and. J. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader..A. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement. p. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality.. University of Pennsylvania.. Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis. Assistant Professor. and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality. class domination. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism. B. These scholars.. p.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. critical race theory. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination.D.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists. I have examined the relationships among racism. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional. B. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson.com . Lesbian feminists.´ ³Multidimensionality. Spring 2001. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination.D. and heterosexism. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains. therefore. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces. for example. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 309-310. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions. Southern Methodist University School of Law.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. Multidimensionality. single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated.´ ³Multidimensionality. gays and lesbians of color." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . J. Southern Methodist University School of Law. patriarchy. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model. patriarchy. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics. phenomena. Yale Law School. have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination. and poverty studies.. Lesbian-feminist theorists. heterosexism. rather than conflicting.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms. like the intersectionality theorists.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. recently. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. Yale Law School. 2. respectively.A. Spring 2001. whose work examines the relationships among racism. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory.. University of Pennsylvania. In a series of articles. In particular. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed.

the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics.com . HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. sometimes quite vehemently. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University. INDIVIDUALS. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. He believes that society has become far too complacent.´ and democracy.about them. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. Instead. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998.or ways of avoiding thinking -. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976. New York University. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. HEGEL in 1982. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. La Trobe University. and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example. liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched. As the President of the University noted. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. At age 30. Monash University. it was widely criticized as absurd. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. He also reminds us that for a long period of time. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). they merely need different considerations. the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. we classify members of other species as undeserving. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. but that society has since realized its mistake. instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. Now. For example. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. Even careful readers of his works will disagree.wcdebate. what makes an individual or creature a ³person. Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. In 1998. MARX in 1980. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. 1946. While at Monash University. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -. 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. He has lectured at Radcliff. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. Australia on July 6.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994.

moral capacity. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. according to Singer. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. a new criteria becomes necessary. but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. 6 This consideration is based on two things. they come with differing moral capacities. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. That is. rather. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. Equality. Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. creates divisions between humanity. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. Singer. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. then they cannot have interests. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. however. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. I shall argue. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. Fundamentally.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. We eat them. His critics often ask. then it is simple discrimination. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. we will never give equal consideration. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain. and the second is if they have interests. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. however. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest. a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. is sentience. and a decision can cause that suffering. wear them. In his All Animals are Equal. or other matters. Singer notes that. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes.wcdebate. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. differing abilities to communicate effectively. Furthermore. as noted above. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact. Thus. is not descriptive of they way beings are. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. If a creature cannot suffer. like intelligence. Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species. Dogs. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal. and not merely an assertion of fact. differing intellectual abilities. It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. But if a creature can suffer. and use them to do our labor.com . The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. strength.

³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him. Again. Singer writes. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. many animals.com . indeed to care for a biospheric Earth. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue.wcdebate.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. and more specifically. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. those with some forms of psychosis. too focused on people. Therefore. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. After all. and that even plants are pursuing their own good. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial. . Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. chickens. It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. to plants. those with significant mental retardation. Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person. therefore. human fetuses. who details that every living organism has a will to live. However. human embryos. fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity. 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. like dogs and bears. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. This would include brain-damaged people. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being.´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist. Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life. however. He also explains. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. However. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons. Since those persons depend on the environment. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. . Those who advocate this position.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. and fish. SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism. be right to kill him. would be considered persons.

However.wcdebate. but to change it. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. The confinement that these animals endure. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. The first is that it is revisionary. however. especially citizens of a democracy. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. the painful ways in which they are killed. First. whether is causes more benefit than harm. Any advocacy of valuing progress. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. that is. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering. an understanding of a position. Singer claims that proximity. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. Most importantly. humanity. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. The question then becomes. SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history.M. In Democracy and Disobedience. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. engaging the argument still yields some debate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. even if it is a short one. the way we should strive to make things. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end.com . growth. it must cause suffering. or the distance between an individual and a famine. than no life at all. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial. even if the benefit that this existence creates is good.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. the disease and filthy living conditions. Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. is no justification for a lack of action. facts matter. the absence of a benefit is not harm. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. Here. etc. He says. does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. that is. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. From a utilitarian perspective. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference. Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. Second. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. Hare takes the position that it is not. The second is that in Singer¶s work. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics.

Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. 1973. 15 Peter Singer. 1999. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable. http://www. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity. 8 Peter Singer.frontpagemag.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs. as an issue itself. Hare. Essays on Bioethics. 1993. Wesley J. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.princeton.com . or student. All Animals are Equal. 10 Smith. All Animals are Equal. 1993. 5 Peter Singer. 17 Peter Singer. Democracy and Disobedience. 1999. 6 Peter Singer. 9 Peter Singer. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. 13 Holmes Rolston. All Animals are Equal.wcdebate.edu/~uchv/index.com/ 11 Smith. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways. http://www.M.frontpagemag. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. All Animals are Equal.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t. Wesley J. All Animals are Equal. December 7. 4 Peter Singer. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement. 16 Dale Jamieson. All Animals are Equal. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science. All Animals are Equal. 14 R. 7 Peter Singer. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. ³It is the significant problem of equality. 1998 3 Peter Singer. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. medicine. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin. ³intrinsic worth of humanity. and academics. in moral and political philosophy.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age. All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and use animals to further human aims.

(Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1993). Singer. (Oxford: Claredon Press.M. Singer. 1994).. Dale. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE. Peter. 2nd ed. Singer. 1999). 1997). 1993). SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. ETHICS. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT. Singer. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Singer. Terrence and Richard Dagger. Peter. Pojman. 1973). (Lanham. (New York: Review/Random House. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. Louis J.com . ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS. (Malden. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Peter. (Belmont. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. (New York: Longman. Hare. R. 2002). PRACTICAL ETHICS.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.wcdebate. ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION. 1998). 1975). Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. Jamieson. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. Peter. Peter.

In other words. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor.by Frege¶s point. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C. as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care. as well a more conversable animal. p.) So. This may seem like a major provision. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. old. what would it avail? The question is not. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain.. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. since animals have experiences. Austin. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way. they necessarily have selves.subjects of experience. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings.69. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging. in other words. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. called agape. then we will not see why it is morally significant. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience.An experience always comes with an owner built into it. p. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1.. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason .com . 1789. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs.. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally. or worse. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. McGinn. may instead undermine them. than an infant of a day. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. or the termination of the os sacrum. The danger is that reason. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. Can they suffer? 2. instead of building on our natural impulses. Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight. Solomon. Philosopher and Jurist. The basic biological sense we seek. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone. 1999. or even a month.wcdebate. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about. XVII. ch. 1999. But suppose they were otherwise. 152153. rather. 3. the villosity of the skin. however noble their object or intent. or a week. the social sense as such. there is the very real danger that. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but.

The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here. 1999. 1989. she doesn¶t calculate it. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER. Critics often accuse Mr. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. and Singer knows that. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. too. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. np. In such cases. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable. 3. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior. A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. weeping. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. it would. Solomon. the child dies. 1999. Linares cradles him in his arms until. standing in a hospital ward.wcdebate. Linares with first-degree murder. Then Linares puts down the gun and.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness.must not be so engineered. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. So. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. They ³just know´ what to do.73. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS." That was April 26. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. when a grand jury refused to indict him. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. according to the total view. gives himself up. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive. be right to kill him. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?.com . p. 2.the tit-for-tat attitude as such. 10 March 2000. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. half an hour later. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. September 6. Of course. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity. p. Cook County charged Mr. The New Yorker. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. Austin. The Chronicle of Higher Education. but the criminal case was over by May. Singer of being cold-hearted.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. writer. Therefore. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS.

SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. p. our breeding patterns. RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.. with its own standards of normality. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf. our habits. and yet not accept it at all.. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims. But compassion. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy. we can understand that. As intelligent and sensitive human beings. and therefore claims. We. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. We have what is uncritically called ³free will. in an important sense. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog. one could argue. and not just ordinarily dishonest. Austin. therefore. The characteristics. p. involves a certain distance. p. We are not merely at the top of the food chain. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children. 1999. 62ff. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. 1967. Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. If we do not think in this way about dogs. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap. to steal from a blind man. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. 62ff. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. just as it would be unfair. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. We are. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. 1967.if. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn. too. above the food chain. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective. Solomon. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. for instance. are rational.´ We are able to reflect and choose our food. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. too. but as normal for the species. It too. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species.but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. that is. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings.com . NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe.wcdebate. 3. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. but because rationality is the human norm. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. part of culture rather than nature.. 69.. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership.

75. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. 1999. Professor at Webster University. are of a different gender. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment..´ Thus. However. np. are not 100% novel. simply because they are men. My argument. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced.. p. 3. according to Singer. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind.According to Singer. in a sentence. Solomon.com . Reason. The danger. Nonetheless.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University. 134-135. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain.wcdebate. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. They may not be dominant. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. is that Singer. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C.. a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do. We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity. and it requires care and concern. Let me begin with the easiest one. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. however. are from a different country. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill.. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals. and most people seem to. In most cases. As Singer discusses the principle. At the same time. that some people have a different skin color. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. p. p.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. For example. GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen.. on the other hand. even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort. simply because they are humans. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently. a zoo goer. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. 1999. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. 2. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. If we have a hard time grasping his view. According to this principle. my number three. a pet owner and so on. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings. Austin. seemingly hungry and crying. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. 1999. and they might not be sentiments of equality. WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. At the same time one noticed a small kitten.

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