CHAPTER XIII.

ESTRADA S RULE CORTES DRIVEN TO SEEK JUSTICE IN SPAIN.

1527.

CAMPAIGN IN ZAPOTECAPAN SPICE ISLAND PROJECTS LOAISA S EXPEDI

TION GUEVARA FINDS THE WAY TO ZACATULA SAAVEDRA S VOYAGE TO
THE MOLUCCAS CORTES SLIGHTED HE is EXILED FTOM THE CAPITAL
RECONCILIATION WITH ESTRADA GUZMAN APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF PA-
NUCO FINDING No GOLD, HE TURNS OPPRESSOR ENCROACHMENTS ON
MEXICO RAID INTO LAS PALMAS REGION SLAVE-TRADE HORRORS
CORTES TO PLEAD BEFORE THE SOVEREIGN FEARS THAT HE WILL RE
VOLT PREPARING FOR THE VOYAGE TO SPAIN.

UNDER Aguilar s rule a number of expeditions had

been sent out to open new districts, and to assure
the subjugation of others. One force of nearly three
hundred men prepared to disclose the mysteries of the
region to the north, between Michoacan and the gulf
soon to be famed for its mineral wealth. This project,
intended as the precursor to an entry to the Rio de la&
Palmas region, was carried out only in part, 1 owing to
changes in the plans of Cortes, but others were de
veloped, involving the occupation of Tabasco and Chia
pas, and the continuation of the campaign against the
Zapotecs and Mijes, connected with the late Coatlan
2
revolt. In order to render this campaign more
effective, two expeditions were sent to operate on the
south and north sides respectively. The southern con
sisting of somewhat over one hundred men, with a
^Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282-3. The Palmas project was abandoned when
news came that Narvaez had received a commission to conquer that district.
2
A town had been formed with the Indians of Cortes to assure this dis
trict. Ocafia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 526. The preceding expeditions,
alluded to by Cortes, Cartas, 490-1, and Bernal Diaz, loc. cit., are treated of
elsewhere.
(254)
 PROJECTS OF CORTES. 255

dozen horses, was placed under command of Diego de

Figueroa, a friend of Estrada. On reaching the border
he summoned Alonso de Herrera, the captain in charge,
to place himself under his command, giving orders in
such a tone as to offend the fiery Herrera, and soon a
quarrel arose wherein Figueroa and several others were
wounded. Neither commander nor men were accus
tomed to Indian warfare, and the toil of mountain
marches was by no means to their taste. Finding that
the graves of chiefs contained large treasures, they di
rected their attention rather to ghoulish raids, varied
by occasional descents upon settlements for the pur
pose of extorting contributions. After accumulating
about a hundred thousand pesos de oro, Figueroa,
with a few friends, abandoned the district, now more
disturbed than ever, and hastened to Mexico to pre
pare for the voyage home. They had hardly left Vera
Cruz before a gale wrecked their vessel, and buried
fifteen of them, together with the
yield of their dese
crations.
The northern expedition, similar in strength and
quality of men, had a more soldierly captain, Barrios
by name, who had seen service in Italy, and bore a rep
utation for bravery. He had little experience in native
warfare, however, and one night the warriors surprised
his camp, slew the leader and a number of his follow
ers, and pursued the rest till they gained refuge in a
friendly town. Thus served these doughty captains
"

from Europe," exclaims leaving us

Bernal Diaz, "

3
conquerors to remedy their failures." Cortes had
evidently nothing to do with the appointments for the
Zapotec campaign, since his selection of officers was
usually admirable, and the result better where he
attended to the management. He was fully occupied.
Not content to explore the vast regions adjoining
their new conquest, and there unfold the wealth which
at a later period
poured forth in streams to enrich the
*fFist. Verdad.,222. San Alfonso was founded by the later expedition.
The victorious tribe is called the Tiltepec.
256 ESTRADA S RULE.

enterprising, the fancies of the colonists were ever

leaping far beyond to remoter points, invested by
rumor with readier treasures. Toward the west in
particular, the gilded path of the^departing sun seemed
ever to revive the ancient Hesperides, and attract
visionaries. Not that all was a dream for had not ;

Magellan that direction disclosed a series of

s fleet in

alluring lands, among them the long-sought islands

of spices, whose produce was esteemed equal to
almost any treasure ? More and richer islands must
surely exist. At any rate, something new had been
found, and attention was directed thither with absorb
ing interest.
During Cortes absence in Honduras, Albornoz
among others had pictured this feeling in a letter to
the king, and suggested that the fleet in process of
construction at Zacatula should be sent in search of
the Spice Islands, which were thought to be quite near,
and of other isles, "rich in pearls and precious stones,
and undoubtedly in gold, since they lie to the south."
The existence of these isles was asserted by natives
on the Zacatula coast, who said that in the time of
their forefathers large pirogues came from them at
4
intervals to trade. On his return, Cortes took up
the idea with enthusiasm, and formed the project, not
alone to win fresh laurels, but to increase the value of
his actual conquest by annexing to it the Moluccas
and any other islands on the way, and making it the
pathway for the prospective flow of wealth. In a
letter to the king he offers to conquer and settle these
islands free of all cost, and to hold them against any
5
other claimant.
This offer was formulated to a great extent by the

4
Had Albornoz received authority to act, he would by this time have dis
covered the route to the Moluccas, which were supposed to be some 700 leagues
off. Cartel, in Icazbalceta, Col Doc., i. 496-7.

Que V. M. no haya la especeria por via de rescate, como la ha el rey de

5

Portugal, sino que la tenga por cosa propria. Letter of September 3, 1526, in
Cartas, 490. In a letter of about the same date Ocafia urges that Cortes was
jso disloyal that he ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. Si
Cortes lova d hacer morira con corona. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 532.
 LOAISA AND THE MOLUCCAS. 257

report of an expedition lately sent from Spain to

develop the results of Magellan s discoveries. The
in Europe were also quite interested in the

pice Islands project, and in pursuance of an agree

gsople
ment formed with Portugal, at Badajoz, a fleet of
half a dozen vessels was despatched in August 1525,
under the knight Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, with instruc
tions to establish a settlement, without encroaching
on the Portuguese, or endangering possession by haz
ardous operations. Loaisa was to remain on the
islands as governor, assisted by a full staff of officials,
and superintend the collection of spices for the
annual fleet which should follow the present return
shipment. The expedition encountered several mis
haps Loaisa
: died during the voyage, together with
a large number of officials and other members of the
party, including Sebastian del Cano, the first circum
navigator, and only one of the vessels reached the
Moluccas, there to form a precarious settlement.
6
A
second expedition was despatched in the same direc
tion in April 1526, under Sebastian Cabot, who, on
reaching Rio Plata in South America, was so capti
vated by the rumors of its wealth that he remained
there to establish Spanish sovereignty.
Not content with these measures the king instructed
Cortes to send his Zacatula vessels to open a route to
the Moluccas, searching at the same time for Magel
lan s missing vessel, inquiring into the movements of
7
Cabot, and joining Loaisa s fleet. The captain general
hastened to carry out an order so much in consonance
with his own wishes and so needful for the royal ser
,

vice, since news of disaster to Loaisa s expedition had

already reached New Spain. Among its scattered
vessels was a small craft under command of Santiago
de Guevara. Unable to sight the consorts, and ill-

6
The expedition is quite fully described, with its regulations and fate, in
Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. v.-vii. ; lib. ix. cap. v.-vi., ix.; dec. iv. lib. i.
cap. vi. etc.
, See also the following notes.
7
The cedula is dated June 20, 1526. Navarrete, Col. de, Viage&> v. MO.
HIST. MEX., VOL. II. 17
258 ESTRADA S RULE.

provided with supplies, he concluded to seek one of

the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast of
America. After great hardships, to which the cap
tain among others succumbed, the vessel was brought
8
into Cihuatlan harbor, in Zacatula province.
Aided by the advice of her officer, Cortes began
to prepare for his expedition, but neither Aguilar nor
the royal officers were disposed to promote the aims
of a rival, even when duty pointed the way, and he
was obliged to meet not only the whole expense but
the opposition of the officials. 9 The fleet consisted of
the flag- ship Florida, the Santiago of nearly the same
size, and the small brigantine Espiritu Santo, all well
armed, and carrying provisions for a year. The com
mand was intrusted to a cousin of Cortes, Alvaro de
Saavedra Ceron, with the title of captain general. 10
After a few days trip up the coast by the brigan
tine, to a port named Santiago, the expedition left
Cihuatlanejo on the 31st of October 1527. The two
smaller vessels were soon lost to sight, never to be
heard of again, and the flag-ship continued her course

8
In July 1526, under command of Fortunio de Alango. On first arriving
off the strange coast, a clergyman named Arraizaga volunteered to try for the
shore, half a league distant, in a big box, the only means of conveyance left.
Upset by a wave, he sought to swim ashore, but would ha- e perished had not
some natives come to his aid. He was not a little delighted to find himself
in Spanish domains, and to be received with kindness. Herrera, ubi sup. ;
Gomara, Hist. Max., 280-1; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 488. The-
port where the vessel entered is also called Macatan.
9
The men he required were taken for different military operations, etc.
The expedition cost him over 60,000 pesos de oro, as per accounts rendered.
Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 215-16. The details of cost are given in Col. Doc.
Ined., ii. 405-15. The king ordered the authorities-] of New Spain to repay
the amount, Cedilla of April 1, 1529, but it was understood that the disobe
dience of the order would not be regarded with disfavor. The amount
formed one of the many standing claims of Cortds, for which he was ever
pressing.
10
Luis de Cardenas commanded the Santiago, and Pedro de Fuentcs the
brigantine. According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi., they carried 50,
45, and 15 men, respectively. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 232, adds a
vessel and increases the force to 250 soldiers; but this must be a mistake,
gives, erroneously perhaps, an armament which required
though Herrera a
larger crew. The instructions for the different officers, and letters for Cabot,
the kings of Cebii and Tidore, and others, dated May 27, 1527, are given in
Cortts, Escritos Sueltos, 127-69; Navarrete, Col. de Viayes, v. 442-64. No
land must be taken possession of, and no trading undertaken, except by
Saavedra, or in his presence.
 THE TRIUMVIRATE. 2o9

alone, reaching the Moluccas in safety, after discover

ing on the
11
way group which was named Islas de los
a
Reyes. Saavedra found the remnant of Loaisa s party,
under command of Hernando de la Torre, engagedO ^ in
a struggle with the Portuguese, and was able to
render some aid. He thereupon repaired his vessel,
loaded a quantity of cloves, and after several mishaps,
and cruises along New Guinea and other islands, he
was able to depart for New Spain in May 1529. Two
groups were discovered on the way, named respec
tively Los Pintados and Los Buenos Jardines, 12 and
shortly afterward, when fully half-way across the
Pacific, the commander died, whereupon the crew
returned to the Moluccas, only to fall into Portuguese
13
prisons. Even had Saavedra succeeded in opening
the route to New Spain, nothing would have resulted
from it, for intermarriage between the royal families
of Spain and Portugal, and other circumstances, caused
Charles to abandon his Molucca schemes, and they
were not revived for nearly half a century.

After a few months rule under the triumvirate of

which Estrada was evidently the head, a despatch
arrived confirming Aguilar, or any appointee of his,
as ruler, but without power to take residencia or to
interfere in matters outside of the government. This
order was owing chiefly to the efforts of Albornoz,
who had left for Spain
shortly after Ponce s death,
chiefly to promote the interests of the anti-Cortes
faction, and the aspirations of certain friends, while
11
Galvano, Discov., 174, assumes this to be the same group discovered by
Sequeira, or rather, named Siquiera ; but Burney, Discov. South Sea, i. 148,
doubts it.
12
Burney places them in 7" N., and 176 w. from Greenwich, and 10 to 12
N., 174 w.
13
They numbered 18 on reaching the Moluccas, and 10 more died before
they were enabled in 1534 to reach Spain. One of the survivors, named
Napoles, there rendered an account of the expedition which is printed in
Navarrete, Col. de Viayes, v. 465-86. Besides the authorities already quoted,
see Oviedo, ii. 88-95; Gomara, Nisi. Ltd..
134-6; Id., Hist. Mex., 280-2;
Herrcra, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. v.-vi.; lib. v. cap. vi.; Mard. y Labores, Marina
Espanola, ii. 67-93, with copies of documents. Most of these authorities refer
also to Loaisa s expedition.
 260 ESTRADA S BULE.

posing himself before the court as an officer wholly-

devoted to the sovereign. He did not fail to give his
views of transatlantic affairs, and to urge measures
which were many of them admirable; but he also
predisposed the crown against Cortes, whose interfer
ence in government ought not to be tolerated. Estrada,
who had personally complained of the associates forced
upon him, was greatly elated, and presenting the royal
decree, he was received, August 22, 1527, as sole
14
ruler.
This was not the only slight suffered by Cortes at
the royal hands. Albornoz had been induced to be
friend Salazar and Chirinos, and so well did he plead
their cause, under the auspices of Secretary Cobos,
that their release was ordered, though their seques
trated property remained in charge of guardians. 15
Cortes felt this act deeply. He saw all hope
fading for redress of the bitter wrongs suffered at
their hands, wrongs which he could so readily have
avenged, and which seemed too clear to escape pun
ishment. As if to impress the infliction upon his
rival, Estrada formed a sort of alliance with the two
released officials, with a view to strengthen his own
party against one of whose influence he was both
jealous and afraid. The extreme to which he carried
this feeling threatened on one occasion to produce
most seriousresults. Figueroa of Zapotec fame had
returned to Mexico with his spoils, and meeting one
of Cortes adherents named Cortijo, an altercation

Libro de Cabildo, MS., 200-3.

15
These were instructed to pay them an allowance. The sequestration
took place chiefly at the instances of relatives of Paz in Spain. They were con
demned to death by the audiencia of Espanola, but the sentence did not take
effect, though affirmed by the Council of the Indies. The audiencia of Mex
ico afterward ordered them to repay to Corte"s all they had taken. Chirinos
joined Guzman in his outrages on the Jaliscans, and shared in Mendoza s
expedition, after which he left for Spain, in 1542, in charge of royal treasure.
Mendoza, Carta, in Cartas de Indian, 254, 715. Salazar went to Spain at an
earlier date, abd joining Soto ir the expedition to Florida he narrowly escaped
hanging for disobedience to his chief. He died in obscurity. We shall find
allusions to botn during the next few years. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib.
ix. cap. viii. lib. x. cap. i.
; ;dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. i.
; Gomara, Hist. Mex. 280;
,

Alaman, Disert., i. app. 221; Puga, Cedulario, 25, 43, 79.

 CORTES EXILED. 2GJ

ensued from which the former retired with a wound

to attest a complaint to his friend Estrada. Such
an outrage on one of his adherents by a follower of
his rival could not be endured, and without listening
to any defence the governor ordered the man s hand
Cortes, who seems to have retired to
16
to be cut off.

his beloved Cuernavaca, since the appointment of the

treasurer for sole ruler, hastened to interfere, but came
too late, and gave vent to his indignation in bitter
words. Quite alarmed, Estrada summoned the royal
officials and his friends to sustain him, and was coun
selled to exile his opponent from the city, as the only
means to maintain order. There was every justifica
tion for such a step against a man who had Jared to
threaten the king s governor, and the temptation to
humiliate the rival was too great to be withstood. 17
"It is Cortes, \vhen notified of the
well," said
measure, persons unfit to hold office should be
"that

allowed to exile me from the spot which I and my brave

followers acquired for the king at the cost of so much
toil and blood."
1
But after all Estrada may have
overreached himself, for now Cortes would proceed to
Spain and pray for justice against a ?nan so ungrate
ful for the many favors conferred.
Great was the commotion when this measure became
known, and many regarded a recourse to arms as in
evitable but Cortes silenced his angry adherents, and
;

16
En termino de vna hora. .y. .le sentencio en destierro de Nueua
. .

Espafia. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. viii. Bcrnal Diaz calls the man an
hidalgo, and states that he suffered for aiding Captain Herrera to attack
Figueroa on the Zapotec border. A page of Sandoval suffered a similar pun
ishment for stabbing a servant of Estrada. Ili-i. Verdad. 222. The notary,
,

Castillo, who ventured to remonstrate against this rash and unjust proceeding,
was assaulted, removed from his office, and cast into prison, with sequestra
tion of property. The audiencia was in 1528 ordered to restore the man to
his office and estate after investigation. Cortijo appeared in Spain to com
plain and was permitted to return, while Estrada received orders to give
5,000 ducats surety to respond to the claims of the plaintiff for 3,000 ducats
damages, besides costs. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i.
17
Lest he resent the outrage, observes Herrera. For que no le quitasse
elpreso. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 279. Oviedo, iii. 510, considers that Estrada
did his duty, though he regrets the humiliation indicted.
18
Daua gracias a Dios que tfello era servido, etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad, 223.
262 ESTRADA S RULE.

withdrew, though a motion of his finger would have

sufficed to overthrow his opponents. "For
thy king
and thy law must thou was an oft-used saying
die,"

of his which he evidently resolved to uphold. 19 Estra

da s wife, 20 among others, censured the governor for
this treatment of a man who had so greatly favored
him with appointments and grants, and warned him
of the consequences. At this time arrived Fray
Julian Garces, bishop of Tlascala, and attention was
diverted somewhat by the demonstrations attending
the reception of the first prelate in the country. 21
His first task was to reconcile Estrada and his injured
opponents. The former had already repented of his
haste, and the bishop followed Cortes to Coyuhuacan
to prevail upon him.
The first impulse of resentment passed, Cortes
admitted that unjust as the governor might have
been, the expulsion was brought about chiefly by his
own hasty utterance. Not that this recognition alone
would have induced him to relent, but potent agencies-
were the fear of imperilling his cherished prestige
among the natives, and the need of Estrada s favor
for certain projects. The good prelate therefore suc
ceeded in his mission, and Cortes relented so far as to
stand godfather to the governor s infant son. 22 Estrada
was not so base and selfish as his advisers, and re
pentance for his ingratitude had moved him to some
extent, as well as a politic regard for the great con
queror s influence over the natives whom it would be
difficult to control in case they were roused. Still
another motive may have influenced him: the pres-
19
Alsv: El rey sea mi gallo. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280.
20
Dona Marina Gutierrez de la Cabalkna., a most estimable woman, says
Bernal Diaz.
21
His commission was presented to the t\rn. council of Mexico October 19,
1527. Libro de C^ildo, MS.
22
Remfsal, Hist. Chyapa, 14; Ilerrern, dec. iv. lib iii. cap. vii. This
author and Oviedo leave the impression that the reconciliation was effected
before Cortes left the city. The version of Lucas is that el obispo de Tax-
cala rogo al dicho thesorero que dexase entrar al. .Corte"s. Cortes, Residencia,
.

i. 308-9, 311. Bernal Diaz states on the ether hand that Cortes refused to be
reconciled, though the prelate appealed to him several times.
 XUNO DE GUZMAN. 263

ence of a formidable enemy in the coast provinces,

whose threatening attitude against both him and
Cortes served to form a bond between them.

More than a year previous, Nuno de Gu/rnan had

been appointed governor of Panuco, in accordance with
the royal policy of restricting the power of officials,
and with a view to support Ponce de Leon, in case
of need, to obtain control at Mexico. He was a cava
lier of good connection, from Guadalajara, who had

long resided at Puerto de Plata, in Espaiiola, as enco-

mendero, but beyond the claim as colonist, and a
knowledge of law, he appears to have possessed no
experience or merit for service rendered that could
have warranted the bestowal of so important a por
tion of New Spain, conquered and settled by more
deserving men. The preferment was due chiefly to
the influence of the Velazquez party, who, regardless
of the many zealous adherents in Mexico, chose to
support a member of the ruling clique.
23
He was
known, however, as a man possessed of the talent and
resolution necessary to support Ponce and to face the
dreaded Cortes in his own field.
Sickness and preparations detained him from his
post for over a year, and he did not reach his capital of
San Estevan del Puerto until May 20, 1527. 24 His
entry was celebrated with processions, triumphal
arches,and other demonstrations attending the inaug
uration of a new government from which conciliatory
reforms and favors are expected. These hopes were
not unreasonable, for Guzman was most engaging in
manners, pleasant in converse, and of evident culture ;

and only time revealed the haughty disposition, the

cruel nature, and the unprincipled ambition of the
33
That he was of this clique appears from the advancement soon after of
his relative Gonzalo de Guzman to the governorship of Cuba. Zwndrraga,
Leltre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 19. Sin mas seruicios,
ni esperiecia deguerra, is Herrera s indignant comment on Guzman s appoint
ment, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii.
"Herrera indicates the year 1528. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 733, writes 1525, and others are equally in error.
264 ESTRADA S RULE.
25
self-sufficient autocrat. His domains extended in a-
broad belt from the coast inward, under the name of
Pdnuco and Victoria Garayana, 26 penetrating a region
as yet almost unknown, and looked upon as rich in
gold, so much so that thu authorities had issued special
27
regulations
O O the crown duus thereon.
securino* All this
had raised the hopes of Guzman, only to be brought
low when he beheld the comparatively poverty-stricken
expanse before him. He was resolved to make the
most of it, however, and in particular to exercise the-
newly acquired dignity in a manner befitting his train
ing as slave-owner on the Islands. Sweeping changes
were made in offices and regulations, and agents were
sent round to investigate the titles of all grants of
land and natives, and to seize all that were not fully
secured. As a partisan of Velazquez his efforts were
directed with especial severity against the adherents
of Cortes, who had assisted to conquer and settle
the region. Of their repartimientos, indeed, almost
every one was deprived on some pretence. The na
tives were treated with absolute disregard of justice.
Their houses and lands were ravaged, and everything
of value was carried away, including slaves, and even
their scanty stock of provisions, so that some of them
were reduced to actual want. In his imperious cruelty
he caused several natives to be hanged for omitting
28
to sweep the roads before him.
These outrages were not prompted so much by
avarice, which formed the main impulse with New
World adventurers, as by egotism. Of a noble and
25
Of noble birth, discreet, inclined to great deeds, enduring, and intrepid,,
are the features added by Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 99.
Puga, Cedulario, 22. Guzman claimed the whole parallel to the South
26

Sea. Zu marraga calls the provin.ce 25 leagues at its greatest width. Ttrnaux-
Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 91.
A
later report gives it 50 leagues in
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xv. 446.
length and breadth. Informes,
This was probably after the audiencia defined the limits, as ordered.
27
Que el oro de Panuco, se labrasse en barras por los quales. .y corriesse
.

sopena de nuterte .ni labrasse oro f uera de las f undici-

. .
por aquel precio . . .

ones. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. vii. Another significant rule was that
soldiers should not be used in agriculture.
28 His alguacil mayor, Halcon, appears to have been a zealous tool in these

performances.
 INFAMOUS DOINGS IN PANUCO. 265

proud stock, Guzman

had come to the Indies filled
with the glowing hopes engendered by such achieve
ments as those of Vasco Nunez, Gil Gonzalez, and
Cortes, but circumstances confined him to a narrow
vista opening, his unbridled
sphere, till now, the
ambition was prepared to break every bound. He
longed above all to acquire a wider influence, and the
present efforts were chiefly toward this end. His own
province was not sufficient, and he cast longing eyes
toward the border along which lay a number of flour
ishing settlements. He declared that they belonged
to his district, but the settlers stoutly objected to the
claim. Guzman promptly sent to arrest the most
unruly, notably Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo and Fran
ciscoRamos. Several of them being cavaliers refused
to bend to the imperious governor, and were there
upon lashed and tortured one was nailed to a post by
;

the tongue for insolent language, and another was

hanged, while the natives of their towns were many
29

of them butchered for obeying their masters.

News of this reaching Mexico, Estrada and Sando-
val, who then governed jointly, sent peremptory orders
for Guzman to exhibit his commission and to restrict
8*
himself to what they declared to be his boundary.
A number of despatches were exchanged on the ques
tion, wherein discourteous language was freely dis
pensed, particularly by Guzman in letters to Cortes,
who as chief became involved with him.
military
Saneho de Caniego, cousin of the Panuco governor,
received such treatment at Mexico, in his character
of commissioner, that he departed fuming with, threats.
No satisfaction being obtained, Estrada, who during
the autumn assumed sole rule at Mexico, prepared an

Testimony in Cortfc, Resirtcncia, i. 311, agrees with Bcrnal Diaz that

29

Trujillo was hanged, without receiving a trial, though he was of noble blood.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221. Herrera, loc. cit., declares that the person
hanged was a servant of Trujillo, the master being tortured by nailing the
tongue and the like.
30 his
Regidor Hinojosa was sent with the message, but either a fear for
own tongue, or actiial sick ess, caused another commissioner to be appointed.
Libro de Cabildo, MS., June 14 and 21, 1527.
266 ESTRADA S RULE.

expedition to enforce his demands. At this juncture

arrived Juan Perez de Gijon, alcalde of San Estevan,
and appealed for a stay of hostilities, chiefly for the
sake of the settlers, promising either to effect a peace
ful arrangement, or to return to Mexico as a
prisoner.
For this unauthorized mediation Guzman treated him
rather severely, and like Regulus the alcalde went
hack to redeem his word. 31
Meanwhile Captain Gil Gonzalez de Benavides,
32
alcalde of Mexico, had approached the boundary and
taken possession of the tract in dispute. 33 commis A
sioner thereupon came down from San Estevan to
arrange the matter, but nothing was effected until
Guzman managed, under a change of circumstances,
to settle everything according to his own fancy. 34
Not
content with encroaching on Mexico, Guzman
had turned his desire also to the adjoining northern
territory of Rio de las Palmas, granted to Panfilo de
Narvaez as a solace for the defeat inflicted by Cortes.
Like other little known regions it was supposed to be
rich in precious metals; not more so than his own
interior tracts, but more alluring since it belonged to
another; and he resolved to gather the first-fruit
before the rightful owner appeared. To this end he
sent his cousin, Caniego, with all his available force.
The expedition penetrated for a considerable distance
without finding any settlements of note, and struggling
31
He left Mexico in the beginning of December, and returned March 16,
1528. Id.
32
Testimony in Cortes, Residencia, i. 311-12, ii. 147, shows that Estrada at
first proposed to go in person to seize Guzman and desolate Panuco, but the
rumored disloyal projects of Cortes deterred him. Estrada was not a military
man, however.
33
Prendio a Andres Duero e a Juan Astudillo e a otros dos. .e destruyo
*
.

la tierra. Zuuiya, in Id., ii. 147. This Duero appears to be the secretary
from Cuba who at first befriended Cortes and then became his enemy.
34
Benavides offered to surrender Tepehuacan, Quautla, Yahualica, but
insisted on retaining the towns in the district of Meztitlan, Oxitapa, Tla-
matlan, andGuazalingo. Libra de Cab/Mo, MS., February 19, 1528. Caniego is
named as the Panuco commissioner, though he appears to have gone to Spain
about this time. The audiencia of Mexico, which arrived this year, with
Cuzman for president, received orders to define the boundary, and to forbid
any encomendero to hold land on both sides of it, or to keep natives out of
their native district.
 GUZMAN THE SLAVE-MAKER. 2G7

with obstacles of every description, and suffering

great hardship. Finally dense forests obliged them
to turn back, and the band reached San Estevan half
famished and in a sad condition, with little to recom
pense them for their five months search, except a
report that the country beyond the forests must be
35
rich and settled.
This report was considered by Guzman to be a
inducement to extend the exploration, but
sufficient
the means were wanting. As a last resource he seized
upon the natives, and began to export them as slaves,
pleading that the public good demanded such a meas
ure, and pointing to even worse acts by other rulers.
Besides, the voices of these natives could be suppressed
only by removing them from home associates and
placingthem under strict supervision. 36 The argument
found ready sustainers when the permission was given
also to settlers to sell from
twenty to thirty slaves
each. Traders came by invitation to buy slaves, and
others were exported by the ship-load, in chartered
vessels, from the stock-yard in which they were branded
and herded. A
panic seized upon the poor creatures,
and they began to desert the villages to seek refuge
in the forests and mountains,
preferring hunger and
death at home to a worse fate abroad. Then hunting
expeditions were sent out to ferret them, and to seize
also upon Indians pertaining to Mexico. Caciques
were tortured to reveal the hiding-places of their
people, and to save themselves many surrendered even
relatives as slaves. Some ten thousand of God s human
creatures were thus carried away in more than twenty
vessels, three of which foundered at sea. In their
despair a large number of the kidnapped cast them
selves overboard; others suffered so severely from con-
35
Guzman justified the encroachment by sending an early complaint that
Narvaez had received much of what belonged to Panuco. The audiencia was
ordered to define the boundary. IJerrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. vii.
36
In a letter to the king, he pointed out that the royal service demanded
horses, and that these could be obtained in no other way. He did not make
-one dollar by the traffic. On
leaving Panuco he forbade it, because he had
heard that the king objected. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 410-11.
268 ESTRADA S RULE.

finement in the infected atmosphere of the hold as to

die during the voyage, or immediately after, while the
rest rapidly succumbed to the hardships of their new
37
life, magnified by the change of climate and food.

But neither reconciliation with Estrada, nor the

demand for his interference in the Guzman dispute, 38
changed the resolution of Cortes to proceed to Spain.
His position in Mexico was becoming insupportable,
what with lost power, fading influence, and constant
annoyance from insolent officials. Then, his presence
was necessary at court to refute the accumulating
slanders, to place in a proper light his many services,
and to claim a fit reward/ 9 besides advocating meas
ures for the development of the country and the ad
vancement of conquest. It was also time to solemnize
the marriage arranged for him in Spain, so that he
might obtain heirs to perpetuate his name.
His main effort accordingly was to obtain sufficient
means to present himself at court in a manner corre
sponding to his fame and position. Sandoval, Tapia,
and other proposed companions joined him in the
task to collect rents, receive presents, and effect loans,
and thus they made quite a tour of the country,
directing themselves chiefly to the caciques, from
whom large contributions were received, partly as
gifts to the honored Malinche, partly in consideration
for the offer to present their sons to the sovereign and
advocate their respective claims.
37
These facts are affirmed by Bishop Zumarraga in his letters and sworn
statements. Cette province. .contenait25,000lndiens soumis et pacifiques.
.

II en a vendu 10,000 comme esclaves, et les autres. .ont abandonne leurs vil
.

lages. These shipments were continued from Mexico, the kidnapped being
sent to Panuco to embark. Ternaux- Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 91-2,
45. Further details in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 144-6, 171.
Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ix. Se herraron tantos, que casi despoblaron
aquella Provincia. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 228.
38
Testimony in Cortes, Residcncia, i. 311-12, shows that Cortes at first
offered to take the field against him. Estrada hesitated, and when he finally
offered the command Cortes replied that his preparations for going to Spain
could no longer be deferred.
39
Algun titulo, para q no se le igualassen todos, is the pointed remark of
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 282.
 SCHEMES AGAINST CORTES. 269

This round of interviews with native leaders, and

the preparations for the voyage, were sufficient to
revive among opponents and tattlers the oft-spread
report of disloyalty on the part of one who so recently
had threatened the governor, and was still smarting
under humiliation. The reports were not altogether
devoid of foundation, for a number of Spanish and
native partisans who had witnessed the indignities
heaped upon their leader, and presumed upon his
resentment, offered him their aid to redress his wrongs,
40
even so far as to seize the whole country for himself.
But Cortes was too wise to entertain the project; he
even shrank from allusion to it, and also threatened
to hang one or two of his advisers others he severely ;

reprimanded, and prudently so, since the proposals in

more than one instance covered a trap to criminate
him withal. Estrada is said to have been so alarmed
that he sent Bishop Garces to sound Cortes, and to
41
exert his influence if needful.
The desire of Cortes to be saved from friends so
apt to embroil him, formed another motive for leaving,
and this was hastened by the receipt of a letter from
42
the president of the India Council, urging him to
come to Spain so that the king might consult him on
needful measures, and reward his services. This let
ter was the first move in a rather elaborate scheme on
the part of a misinformed sovereign to withdraw a
dangerous subject from a tempting field. As will be
40
The persistent Ocafia dwells on this movement with a desire to criminate
Cortes. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. i. 530-1.
Z>oc.
Testimony in Cortes, Resi-
dencia, L 309-11, 407-8, declares that Cortes did ask the opinion of several
persons whether it would be advisable to seize Estrada and hold the govern
ment for the king, or to go to Spain. Dominican friars warned Estrada of
this. If he ever alluded to an arrest, it must have been when his resentment
was hot. Letters were sent from Mexico on the subject, to entrap him,
observes Bernal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 223.
41
Bernal Diaz assumes that the two leaders were not reconciled, and that
the efforts of Garces were to unbend Cortes. Guzman intimated that Cortes
left orders for the natives to rise after his departure. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii.
cap. vii. This accusation was also intended to reflect on Estrada s inefficiency
to control the natives.
42
The successor of the intriguing Fonseca was Fray Garcia de Loaisa, con
fessor of the king and bishop of Osma, afterward made cardinal in recognition
of his services, influence, and admirable traits.
270 ESTRADA S RULE.

shown hereafter, the. appeal was supported by letters

from the duke of Bejar and other friends. At the-
same time came the news of the death of Martin
Cortes. This proved a severe blow to the son, who
after so long a separation had vividly pictured to him
self the joy of once more
embracing his father and
able friend who had so zealously protected his in
terests against assailants. He caused an
impressive-
funeral ceremony to be held, and put on the customary
mourning attire.
Two new vessels, reported to be fast sailers, had
just arrived at Vera Cruz, and Cortes despatched his
majordomo, Ruiz de Esquivel, to secure them. Ac
companied by a negro to carry two bars of gold for
the purchase, he took a boat with six native rowers
to carry him across the lake to Ayotzinco, but he
never appeared. Search was instituted, and a month
later attention was attracted to a human arm
pro
truding from the ground, the flesh eaten by birds.
The half-buried body proved to be that of the ma
jordomo, almost nude and with a knife wound in the
head. The gold and the boatmen had disappeared.
Though the gold appears to have been the motive,,
some prefer to connect the murder with Ruiz indis
creet vauntings of successful intrigues with dames of
the capital. 43
Another agent went to secure the vessels, which
were at once prepared for the voyage, and provided
with a respectable armament to protect their valuable
cargo against corsairs. The intention of Cortes was
to carry with him a varied assortment of effects, not
so much for presents as to exhibit the resources of the
country he had conquered. The most valuable part
consisted of fifteen hundred marcos 44 of wrought silver,
thirty thousand pesos de oro in gold, a portion alloy ed,
and several thousand pesos in jewels, including precious
43
Indeed, little effort was made to trace the murderers, says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad. , 224. Ruiz appears to have been an attractive fellow, and an
hidalgo from Seville. Oviedo, iii. 527.
44
Marco, equivalent to eight ounces.
 RETURN OF CORTES TO SPAIN. 27)

45
stones and pearls. Then there was a mass of fabrics,
and robes, plumes, and feather-work, liquid amber,
vanilla, balsam, flint implements, and mirrors, weapons,
paintings, and curiosities of every description, notably
strange plants and animals, tigers, parrots, quetzals, and
the like. Also a variety of natives, albinos, dwarfs, and
monstrosities, together with acrobats, such as pole-
turners, foot-balance performers, equilibrists, and ball
46
players. Of staple resources and provisions large
quantities were contributed by the natives, sufficient
to have supplied a fleet. Much came also from the
estates of Cortes, the extent of which may be under
stood from their value of two hundred thousand pesos
de oro, estimated at a time when the price of real
estate was very low. The care of these possessions
devolved during his absence on Licenciate Juan Alta-
mirano, his relative, Diego de Ocampo, and Santa
Cruz."

Large retinues were among the most marked attri

butes of greatness at this period, and eager to impress
the haughty courtiers of Castile, Cortes offered,
chiefly with this view, free passage and maintenance
to whosoever chose to accompany him to Spain.
Quite a number availed themselves of the liberal pro
posal, though a few, like Fray Loaisa, accompanied

45
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 283. Oviedo, iii. 528, writes 1,000 marcos of silver,
partly wrought, aad estimates the jewels at merely 2,000 to 3,000 pesos. Gal-
vano, Discov., 176, increases the gold and silver to the more effective amount
of 250,000 marcos, whereupon Cavo plucks up courage to value the pure gold
alone at 200,000 pesos, Siglos, i. 74; an amount which Prescott rashly
Tre-~>

trebles by calling it pesos de oro. Mex. iii. 312.

,
He has evidently confounded
the total value of all the treasures, including the rare precious stones carried
secretly on his own person by Corte"s. A part of the gold and silver was
registered at the port as belonging to other persons. This was declared to be
a false declaration, to defraud creditors, and half the silver and some gold
were accordingly seized in Spain. Cortes appealed, but the judge neverthe
less sentenced him to pay a fine of 100,000 maravedis, though the treasure was
ordered to be restored. Heal Execittoria, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.,
xii. 406. The restitution appears to have been neglected on the plea that
Corte"s owed the
treasury certain sums. His process for its recovery is given
in Id., xiv. 395-410.
46
For description of feats and games, see Native Races, ii. 295 et seq.
47
The latter from Burgos. Bernal Diaz adds the secretary Alonso Valiente.
From Altamirano descends the house of Marques de Salinas, later incorpo
rated with that of the Condes de Santiago. Alaman, Disert., i. 252.
272 ESTRADA S RULE.

him no farther than the Islands. Sandoval, Andres

de Tapia, and several other captains joined the ex
pedition, to present claims for services before the
sovereign also some two score of native princes and
;

chieftains, conspicuous among whom was a son of

48
Montezuma, and a son of Maxixcatzin.
Chimalpain names two sons of Montezuma, Pedro, from whom descended
48

the Condes de Montezuma and Tula see Hist. Mex., i. 460, this series and
Martin Cortds Nezahualtecolotl, also a nephew of the late emperor, Francisco
de* Alvarado Matlaccohuatzin, Gabriel, a son of the king of Tlacopan, Baltasar,
Felipe, Juan, sons respectively of the lords of Cullruacan, Cuitlahuac, and
Cempoala. He also gives the baptismal and native names of three Tlascaltec
chiefs and of others. Hist. Cong., ii. 103-4. Among the Tlascaltecs, Bernal
Diaz mentions a son of Xicotencatl. They numbered 39 in all, those at least
who reached Spain, as shown by a decree of the emperor ordering dresses and
entertainment to be provided for them. Ternaux-Compans., Voy. s6rie ii. torn,
,

v. 87-8. From this it appears that the son of Montezuma now taken was
Martin, not Pedro. Among the other six names mentioned is Lorenzo of
Tlascala. I may mention the following as authorities supplemental to those
quoted in preceding chapters: Cortes, Escritos Sudtos, 102-20, 213-14; Oviedo,
hi. 494-5, 519-27; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., v. 68-90; vi.; xii.
287-91, 406-17, 480-90; xiii. 73-85, 115-17, 144-6, 348-56, 400-11; xiv.
65-9, 395-410; xv. 446-7; xxiii. 368-84; xxvi. 160-3, 195-280; Libra de
Cabildo, MS., 121, passim; Torquemada, i. 597-9; iii. 190; Archivo Mex.,
Doc., i. 141-4, 161-85, 239 et seq.; ii. 18, passim; Ramirez, Doc., MS.,
285-9; Col. Doc. Ined., i. 14-30, 101-2; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 229-30;
iv. 99-100; Puga, Cedulario, 15-25^ 43-4, 79; Monumentos Domin. Esp.,
MS., 69; Ramirez, Proceso, 73, 157, 188-91; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in
Kingsborough s Mex. Antiq., ix. 447; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., ii. torn.
s<Me

v. 19-27, 44-8; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 158-60; Mex., Extr. de Cedulas,
MS., 5; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 11-14; Alaman,
Disert., i, 245-50; ii. 305-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
722-34; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 56-95; Prescott s Mex., 306-11, 452-4; also
notes in Mex. eds.; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes., i. 7; Helps Span. Conq.,
iii. 60-4, 144-67; Salazar y Glarte, Conq. Mex., 194-9, 323-67; Mayer s
Mex. Aztec, i. 87-8; Galvano s Discov., 36-7; Arxoniz, Hist. Orizaba,
310-14; Cortes, Brieven, ii. 287-90; Pop. Var., cliii. pt. ix. 13-16; A a,
Naaukeurige Versameling, xi. 22-32, 56-68; Dice. Univ., i. 83-6; Kcrr s
Col. Voy., iv. 283-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 138-9, 339; Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, viii. 477; Solis, Hist. Mex. (ed. 1843), 479-81; Russell s Hist. Am.,
256; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., iv. 364-463; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 45-9; Id.,
Gob. Mex., i. 22-3; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt. iv. 245-7; Pizarro $
Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 117-24.