Environmental Psychology: Further

ANNUAL REVIEWS
Further
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Annu. Rev. Psychol. Copyright
1990
1990. 41 :441-77
by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY
Annu. Rev. Psychol. 1990.41:441-477. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT-Amsterdam-Library on 12/03/09. For personal use only.
Susan Saegert and Gary H. Winkel

Environmental Psychology Program, Graduate School, City University of New York, New York 10036
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION..................................................................................... SUBSTANTIVE PARADIGMS O F PERSON ENVIRONMENT RELATIONS.......... ADAPTATION PARADIGM ....... . ........ . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . ... . ... . .. . .................. . .
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44 1 444 446 446 447 450 452 452 454 457 457 460 461 465 466 467 468 469 470
Knowing the Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Coping with Threat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Restoring and Expanding Human Capacities... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contributions and Weaknesses o the Adaptive Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . f
THE ENVIRONMENT AS OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE FOR GOAL-DIRECTED BEHAVIOR.. . ... . . .. . ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Promises and Problems in the Opportunity-Structure Model ... . . .. . . . . . . .... . . . . . . . . . .
.
SOCIOCULTURAL PARADIGM ............. . . ... . . ... . . ................ . . .. . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . .

.
Environmental Meaning and Social Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Group Formation and Maintenance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... Group Response to Threat . . . . . .......... . .. . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Strengths and Weaknesses o the Paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . f
TOWARD SyNTHESIS .............................................................................
Research Intentions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical and Geographical Specificity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Historical Emergence . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Research and Action Process. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
INTRODUCTION
Important developments have occurred in the field of environmental psychol ogy since work in the area was last summarized in this Review (Holahan 1986). In 1987, a two volume Handbook of Environmental Psychology was published (Stokols & Altman 1987): Part 1 (Volume 1) and Part 6 (Volume 2) contain papers in which various conceptual issues relevant to theory and methodology in environmental psychology are discussed; Parts 2 and 3
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SAEGERT & WINKEL 1) deal with psychological processes (e.g. environmental cognition,
(Volume
personality and the environment, emotion and the environment) and with research conducted at different environmental scales (ranging from behavior setting analysis to the interrelationships between community and environmen tal psychology); Part environmental psychology to community problems; and in Part address environmental psychology.
4 (Volume 2) reviews work involving the applications of 5 (Volume 2)
authors from Europe, the Far East, Latin America, and the Soviet Union During the same year (1987), a new series appeared called Advances in Environment. Behavior. and Design under the editorship of Ervin H . Zube and Gary T. Moore (Zube & Moore 1987, 1989). These volumes are orga nized around advances in theory, place research, user-group research, sociobehavioral research, research and design methods, and research utiliza tion. This period of extensive reflection on the accomplishments of the field has produced several distinct paradigms in specific research areas and at higher levels of theory. This contrasts with the situation identified by Holahan
(1986)
in which many of the substantive areas in environmental psychology have been hampered by the absence of a theoretical perspective on the person, the environment, and the person-in-the-environment. Yet the recent theoretical advances have not yet been fully reflected in current research. We therefore review these emerging paradigms here-their strengths, weaknesses, and directions for future research. Examining specific bodies of substantive research and theory, we found differences in the general conception of person-environment relationships . At one level of analysis the relationship of person to environment is seen as essentially biologically adaptive. A second places this relationship at the scale of individual opportunity structures . A third incorporates both the fonn of the environment and the activities of individuals and groups into the sociocultural milieu. The limits of these
rperspectives
give rise to various attempts at
cross-paradigm synthesis . While in each conception the environment is seen as a vital contributor to ptson-environment relationships, the psychological heritage of most researchers leads to a focus on the characteristics' and dynamics of persons; and although the field has always offered a contextual critique of psychology (Little shansky
1987), the call for interdisciplinary, systems
oriented, and problem-centered research has not been easy to answer (Pro
1987). Here we examine critically the extent to which advances in
environmental psychology confront the fact that many of our experiences in and uses of environments must be understood in the context of broader physical, economic, historical, and political forces. This review differs from earlier ones in its greater focus on the interdisciplinary nature of the field.
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A second, related issue for the various paradigms concerns the relative contributions of the environment and the person to the state of person environment relationships. While environmental psychologists often give too short shrift to context, scholars from other disciplines who work on an articulation between the individual and broader economic, social, and politi cal structures often skip lightly over the acting, experiencing person. Within each paradigm, various metatheoretical stances (Altman & Rogoff 1987) can be found. However, it is the increased attention to transactional approaches that primarily contributes to a need for cross-paradigm syntheses.
The central qualities of the transactional approach are defined along five dimensions. The person-in-environment provides the unit of analysis. Both person and environment dynamically define and transform each other over time, as "aspects" of a unitary whole. Stability and change coexist con tinuously. The direction of change is emergent, not preestablished. If this is the case, it is important to look both for the sources of change within each paradigm and for the ways sources of change at one level affect other levels, creating new person-environment configurations. The valid insights of transactionalism (Ittelson existing methodological approaches in each
1989) present problems for

paradigm. Unlike other
metatheoretical stances in psychology, transactionalists view the observer as a particular individual in a particular "location" with regard to a phenomenon. This perspective raises special problems for the empiricist tradition of re search. One is the claim that new definitions of both person and environment may emerge in the course of transactions. While this possibility is accommo dated in qualitative research, it can not be addressed when, as in quantitative studies, variables must retain an original definition. Additionally, trans actionalists assume the embeddedness of the researcher in the situation stud ied. Such an assumption conflicts so strongly with empiricist traditions of social science that it has received scant attention. The recognition that re searchers are particular people in particular times and places forces us to examine the intents of research, not just questions of research design and method (Saegert following issues:
1982). The specific and dynamic nature of transactional
research has led to a debate about its generality. This debate focuses on the
(a) the representativeness of situations and populations 1988; R. Kaplan 1987); (b) the reliability and validity of measurement (R. Kaplan 1987; Winkel 1987); and (c) questions of transcon textual generality (Altman & Rogoff 1987; Golledge 1988; Saegert 1982, 1987). As we note in our final section, recognition of the historical and
studied (Golledge geographic specificity of research can help clarify the significant aspects of context to be addressed by research and the suitability of particular paradigms and methods.
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SUBSTANTIVE PARADIGMS OF PERSON-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS

The paradigms described in this section define the person, the environment, and person-environment transactions. Each amalgamates research from dif ferent disciplines. While these paradigms cut across research topics, most studies in particular areas fall within a central metaphor. For example, studies of environmental stress rely on the adaptation paradigm while recognizing context effects that may originate from person-environment transactions at other levels (cf Baum et al 1982). The chief characteristics of each paradigm are listed in Table 1.
Table 1
Paradigm characteristics
Opportunity Adaptation structures temporal and spatial structure of
Sociocultural forces socially/culturally

defined settings
Historical synthesis constraining!

enabling resi-
Definition of environment
physical qualities,
interpersonal
interactions, infonnation
land uses, services, facilities
and systems
due of human interactions with the other paradigms
Source of environmentaI change
natural and technological forces
planned or unplanned development
social, political and economic structure, culture
changes in all levels of environment and human action interaction of development adaptation, pursuit of goals and perfonnance of roles in relationship to preexisting and emerging environment
Role of person
adapt to environment, manage stresses and hazards, interpret threats and resources, select adaptive responses on
basis of per-
maximize goals, meet needs, perfonn roles, find niche, accomplish personal projects
reproduce sociocultural system
sonality and social context
Source of person change
success or failure of adaptation, social support, interpretation of infonnation
change in state of goals, needs, roles; personality or preference as detennined by sociocultural system
temporal, agelinked or developmental fluctuation
conflicts of motives from the other paradigms; emergent groups, interpretations, actions
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The paradigms can be understood as nested within each other. That is, sociocultural systems are expressed in time-geographic opportunity structures and the personal projects and plans individuals and groups attempt to carry out in them. At all levels of analysis, the adaptive requirements of person environment relationships set limits both on viable activities of persons and groups and on habitable environmental forms . A need for a synthesis arises because processes described by each paradigm take place within historically developed places at particular points in time. Thus each level of analysis can affect the others. The organization of this review around these different paradigms highlights relationships among different levels. The view we adopt of this in terdependence draws on the work of Manicas
& Secord (1983; Manicas
1986). Historically developed conditions (including ecological conditions)

and the social structural forces of any particular period form the preconditions for individual and group action. Because they precede individual activity and are organized beyond the reach of most individual actions, they have greater weight in maintaining conditions and directing change. This position concurs with Gibson's
(1979) definition of the relationship of the perceiving organism
to the ecological environment but views the environment as socially con structed within the constraints of planetary evolution. However, individuals and groups can generate local effects and be significant factors in change in conjunction with the dynamics of historical change and social-structural dynamics. Wicker's be most significant. Environmental psychology has long been concerned with bringing about positive changes in person-environment relationships. Efforts to make prac tical improvements in these transactions provide another impetus for un derstanding the linkages among paradigms. For example, DiMento (1981) has attempted to identify ways that stress research could have an impact on public policy. Most such attempts require the researcher to place him/herself and the studied phenomenon in the context of broad social, political, and economic forces as well as in the context of historical changes. Efforts to bring about practical changes thus involve researchers in value judgments, communica tion , interpretation, critique, and participation in political processes (Albrecht
(1987) reinterpretation of behavior-setting theory sug
gests some of the points at which individual- and group-initiated change might
& Lim 1986; Saegert 1987; Schneekloth 1987).

The adaptive paradigm lies most squarely within the psychological tradition and encompasses the largest body of work in environmental psychology . Environment-as-opportunity-structure also meshes well with the psycholog ical emphasis on individual, cognitively mediated, goal-directed activity. The social-structural paradigm draws more extensively on interdisciplinary re search and theory, as do efforts at cross-paradigm synthesis.
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ADAPTATION PARADIGM
The most theoretically and methodologically mature areas in environmental psychology lie chiefly within the adaptive paradigm: environmental stressors, environmental perception and cognition, and environmental assessment. All derive their main theoretical constructs from an assumption that the goal of biological and psychological survival motivates behavior: The biological and psychological individual attempts to cope with threats, to meet basic biologi cal needs, and to restore and expand capacities for coping and flourishing . Perception and cognition are regarded as geared to adaptational needs.
Knowing the Environment

All of the literature within the adaptive paradigm recognizes the adaptive significance of perceptual and cognitive processes. Research in environmental perception and cognition owe their general conceptual frameworks to theorists who view perception from an adaptive perspective (Brunswick 1956; Garling & Golledge 1989; Gibson 1979; Ittelson 1973; Neisser 1976; Piaget & Inhelder 1967). Gibson most clearly specifies the nature of the environment, and its significance for perception, yet Gibson's emphasis on direct pick-up of information appears to undermine one of environmental psychology's main metaphors for environmental knowing, the cognitive map. Neisser's
(1976)
efforts to integrate Gibson's insights into a more cognitive and temporally extensive system through the use of the schema concept offers a promising approach for studies of environmental cognition. However, he fails to define salient characteristics and organization of the environment. Definitions of the environment consistent with Neisser's model have been most influenced by Lynch's
(1960) original specification of landmarks,
nodes, paths, districts, and edges as salient landscape properties . His work has been replicated using more sophisticated methods (Aragones do
& Arrendon 1985). Golledge's anchor-point theory (Garling & Golledge 1989)
assumes that individuals hierarchically order places, paths, and areas in the environment, integrating new information through the addition of nodes and reorganization of networks. Both approaches have more in common with an opportunity-structure view of the environment than an adaptive one. S tephen and Rachel Kaplan's
(1973) model of environmental information
processing based on an evolutionary perspective is less evident in recent work than the information-processing approaches rooted in a computer simulation metaphor (reviewed by Garling
& Golledge 1989 and Golledge 1987). While
this paradigm is important in psychology as a whole, information-processing models lack a conception of the environment and account for person environment transactions primarily by referring to processes internal to the person. Such models give little attention to cognitive and perceptual processes as they occur in spatial behavior (Golledge
1987). A focus on representation
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articulates better with the emphasis on planning found in the opportunity structure paradigm but is compatible with some adaptational theories (cf Wapner 1987). Integration of the two approaches might shift the adaptational paradigm away from its origins in nonhuman species and increase the focus on well-being and capacity development within the opportunity-structure paradigm. Passini & Proulx's (1988) comparison of blind and sighted peo ple's processes of way-finding illustrates the continuity of conscious planning and perceptual information pick-up as well as their uses in compensating for visual impairment. Heft & Wohlwill (1987) have provided a thoughtful critique of questions neglected because of the logical-geometric focus of most information processing models. They have proposed the consideration of a model based on several distinguishable functions dependent on goals and environmental context such as learning the meaning of environments, way-finding, and geographical orientation. Studies of children reveal the interplay of spatial behavior and environmental knowledge and link these to differences in affec tive experiences and social development (reviewed in Heft & WohlwillI987). The significance of self-directed exploration has been particularly well documented (Acredolo et al 1984; Feldman & Acredolo 1979; Hazen 1982). Hart (1979, 1981) has most comprehensively placed exploration, learning of environmental meaning, and spatial representation in the context of the social and physical environment, thus suggesting relationships among the adaptive, opportunity-structure, and sociocultural paradigms. As Golledge (1987) has noted, rarely are we completely lost. Even less often do we fail to survive because of inaccurate spatial information. Howev er, such situations do exist-e .g. when we must find the right exit during a fire. Recently, arguments before the Nuclear Regulatory Commission con cerning the opening of the Shoreham Nuclear Power Plant addressed, among other issues, the inefficiency of drivers in evacuating a familiar environment during a serious emergency. Researchers have failed to address perceptual and cognitive processes in such circumstances, despite their obvious im portance. Evans and his colleagues (Evans et al 1984) and Saegert and her colleagues (Saegert et al 1975; Saegert 1981) have shown that environmental perception and cognition vary with exposure to environmental stressors. More theoretical and empirical work placing environmental perception and cogni tion in specific environmental contexts related to adaptive tasks would be useful.
Coping with Threat

Researchers have long attempted to extend findings and theoretical frameworks from biology to an analysis of human relations with the environ ment. Research on environmental stressors owes much to these attempts. Environmental stress research explicitly focuses on the adaptive demands
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arising from physical characteristics of the environment. Evans & Cohen (1987) go beyond the frequently used classification of stressors into cataclysmic events, stressful life events, daily hassles, and ambient stressors (Baum et al 1982; Campbell 1983; Lazarus & Cohen 1977) to outline eight dimensions along which environmental stressors vary: perceptual salience; type of adjustment required; value or valence of the event; degree of con trollability; predictability; necessity and importance; duration; and periodic ity. They note that the physical nature of environmental stressors has been neglected in favor of psychological and sociological investigations of per sonal, organizational , and societal factors that influence stress and coping. The physical nature of human coping has been a more active area of study (Weiss & Baum 1987). Evans et al (1989) provide an important and unusual conceptual integration of environmental characteristics, pathological re sponses, growth promoting responses, and coping in their review of the role of the physical environment in child development. They identify six environ mental characteristics affecting child development: pathogenic conditions (cf toxins); stimulation levels; functional complexity; control ; structure and pre dictability; and exploration opportunities. Their suggestions about how these different conditions, children's responses to them, and their developmental consequences interact in later development especially warrant further in vestigation. Despite the theoretical and methodological focus on individual adaptation to environmental threats, much of the stress research provides empirical links to other paradigms. The complexity of findings in these areas of research indicates that personal and social variables affect outcome measures (Evans et al 1988; Evans et al 1987). Behavioral responses to physical environmental conditions have also been shown to be mediated by sociocultural variables. Rotton's (1986) 48-nation investigation of the relationship between climate and homicide and suicide supported a mixed model of direct climatic effects, as well as cultural effects, on suicide. Gillis et al (1986) found differences in susceptibility to negative effects of high-density living among Canadian adolescents of Asian, Southern European, and British descent. Even such an apparently straightforward physiological variable as thermal comfort has been shown to depend on symbolic meanings and to vary with social and economic conditions (Heijs & Stringer 1988). Loo 's (1986) study of Chinatown in San Francisco, while not explicitly addressing stress, explored the complex rela tionships among ethnicity, income, household composition , residential den sity, and land uses as they affected feelings of safcty and residential satisfac tion, placing the findings in the context of pro-growth pressures on urban development. Her analysis illustrates the historical and nested nature of adaptive, opportunity-structure, and sociocultural paradigms. While these studies include socioeconomic and cultural factors as vari-
449
ables, they do not explain the processes by which the larger social context mediates perceptions of and reactions to environmental stressors . Nor do they portray the physical environment as shaped by socioeconomic and cultural forces . Evans et al
(1988) address social processes by relating adverse mental
health effects of residential crowding to withdrawal from social networks as a consequence of high home density. This study reveals some limitations of methodological individualism in the interactional tradition for actually de scribing social relationships. In practice, not only the target subject but also the people with whom he/she interacts are influenced by density conditions . The nature of their social relationships most likely emerges from their transac tions with each other over time, as well as from individual and social interpretations given to these transactions. Further , even in a highly con strained housing market, the highest-density households, with the most de teriorated social relationships, may break down into smaller units . The interactionist study of stress clarifies the adaptational capacities and limits of individuals but it muddies the ways individuals relate to each other to cope with and transform their environments and experiences. From a policy perspective, interactionist studies have the advantage of identifying quantita tive and general responses to stressors. The transactionist emphasis on per sonal interpretation and emergence could lead policy makers to conclude that restrictions on , for example, noise levels or density in residential institutions would be unnecessary. Research on the effects of hospital environments on patients illustrates this conundrum. On the one hand, aspects of the physical environment can seriously affect patients' comfort and ability to recover (see Winkel
& Holahan 1985). On the other, the organizational and economic
structure of hospitals makes it likely that economic considerations as well as the needs and preferences of medical staff and administrators will be more significant determinants of hospital design decisions (Shumaker
& Pequegnat
1989).
Recent work on child safety suggests promising ways to develop a more explicit model linking adaptive threats to social processes and environmental conditions (Garling
& Val siner 1985). Garling (1985) points out that an
analysis of child safety must include not just children but also their parents and other caregivers who act in environments according to plans designed to prevent accidents. Using Valsiner's framework, Valsiner
(1985) "individual-socioecological" & Mackie (1985) have studied the ways the home's
physical characteristics and parent-child behaviors interact as toddlers learn to climb. Using interview and observational data, the investigators identified various sequence structures followed by children and parents during climbing episodes . One of the central elements in Valsiner
& Mackie's analysis of
toddler climbing involves parental estimates of children's capabilities to negotiate the environment. Not only do parents overestimate their children's
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abilities to negotiate the environment safely (Spencer
& Blades 1985) but
there are also discrepancies between parents' and children's assessments of
& Chapman 1985). Because parents overestimate the capacities of older children, they
the degree of danger associated with various hazards (Sheehy attribute more responsibility to them for certain types of accidents (Svensson Garling et al parent and child beliefs translate into action. However, Rothengatter
1985). Unfortunately, these studies have not covered the ways (1981; cited in Sheehy & Chapman 1985) has reported that when children are aware
Taking positive actions to reduce accidents is the subject of research by Holden
of being observed, they act more safely than when observed unobtrusively.
(1985). His approach involves understanding how parents can ver
bally structure the environment proactively both to divert attention from potentially dangerous problems and to direct the child toward activities that match their capabilities. The literatures on stress and child safety portray the person as struggling against the environment to maintain health and well-being . Another approach to understanding adaptation might be to look for person-environment transac tions that generate increased pleasure and well-being. In the following section we describe the work of environmental psychologists who link preference for and enjoyment of environments to the adaptive necessity of the restoration and expansion of human capacities.
Restoring and Expanding Human Capacities

S. Kaplan
(1987) has offered a particularly clear statement linking environ
mental preferences to evolutionary demands. He points out that adaptation requires understanding and exploration as well as material resources that support life. Such an analysis seems to hold for auditory as well as visual environmental preferences (Porteous & Mastin 1985). However, Knopf (1987) has reviewed studies in which natural environments are studied within the opportunity-structure and sociocultural paradigms, some of which chal lenge an evolutionary interpretation. Rachel and Stephen Kaplan
(1989)
extend the concept of biological and psychological adaptation to include restorative and expansive experiences of environment. Their point of de parture is not the survival-threatening stress state but the mental fatigue that accumulates in the process of pursuing goals. Their research shows how experiences of nature counteract depleted psychological resources. R. Kaplan
(1985) has documented positive effects of "nearby nature" on housing and

neighborhood satisfaction. Such nearby nature has been shown to meet a variety of needs ranging from territoriality, through recreation , to aesthetic appreciation (Clark
& Manzo 1987; Talbot et al 1987). Studies of hospital

1984; Verderber 1986; Verderber
patients indicate that views of natural environments facilitate physical recov ery and satisfy psychological needs (Ulrich
451
& Reuman 1987). The Kaplans have found that an increased acceptance of limitations and of the ultimate impossibility of controlling the environment is associated with experiences of nature. This finding offers a perspective on human adaptive strategies that contrasts with the emphasis on control so prevalent in studies of stress and coping. Like most research on stress, work on restorative and capacity-expanding involvement with the environment is frequently couched in terms of a trans actional perspective (cf Reser & Scher! 1988). Methodologically, research on environmental preference in this tradition employs something closer to a trait perspective in which characteristics of the environment determine choice and preference. However, the Kaplans' (1989) longitudinal studies of the impact of wilderness experiences begins to look at how such experiences change the person. Some research (Kaplan & Kaplan 1989; Manzo & Weinstein 1987; Nohl 1987) discussing public participation in protecting and developing natural settings extends the transactional perspective to include transforma tions of the environment. From a transactional perspective, temporal processes are neglected in this literature. Despite the longitudinal nature of the Kaplans' wilderness studies and the comparison of landscape preferences across age groups, temporal change is not directly addressed. Other researchers who focus on age-related changes in human capacities describe theoretically the processes of relating to the environment that are involved in the expansion and contraction of capaci ties (Lawton 1985a; Lawton & Nahemow 1973; Wapner 1987). Speculations about the positive outcomes of coping draw mainly on research on the impact of stress on young organisms to suggest ways the person may be changed at the physiological and psychological level so that future environmental trans actions will be differently experienced (Aldwin & Stokols 1988). Wapner's (1987) model of development emphasizes goal orientation, planning, and multiple intentionality. Optimal development occurs when the person pro gressively differentiates personal capacities and environmental qualities that are then hierarchically integrated to improve the person's "capacity for flexibility, freedom, self-mastery and the capacity to shift from one mode of person-in-environment relationship to another as required by goals, by the demands of the situation, and by the instrumentalities available . . ." (p. 1444). Clearly, he also emphasizes organismic changes rather than changes the person makes in the environment. In his large body of work on the person-environment transactions of older people, Lawton has moved from an interactionist perspective that predicted the well-being of older people on the basis of the match between their own competencies and the demands of the environment (Lawton & Nahemow 1973) to a transactional view in which the older person takes a proactive role in organizing the environment to increase density of control and interaction as
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some capacities diminish (Lawton 1985a). Other research (Leavitt & Saegert 1989; Saegert 1989), discussed in the final section below, extends the trans actional analysis of increased capacity in older age, placing changes in the person, the environment, and their transaction in historical context.
Contributions and Weaknesses of the Adaptive Paradigm

The adaptive paradigm has the advantage of dealing with outcomes people care about: health, well-being, and capacities to accomplish goals. Since environmental psychology continues to seek improvement in the compatibil ity of the environment with people's needs, research in this tradition is essential. Yet studies of environmental cognition, environmental stressors, and other topics within the adaptive paradigm leave inexplicit the transaction al nature of many of the processes and variables they employ (cf social relationships, interpretations). They also fail to place their data in the context of policy options, political influences, and economic and cultural factors. The weakness of the paradigm lies in its treatment of the person as a biological and psychological individual and of the environment as naturally given. Despite the constant identification of real and perceived control as mechanisms for effective coping, the social, political, and economic pro cesses that distribute control among people have- been largely ignored. Even the Kaplans' more realistic recommendation for increased participation stops short of dealing with the social, economic, and political processes that shape participation and influence its efficacy. The adaptive paradigm, with the exception of some of the work on percep tion and cognition, also fails to define systematically the environment ex perienced by the individual. Research tends to focus on processes internal to the individual and shortchanges more active interpretive and behavioral in volvement with the environment. All too often, these tendencies result in a peculiarly contradictory view of the person as barely touched by the physical environment or inevitably determined by it. The opportunity-structure para digm, discussed next, avoids some of these shortcomings.
THE ENVIRONMENT AS OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE FOR GOAL-DIRECTED ACTION

The opportunity-structure paradigm is explicitly concerned with the relation ship between the behavioral requirements of the active and goal-directed person and the qualities of the environment. Unlike the adaptive paradigm, work in this tradition presents environmental experiences primarily as a process of selecting the best options within a system of sociophysical con straints and opportunities. The rational planning aspect of human nature is emphasized rather than the biologically responsive aspects. By casting per-
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son-environment transactions in a goal-directed mode, personality- and role related differences are predictable. The Swedish geographer Hagerstrand is most responsible for the development of the opportunity-structure approach. Useful expositions of this work can be found in Carlstein (1982), Thrift (1977), and Pred (1973, 1977, 1981). Influenced in part by Lewin's Principles of Topological Psychology (Lewin 1936), Hagerstrand has attempted to understand the processes that characterize human behavior in the landscape, to create what he calls "time geography." Human interaction is considered to be a path-allocation problem in space and time. Each individual is constrained in his or her actions by capability constraints (e.g. the person cannot be in two places at the same time), coupling constraints (requiring the person to allocate his/her paths so that they coincide with the paths of persons with whom he/she wishes to interact, and "steering constraints" (resulting from the normative and in stitutional channelling and regulation of activities) (Carlstein 1982). It would be a mistake to assume, however, that time-geography is nothing but the study of constraints. Both voluntary and involuntary travels down various paths can enable as well as constrain. The project is a key concept in time-geographic analysis. It consists of "the entire series of tasks necessary to the completion of any goal-orientated [sic] behavior" (Pred 1981:236). Pro jects channel, and thus constrain, human actions in certain directions and hence require both time- and space-allocation decisions. Projects are also constrained and enabled by the environmental resources available for their completion. Hence, the environment can be represented as a texture of opportunity structures. The desirability of a rational fit between project and environment makes the paradigm's use in environmental planning un derstandable (Hagerstrand 1983). Michelson (1985), for example, has used this approach in his study of the ways the community and its services (number of facilities, their location, opening and closing hours) constrain or enable the lives of parents who work. Michelson documents the stresses that working mothers, but not working fathers, encounter as a consequence of environ ments and transport systems poorly organized to handle their needs. Women confront conflicts between their new roles as breadwinners and culturally embedded assumptions about gender that shape both the environment and parents' domestic roles. Other authors working from a feminist perspective have provided extensive documentation of the social nature of projects and the extent to which most environments are more constraining than enabling for women (Peterson 1987; van Vliet 1988). Feminists have also sought ways of increasing the supportiveness of environments for women's projects. Wekerle (1988), for example, proposed neighborhood service centers, and Saegert (1988) sug gested urban housing forms that support women in work and childrearing.
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The time-geographic emphasis on problems of differential availability and access to community-level environmental options is also important to ecologi cally oriented developmental psychologists (Bronfenbrenner et al 1984). These authors point out that substantial variations in infant mortality can be accounted for by the varying availability and quality of prenatal care services. They also argue that major factors in the utilization of health, welfare, and social services are knowledge, accessibility, and adequate transport. Sur prisingly, they were unable to locate any systematic research documenting the use of neighborhood-based delivery services and its relation to child health and well-being. Bronfenbrenner et aI's paper deserves more attention from environmental psychologists. These authors review research designed to demonstrate community-level developmental effects on intellectual function ing, mental health, and child abuse that are germane to the opportunity structure argument. They also develop a set of research criteria relevant to investigators attempting to document the importance of community-level effects in areas that traditionally have been viewed as issues in individual level analysis.
Promises and Problems In the Opportunity-Structure Model

In contrast to the person-centered focus of much of the environmental re search conducted within the adaptive paradigm, an opportunity-structure analysis underscores the importance of identifying how the structure of the environment may affect psychological functioning. For example, although not working within a time-geographic perspective, Carbonara-Moscati (1985) nicely identified sociophysical barriers to children's play in the urban environ ment. Bjorklid (1985) also demonstrated how children's play behavior is affected by the structure of their immediate living environment. This perspec tive fosters the use of methodologies that focus on how people actually organize their time and space. Both Michelson (1987) and Andorka (1987) review time-budget methods appropriate to work in this area. Finally, the approach encourages attempts to link psychological functioning (Michelson 1985) and social interactions (Pred 1985) to environmental structural arrange ments. Despite the central role that the project plays in time-geography, relatively little has been done with the concept empirically. We should note, however, that, apparently independently of Hagerstrand's work, Little (1983, 1987) has embarked on a research program investigating the concept of personal proj ects, including the development of a methodology for personal project an alysis. Personal projects provide what Little calls "natural units of analysis" grounded in a temporal and spatial context. Palys & Little (1983) report a linkage between perceived life satisfaction and personal project systems.
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The projects concept seems useful in a number of ways. It views the person as having not abstract goals but configurations of actions he/she hopes to accomplish. The project has a specific location in time and space. The formation, initiation, execution, and evaluation of projects are seen as social ly rather than individually created. The utility of the personal projects notion could be extended if the following were identified: (a) behavior settings and environmental objects actually or potentially available in people's environ ments, (b) the sources and extent of environmental knowledge based on these settings and objects; (c) the range of people's understandings and beliefs about the facilitating and constraining components of the settings they use; (d) the valences associated with possible or actual uses of settings; and (e) the ways people structure time in relation to projects. Despite the centrality of time use, time conflict, and the physical organiza tion of the environment, little work, aside from that of Michelson (1985), has been directed toward these issues. Bond & Feather (1988) and Levine (1988) suggest that differences in this domain may be important both to psycholog ical and physical health. Wicker (1987) suggests ways that behavior settings integrate individual projects into group projects and connect both with necessary resources, as well as markets, client groups, or audiences. He views behavior settings as continually requiring human action to initiate and sustain them. At the same time settings stabilize and integrate individual behavior with group dynamics, resources, and routine goal achievement. His work could provide an avenue for linking opportunity structures more clearly to individual and group be havior. Time-geographic analysis augments behavior-setting theory by calling attention to the importance of the patterning of behavior settings for un derstanding behavior. Two of the better illustrations of work relevant to desiderata a and b, above, can be found in Warren (1978) and Archea (1985). Through an I analysis of 28 neighborhoods in Detroit, Warren was able to distinguish six neighborhood types and functions. He then linked these characteristics to use of neighborhood services anX reliance on other neighbors. At the scale of single buildings, Archea (1985) suggests how the physical features of banks may affect opportunities for bank robbers. A similar analysis was made of videotapes of "sting" operations designed to catch people selling stolen goods. Taylor (1987) reviews much of the research bearing on criminal activities as a function of environmental opportunity structures. With reference to point, d, above, Bronfenbrenner et al (1984) suggest that in order to use social services in our society, people must repeatedly demon strate how socially, behaviorally, and economically inadequate they are (the "deficit model"). They hypothesize that the humiliations associated with these
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self and/or family characterizations may prevent the utilization of needed social and health services even if they are known and accessible. Bronfen brenner et aI's (1984) failure to find systematic research linking environmen tal opportunity structure to psychological processes developmentally illus trates one of the shortcomings of this paradigm. It does not in itself consider the consequences of person-environment transactions for health, well-being, and capacity development. One paper did, however, link person and environ mental context to daily stress (Caspi et al 1987). Using time series analysis, these authors showed that what they called "chronic ecological stress" (occa sioned by living in neighborhoods perceived as being unsafe, having few neighbors on which one could rely, and being an unsatisfactory place to live) resulted in consistently higher levels of daily stress over a 28-day period. Critiques of the opportunity-structure paradigm have also been voiced by those working within the sociocultural framework. Among the most extensive (although sympathetic) of these come from geographers themselves. They place greater emphasis on the social context that gives rise to the built environment (Pred 1981, 1984; Thrift 1983). They recognize that while the individual may shape the society that structures the environment, society also shapes the individual. This relationship, however, is asymmetrical. Thrift (1983: 40) points out that environments "structure people's life paths in ways that are class specific." He also suggests that differences in class and other group memberships affect environmental knowledge which in tum influences the density, content, and scope of life paths. Environmental knowledge can be characterized by at least five types of environmental "unknowings" that can exist in a locale at any particular time: The environment can be (a) unknown; (b) not understood; (c) hidden from those in the setting; (d) undiscussed or taken for granted as "true" or "natural"; and (e) distorted. We find it fascinat ing that, despite Thrift's argument, two recent reviews of environmental cognition either do not mention social class differences (Heft & Wohlwill 1987) or only briefly note "ethnic and cultural" differences in environmental representation (Golledge 1987: 149). We believe that this situation exists largely because those working in this area are more interested in the processes or mechanisms of cognitive representation than in the content of representa tion implied by Thrift's analysis. Katz's (1989) work, described below, is an encouraging recent exception. Attempts to provide both a class and social-structural cast to time geography are no doubt linked to Marxist critiques of "behaviorist" efforts to account for the creation, maintenance, and destruction of the environments in which social groups operate (Harvey 1973, 1982, 1985). It is not necessary to be a Marxist, however, to appreciate the nature of the criticism since Hager strand does not really address the ways socioeconomic forces influence opportunity structures, nor does he direct much effort at understanding how
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meaning is both structured by and structures the environment. These issues are better addressed in the sociocultural paradigm.
SOCIOCULTURAL PARADIGMS
Although they are by no means central to the psychological project in the United States, arguments have been advanced regarding the importance of the multiple contexts within which psychological processes and contents are situated. Over 40 years ago, for example, Murphy (1947) discussed the need to consider the effects of historical and economic forces on personality development. During environmental psychology's formative period, some researchers were well aware of the extent to which environmental issues were a function of sociocultural and economic factors (lttelson et al 1974). Only recently, however, have concerted efforts been made to develop theoretical and research perspectives linking macro-scale issues to social- and individual level environmental concerns. Bronfenbrenner (1977, 1979) has forcefully proposed a multi-scale "eco logical" approach to human development that involves studies ranging from single settings to sociopolitical structures. He argues that a full understanding of human development requires the identification of the interdependencies existing between and among the different scales within which the person operates. To carry out his proposal, it would be necessary to attend to the processes considered central to the proponents of the sociocultural paradigm. Perhaps the most important of these is the emphasis on the person as a social agent rather than an autonomous individual having needs for survival or desires to carry out personal projects. The person as a social agent seeks and creates meaning in the environment. Since social interaction is a central feature of this paradigm, a second important process issue involves the understanding of interrelationships between the environment on the one hand and group formation and maintenance on the other. The emphasis on in dividual survival in the adaptive paradigm has its social counterpart in re search documenting efforts to deal with environmental threats, not as an individual concern, but as a problem for the social structure within which the individual is embedded, whether it be family, neighborhood, nation, or even world society.
Environmental Meaning and Social Communication

Although psychologists discuss environmental meaning, they tend to characterize it primarily in terms of the categories that people use to organize mentally their physical worlds (Russell & Snodgrass, 1987). While concerned about categorization processes and their relationships to affective components of environmental evaluation, psychologists have neglected the sources of
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these category systems and the central problem of meaning generally (Harre & Secord 1973). If psychologists have been remiss in this regard, those who are interested in the form and use of the built environment as a cultural process invoke meaning as a central element in their explanatory system (Rapoport, 1982). Although there are theoretical differences regarding the ontology of mean ings, there is consensus that neither meanings nor actions are individual acts. Giddens (1984), for example, sees the constitution of meaning as related to rules and resources characteristic of social structure. Blumer (1969; 84) suggests that meanings are built up by people "through an interpretation of objects, situations, or the actions of others" in a social context. Another view of meaning derives from one of the definitions of culture provided by an thropologists-i.e. "culture as a symbolic process, in which one studies the constructed meaning system through participant observation" (Low 1986). Meanings are not just constructed. They are also given by the culture and social structure within which the person operates. This distinction is important because in the literature reviewed below it will be seen that, with a few notable exceptions, most work in this area focuses on what has been given or
can be read from the environment as a social/cultural product.
For Rapoport (1982), meaning stems from various levels of nonverbal communications from the environment to people. Environmental elements organized in space ranging from walls to people, become "indicators of social position, ways of establishing group or social identity, [and] ways of defining situations" within a specific culture which in tum lead to expected behaviors in the settings (Rapoport 1982: 181-82). The extent to which the environment works as a source of cues for appropriate behavior is culture specific and hence not necessarily cross-culturally transferable. Rapoport draws upon a wide range of anthropological, archaeological, and environmental research literature to illustrate his arguments. The study of variations in environmental meanings can occur within a single culture if it is reasonably heterogeneous in social structure and sub cultures. For example, Cherulnik & Wilderman (1986) demonstrated that by looking at photographs of homes built in 19th-century Boston, people could easily determine the occupational status and social class standing of their residents. Pavlides (1984: cited in Low 1987) showed how archi tectural details of Greek village houses communicated the resident's social status. Reading the environment is not confined to the determination of social status, however. Low & Ryan (1985) found that the residents of a rural town in Pennsylvania consistently identified architectural elements of the area's stone farmhouses that gave the town its distinctive character. Brown's (1985)
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study, linking visual cues characteristic of homes to incidences of burglary, demonstrates the functional significance of meanings "read" from the environmment. At the microsystem level, Sadalla et al (1987) describe a study in which upper middle-class homeowners were asked to rate themselves on various personality scales. The interiors and exteriors of their homes were also photographed. Raters shown the photographs were able to infer the homeown ers' self concepts relatively accurately , with greatest accuracy achieved by those shown only the home interiors. Rapoport's (1982) suggestion that environments communicate meanings that "trigger appropriate behaviors" is interesting particularly in the context of behavior-setting analysis (Wicker 1979). Barker's (1968) arguments regard ing the power of settings to elicit appropriate behavior are well known. Not well understood in behavior-setting analysis are the social and environmental cues that people use to determine appropriate behavior. One promising study (Schutte et al 1985) examined the effects of situational prototypicality and constraints on both memory and predicted behavior within three settings (a job interview, a bar, and a park). Using work by Rapoport, these authors identified cues in the three settings that would be considered prototypical and nonprototypical. Their results indicated that the greater the prototypicality and the higher the level of situational constraint, the greater the consensus about the behaviors people would perform in the setting. Desp ite the suggestiveness of these findings, Rapoport's arguments have several limitations. First , he includes little discussion of the degree to which patterns of settings communicate coherently (Conn & Saegert, unpublished). If messages from proximal settings conflict, what is "appropriate behavior"? Rapoport recognizes this problem but emphasizes the desirability of cue consistency (Rapoport 1982: 77-80). Second, his work includes little discus sion of changes in meaning over time, although such changes are the rule rather than the exception (cf Saarinen 1988). Finally, most of the empirical evidence that Rapoport uses to support his thesis is inferential and rests on plausibility as a validity criterion. To illustrate the problematic nature of plausibility, consider a recent study on fear of crime as a function of environ mental messages (Taylor et al 1985). The plausible hypothesis tested, that higher levels of physical deterioration would be associated with greater fear of crime, held only within moderate-income neighborhoods. This study suggests that the reading and/or interpretation of environmental messages may be considerably more complex in settings characterized by cultural and socioeco nomic heterogeneity. While important, the study of cultural meanings as a vehicle for com munication does not exhaust the theoretical consequences of the meaning
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construct. Meaning and space are intimately tied to group formation and maintenance.
Group Formation and Maintenance

The formation, maintenance, and reproduction of social relationships general ly occur in a spatial context. One of the most persistent issues in environmen tal social science has been the potential interpenetration of action and space for individual and social behavior. One approach to this subject has been taken by those working within the framework of territoriality. In her useful review of theoretical and empirical work on this concept, Brown (1987) acknowledges scholarly resistance to the incorporation of a construct drawn from animal ecology into theoretical systems relevant to human spatial activ ity. She points out, however, that claims regarding territorial behavior in animals have become considerably more flexible and contingent within the biological community. While covering studies of individual territorial activity that fit within the adaptive paradigm, Brown places greater emphasis on territoriality as both a regulator of social interaction and a medium (particular ly through the use of territorial personalization) for the development and communication of personal and communal identity. These aspects of ter ritoriality have been given greatest emphasis within the last ten years. For example, a number of workers have shown that holiday decorations on homes symbolize neighborhood group cohesiveness (Altman et al 1987; Brown & Werner 1985; Oxley et al 1986; Werner et al 1984). The processes by which the built environment incorporates individuals into collectivist social systems is the subject of work by Duncan (1985a). Using anthropological data, he argues that myths link "the individual, the group, the home place, and the cosmos" (Duncan 1985b: 147). The central role that myth plays in the physical forms characteristic of traditional societies has also been documented by Hardie (1985), Saile (1985) , and Werner et al (1985). The built form both articulates social categories and plays a powerful role in the reproduction of existing social relationships. In collectivist societies, the home is rarely seen as an expression of social status. People gain status from group membership. By contrast, people in individualistically oriented societ ies use physical objects to assert their individual identities and to display to others "who one is [and] what one's class, lifestyle, and tastes are . . ." (Duncan 1985b: 135). Using data collected in Hyderabad, India, Duncan (1982) showed how the home and its uses had different within- and between-group meanings for traditional and new urban elites. Pratt (1982) reported that, compared to the upwardly mobile elites of one community, women who represented the more established elite were more likely to consider the interior design of their
46 1
homes an expression of group membership and solidarity than an indicator of individual identity and taste. In these studies , the environment is seen as a benign medium and resource for group development and maintenance. Group process, however, is equally important when the environment is a source and medium of threat.
Group Response to Threat

Given the spatially distributed and socially mediated nature of most environ mental threats, a complete discussion of perceptions and of preventive or ameliorative action must place the individual in a social context. Two active areas of research address the interdependence of individual, group, communi ty, and sometimes national or global responses to threat. Studies of human responses to environmental hazards and resource short ages consider the ability of social systems to address problems such as the greenhouse effect, water pollution, toxic wastes, depletion of energy re sources , and world hunger. For the most part, practical solutions to these problems have been approached as technological and engineering matters mired in political agendas. Of course these are also problems of human behavior at many levels (Stem & Oskamp 1987). In their effort to improve the preparedness of individuals, groups, and larger social units for hazards Cvet kovich & Earle ( 1985) have proposed classification of hazardous events according to their causes, their physical and psychosocial characteristics, and the responses to them of individuals and social aggregates. Awareness of the interdependence of various levels of analysis pervades the research on hazards and resource management. For example, Palm (1986) examined the interrelationships among individual, business, and state actions (or inactions) both preventive and reparative as efforts are made to ameliorate the consequences of earthquakes. She found that the best-prepared in dividuals, aware of the community-level impacts of such a disaster, formed support groups to p lan for the major earthquakes expected in California. However, as Cook ( 1 983) points out in his study of efforts to prevent construction of a hazardous waste treatment plant, relatively few people participate in group efforts to p revent threat except when it is imminent. That environmental concerns are socially embedded has repeatedly been demonstrated by findings that sociodemographic characteristics and political ideology best predict attitudes about the environment (Samdahl & Robertson 1989). Personal concerns, individual goals, and familiarity also affect beliefs and attitudes about environmental hazards and resources (De Young 1986; Levi & Holder 1 986; Neuman 1 986). However, these variables may not contribute significantly to the explanation of attitudes (van der Pligt et al 1 986). Rather, personal determinants of attitudes seem to be related via belief
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systems to the social categories the individual occupies and to the effects of the resource or hazard in question on group and individual interests (Connerly Americans' environmental concerns (Taylor
1986; de Haven-Smith 1988). A particularly interesting analysis of black 1989) relates the ways they
experience environmental deprivations to informational and resource limita tions that in tum limit political participation on environmental issues. Given their interrelatedness, greater attention should be paid to the pro cesses characteristic of individual and group responses to threat. Edelstein's
(1986) study provides an example of this approach . He documented the

effects of toxic contamination of water in a residential community on the meaning of home. The interdependence of the nature of the physical threat, personal and household responses, and social group emergence illustrates the interplay of threat to physical health, psychological goals and meanings, cultural expectations, and economic constraints. His study also illustrated the issue theoretically identified by Cuthbertson
& Nigg (1987): When tech
nological disasters occur, ambiguity about their nature and consequences often leads to disagreements over who are the "true victims . " Such conflict blocks the formation of therapeutic communities in response to natural disas ters. Studies of responses to technological hazards highlight the centrality of the social interpretation of environmental events . Pitt
& Zube (1987) point out
that resource managers and researchers hold contrasting views of the relation ship between natural environments and adaptation. One group views survival as primarily a matter of meeting needs for shelter, food, and reproduction. For example, Buttel and his colleagues
(1987) relate numerous rural-urban dif
ferences in attitudes toward environmental hazards and resource use to dif ferences in the objective material conditions of survival for the two groups. In contrast, researchers concerned with cognitive and psychological experiences of the environment stress its aesthetic and recreational, or noncommodity, uses. These two views may shape each other over time. Saarinen documented a gradual convergence of of landscapes with
(1988) (a) culturally based aesthetic judgments
(b) the adaptive necessity of restricting water use in a
desert environment in Tucson, Arizona. Others emphasize the difficulty of linking social processes of interpretation to successful adaptation (Stem Oskamp
& 1987). Fischhoff et al (1987) detail the cognitive strategies people
use to determine the risks associated with various hazards and how these influence adaptive responses . In many instances social , economic, and cultur al differences among groups result in different, sometimes conflicting, in terpretations of both threats and appropriate responses (Furby et a1 Svenson
1988;
& Fischhoff 1985).
Models employed by some researchers studying environmental resources and human behavior have much in common with those relating environmen-
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tal stressors to stress and coping. However, interpretation and action are both understood within a social , economic , and cultural framework. Taylor et al (1988) develop a predictive model of drought-related behaviors emphasiz ing-much as a typical model of responses to environmental stressors does the role of interpretive processes based on prior experience. Sell et al (1988) have presented a model of perceptions of land use changes that identifies physical dimensions , temporal developments , and informational processes. The model resembles that of environmental stress described by Baum et al (1982). However, Sell et al also relate perceptions of change to more general cultural attitudes, whereas Baum et al do not. One might ask if culture plays a similar anchoring role in the perception of environmental stressors. A second active area of research on group responses to threat involves crime-a spatially distributed and environmentally mediated social hazard. Both geographers and sociologists have focused on macro-level, spatially distributed predictors of deviant behavior such as percentage of home owner ship , amount of overcrowded and substandard housing, degree of urbaniza tion , and so on (Sampson & Groves 1989; Smith 1987; Taylor 1987). Sampson & Groves (1989) and Taylor (1987) agree that macro-level analyses are limited because in their reliance on aggregated statistical data they neglect community-level dynamics and do not provide a process-oriented explanation of criminal activity. One of the more significant community-level issues involves linking criminal activity to loss of social control. Sampson & Groves (1989) argue that both formal and informal social networks allow community residents to maintain effective social controls. They predict that communities that have few networks (i.e. are socially disorganized) will have problems controlling youth gangs , whose presence is associated with crime and de linquency rates. Using individual crime-survey data collected in England in 1982, they found support for their key hypothesis that social disorganization is intimately tied to various personal and property crimes. They cross validated the findings using another national sample from 1984. This research is valuable because it moves directly to the community level. How does social disorganization at the local level work? Taylor (1987) suggests that social control is a function of the degree of territorial control residents can exercise. He assumes that norms specify appropriate behavior for the street block. In blocks where residential and commercial buildings are mixed, residents encounter difficulties knowing who belongs on the street. It becomes difficult to establish norms of appropriate behavior in this kind of setting, thus reducing the territorial control exercised by residents. Much research has been devoted to the social consequences of crime and fear of crime. Smith (1987) argues that the fear bred by crime reduces the quality of social life generally. Reports of restricted outdoor activity and avoidance of certain areas are frequent (Gates & Rohe 1987; Kail & Kleinman
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1985). Smith cites a number of studies showing that high levels of fear inhibit collective efforts to control crime, but Gates & Rohe (1987) suggest that this may be true only for those who report less social control over their neighbor hoods. What factors lead to fear? First, while the experience of victimization is sufficient , it is not necessary (Gates & Rohe 1987; Kail & Kleinman 1985; Merry 1981; Rohe & Burby 1988; Smith 1987; Taylor 1 987). A sense of personal vulnerability based on age and sex produces fear of crime (Gates & Rohe 1987; Kennedy & Silverman 1985; Smith 1987; Taylor 1987). Blacks are more fearful than whites (Smith 1987). Evidence that perceived social control reduces fear of crime is consistent (Rohe & Burby 1988), but the evidence that neighborhood social cohesion (which is a component of social control) does so is more problematic. Gates & Rohe (1987) report that those who neighbor more were more fearful , presumably because they discussed crime. Hunter & Baumer (1982) found that people who were more integrated into the community were less fearful. Rohe & Burby (1988) suggest that social integration may buffer the person , an effect that is dampened when criminal activity increases. However , these authors also found that social attachment to other residents reduced fear. Since similarities in age, race, and ethnicity have been shown to influence patterns of social interaction, a number of authors have examined the role that social diversity plays in leading to fear of crime. In an interesting ethnograph ic study of an ethnically diverse (Chinese, blacks , and whites) neighborhood , Merry (1981) argues that fear is linked primarily to cultural mis understandings that lead groups to fear one another's behaviors and in tentions. Those from one cultural group who knew members of another group reported less fear. Fear of strangers has also been implicated in fear of crime (Hunter & Baumer 1 982). Kennedy & Silverman (1985), however , found that perceived social diversity has less to do with fear than expected. Different age groups used different clues to diversity in relation to fear. Only the elderly consistently preferred social homogeneity. Among environmental factors, deterioration has been linked to fear of crime. Taylor et aI's (1985) work showed that perceived environmental deterioration was related to fear of crime for residents of moderate income neighborhoods only. Rohe & Burby (1988), however , found this link for residents of low-income housing projects. Aside from this research on reading the potential for crime from d isordered environments , relatively little recent work has focused on characteristics of the physical environment in relation to crime or fear of crime. Both density and crowding have been used to account in part for the presence of street corner gangs (Taylor 1987); but the correlation between two conceptually d ifferent constructs , density and urbanization , causes explanatory problems.
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For example, Sampson & Groves (1989) found that degree of urbanization was related to various forms of criminal activity. Substitution of building density for urbanization yielded essentially the same findings. Oxley et al ( 1981) reported that greater urbanization is associated with increased social segmentation, which results in lower social participation and smaller social networks. Yet work on density has yielded similar findings (Baum & Paulus 1987). Gates & Rohe (1987) found that percentage of single family dwellings was linked to increased perceived social control, which lessened the fear of crime. They also reported that as the percentage of streets interior to the neighborhood having more than 10% commercial activities increased, per ceived crime and fear decreased. [Contrast Taylor's (1987) arguments about the presence of nonresidential establishments in the environment. ] Hassinger ( 1 985) reports a relationship between the physical characteristics of areas traveled within a city and handgun ownership. Patterson (1985) implicates physical characteristics of transport systems in fear of crime among the elderly. This evidence on group reactions to threat is intriguing, but the questions raised have not yet been answered.
Strengths and Weaknesses o the Paradigm f

This paradigm explicitly recognizes that environmental meanings and actions are not solely individual constructions. The individual both defines and is defined by the groups in which he/she participates. The best literature in this area attempts to relate the individual, group, and social-structural characteris tics of human responses to threat. However, certain important elements are missing from the model. Pro ponents of the paradigm pay relatively little attention to the results of success ful and unsuccessful group transactions regarding meaning. The social con sequences of effective and ineffective group management of environmental threats are afforded better treatment, but effects at the individual level are largely ignored . The potential for a collaboration between those working in the adaptive and sociocultural paradigms seem obvious. Much of the literature in this area focuses on the social use of the environ ment to incorporate individuals into groups. Most societies, however, contain multiple groups whose access to the economic and political power necessary to create meaning and define the use of space is unevenly distributed. One of the implications of this observation is that group affiliation, whether ascribed or achieved, does not guarantee access to the environmental resources neces sary to meet individual or group needs. What is more, the environment can be instrumentally employed to achieve the goals of one group at the expense of others. Harvey (1973, 1982, 1985) forcefully argues that the economically dominant .classes manipulate the environment to achieve their ends of capital
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accumulation. Using this framework, he attempts to account for phenomena like urban decay , regional development , and commercial relocation. Although not discussing the issue directly, he frequently refers to the social stresses that result from various forms of environmental manipulation. The problems considered by Harvey constitute an active area of research, not all of which stems from a Marxist perspective. A good introduction is provided by Gregory & Urry (1985). Efforts to shape and control the environment by different groups also lead to the possibility of intergroup conflict , a neglected issue in much of the work reviewed here. However , Castells ( 1 983) has recently focused his research on urban protest movements. Using both historical and contemporary studies of protest movements , he attempts to identify the factors that enable a movement to bring about environmental and social change. This work has two important implications. First , the research findings are attributable neither to individual action alone nor solely to group action. Social meaning and the possibility or realization of social action frequently depend on the economic and political opportunities associated with the histor ical period within which the research is conducted. Second , without a con sideration of economic forces , efforts to understand individual and group response to environmental change are often doomed (Molotch 1979). Given these criticisms (which can be applied to the adaptive and opportunities structure paradigms as well) , we now consider research that aims toward a more synthetic approach to person-environment relationships.
TOWARD SYNTHESIS
The impetus for synthesis originates in certain practical and theoretical con cerns. Practically , efforts to improve the relationship of people with their environment cut across the boundaries of these three paradigms. In studies of the workplace , for example , the need to accommodate employees' various work demands has led to consideration of factors associated with stress and adaptation , fit between the physical organization of the environment and task demands , small-group processes, and organizational dynamics (Sundstrom 1986, 1987). Wicker & King (1988) also relate the survival of small busi nesses to their cultural, economic , and historical context. While increased productivity and decreased costs usually motivate application of this research (Buffalo Organization for Social and Technological Innovation 1981; Stokols et al 1988), union representatives, too , have sought to use environment! behavior research to improve working conditions during periods of economic retrenchment. The more success environment!behavior researchers have had in applying their knowledge to real settings , the more synthetic are the bodies of knowl-
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edge that develop. Research on the relationship of the environment to the well-being of the elderly benefited from the combination of available federal funding, construction and rent subsidies for housing for the elderly, and to some extent, the activism of interest groups (Pynoos 1987). The body of work produced ranges from adaptive concerns through opportunity structure issues to social, cultural, and economic analysis, sometimes within the same studies (Carp 1987; Lawton 1985b; Rowles 1978; Windley & Scheidt 1982). However useful a synthetic approach may promise to be, the ability of researchers and practitioners to deliver on the promise involves difficult decisions about the boundaries of the context and the relevant variables for attention (Wicker 1987; Stokols 1987). Transactionalism posits some issues that can inform decisions concerning problem definition and research pro cesses. These include the following: the researchers' intentions, the specific historical and geographical nature of the problem or place in question, emergent person-environment relationships, and the research and action pro cess.
Research Intentions
The practical intent of much work in environmental psychology has raised questions (usually ignored by the discipline) about the social and value bases of the choice of research problems and methods (Saegert 1 982, 1986, 1987; Sime 1986; Stokols 1989). The aspect of transactionalism that places the researcher as an acting and knowing individual in the research context further requires acknowledgment of the researcher's interests. Saegert (1982, 1987) has identified three types of research intentions based on underlying assump tions about the relationship of research to social praxis: technological, in terpretive, and transformative . Technological intentions assume that research findings will dictate the solution of problems. Consensus about goals and the use of resources to achieve them must include persons and institutions with sufficient authority and control of resources to support implementation. This consensus among researchers and actors must extend to the problem defini tion, methods, and results of the research to be applied. Interpretive research addresses issues that are not consensually defined. The goals include identification of divergent conceptions of people, environments, and their relationships. This approach emphasizes communication not just among re searchers, or researchers and decision-makers, but rather among research participants, researchers, and other relevant social actors. Transformative intentions focus on the combination of interpretive and technological research to reconfigure the environment, the person, and the nature of their transac tions. Stokols (1988) suggests several directions for the description and prediction of transformations in person-environment relationships, although his approach does not include discussion of transformation of the researcher
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and his/her relationship to the physical and social environment. The distinc tion between the intentions of positivistic research and those of phenomeno logical research (Franck 1987; Sime 1986) parallels that between tech nological and interpretive intentionality. The publically definable nature of positivist methods presumes agreement about language and problem defini tion. Phenomenologists (Seamon 1 987) try by means of interpretation to identify the invariant structures of phenomena. However, their quest turns inward to reflection on experience and observation and outward to text. By taking interpretation of text as the model, the need to negotiate truth through dialog is avoided as it is by positivists. Thus, the many actors who must participate in a censensus directed toward change are ignored by both phe nomenologists and positivists.
Historical and Geographic Specificity

The three paradigms described here aim to establish general relationships among the variables studied. The achievement of this goal, however, con tinues to elude researchers as findings either fail to be replicated or are found inapplicable to wider contexts. In an effort to overcome such problems, researchers often emphasize similarity of process despite differences in find ings. Thus person-environment relationships become replicable forms with variable and uninteresting content. In contrast, researchers who view person environment relationships as inherently specific to particular historical and geographic contexts tend to look for changes in person-environment relation ship rather than trans-situational stability. Changes are seen as reflecting (a) historical and geographical configurations of person-environment rela tionships that are to some extent unique; (b) the emergence of new general constellations of social , cultural, and economic forces; and (c) the emergence of new human efforts to transform the conditions of life . Several recent studies illustrate different weightings of the contribution of history, geography, and group and individual action. Katz's research (1988 , 1989) on the acquisition and content of Sudanese children's environmental knowledge under conditions of socioeconomic transformation illustrates how historically grounded research can illuminate specific historical and geograph ic changes as they relate to social processes and psychological development. She traces changes from precapitalist to capitalist relationships of agricultural production as they ripple through the social and economic structure of vill age life into the socialization practices of families. Such changes affect chil dren's knowledge and the activities of households as villagers seek both to adapt to new conditions and to conserve threatened modes of relation ship to the environment. Rivlin & Wolfe (1985) analyze the effects of histori cal forces in the broader society upon child-environment transactions in a variety of institutions noting that children usually have little power to affect
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institutional environments. In contrast , Christensen ( 1 988) focuses on the active striving of women who choose to work at home to cope with historical ly changing demographic and economic forces by redefining the nature of their relationships with their homes and work. Her findings reveal the efforts of women , caught in historic contradictions concerning gender , domesticity, and economic productivity, to negotiate new social contracts with their families and their employers or clients by transforming their uses of time and space. Her recognition that economic , social , and cultural factors frequently overwhelm such attempts at transformation led her to support legislation respectful of home-based work. As the work of Katz and Christensen demonstrates , historically grounded research can reveal the emergence of new person-environment relationships. These investigators used a variety of methods to capture the emergent quality of the person-environment transactions , and both their writing and data interpretation styles were important in conveying the substance and process of change.
Historical Emergence
The extent to which emergence is possible in a particular place and time depends on the nature of changes (at various scales) that affect the setting. Thus the choice of a problem , a location , a population, and a method affect the likelihood of discovering emergent transactions. These choices involve first a clarification of the researcher's intent. The researcher must determine his/her own relationship to the problem , location , and people to be studied. If it is the case that the researcher's reality determines the form of his/her research, then the authentic voices of researcher and research participants must be conveyed in the work so that the reader can understand the nature of the dialog (Saegert 1987; Riger 1 988). Dialog that allows emerging redefini tions of self, other , and environment requires a freedom among participants to reveal interests and intents and the development of enough trust for such communication to proceed (Saegert 1989) . Thus the researcher and research participants strive together to develop a definition of the situation and con sensus about directions for change . If the direction is to be pursued in action, other relevant social actors must also be involved in the progress of con ceptualization and consensus. Often , this process reveals real differences in interest that delineate points of conflict that should also be clarified. Both emerging consensus and conflict shape the course of feasible action. Leavitt & Saegert' s ( 1988, 1 989) study of tenant's responses to landlord abandonment in Harlem grew out of the identification of the researchers' interest in the transformation of women's positions in society and the econo my. Recognizing the significance of class and racial divisions among women , the researchers chose a situation that would create dialog between
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themselves and women more disadvantaged by their gender by virtue of their class and race. Landlord-abandoned housing provided a good site because most tenants would be low-income, minority women. Further, the housing environment has special significance because (a) housing is a basic need regardless of employment status or income; (b) research has shown that women of various classes and races are more involved in the making of homes and are more affected by their quality than are men (reviewed in Leavitt & Saegert 1989); and (c) since 1980, few if any federal or local housing policies have provided adequate housing for most women in this category. The researchers began by speaking with tenants who, in the wake of abandon ment, had organized to save and then cooperatively own and manage their buildings. The situation appeared to be one where a more feminist housing alternative could emerge (Gilligan 1982; Hayden 1 984; Leavitt & Saegert 1 989; Saegert 1989). The research revealed the critical roles women and, unexpectedly, elderly people play in co-ops. It also clarified the importance of race and attachment to place in the specific responses of these Harlem residents to abandonment. Appropriate support from technical assistance groups, politicians, and governmental programs was also crucial. The con f iguration of these factors and the success or failure of tenant efforts were shaped by the dynamics of historical changes in social and political move ments, the urban economy, the physical environment of New York, the ecology of community organizations , and governmental policies at all levels. The authors developed the Community Household Model to formalize their hypotheses about the conditions leading to empowerment of socially and economically disadvantaged women and to serve as a guideline for policy makers and advocates. This work led the authors to start action research programs. Saegert continued to work with co-ops and a technical assistance group in New York. Leavitt worked with public housing tenants in Los Angeles who were confronted with a decision about cooperatively buying their project.
Research and Action Process

Many environment/behavior researchers believe both the researcher and the research process can contribute to emergent relationships between people and their environments (Francis, et al 1987; Hardie 1989). Techniques for partici patory research, planning, and design have led to some successes in changing environments and empowering people. For example, Chapin and his col leagues (Architecture Research Construction 1985) helped mentally retarded people first to understand the design and use of features they would l ike in their new shared home and then to construct them. As a result, residents showed improved functioning, greater satisfaction, and a more positive orientation toward the use of their neighborhoods. As both a therapeutic and
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design technique, Peled & Ayalon ( 1988) analyzed the differences between the meanings a husband and wife attached to their home. Hart ( 1987) de scribed a wide range of planning and design projects in which children have contributed effectively while at the same time expanding their democratic participation skills. He and other experienced practitioners of participatory design also described the economic and social constraints operating on these processes and propose approaches that minimize their potential for cooptation and disempowerment (Hart 1987; Hester 1987 ; Ventriss 1987). Here we have suggested the variety and accomplishment of interdiscipli nary, transactional research within environmental psychology. The studies cited display a strong awareness of the effects of historical and local context on the nature and quality of person-environment relationships. We hope that the juxtaposition of the accomplishments and weaknesses of the various better-developed paradigms within the field will suggest fruitful approaches to the problems of identifying and bounding studies of person-environment transactions at all levels. Literature Cited
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ANNUAL REVIEWS

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by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved

Susan Saegert and Gary H. Winkel

SOCIOCULTURAL PARADIGM ............. . . ... . . ... . . ................ . . .. . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . .

0066-4308/90/020 1-044 1 $02.00

4 (Volume 2) reviews work involving the applications of 5 (Volume 2)

give rise to various attempts at

1987), the call for interdisciplinary, systems

1987). Here we examine critically the extent to which advances in

1989) present problems for

1982). The specific and dynamic nature of transactional

SAEGERT & WINKEL

SUBSTANTIVE PARADIGMS OF PERSON-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS

Sociocultural forces socially/culturally

Historical synthesis constraining!

land uses, services, facilities

due of human interactions with the other paradigms

Source of environmentaI change

natural and technological forces

planned or unplanned development

social, political and economic structure, culture

reproduce sociocultural system

sonality and social context

Source of person change

success or failure of adaptation, social support, interpretation of infonnation

temporal, agelinked or developmental fluctuation

& Secord (1983; Manicas

1986). Historically developed conditions (including ecological conditions)

(1979) definition of the relationship of the perceiving organism

(1987) reinterpretation of behavior-setting theory sug

& Lim 1986; Saegert 1987; Schneekloth 1987).

SAEGERT & WINKEL

Knowing the Environment

(1960) original specification of landmarks,

(1973) model of environmental information

& Golledge 1989 and Golledge 1987). While

1987). A focus on representation

Coping with Threat

SAEGERT & WINKEL

(1988) address social processes by relating adverse mental

& Holahan 1985). On the other, the organizational and economic

& Val siner 1985). Garling (1985) points out that an

& Mackie's analysis of

SAEGERT & WINKEL

abilities to negotiate the environment safely (Spencer

& Blades 1985) but

there are also discrepancies between parents' and children's assessments of

(1985). His approach involves understanding how parents can ver

Restoring and Expanding Human Capacities

(1987) has offered a particularly clear statement linking environ

(1985) has documented positive effects of "nearby nature" on housing and

& Manzo 1987; Talbot et al 1987). Studies of hospital

SAEGERT & WINKEL

Contributions and Weaknesses of the Adaptive Paradigm

THE ENVIRONMENT AS OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE FOR GOAL-DIRECTED ACTION

SAEGERT & WINKEL

Promises and Problems In the Opportunity-Structure Model

SAEGERT & WINKEL

Environmental Meaning and Social Communication

SAEGERT & WINKEL

SAEGERT & WINKEL

Group Formation and Maintenance