Theodor Nöldeke And Fertility In Ancient Egypt

M S M Saifullah, Muhammad Ghoniem & ‘Abdullah David

© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.

First Published: 1st November 2005

Last Updated: 7th December 2005

Assalamu-‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:

1. Introduction

In what has been hailed as a "classic" article by Theodor Nöldeke that was published
in Encyclopædia Britannica in 1891 and reprinted several times since, it was
claimed that Prophet Muhammad was "ignorant" of everything outside of Arabia.
This was the reason for his "confusing" the name Haman during the time of Pharaoh,
which, in fact, was originally in the biblical story of Esther set in Persia. Nöldeke also
made another claim of an error in Surah Yusuf (12:49) concerning what he believed to
be an explicit Qur'anic reference to Egyptian fertility. According to Nöldeke:

In addition to such misconceptions there are sundry capricious alterations, some of them very
grotesque, due to Mohammed himself. For instance, in his ignorance of everything out of Arabia,
he makes the fertility of Egypt - where rain is almost never seen and never missed - depend on
rain instead of the inundation of the Nile (xii. 490).[1]

1
Jumping on the bandwagon of Nöldeke, Alphonse Mingana asserts:

The ignorance, too, of the author of the Qur'ân about everything outside of Arabia and some
parts of Syria makes the fertility of Egypt, where rain is never missed, for the simple reason
that it is seldom seen, depend on rain instead of on the inundation of the Nile. (Sūrat Yūsuf,
xii.49).[2]

This claim is also repeated by the Christian apologist ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi. He
says:

... a reference is made to the grought that Egypt suffered for seven continual years during the
time of Joseph, and to the surplus that would replace this barrenness. It says that in the year of
plenty they will have rain [the word succoured in Arabic means 'to be relieved by rain']; as if
Egypt's fertility is based on rain. This contradicts reality, for rain is very scarce in Egypt, and it
plays no role in that country's irrigation, which is obtained solely from the annual flooding of
Nile.[3]

Not surprisingly, these claims are also repeated by Christian missionaries on the
internet.

The allegations of both Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi rest on the
word yughāth which they both have translated as "rain". How accurate is their
understanding of the word yughāth? Is the meaning of the word confined to rain only
or does it perhaps have a wider implication?

In this paper, we would like to check the claims of Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah
‘Abd al-Fadi, who have said that the Prophet made the fertility of Egypt depend on
rain. There will also be a demonstration of a striking confirmation of Qur'anic
narrative from the ancient Egyptian records.

2. 'Fertility' In Ancient Egypt

It is important to note that the Qur'anic verse above in no way states, indicates or
implies that fertility in Egypt is dependant on rain! Had the critic been able to
comprehend the straightforward classical Arabic contained in Surah Yusuf 12:49, it is
conceivable that he would have avoided such a grievous error of interpretation. This
being the case, it is difficult to accept as mere coincidence the position of Mingana,
who is claimed by some to be a 'great scholar of Arabic', who has also apparently
failed to accomplish an accurate understanding of the Qur'anic verse. A simple
explanation exists: it would appear that Mingana is simply articulating the view of
Nöldeke without independently verifying the evidence on which Nöldeke's original
conclusion was constructed. Sadly this type of circumstance resulting from a lack of

2
rigorous investigation, is recurrent in orientalist and missionary literature on the
Qur'an and Islam, acutely so in the later category of writings.

Nonetheless, let us examine the foundational claim made by Nöldeke whereby he

asserts that rain is almost never seen and is never missed in ancient Egypt. In this
section we will briefly deal with the commentary of the verse 12:49 and the evidence
of rainfall in ancient Egypt. This verse deals with the last part of the interpretation of
the King's dream by Joseph.

This verse has been translated by various scholars as follows:

Then will come after that (period) a year in which the people will have abundant water, and in
which they will press (wine and oil). [Yusuf Ali]

Then, after that, will come a year when the people will have plenteous crops and when they will
press (wine and oil). [Pickthal]

Then there will come after that a year in which people shall have rain and in which they shall
press (grapes). [Shakir]

Then thereafter there shall come a year wherein the people will be succoured and press in
season. [Arberry]

The claims of Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi that the Prophet made
the fertility of Egypt depend on rain is based on their understanding of the word
yughāth, underlined in the red, and, subsequently, their misreading of the verse. Does
the word in the verse which was interpreted by both these scholars explicitly mean
rain, or, does the Qur'an use it in a more comprehensive sense? To answer this we
need to turn to the commentaries on this verse that deal with the derivation and
meaning of the word yughāth.

THE POLYSEMY OF YUGHĀTH

The word yughāth is a passive verbal form that may be derived either from the three-
letter root verb ghātha meaning "to rain" or "to send rain", or from the four-letter root
verb aghātha meaning "deliverance" or "rescue". This was pointed out by the
renowned linguist al-Tha‘ālibī in his commentary of the Qur'an in the passage

3
concerning verse 12:49, and in many other classical commentaries of the Qur'an such
as Tafsīr al-Nasafī.

Tafsīr al-Tha‘ālibī

yughāth un-nās: it may be derived from al-ghayth [i.e., rain], which corresponds to the opinion
of Ibn ‘Abbās and that of the majority. It may also be derived from aghāthahum allāh [Allāh
delivered them], from which al-ghawth [deliverance] is derived. wa fīhi ya‘sirūn: The majority of
the mufassirūn say it comes from pressing plants such as olives, grapes, sugar canes, sesame,
and radish; Egypt is a country where many plants are pressed.

Tafsīr al-Nasafī

[...] fīhi yughāth un-nās [people are delivered / rescued]: is derived from al-ghawth
(deliverance / rescue) meaning that those among them who cry out for deliverance are
answered, or it may be derived from al-ghayth meaning that they receive rain. We say ghīthat
al-bilād when it rains over the country. wa fīhi ya‘sirūn [and during which they press] grapes,
olives, sesame from which they take drinks and balms...

Tafsīr Ibn Kathīr

After that, he conveyed them the good news that after the drought there will be a year where
people receive rain [yughāth un-nās]; the country will then grow cultures and the people will
resume pressing oil and wine as they used to do. Some people even said that this includes
squeezing milk. ‘Alī Ibn Abī Talhah reported on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās that wa fīhi ya‘sirūn
means "to milk".

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From the above discussion, it is amply clear that the understanding of the word
yughāth is quite broad. In a wider sense, yughāth means "to deliver" or "to rescue". In
a narrower sense, it means "to send rain". Nevertheless, water or rain being the source
of life, the etymological relation between rain and deliverance is rather evident, a
point which has been lost on Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi.[4]

It is strange that Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi divorced inundation
from rainfall. In fact, inundation and rainfall are closely related. The inundation,
i.e., the annual flooding of the Nile in Egypt, was triggered by sudden monsoon
downfalls on the Ethiopian Plateau, the source of the Blue Nile, and to lesser extent
by those around Lake Victoria and the Ruwenzori mountains where the White Nile
originates, as any geologist would attest.[5] Perhaps both Nöldeke and Mingana
assumed that rain should fall on people's heads in order for it to be beneficial. On the
contrary, much of the earlier civilizations that thrived next to the major rivers of the
world where flooding due to heavy precipitation at the source on yearly basis renewed
the fertility of soil along the river's course for a new crop to be grown.

The word yughāth, meaning "to deliver" or "to rescue", is very appropriate in the case
of inundation. In ancient Egypt, a satisfactory level of inundation was vital for all
types of agriculture. Egyptians wanted a flood without a disaster, which was not so
high that it would flood areas of habitation, and not so low that insufficient new soil
and moisture would be deposited. So, only the right amount of inundation would
"deliver" or "rescue" the Egyptians without causing them and their crops any harm.

EVIDENCE OF RAINFALL IN ANCIENT EGYPT

Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi had claimed that rain in Egypt was so
rare that it was almost never seen. However, scholars of Egyptology have identified
several (moist) intervals of increased precipitation during which rain was
comparatively plentiful. The first such period is dated c. 9200 – c. 6000 BCE where
accelerated wadi activity is observed. Another wet phase began in the Neolithic
Period c. 5000 BCE where there were more frequent gentle rains, and, after another
period of dryness, sporadic heavy and protracted rains are observed in the Pre-
Dynastic period c. 4000 BCE – c. 3000 BCE. Based on historical and archaeological
documents, abundant desert wadi vegetation persisted until the 5th Dynasty of the Old
Kingdom Period c. 2350 BCE. From c. 2350 BCE onward, the level of aridity closely
matches that of the present Egyptian climate.[6] Such intervals of increased
precipitation cannot be underestimated. B. G. Trigger comments,

5
At the maxima of precipitation, the northern Red Sea Hills supported tree cover and grazing
land, while trees and wild grasses also grew in the wadis on both sides of the Nile and fish lived
in the pondings along these wadis (Murray 1951; W. A. Fairservis, personal communication).
During such periods, these upland areas and wadi systems, as well as the Nile Valley itself,
supported considerable numbers of elephant, giraffe, rhinoceros, ostrich, wild ass and cattle, as
well as antelope, gazelle, ibex and deer. That the adjacent deserts had become far more
habitable than they are today during the period that saw the rise of Egyptian civilization vitiates
the suggestion that an increase in population, resulting from climatic deterioration on the
neighbouring steppes, played a major role in encouraging the development of civilization in the
Nile Valley (Butzer 1971, p. 594). The moister climate appears to have facilitated the movement
of human populations into and through the desert and this, in turn, may have encouraged more
communication and more rapid cultural exchange in the Sahara.[7]

These intervals of rainfall during Pre-Dynastic times appear to have helped the
agricultural processes of the ancient Egyptians which would have been critical to the
initial development of agricultural economy in the area of the Nile Valley.[8]

The claims of Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi can also be countered
by the fact that the ancient Egyptians had words for rain and they took protective
measures to minimize the impact of rain on their architecture. Figure 1 shows the
hieroglyphs for rain, rainbow, etc. The determinative for the rain is interesting. It
shows rainfall at an angle.

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 Figure 1: Hieroglyph entries for "Rain", "Rainbow", etc.[9]

With regard to their architecture, there is ample evidence that architects of pyramids
in the Middle Kingdom considered it advisable to take precautions against rainstorms.
The lion waterspouts in Egypt are better known from the temples of the Hellenistic
period. However, they existed as early as the Old Kingdom. Ahmed Fakhry reported
of a temple of King Sahure of 5th Dynasty, c. 2480 BCE, at Abusir:

Rain falling on the roof was carried out by lion-headed gargoyles, which projected well beyond
the eaves, and fell into open channels cut in the pavement.[10]

The architects of the pyramids of the Middle Kingdom rulers considered it advisable
to take precautions against rainstorms, for the head of a lion waterspout "which
drained the broad roofs of the temple" of Senwosret I was found among the ruins at
Lisht.[11] The Middle Kingdom pyramid of Senwosret II (i.e., Sesostris II) differed in
many aspects from its predecessors. Around the base of the pyramid was built

7
... a shallow trench filled with sand, the purpose of which was to absorb rain-water flowing off
the face of the pyramid. Such a trench, Petrie estimated, could easily hold the volume of water
resulting from the heaviest downpour likely to occur in Egypt.[12]

It appears likely that Senwosret II took precautions lest his pyramid met the same
catastrophe that befell the pyramid of Amenemhet I.[13]

From the New Kingdom Period, on the Medinat Habu temple of Rameses III at
Thebes, Wilkinson noted that:

The head and the forepart of several lions project, at intervals, from below the cornice of the
exterior of the building, whose perforated mouths, communicating by a tube with the summit of
the roof, served as conduits for the rainwater which occasionally fell at Thebes. Nor were they
neglectful of any precaution that might secure the paintings of the interior from the effects of
rain, and the joints of the stones which formed the ceiling being protected by a piece of metal or
stone, let in immediately along the line of their junction, were rendered impervious to the
heaviest storm.[14]

The waterspouts were also described by Hölscher at the mortuary temple of Rameses
III.

The drainage of rain water from one terrace to another and finally to the outside was a matter
of special importance. Very large waterspouts, shaped like the forepart of a lion, form a
conspicuous feature of the exterior walls of the temple. [15]

Wilkinson adds that at Thebes, located in the south of Egypt, which formed part of the
Upper Egypt, showers fall annually, on an average of four to five in a year. In every
eight or ten years heavy rains fill the torrent beds of the mountains, which run to the
banks of the Nile.[16]

There is also evidence of minor rainfall anomalies (i.e., when the presence of rain
would otherwise be unexpected) in the northern foothills of Tibesti where two
generations of vegetated dunes dating to c. 1600 – c. 350 BCE and c. 90 – c. 650 CE
are known to have existed. In the Siwa Oasis located in Northern Egypt, vegetated
mounds dating to c. 2450 – c. 1880 BCE, c. 1210 – c. 1100 BCE and c. 70 BCE – c.
560 CE are known to have existed. Butzer notes that these appear to be associated
with winter or spring rains in the westerlies.[17]

An extremely important set of texts preserved at Thebes in the tombs of four upper-
Egyptian viziers form the mid-18th Dynasty (New Kingdom Period) include a copy of
the King's instructions to his vizier and the necessary duties and procedures that
would be required from the vizier on him taking up office. Scholars date these texts to
the late Middle Kingdom Period or even earlier, however, they are also representative

8
of the duties and tasks required of a vizier during the early New Kingdom period. In
his capacity as a civil servant the vizier was required to perform a number of duties in
keeping with his office, and, being the most powerful person in ancient Egypt after
the Pharaoh, these varied administrative functions were of critical important for the
smooth running of central government. Reports regarding the material resources of
the country were made on a frequent basis to the vizier and they included
information on the rise and fall of the Nile and the occurrence of rainfall in any
part of Egypt.[18] Contrary to the assertions of Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd
al-Fadi, it is clear from the discussion that rain was not such a rare event in Egypt.
Ancient Egyptians had words for rain, the rainfall was recorded and they incorporated
certain features in their architecture to prevent the damage that would otherwise occur
to their structures due to rain. Let us close this section with a quote from Alix
Wilkinson's The Garden In Ancient Egypt.

The climate of Egypt has not altered great since the Middle Kingdom, but the area covered by
deserts has increased. Rain was evidently not totally absent, since the Egyptians had words for
rain, and they built gutters and spouts on temples.[19]

3. Pressing Of Wine & Oil In Ancient Egypt

Both Nöldeke and Mingana claimed "ignorance" of the Prophet and the author of
Qur'an respectively, when it came to the events outside of Arabia. In this section we
would like to establish an important point showing that the author of the Qur'an was
aware of the events in ancient Egypt. The example would be from the same verse, i.e.,
12:49, which Nöldeke and Mingana claimed that the Prophet made the fertility of
ancient Egypt depend on rain.

The last part of the interpretation of the King's dream by Joseph in verse 12:49 deals
with the Egyptians "pressing" after seven years of hardship. This part of
interpretation of King's dream by Joseph is not mentioned in the biblical book of
Genesis. One might ask the question as to how "pressing" is related to the King's
dream and if Egyptians did press what was it? The answer for the latter question, as
we have seen earlier, was already given by the Qur'anic commentators with some
examples. The examples for "pressing" were grapes (for wine), olives, sesame, etc.
(for oil) and some even said it also includes to milk. Are these interpretation correct
from the viewpoint of ancient Egyptian history? Let us examine them briefly.

PRESSING OF WINE IN ANCIENT EGYPT

9
The history of wine in Egypt is an ancient one. The earliest evidence for the grape are
seeds from Pre-Dynastic settlements of Tell Ibrahim Awad and Tell el-Fara'in (Buto)
in the Nile Delta.[20] While the presence of grape does not necessarily suggest the
practice of wine production, however, the earliest indication of Egyptian wine comes
from the beginning of the First Dynasty (c. 3000 BCE).[21] The first appearance of the
hieroglyph of what is commonly identified as possibly a wine-press occurs at this
time.[22]

The wine-making facilities were primarily owned by the King or members of his
family with little record, to date, of the private ownership of vineyards.[23] Wine
was largely produced for royalty, the upper classes and the funerary requirements of
the élite[24] although on special occasions, common people, who brewed and drank
beer,[25] also enjoyed wine.[26] Wine was also considered to have divine qualities and
was extensively used in religious rituals.[27]

The most accessible and informative evidence on Egyptian wine-making comes from
a substantial number of artistic records that depict details of wine production.
According to Lerstrup, to date, wine-making scenes survive in twenty-nine tombs and
one temple from the Old Kingdom.[28] Out of them the most informative are those from
Saqqara [Figs. 2(b) and 3]. Lerstrup also notes that in the surviving record, there are
eight Middle Kingdom tombs containing vintage scenes.[29]

(a)

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 (b)

Figure 2: (a) Grape harvest and wine pressing. A gardener waters the vines. Theban tomb of

Khaemwase, 18th Dynasty. (b) Extracting the last drops of juice for wine-making. Tomb of
Mereruka at Saqqara, 6th Dynasty.[30]

Figure 2(a) depicts a wine-making scene in the New Kingdom Period, from left to
right, shows harvesting of grapes, watering of vines and treading. Figure 2(b) from
6th Dynasty (i.e., the Old Kingdom Period) shows pressing of the sack to extract the
juice for wine-making.

Figure 3: Wine-making scene in the 5th Dynasty tomb of Ptahhotep at Saqqara. The pictures
shows (from left to right) picking, treading and squeezing the lees.[31]

A more complete wine-making scene is shown in Fig. 3 from the 5th Dynasty in the
Old Kingdom Period. It shows, from left to right, picking of grapes, treading and
finally squeezing of the lees.

PRESSING OF OIL IN ANCIENT EGYPT

11
Oil was an important material in both funerary rituals as well as the daily life of
people in ancient Egypt. At the most mundane level, oil was the fuel used in lamps,
which served as lighting in houses as well as illuminating tombs and mines. Oil and
fat served as the bases for many of the Egyptians' perfumes and ointments.

Some oils were considered sacred. Oil which daily lessened the pain and healed
wounds was supposed to provide extensive power over this life when used in ritual
anointing. It was believed in ancient Egypt that with regards to its use on the deceased
that oil "united the limbs, joined the bones and assembled the flesh", hence preventing
bodily decay which made existence in the next world ineffective.[32] Jars of oil would
be included in the burial equipment, while little stone tablets with depressions for oil
were sometimes placed in the burial chambers of tombs in the Old Kingdom Period.
The ointments derived from oil bases served not only in mummification of
Egyptian Kings and their family but also in daily temple ritual and in the Opening
of the Mouth ceremony.[33] This demonstrates the paramount importance of oil and
ointments in ancient Egypt.

Texts dating as far back as the Old Kingdom mention the god Shesmu,[34] who was
sacred to both the oil and wine press. A set of so-called "Seven Sacred Oils" are
recorded in the royals tombs as early as the 1st Dynasty.[35] In the 5th Dynasty tomb of
Iymery at Giza, both oil and wine pressing scenes are illustrated and are very similar
in appearance.[36] The oil pressing scene is accompanied by a depiction of a row of
jars, each inscribed with the name of one of the so-called "Seven Sacred Oils" (Fig.
4), also known as mrht.

12
 Figure 4: Scene of pressing of unguents in the 5th Dynasty tomb of Iymery at Giza. Note the

jars labelled for the "Seven Sacred Oils" to the right and inscription mentioning the pressing of
mrht.[37]

As one can see in Figure 4, the components inside a cloth bag are wrung out to extract
the oil. This technique of torsion pressing might have been used to produce scented
ointments and perfumes in conjunction with the techniques such as enfleurage and
maceration.[38]

An interesting relief, which has been a subject of debate among Egyptologists,[39] is

from the 11th Dynasty tomb of Bakt III at Beni Hasan (Fig. 5). This may show oil
pressing with a more advanced press containing a wooden framework. Two
accompanying vignettes illustrate stages prior to pressing. These represent grinding or
mashing of the raw material and the placement of mash in the bag.

Figure 5: Scene of pressing from the 11th Dynasty tomb of Bakt III at Beni Hasan.[40]

Another interesting evidence of Egyptians pressing perfumes comes from Ptolemic

times. Figure 6 shows a relief depicting the extraction of the essence of lillies using a
simple torsion press.

13
 Figure 6: Extracting the essence of lillies. Ptolemaic relief.[41]

Ancient Egyptians pressed various kinds of oils. Some of the more important oils
pressed were castor, balanos, safflower, linseed, olive, tiger nut, etc.[42]

MILKING OF CATTLE IN EGYPT

The earliest firm evidence for the use of cattle as providers of milk from Egypt dates
to the 4th millennium BC. Cows being milked and nursing calves are frequently
depicted throughout the Dynastic Period,[43] and artists often showed regard for the
cows' feelings.

Figure 7: Man milking a cow who sheds a tear as she loses the milk intended for the calf tied to

her leg. Sunk relief on the sarcophagus of Queen Kawit. From the temple of Mentuhotep II in
Deir al-Bahari, West Thebes. 11th Dynasty.[44]

Figure 7 shows a cow shedding a tear at the removal of the milk while the calf is
denied its meal.

SOME POSSIBLE INTERPRETATIONS

Earlier we had asked the question as to how "pressing" is related to the King's dream.
From the evidence that we have seen, it appears that both wine and oil, which were
pressed in ancient Egypt, were closely connected to the rulers of Egypt. The primary

14
ownership of the wine-making facilities belonged to the King or members of his
family; wine was largely produced for royalty, the upper classes and the funerary
requirements of the élite. As for the oil and ointments derived from oil bases, they
were used in mummification of Egyptian Kings and their families and also in daily
temple ritual and in the Opening of the Mouth ceremony.

The seven years of severe famine during the time of Joseph might have left Egyptians
with only grains and cereals to survive on. Vineyards, oil-producing plants and much
of the cattle must have perished. As soon as the Egyptians were "delivered" either by
inundation of Nile or by rainfall after seven hard years, they not only grew the regular
crops but also those related to those producing wine and oil. The production of latter
marked the return of normal life in ancient Egypt.

It is worthwhile pointing out that evidence shown here pre-dates the time of Joseph.
This is to show that the techniques of pressing wine and oil as well as domestication
of cattle for milk production were well-established in Egypt even before the time of
Joseph.

4. Conclusions

Nöldeke and Mingana have claimed that Prophet Muhammad was "ignorant" of
everything outside of Arabia. To support their argument they cited what they believed
to be an explicit Quranic reference (Yusuf 12:49) to Egyptian fertility, the example of
the Prophet making the fertility of ancient Egypt rest upon rain. This claim was also
made by ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi. Their contention rests on the understanding of the
word yughāth as rain, and, subsequently, misreading a straightforward verse of
classical Arabic. It was shown that yughāth has a much broader meaning. The word
yughāth also means "to deliver" or "to rescue". Since water or rain is the source of
life, one can clearly see the etymological relation between rain and deliverance - a
point that appears to have been lost on Nöldeke, Mingana and ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-
Fadi. Contrary to their unsubstantiated allegations that rain was a rare event in Egypt,
we have shown conclusively that there were time periods in ancient Egyptian history
where rain was comparatively plentiful. Egyptians had words for rain and they
incorporated certain features into their architecture to prevent the damage of
structures due to rain. Also, regular official reports were made to the vizier regarding
the material resources of the country; these reports included information on the rise
and fall of the Nile and the occurrence of rainfall in any part of Egypt.

To disprove the allegations that Prophet Muhammad was "ignorant" of everything

outside of Arabia, using verse 12:49, we established an important point showing that

15
the author of the Qur'an was aware of the events in the ancient Egypt using the
records from ancient Egypt. This verse mentions that after Egyptians would be
delivered, they would "press". The exegetes of the Qur'an had suggested that it means
the Egyptians would press wine and oil. Some exegetes even suggested that
"pressing" includes milking. It appears that there is a close connection between
"pressing" and rulers of ancient Egypt. As we have seen, both wine and oil formed an
important part of royal life and in funerary rituals. The interpretation of King's dream
by Joseph must have surely alleviated the latter's concerns.

And Allah knows best!

References & Notes

[1] Theodor Noldeke, "The Koran", Encyclopædia Britannica, 1893, Volume 16,
Adam And Charles Black: Edinburgh, p. 600. This article was reprinted many times
with slight modifications. T. Nöldeke (J. S. Black [Trans.]), Sketches From Eastern
History, 1892, Adam and Charles Black: London & Edinburgh, pp. 30-31; N. A.
Newman, The Qur'an: An Introductory Essay By Theodor Nöldeke, 1992,
Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute: Hatfield (PA), p. 9; Also see Theodor
Nöldeke, "The Koran" in Ibn Warraq, The Origins Of The Koran: Classic Essays
On Islam's Holy Book, 1998, Prometheus Books, p. 43; Also Theodor Nöldeke, "The
Koran" in C. Turner (Ed.), The Koran: Critical Concepts In Islamic Studies, 2004,
Volume I (Provenance and Transmission), RoutledgeCurzon: London & New York,
p. 77.

[2] Rev. A. Mingana & A. S. Lewis (Eds.), Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'âns
Possibly Pre-‘Othmânic With A List Of Their Variants, 1914, Cambridge: At The
University Press, p. xiv. Also reprint in A. Mingana, "Three Ancient Korans" in Ibn
Warraq, The Origins Of The Koran: Classic Essays On Islam's Holy Book, 1998,
op cit., p. 79.

[3] ‘Abdallah ‘Abd al-Fadi, Is The Qur'an Infallible?, 1995, Light of Life: Villach
(Austria), p. 26.

[4] This has been pointed out by Mustafa al-A‘zami. See M. M. al-A‘zami, The
History Of The Qur'anic Text From Revelation To Compilation: A Comparative
Study With The Old And New Testaments, 2003, UK Islamic Academy: Leicester
(UK), p. 307.

16
[5] E. Strouhal, Life In Ancient Egypt, 1992, Cambridge University Press, p. 92. For
more information on inundation please see "Inundation" in I. Shaw & P. Nicholson,
British Museum Dictionary Of Ancient Egypt, 1995, British Museum Press:
London, p. 141; "Nile", in D. B. Redford (Ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient
Egypt, 2001, Volume II, Oxford University Press: Oxford (UK), pp. 543-551; J. J.
Janssen, "The Day The Inundation Began", Journal Of Near Eastern Studies,
1987, Volume 46, No. 2, pp. 129-136.

[6] K. W. Butzer, Environment And Archaeology: An Ecological Approach To

Prehistory, 1971, Second Edition, Aldine-Atherton Press: Chicago (NY), p. 584.

[7] B. G. Trigger, "The Rise Of Egyptian Civilization" in B. G. Trigger, B. J. Kemp,

D. O'Connor & A. B. Lloyd (Eds.), Ancient Egypt: A Social History, 1983,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK), p. 9.

[8] ibid., p. 14.

[9] R. Hannig, Die Sprache Der Pharaonen Großes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch -

Deutsch (2800-950 v. Chr.), 2000, Verlag Philipp Von Zabern: Mainz, p. 1016.

[10] A. Fakhry, The Pyramids, 1961, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, p. 174.

[11] W. C. Hayes, The Scepter Of Egypt: A Background For The Study of The
Egyptian Antiquities In The Metropolitan Museum Of Art, 1953, Part I: From The
Earliest Times To The End Of The Middle Kingdom, Harper Brothers in Co-
operation With The Metropolitan Museum of Art, p. 185.

[12] I. E. S. Edwards, The Pyramids Of Egypt, 1985, Viking, p. 225.

[13] ibid., pp. 217-218 for the fate of pyramid of Amenemhet I.

[14] J. G. Wilkinson, Topography Of Thebes, And General View Of Egypt, 1835,

John Murray: London, p. 75.

[15] U. Hölscher, The Excavation Of Medinat Habu - Volume III, The Mortuary
Temple Of Ramses III: Part I, 1941, University of Chicago Press: Chicago, p. 21.
Also see pp. 22, 26 and 49.

[16] J. G. Wilkinson, Topography Of Thebes, And General View Of Egypt, 1835,

op. cit., p. 75, see footnotes.

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[17] "Climatic History" in K. A. Bard (Ed.), Encyclopedia Of The Archaeology Of
Ancient Egypt, 1999, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Books Ltd: UK, pp. 195–198;
Also see W. C. Hayes, Most Ancient Egypt, 1965, The University Of Chicago Press:
Chicago (NY), p. 23.

[18] W. C. Hayes, "Egypt: Internal Affairs From Tuthmosis I To The Death Of

Amenophis III" in I. E. S. Edwards, C. J. Gadd, N. G. L. Hammond & E. Sollberger
(Eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 2, Part 1: The Middle East And
The Aegean Region c. 1800–1380 B.C., 1973, Third Edition, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge (UK), pp. 355–356; Also see J. E. Manchip White, Ancient Egypt:
Its Culture And History, 1970, Dover Publications, Inc.: Mineola (NY), pp. 47–50.

[19] A. Wilkinson, The Garden In Ancient Egypt, 1998, The Rubicon Press: London,
p. 36.

[20] Gerrit-Jan de Roller, "Archaeobotanical Remains From Tell Ibrahim Awad,

Seasons 1988 And 1989" in E. C. M. van den Brink (Ed.), The Nile Delta In
Transition; 4th - 3rd Millennium B.C., 1992, Tel Aviv, pp. 111-115, especially p.
113 for grape seed; U. Thanheiser, "Plant-Food At Tell Ibrahim Awad: Preliminary
Report", in in E. C. M. van den Brink (Ed.), The Nile Delta In Transition; 4th - 3rd
Millennium B.C., 1992, op cit., pp. 117-121, especially p. 119 for grape seed; U.
Thanheiser, "Untersuchungen zur Landwirtschaft der vor- und Frühdynastischen
Zeit in Tell-el-Fara‘in - Buto", Ägypten Und Levante, 1991, Volume II, pp. 39-45.

[21] T. G. H. James, "The Earliest History Of Wine And Its Importance In Ancient
Egypt" in P. E. McGovern, S. J. Fleming & S. H. Katz, The Origins And Ancient
History Of Wine, 1997, Gordon and Breach Publishers: Amsterdam, p. 198.

[22] W. M. F. Petrie, Social Life In Ancient Egypt, 1923, Constable & Company
Ltd., p. 102; M-C. Poo, Wine And Wine Offering In The Religion Of Ancient Egypt,
1995, Kegan Paul International: London & New York, p. 6.

[23] T. G. H. James, "The Earliest History Of Wine And Its Importance In Ancient
Egypt" in P. E. McGovern, S. J. Fleming & S. H. Katz, The Origins And Ancient
History Of Wine, 1997, op cit., p. 204; M. A. Murray, N. Boulton & C. Heron,
"Viticulture And Wine Production" in P. T. Nicholson & I. Shaw (Eds.), Ancient
Egyptian Materials And Technology, 2000, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
(UK), p. 578.

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[24] M-C. Poo, Wine And Wine Offering In The Religion Of Ancient Egypt, 1995,
op cit., pp. 27-29; P. Tallet, "Quelques Aspects De L'Économie Du Vin En Égypte
Ancienne, Au Nouvel Empire" in N. Grimal & B. Menu (Eds.), Le Commerce En
Égypte Ancienne, 1998, Institut Français D'Archéologie Orientale, pp. 240-267.

[25] "Alcoholic Beverages" in I. Shaw & P. Nicholson, British Museum Dictionary

Of Ancient Egypt, 1995, op cit., pp. 22-23; M-C. Poo, Wine And Wine Offering In
The Religion Of Ancient Egypt, 1995, op cit., p. 29; For a decent introduction to beer
in Egypt see J. Geller, "From Prehistory To History: Beer In Egypt" in R. Friedman
& B. Adams, The Followers Of Horus: Studies Dedicated To Michael Allen
Hoffman 1944-1990, 1992, Egyptian Studies Association Publication No. 2 &
Oxbow Monograph 20, pp. 19-26.

[26] M-C. Poo, Wine And Wine Offering In The Religion Of Ancient Egypt, 1995,
op cit., p. 29; L. H. Lesko, "Egyptian Wine Production During The New Kingdom"
in P. E. McGovern, S. J. Fleming & S. H. Katz, The Origins And Ancient History Of
Wine, 1997, op. cit., p. 218.

[27] K. A. Kitchen, "The Vintages Of The Ramesseum" in A. B. Lloyd (Ed.),

Studies In Pharaonic Religion And Society In Honour Of J. Gwyn Griffiths, 1992,
Egyptian Exploration Society: London (UK), p. 113; M-C. Poo, Wine And Wine
Offering In The Religion Of Ancient Egypt, 1995, op. cit., pp. 29-30.

[28] A. Lerstrup, "The Making Of Wine In Egypt", Göttinger Miszellen, 1992,

Volume 129, p. 61.

[29] ibid.

[30] H. Wilson, Egyptian Food And Drink, 1988, Shire Publications Limited:
Aylesbury (UK), p. 29.

[31] M. A. Murray, N. Boulton & C. Heron, "Viticulture And Wine Production" in

P. T. Nicholson & I. Shaw (Eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials And Technology,
2000, op cit., p. 585. The original can be seen in D. J. Brewer, D. B. Redford & S.
Redford, Domestic Plants And Animals: The Egyptian Origins, 1994, Aris &
Phillips Ltd.: Warminster (UK), p. 57.

[32] "Oil" in M. Lurker, The Gods And Symbols Of Ancient Egypt: An Illustrated
Dictionary, 1986 (Reprint), Thames and Hudson: London, p. 91.

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[33] M. Serpico & R. White, "Resins, Amber And Bitumen" in P. T. Nicholson & I.
Shaw (Eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials And Technology, 2000, op cit., p. 461. As
for the Opening of the Mouth ceremony see "Opening Of The Mouth" in M. Lurker,
The Gods And Symbols Of Ancient Egypt: An Illustrated Dictionary, 1986
(Reprint), op. cit., p. 91.

[34] "Seshmu" in M. Lurker, The Gods And Symbols Of Ancient Egypt: An

Illustrated Dictionary, 1986 (Reprint), op. cit., p. 109.

[35] "Oil" in I. Shaw & P. Nicholson, British Museum Dictionary Of Ancient Egypt,
1995, op cit., p. 210.

[36] C. R. Lepsius, Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien: nach den

Zeichnungen der von seiner Majestät dem Koenige von Preussen Friedrich
Wilhelm IV nach diesen Ländern gesendeten und in den Jahren 1842-1845
Ausgeführten Wissenschaftlichen Expedition, 1849-59, Volume II, Nicolaische
Buchhandlung: Berlin, Plates 49 and 53.

[37] ibid., Plate 49.

[38] M. Serpico & R. White, "Resins, Amber And Bitumen" in P. T. Nicholson & I.
Shaw (Eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials And Technology, 2000, op. cit., p. 461.

[39] The scene in this relief is quite ambiguous as it could be either for pressing wine
or oil, and hence difference of opinions. For example, Tallet opines that this scene
represents pressing of "cooked wine"; See P. Tallet, "Le Shedeh: Étude D'un
Procédé De Vinification En Égypte Ancienne", Bulletin De L'Institut Français
D'Archéologie Orientale, 1995, Volume 95, pp. 459-492.

[40] P. E. Newberry, Beni Hasan: Part II, 1893, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co.,
Ltd: London, Plate VI. The text is on p. 48.

[41] H. G. Fischer, "The Early Publication Of A Relief In Turin", Göttinger

Miszellen, 1988, Volume 101, p. 33. It was reproduced by L. Manniche in An
Ancient Egyptian Herbal, 1989, British Museum Publications Limited, p. 48.

[42] M. Serpico & R. White, "Oil, Fat And Wax" in P. T. Nicholson & I. Shaw
(Eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials And Technology, 2000, op. cit., pp. 391-405; D.
J. Brewer, D. B. Redford & S. Redford, Domestic Plants And Animals: The
Egyptian Origins, 1994, op. cit., pp. 41-46.

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[43] D. J. Brewer, D. B. Redford & S. Redford, Domestic Plants And Animals: The
Egyptian Origins, 1994, op cit., p. 85.

[44] E. Strouhal, Life In Ancient Egypt, 1992, op. cit., p. 138; Also in D. J. Brewer,
D. B. Redford & S. Redford, Domestic Plants And Animals: The Egyptian Origins,
1994, op. cit., p. 85.

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