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The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 1

The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States

A Review of Mexican Immigration for the years 1993 to Present

Lisa Harrod

Gu, Yu

Abdurrahman Haldun Unal

Business Research/Analysis

Dr. Annette Craven

April 30, 2008


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 2

The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to document the micro-history of Mexican immigration into the

United States for the years dating 1993 to the present. The study includes research into the

demographic and economic trends of Mexican immigration, and the United States governmental

policies and laws, and state legislations that have effected Mexican immigration.

Methodology

This study is a qualitative research study. The data collected was derived from surveys,

research studies, and literature provided through various sources on population census,

immigration research, and U.S. policy and laws regarding U.S. immigration. Library visits

included the library located at the University of Incarnate Word (UIW), St. Mary’s East Kenedy

Law Library, and San Antonio’s Central Library. Interviews were conducted with Raul

Rodriguez, Dr. Lupita Nath, and Dr. Jim Creagan, located at the University of the Incarnate

Word (UIW).

Databases used in this research included CQ Researcher, EBSCO Host, GPO Access and

Lexus Nexus. Key search words used were immigration, Mexican immigration, U.S. Mexican

immigration policy, U.S. immigration policy, economics and immigration, U.S. labor markets,

health and insurance, immigration investment, and U.S. population estimates. Major sources

used in this study included: CQ Researcher, U.S. Census Bureau, Pew Hispanic Organization,

Centers for Immigration Studies, Department of Homeland Security, United Nations

Organization, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (CIS), and Migration Policy Institute,

along with the literary works of Jorge Castaneda and Gregory Rodriguez.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 3

Literature Review

The report captures the demographic make up of legal and illegal immigrants of

Mexican origin coming into the United States, as well as their socioeconomic status. The report

then focuses attention on the immigration policies and laws put into place by the U.S.

government and state governments, with respect to those states that have had the greatest impact

from Mexican immigration..

The majority of the research studies, surveys, and literature used in this study covers

immigration into the U.S. up to the year 2006. The most current reports dated in 2007 and the

early part of 2008 are based on data and projections reported in 2006 and earlier. Mexican

Hispanics are a subgroup of the total Hispanic population so many assumptions about Mexican

immigration are based on the findings of the Hispanic immigration population as a whole. This

report addresses the topics as they apply to the immigration of Mexican Hispanics.

Based on the premise that the U.S. census is performed every ten years, some data

included in the demographic section of this report includes the years 1990 through 1992.

Numbers and statistical data may vary for a given year dependent on the date of the report and/or

survey for the year being reported due to updates made to the population estimates by the U.S.

Census Bureau.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 has had a major impact on the

Mexican immigrant population in the U.S. for the respective time period. For this reason it has

been included in this report. This report focuses on the federal laws and polices, and some state

legislation, that have effected or impacted Mexican immigration in the U. S.

Introduction
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 4

There are growing concerns in the United States over the issue of immigration.

American citizens are concerned by the large growth trends of the immigrant population and the

cultural effects associated with the high growth rate. There are also concerns over the effects

that immigration has on the economy, and the cost of immigration to taxpayers. Events such as

the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993 and September 11, 2001, have added a new

element of concern; terrorism in the U.S. These concerns combined with economic slowdowns

have more and more Americans calling for stricter immigration policies. This has had a direct

impact on Mexican immigration in the U.S.

The U.S. federal government defines Hispanic as a person of Mexican, Puerto Rican,

Cuban, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race

(Ramirez, 2004, p. 1). Hispanics of Mexican origin make up the largest subgroup among the

Hispanic population. Mexican immigration has demonstrated a steady and rapid increased

growth rate in the United States. In 2006, Mexican Hispanics constituted 64 percent of the total

Hispanic population, making them the largest Hispanic group in the U.S, comprising 9% of the

total U.S. population.

Mexican immigrants have lower incomes and higher rates of poverty and unemployment

than that of native born Americans. The high growth rate coupled with the socioeconomic status

of this immigrant population has become an issue of political debate over the concerns of the

cost of these immigrants to U.S. taxpayers. This is especially true among the states with the

highest percentages of Hispanic immigrants.

In response to public outcry on issues of immigration, there have been many legislative

actions taken by the U.S. government and many of the state governments. The legislative actions

have had both pro and anti-immigration effects. Due to increasing concerns over national
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 5

security and terrorism prevention, much of the legislation passed under the guise of securing our

country, has had a direct effect on immigration and immigration policies.

Demographics - U.S. Mexican Immigration

The U.S. Census Bureau reported in 1990, that there were 22.4 million Hispanics in the

United States out of a total population of 250 million people, accounting for 9 percent of the total

population. In 1993 the total Hispanic populations was estimated at 25.2 million. In 2000 the

total Hispanic population was estimated at 35.3 million or 12.5 percent of an estimated 281.4

million total population. The number of Hispanics reported in 2006 was 44.3 million

constituting 15 percent of the nation’s total population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

Mexican Hispanics have maintained their status as the largest group among the Hispanic

population throughout 1993 up to the present time. In 1990, Mexican Hispanics comprised 61.2

percent (13.6 million) of the Hispanic population, accounting for 7.4 percent of the total U.S.

population. In 1993 the estimated Mexican Hispanic population was 26,160,000, out of the

estimated 35,305,818 Hispanics. Mexican Hispanics accounted for 59 percent of the total

Hispanic population in the United States in the year 2000. By the year 2005 Mexican Hispanics

accounted for 63.9 percent (28,784,268) of the total 41,929,302 Hispanic population. In 2006

the number of residents of Mexican origin reached 28.3 million or 64 percent of the Hispanic

population, and comprised 9% of the nation’s total population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008, p. 1).

The following graphs in Figure 1 and Figure 2 depict the size relationship of Mexican

Hispanics to the total Hispanic population. Table 1, Summary Table A depicts the average

immigration rates for the years 1992 to 2004 for Hispanics by place of birth, legal status and by

Race/Hispanic origin.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 6

Figure 1.

Figure 2.
Hispanic Population by Origin 2000
(Percent distribution. Data based on sample. For information on confidentiality protection
sampling erro, nonsampling error, and definitins, see w.census.gov/prod/cen2000/doc/sf4.pdf)

15.7 Other Hispanic


0.3 Spaniard
2.3 Dominican
5.1 Central American

5.1 South American

Mexican 59.3 3.5 Cuba


n
9.1 Puerto Rican

Source: U.S. Census 2000 Summary File 4

.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 7

Table 1.

Summary Table A. Average Annual Immigration for 1992 - 2004 by Placed of Birth, by Legal Status, by
Race/Hispanic Origin Based on CPS and ACS and Census 2000 /Data
(In thousands)
Variable
and Average Immigration Amount of Change Percent Change
Group
Start Peak End Start to Peak to Start to Peak to
'92-'97 '99-'00 '02-'04 Peak End Peak End
Place of Birth
U.S., Total 1,139 1,541 1,164 401 -376 35% -24%
Mexico 376 513 402 137 -111 37% -22%
Other Latin Amer. 241 319 238 78 -81 32% -25%
Asia 307 377 314 69 -63 23% -17%
All Other 215 332 211 117 -122 54% -37%
Legal Status#
Total Immigration 1,274 1,577 1,124 303 -452 24% -29%
Legal Permanent 628 647 452 19 -195 3% -30%
Unauthorized 486 662 488 176 -174 36% -26%
Legal Temporary 160 268 185 108 -83 68% -31%
State of Residence
U.S., Total 1,142 1,541 1,164 399 -377 35% -24%
California 279 331 239 52 -92 19% -28%
Other Major
States 471 574 425 103 -149 22% -26%
New Growth
States 216 355 289 139 -70 64% -20%
All Other 177 280 215 104 -66 59% -23%
Race/Hispanic Origin
Total Immigration** 1,142 1,540 1,165 398 -375 35% -24%
Hispanic 554 751 576 196 -174 35% -23%
Asian* 285 339 283 54 -56 19% -17%
White* 217 350 226 133 -124 62% -35%
Black* 84 98 78 14 -20 17% -20%

# Status at time of survey


*Non-Hispanic only. See source definition
**Total includes American Indian/Alaska Native not shown separately.

Source: Pew Hispanic Center 2005, Detailed Tables1a-1c


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 8

A high natural increase, births minus deaths, and substantial immigration from Mexico

attributed to the rapid increase of Mexican Hispanics in the United States.

Hispanics accounted for almost half (1.4 million) of the national population growth of

2.9 million between July 1, 2005, and July 1, 2006. With a 2.4 percent increase between

July1, 2005 and July1, 2006, Hispanics are the fastest growing minority group. About 1

of every two people added to the nation’s population between July 1, 2005 and July 1,

2006, was Hispanic (U. S. Census Bureau, May 17, 2007, p. 1).

Birth rates for the Hispanic population are 3.1 compared to the national rate of 2.1. Figure 4

depicts the percent of foreign born Mexican Hispanics in the U.S.

Table 2.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 9

The number of foreign born from Mexico was 9.2 percent in 2000, a 1.7 percent increase

from 7.5 percent reported on the U.S. Census in 1990. Native born Mexican Americans

decreased 5.7 percent from 64.2 percent in 1990 to 58.5 percent in 2000. In 2006 the number of

foreign born from Mexico was 30.8 percent accounting for 11.5 million people (Pew Hispanic

Organization, 2008). Figure 3 shows a comparison of the percentage rates for nativity and

citizenship status for the census years 1990 and 2000. Table 3 breaks down the foreign born

U.S. population by state.

Figure 3.

Nativity and Citizenship Status of Mexicans Hispanics in


the U.S. for 1990 and 2000

Native Foreign born, naturalized citizen Foreign born, not a citizen

Year 2000 58.5 9.2 32.2

Year 1990 64.2 7.5 25.8

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%


(Percent Distribution)

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990 and Census 2000 Summary File 4
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 10

Table 3.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 11

Table 3. Continued

Gender in Mexican Immigration

According to the United Nations, the percentage of female migrants worldwide has

increased 2.4 % between the years 1980 and 2005. The U.S. percent of female migrants has

declined by 3.2% between the years 1980 and 2005. Through the mid 1990’s, the large number

of male unauthorized migrants into the U.S. has outnumbered that of legal permanent

immigrants, making the U.S. the exception to the global trend toward feminization.

Mexican immigration broken down by gender: In 2004, Mexican born women accounted

for an estimated 1.1 million arriving in the previous five years, or about 42% of all recent

arrivals from Mexico. A Pew Hispanic Center analysis of the March 2005 Current Population

Survey shows that of an estimated 11.1 million unauthorized migrants, 58% of the adults were
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 12

male while 42% were female (Passel, 2006, p. 1). In contrast, females accounted for 52% of the

adult legal migrant population in 2005,” and males accounted for 48 percent (Fry, p 3). The U.S.

Census Bureau reported in July 2006, that the ratio for Hispanic males was 107 per every 100

Hispanic females. Figure 4 illustrates the percentages of authorized and unauthorized immigrant

migration by gender.

Figure 4.

In the United States gender composition creates a unique marker of the current migration

trends.

“It demonstrates the extent to which migration to the U.S. is distinguished

by a large and steady flow of males who enter the country, live and work here,

outside the framework of the legal immigration system. No other industrialized country

has experienced the same trend in the gender composition of its foreign-born population,
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 13

and none other has added to its foreign-born population as much by way of an

unauthorized flow of male workers” (Fry, p3).

Figure 5 depicts the recent Mexican arrival to the U.S. by gender for the years 1980 and 2004.

Figure 5.
Figure3: MexicanRecent ArrivalstoU.S. ByGender:
1980and2004
(InMillions)

1.6 1.5

1.4
1.2 1.1

1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.4 0.3

0.2
0
Year 1980 Year 2004 Year 1980 Year 2004

Females fromMexico Males fromMexico

Age Factors of Mexican Immigrants

In 1990, nearly 70 percent, 7 out of 10, Hispanics were younger than 35 years old with

“nearly 40% under the age of 20” (Pinal, 1990, p. 6)). In 2000 the median age of Hispanics was

26.0 years compared with 35.4 years for the total population, with one third of the Hispanic

population younger than 18. “Among Hispanic groups, people of Mexican . . . origin were most

likely to be younger than 18. Mexican Hispanics had a reported median age of 24.4. The median

age for the Hispanic population in 2008 was 27.4 years compared to 36.4 years of the total

population. For people of Mexican descent the median age was reported at 25.7 years (Ramirez,

2004, pg. 5).

The following tables, table depict the median age of all Hispanics as reported by the U.S.

Census Bureau’s population estimates and Facts for Feature reports for the years 1990 to 2006.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 14

Figure 6 shows the median age of the Mexican Population in the U.S. in 2006. Mexican

Hispanics have a younger median age compared to the median age of the total Hispanic

population in 2006.

Table 4.
Resident Population Estimates of the United States by Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: April 1, 1990 to July 1, 1999

Population Estimates
July July July July July July July July July
Age 1,1990 1,1991 1,1992 1,1993 1,1994 1,1995 1,1996 1,1997 1,1998 July 1,1999
Median Age (years) 27.8 27.9 28 28.2 28.1 28.3 28.4 28.5 28.7 28.8
All Races (National Mean
Age 40.4 40.5 40.6 40.7 40.8 36.7 37 37.3 37.6 37.9
http://www.census.gov/popest/archives/1990s/nat-srh.txt

Table 5.

Population Estimates April 1, 2000


Sex and Age July 1, July 1, July 1, July 1, July 1, July 1, July 1, Estimates
Census
2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 Base
.Median age (years) Both
Sexes
27.4 27.2 26.9 26.7 26.4 26.2 25.9 25.8 25.8
.Median age (years) Males
27.2 26.9 26.6 26.4 26.1 25.8 25.5 25.4 25.4
.Median age (years) Females
27.7 27.5 27.3 27.1 26.9 26.6 26.4 26.3 26.3
Total population 36.4 35.4
http://www.census.gov/popest/national/asrh/NC-EST2006/NC-EST2006-04-HISP.xls

Figure 6.
Age of the Mexican Population in the U.S. 2006

18-34

35-49

50+

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%


Survey of Mexican and Central American Immigrants in the United States August 8, 2007 Bendixen & Associates - MIF FOMIN
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 15

Undocumented Residents

There is a division of public opinions on the policies that deal with unauthorized migrants

in the U.S. There is increased national concern over this group because many view illegal

immigrants as being a drain on costs to taxpayers, and it is believed that immigrants are taking

jobs away from U. S. citizens. According to the poll, No Consensus on Immigration Problem or

Proposed Fixes, “53 % said people who are in the U.S. illegally should be required to go home,

while 40 % say they should be granted some kind of legal status that allows them to stay here”

(Pew Hispanic Center, March 30, 2006, p. 1). Nearly half of those surveyed who felt illegal

immigrants should be required to leave also said that some should be able to stay under a

temporary work program.

The Pew Hispanic Center reported that in March 2005 there were an estimated 11.1

million undocumented residents living in the United States. Out of the 11.1 million more than 6

million originated from Mexico. Between the years 1990 and 2005, “Unauthorized migrants

have accounted for about 80 to 85 percent of the increase,” in the average number of the

Mexican population in the United States (Passel, 2005, p. 2). An estimated 2.0 million - 26%

arrived between the years 1990 to 1994, 2.9 million – 18% between the years 1995 to 1999 and

4.4 million – 40% who arrived between the years 2000 to 2005 (Pew Hispanic Center- Fact

Sheet, 2006).

“Almost two thirds (68 percent) of the undocumented population lives in just eight states:

California (24 percent), Texas (14 percent), Florida (9 percent), New York (7 percent),

Arizona (5 percent), Illinois (4 percent), New Jersey ( 4 percent), and North Carolina (3

percent). . . But, since the mid-1990s the most rapid growth in the immigrant population
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 16

in general and the unauthorized population in particular has taken place in new settlement

states” (Passel, 2005, p. 11).

Figure 7 graphically depicts the numbers and percentages of the unauthorized migrants

between the years of 1990 and 2005. Table 6 lists the numbers of unauthorized migrants per

state based on the 2005 Current Population Survey. Figure 9 depicts the dispersion and

redistribution of unauthorized immigrants by states.

Figure 7.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 17

Table 6.
Estimates of the Unauthorized Migrant Population for the States based on the March 2005 CPS
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 18

Figure 8.

Figure 9.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 19

Immigration Populations per State:

There is a trend of immigration dispersing and moving away from the six traditional

gateway states toward nontraditional settlement states. This is a result of the Immigration

Reform and Control Act of 1986 that granted amnesty to an estimated 3.0 illegal immigrants.

Their new legal status allowed immigrants freedom to move out and away from the six

traditional gateway states of California, Florida, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, and Texas.

This has also effected illegal immigration in that large numbers of illegal immigrants are

beginning to migrate to new settlement states (also known as second and third tier states), a large

percentage of them for reasons of family reunification in addition to economic factors.

The U.S. Census Bureau reported on March 5, 2008, that in 2006, there were 28.3 million

U.S. residents of Mexican origin, constituting 9 percent of the nation’s population. California

and Texas have the largest numbers of residents of Mexican origin in the United States followed

by New York and Florida. In 2006, 48 % of the Hispanic population resided in California (13.1

million) and Texas (8.4 million). In 2006 the number of people of Mexican origin living in

California was 10.84 million, and 7.02 million resided in Texas. Illinois, New Jersey, Arizona,

New Mexico, Colorado and Massachusetts all have significant proportions of Hispanic residents.

Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Tennessee have reported

increased rates of Hispanic population growth between the 1990 census and the 2000 census.

According to Rakesh Kochler’s, et al., report The New Latino South, “the Hispanic growth rates

continue to outpace the national average in the most recent census estimates: North Carolina at

394%, Arkansas at 337%, Georgia at 300%, Tennessee at 278%, South Carolina at 211% and

Alabama with 208%. Nevada was an exception with 217%,” between the years 1990 and 2000

(Kochler, 2005, p. 2).


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 20

In 1990 “. . . 9 out of every 10 Hispanics lived in just 10 states . . . with California,

Texas, New York, and Florida having the largest proportions” (Pinal, 1993, p.3). "Illegal

migrants [are moving away from] traditional states: Eighty-eight percent of the nation's illegal

immigrants lived in the six traditional settlement states for immigrants in 1990, but the same

states had only 61 percent of the total in 2004. In other words, an estimated 3.9 million

undocumented migrants lived in other states" (CQ Researcher, 2005, p. 400).

The U.S. Census Bureau reported on July 16, 2007 that 22 states including Arizona,

California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts,

Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, Texas,

Utah, Vermont, Washington, and Wyoming all reported Hispanics as the largest minority group

in their respective states. New Mexico reported in 2006, to have the highest percentage of the

population that was of Hispanic origin with 44%, the highest of any other state. California and

Texas followed with 36% and Arizona with 29%. In 2007 there were 15 states reporting to

have “at least a half million Hispanic residents” (U.S. Census Bureau, July 16, 2007, p. 2). The

15 states were Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Massachusetts, Nevada,

New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Texas and Washington.

Modes of Entry for Unauthorized Migrants

There are a large percentage of unauthorized migrants in the U.S. who came to the

country legally and then overstayed their visas. The Pew Hispanic Center’s research report on

Modes of Entry for the Unauthorized Migrant Population, May 22, 2006, reported that nearly

half of the unauthorized migrants now living in the United States had entered legally through a

port of entry such as an airport or border crossing. The 2006 estimates for unauthorized migrants
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 21

were between 11.5 and 12 million. 45% (4 to 5.5 million) of the total migrant population entered

the U.S. with visas and remained in the country after the visa had expired. A smaller group,

roughly 250,000 to 500,000, entered legally using a Border Crossing Card. The remaining share

of unauthorized immigrants, 6 to 7 million, entered the country illegally by evading customs,

hiding in vehicles, wading across the Rio Grande, through the Arizona deserts, or other points

along the Mexican American border. Table 7 outlines the unauthorized migrants’ modes of

entry. Table 8 depicts the number of unauthorized migrants who are visa over-stayers.

Table 7.

Modes of Entry for the Unauthorized Migrant Population

Non-Immigrant Visa Overstayers 4 to 5.5 Million


Entered Legally with Inspection
Border Crossing Card Violators 250,000 to 500,000

Evaded the Immigration Inspectors


6 to 7 Million
Entered Illegally without Inspection and Border Patrol

Sub-total Legal Entries Sub-total Legal Entries

Estimated total Unauthorized Population in 2006 11.5 to 12 Million

Source: pew Hispanic Center Estimates based on the March 2005 Current Population Survey and Department
of Homeland Security reports.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 22

Table 8.
Proportion of Unauthorized Migrants who are Visa Overstays
Country of Arrived Before Arrived Arrived Arrived
Total
Birth 1982 1982-88 1988-92 1992-96
Mexico 14% 13% 17% 18% 16%

Central America 21% 20% 29% 33% 27%

All Others 87% 93% 89% 90% 91%

Source: Pew Hispanic Center Estimates based on the March 2005 Current Population Survey and Department
of Homeland Security Reports.

Economics

Many in this country feel that the costs of immigration, at its current levels, are weighing

down on the U.S. economy. In 1997, “The National Academy of Sciences found that the net

fiscal drain on the American taxpayers is between $166 and $226 a year per native household,”

(FAIR, p. 1). According to a study conducted by the Manhattan Institute under the direction of

Edwin S. Rubenstein, each immigrant costs taxpayers over $9,000, and every immigrant

household of four costs $36, 000 in taxes in 2007.

Mexican Hispanics account for the largest group of immigrants entering the U.S. “From

the early 1990s. . , more than 1.1 million migrants came to the United States every year on

average. In the peak years of 1999 and 2000, the annual inflow was about 35% higher, topping

1.5 million. By the years 2002 and 2003, the number of Mexican Hispanics coming to the

country was 1.1 million” (Passell, p. 1). Immigration has had an impact on the American labor

force. The number of Mexican immigrants in the United States labor force increased from 2.6

million to 4.9 million for the years 1990 to 2000. Figure 10 illustrates the peak years of annual

migration into the U.S. for the years 1999 to 2000.


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 23

Figure 10.

The education level of Mexican immigrants is usually low compared to other immigrants

and to natives, as seen on figure 2. Out of all Mexican immigrants, both legal and illegal, 64.9%

of them have less than a high school education, and 1.1% have a graduate or professional degree.

Most immigrants take jobs that have low-level incomes. They have little trouble finding

work. Family and social networks play a significant role in this. They easily transition into new

jobs, and often find themselves working in industries that are new to them. Many are paid at

minimum-wage levels or below. It is not uncommon for these workers to experience relatively

long spells of unemployment. Table 9 lists the distribution of Mexican immigrants across
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 24

industries in the U. S. for both legal and illegal immigrants in 1999.

There is a steady and strong demand for migrant workers from Mexico for short-term

jobs. The major industries for Mexican immigrants include: construction, the leisure and

hospitality industry, and business services. The construction industry, which is the largest

employer of short-team illegal workers, employed more than 1.4 million illegal workers between

2000 and 2005. Construction is the dominant industry for employing migrants in Atlanta, Dallas

and Raleigh (Kochlar, p. 2).

The leisure and hospitality industry is the second largest employer of short-team illegal

workers. Between the years 2000 and 2005, about 1.2 million illegal migrant were employed in

the leisure and hospitality industry. The hospitality industry is the major employer of illegal

immigrants in New York City. The construction industry, and the leisure and the hospitality

industry combined, account for the employment of an estimated 40% of all short-term illegal

workers (Kochlar, p. 11)

The third group of short-term illegal workers, work in the field of business services.

During 2000 and 2005, over 0.85 million people worked in building maintenance, cleaning and

landscaping (0.35 million), manufacturing, mainly in Chicago (0.35million), wholesale and retail

(0.27 million), and education and health services (0.12 million) (Kochlar, pp. 11,12)
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 25

Table 9

Because of low education and skill levels, their salaries are lower than natives.

Despite the economic gains achieved by Mexican immigrants in the 1990s, they still lag behind the

rest of the population along nearly every economic indicator. Like poverty, the situation for legal

Mexicans is much better than for those in the country illegally.

The average income of legal Mexican immigrants is only 67 percent that of natives. For

example, the typical weekly earnings of full-time Hispanic workers was about $396 per week in

2000. The weekly earnings of full-time native workers were $591 per week. In 2000, the native
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 26

unemployment rate was 3.5 percent, compared to 5.7 percent among Hispanics. There is a high

cost for cheap immigrant labor. It causes huge wage reductions that in turn generate the net gain

for employers and others. The fiscal cost created by immigrant households was estimate by the

National Research Council to be between $11 and $12 billion dollars per year. This is large

enough to offset the modest economic gains that come from access to immigrant labor.

The National Research Council in 1997 found that during the course of a Mexican immigrant’s

lifetime, the average immigrant without a high school degree will use more than $89,000

dollars in public services than he pays in taxes. For a high school degree the figure is $31,000,

and with a college education paying considerably more in taxes than they use in services.

Because so many immigrants are poor and uneducated, the fiscal effect is negative. It means

that when the fiscal effects of low-skill immigrants are considered, immigration reduces the

wages of most vulnerable Americans and creates an added fiscal burden for American

taxpayers. This burden is large enough to offset any economic gain resulting from lower

wages for the unskilled.

Jobs promote immigration of Mexican workers into the United State. These same immigrant

families will build in the U.S., and they will have children here. Their high rates of poverty increase

substantially the total size of poor population in the U.S. Mexican immigrants and their U.S-born

children under age 18 account for 4.2 percent of the nation’s total population, they account for 10.2

percent of the nation’s total poor population in 2001.

The current levels of immigration, including Mexican immigrants, are widening the gap

between the rich and the poor. The official definition of poverty developed by the federal

government in 1964 considers a person to be in poverty if the family in which he resides has pre-tax

cash income below an officially determined threshold (based on the size of the family). Poverty
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 27

rates are important in providing insight into Mexican immigration’s impact on the United States

economy.

Mexican immigrants have very high poverty rates. In 1999, 16.8% of all immigrants lived

in poverty, more than double the rate of natives. Approximately one in four Mexican immigrants

lives in poverty, compared to about one in ten natives, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. The

U.S. Census Bureau reported a 23% poverty rate in 2006 for people of Mexican Heritage.

Due to the high poverty rate of Mexican immigrants, food stamps are important in

helping families get through difficult times. In 1996, 4.7 million Latinos received food stamps.

In March 2001, 17.3 million people, mostly children, benefited from food stamps. The maximum

permissible benefit for a family of four is $434 per month. The average benefit was less than

$75 per person per month. For states like California, one - quarter of poor immigrant families

use food stamps, compared to 36 percent of the state’s poor native families.

U. S. Immigration Policies and Laws

IRCA - The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), “. . . referred to in Mexico as

the Simpson – Rodino Law,” was signed by President Ronald Reagan on November 6, 1986

(Castaneda, p) The IRCA granted amnesty to an estimated 3 million illegal Mexican residents

and allowed an estimated 2 million documented Mexicans to apply for legal status. In 1996 the

largest number of these now legal permanent residence, became citizens. The three main

provisions of the IRCA included:

1) Legalization of a portion of the undocumented population, thereby reducing the number of

illegal aliens.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 28

2) Sanctions against employers hiring illegal aliens knowingly

3) Additional border enforcement to impede further unlawful entries

(Becker, p 15)

Under the IRCA, Mexican migrants gained temporary residence assisting them to move

closer toward becoming permanent residents. Over 3 million illegal Mexican migrants became

American citizens without losing their Mexican nationality. The process took ten years to

complete (Castaneda, p. 20). The act identified two groups that were eligible to apply for

legalization:

1) Illegal aliens who entered into US illegally before January 1, 1982 or entered into

the US on temporary visas before January 1, 1980.

2) Special Agricultural Workers (SAW); most of these workers were migrants from

Mexico who worked in perishable agricultural commodities for a minimum of ninety

days between May 1, 1985 and May 1, 1986. The reason for creation of this group was

that fruit and vegetable farmers feared that they would lose their workers.

The path to legalization included:

1) Applying for legalization

2) Temporary residence - 5 years

3) Permanent residence - 5 years

4) Citizenship

(Becker, p 15)

“The impact of IRCA was much more concentrated with respect to legal immigration

than naturalization.” (Rytina, 2002). In 1996, Lawful Permanent Residents (LPR), made legal by
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 29

IRCA, represented 40% of all immigrants in 1989 and 1991, 75% of which were Mexican. In

1996, IRCA peaked with one-quarter million LPRs becoming citizens.

Prior to IRCA the 1986 double standard in hiring workers prohibited unauthorized

workers from working, but permitted employers to hire them. Post IRCA, the 1986 standard put

the burden of proof on employers to demonstrate that employees had valid proof of identity and

proof of authorization to work. Since employers had to verify eligibility/identity as outlined by

IRCA 1986, some illegal workers started to assume the identities of individuals whose status

could be documented.

Negative impacts of the IRCA 1986 include, identity theft, false credit charges, false

credit report entries and social security usage of legal residents by unauthorized workers (Becker,

p16). Despite the IRCA's employer sanctions, because of the loopholes unauthorized

employment continued. Post IRCA 1986, forged documents became an industry in the U.S.

(Castaneda, p29).

Post – IRCA border enforcement, together with, interior policies resulted in Mexican

population growth in the U.S., since those policies discouraged the immigrants from going back

to Mexico every year as they had been doing before. (Castaneda, p37)

1993 Negative Public Opinions on Immigration in the U.S.

1993 was a time of increasing negative public opinion on the issue of immigration in the

United States in response to such tragic stories of illegal immigrants in the news such as the story

featured in the March 8, 1993 issue of Time magazine, Terror Hits Home - Search for the Tower

Bomber. The article described how terrorists, under the leadership of an illegal alien who had

entered the country with a false Iraqi passport, had bombed the World Trade Center on February
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 30

26, 1993, killing 5 people and injuring over 1, 000 others. This was soon followed by the story

of the Golden Venture, an attempt to smuggle hundreds of Chinese immigrants into the United

States aboard a freighter, that ended when the freighter was deliberately run aground, forcing the

300 illegal aliens that were on board to have to swim ashore on June 6, 1993. deaths from

drowning and hyperthermia, 1993. Ten died as a result and the rest were detained by the INS.

Following the bombing of the World Trade Center, Americans began to express their

views on wanting stricter immigration rules. A New York/ CBS poll revealed that 61 % of the

population wanted to decrease immigration into the United States. An increase of 12 % from a

similar poll taken in 1986, the same year that the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986,

went into effect granting 2.5 million illegal immigrant’s legal status in the U.S. Mexican

immigrants made up the largest immigrant group in the U.S. in 1993, accounting for 9% (25.2

million) of the nations total population according to a U.S. Census Bureau report issued

September 1993.

Economic slow downs in cities with high immigrant populations added to the pressures

on legislators to change the immigration laws. “More critics were asking for fundamental

changes in the way immigration was governed as they believed that immigrants were imposing

economic, environmental and social burdens on the U.S. society” (Cooper, p. 1). Governor Pete

Wilson of California and California Senator Barbara Boxer blamed immigrants for imposing

high costs to their states for free schooling, health care and other public services. Governor

Wilson claimed that immigrants, specifically illegal immigrants cost the state more in public

services then they gave back. On June 18, 1993 Orange County, California called for a three

year halt to immigration. California’s claims increased negative public attention to illegal

immigrants crossing the U.S. – Mexican border across the United States (Cooper, p. 2).
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 31

Operation Hold the Line and Operation Gatekeeper 1993

“Operation Hold the Line in El Paso, begun in 1993, and Operation Gatekeeper in San Diego

last year apparently led to a significant drop in apprehensions of illegal immigrants, the center

said. The analysis said fewer apprehensions reflected better deterrence.” (Clayton, p 1) The San

Diego and El Paso sectors are the two busiest crossing areas for illegal immigration from Mexico

(Rytina, 2002).

“The monthly average apprehensions had increased steadily until those two operations,

and in the last fiscal year, dropped by 19 percent, from more than 100,000 to about 81,500 for

the entire Mexican border. Because statisticians expected a continued substantial increase, "the

overall significance of the change caused by better border control was a reduction of . . . nearly

40 percent below the prevailing trend,'' the report said.” (Clayton, 1995) By comparison,

apprehensions decreased 73 percent in El Paso during the first full year of the crackdown there.

“Immigration and Naturalization Service spokesman James Michie said the agency agreed with

the report's conclusion that "the border can be controlled'' and "is always pleased to receive

constructive analysis and recommendations” (Clayton, 1995). An important affect of operations

Hold the Line and Gatekeeper was that it moved the border crossings from the west in California

to the borders of Arizona

IIRIRA: Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996

On September 30, 1996, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act

(IIRIRA) became law. In an effort to reduce illegal immigration, the IIRIRA included the

following among its many provisions:


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 32

i) Required doubling the number of US Border Patrol agents to five thousand by 2001 and

increasing equipment and technology at air and land ports of entry.

ii) Authorized improvements of southwest border barriers.

iii) Toughened penalties for immigrant smuggling (up to ten years in prison, fifteen years for

third and subsequent offenses) and document fraud (up to fifteen years in prison)

iv) Increased the number of INS investigators for work site enforcement, tracking aliens who

overstayed visas, and investigating alien smuggling

v) Instituted a new "expedited removal" proceeding (denial of an alien's entry into the United

States without a hearing) to speed deportation of aliens with no documents or with fraudulent

documents.

vi) Authorized three voluntary pilot programs to enable employers to verify the immigrant status

of job applicants and to reduce the number and types of documents for identification and

employment eligibility.

vii) Instituted a bar on admissibility for aliens seeking to reenter the United States after having

been unlawfully present in the country-a bar of three years and a bar of ten years for those

unlawfully present for more than a year.

William J. Clinton

During his leadership, President Clinton took steps in order to deter illegal immigration.

On May 3, 1995 a press release from the Office of the Press Secretary of the White House

briefed the public on Immigration Enforcement Improvements Act of 1995 which was sent to the

congress. It expressed that the doors of America would be open to immigrants as it has always

been but laws should be enforced to oversee the flow of immigrants by including a statement

from President’s 1995 State of the Union Message: “We are a nation of immigrants. But we are
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 33

also a Nation of laws. It is wrong and ultimately self-defeating for a nation of immigrants to

permit the kind of abuse of our immigration laws we have seen in recent years, and we must do

more to stop it”. (William J. Clinton Foundation, May 03, 1995) Parallel to the efforts to reduce

immigration of the states such as California, he did not support a guest worker program. On June

23, 1995, Presidential Statement on New Guest Worker Program listed the reasons for his

opposition as follows:

i) It would increase illegal immigration

ii) It would reduce work opportunities for U.S. citizens and other legal residents

iii) It would depress wages and work standards for American workers (William J.

Clinton Foundation, June 23, 1995).

In 1996 border patrol was empowered, sensors were installed and 40 miles of 14 – foot fences

were built in order to deter illegal immigration. While implementing stricter policies regarding

border control President Clinton had a different approach towards the illegal Mexican

immigrants who were already present in the US: He became the first US president to visit

Mexico since 1979. He promised the Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo that he would avoid

mass deportations (PBS).

NAFTA 1994

On January 01, 1994 NAFTA was signed into law by the Clinton administration. Border

enforcement was increased at the same time. NAFTA has exacerbated the economic crisis of

1976, 1982, 1987-88, 1994-95 in Mexico and the need for low wage and low skill labor need of

the US economy in the same period when it was experiencing an economic expansion.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 34

Countryside in Mexico was being de-structured by the trade and liberalization since 1985; farms

had changed and agriculture's share in GDP had dropped. NAFTA intensified this trend

(Castaneda, p 30). Clinton administration prevented further integration of labor markets by

increasing the border enforcement while integrating other North American markets (Castaneda,

p. 36). One of the most important elements of NAFTA during the talks in the US Congress was

on immigration: NAFTA would stop the illegal immigration. Clearly it did not serve this purpose

well (Castaneda, p55). In her Report on Twelve Years of NAFTA Teresa Chavez [DODS]

writes that: NAFTA has caused massive emigration; "...people have had to leave their families

and all of their traditions. They have exchanged them for the stereotypical American dream"

(Ojeda. p 91).

Oil and Immigration:

During the talks of NAFTA in 1992 – 1993 immigration issue could gain the bilateral

characteristic if it was demanded by Mexico. U.S. would ask for more access for Mexico’s

energy resources in return. This was not a favorable situation by Mexico and it was not brought

to the table (Castaneda, p52).

Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996

The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 set forth the

following changes to U.S. immigration law:

• A distinction was introduced for the purpose of this relief between applicants who were

lawful permanent residents and those with no legal status in the United States;

• Renamed deportation proceedings and exclusion proceedings as "removal proceedings";


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 35

• Major changes to the immigration consequences of criminal cases;

• Mandatory detention for immigrants convicted of certain crimes;

• A permanent bar to permanent residence for those who falsely claimed to be U.S. citizens

• Authorization for the U.S. Attorney General to hire at least 1,000 new Border Patrol

agents and 300 new support personnel each year from 1997-2001.

Welfare Reform Law of 1996

Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 was signed into law

(which is known as Welfare Reform Law of 1996) to ensure that welfare benefits did not serve

as incentives for immigration and immigrants admitted into the United States were self reliant.

While most of the public benefits remained available to naturalized citizens, non-citizen aliens

became ineligible for most of those benefits. They were barred from participating in federal

programs such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), food stamps,

Supplemental Security Income (SSI), and Medicaid. Public assistance responsibility was shifted

from the federal government to the states. Illegal immigrants were already ineligible for most

major welfare programs (Becker, p21).

Restoration of Government Benefits:

On August 15, 1997 Balanced Budget Act passed. SSI and Medicaid benefits were restored to

those who had received these benefits before the Welfare Reform passed. “The non-citizen

Benefit Clarification and Other Technical Amendments Act of 1998 amended the welfare reform

law, requiring that nonqualified aliens who were receiving SSI and Medicaid benefits on August

22, 1996” (Becker, p 22).


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 36

Food Stamps

In 1997, with food stamp restriction, 940,000 of 1.4 million legal immigrants receiving

food stamps lost their eligibility. Nearly one-fifth was immigrant children. 1997 - 1998 14 states

created food stamp programs that served about one quarter of this immigrant group. The

Agricultural Research, Extension, and Education Reform Act of 1998 and the Farm Security and

Rural Investment Act of 2002 restored access to many legal immigrants (Becker, p 22).

States Views and Policy on Immigration

Individual states have a difference of opinion on the issue of immigration in their

individual states. States like California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico with large numbers of

Mexican immigrants take a more anti-immigrant approach to this issue. States such as Nebraska

who relies on immigration for employing workers in its meatpacking industry and the state of

Georgia with its SR 1426, requesting the U.S. Congress to continue a legal pathway for

immigration, both maintain pro-immigration views.

Proposition 187

California approved Proposition 187 which prohibited illegal aliens receiving any welfare

services, education and emergency healthcare. It required local law enforcement, educators,

medical professionals, and social service workers to report suspected illegal aliens. Producing

and distributing fraudulent documents became a state felony punishable by up to five years in

prison (Castaneda, p 27).

District Judge Marian R. Pafaelzer ruled Proposition 187’s provision denying elementary

and secondary education for children as unconstitutional based on the Supreme Court decision in
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 37

Plyler v. Doe. In March 1998 Pfaelzer permanently revoked restrictions Proposition 187

imposed. (Becker, p 27)

Even though Proposition 187 was not upheld, it helped to set the stage for a national

debate on immigration and major legislation in Congress and “inspired a national campaign to

curb government spending on legal immigrants” (Rodriguez, 245).

In 1994 large numbers of permanent residents, who historically had the lowest rate of

naturalization of any immigrant group, began enrolling in citizenship classes. “The Los Angeles

Unified School District, the largest provider of such courses in the nation, experienced

enrollments rates that were three times higher than the previous year and one hundred times

higher than the average for the previous eight years.” (Rodriquez, 244) “Between 1992 and

1996, the number of citizenship applicants in California rose by 500 percent. By April 1995, the

Los Angeles district office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service was receiving 2,200

applications for citizenship a day” (Rodriquez, pp 244-245). Mexico was the leading country of

origin for naturalized immigrants with a 212 percent increase in naturalizations from the

previous year (Rodriguez, 245). This increase can also be contributed in part to IRCA.

"When, in the early 1990s, California Senator Pete Wilson pushed for and later achieved

as governor, the legal entry of tens of thousands of agricultural workers into his state, and then,

again as governor, tried to drive them out through Proposition 187 once his state started suffering

from its downsizing of its aerospace industries..." (Castaneda, p 39).

Proposition 200

In November 2004 Proposition 200 was voted and approved in Arizona. Proposition 200

required proof of citizenship when registering and applying for public benefits and it required

public employees to report suspected undocumented immigrants. "The Mexican American Legal
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 38

Defense and Educational Fund filed a suit to block the implementation of Proposition 200. In

December 2004 the U.S. district judge David Bury lifted a temporary order barring

implementation of Proposition 200, which allowed it to become law in Arizona." (Immigration

and Illegal Aliens p 27).

SR 1426

Georgia passed the SR 1426 resolution which said that Georgia recognized the great

value of continued immigration into the state (Immigration and Illegal Aliens p 28). It further

stated that "the state of Georgia benefited greatly from immigrants who seek to make the United

States and Georgia their home and the hard work and financial contributions of immigrants have

created a healthier life for immigrants as well as native-born immigrants" (Georgia SR 1426,

March 30, 2006).

Mexican Immigration Becoming a Shared Responsibility:

Until the beginning of the year 2000 Mexican immigration to the US was seen as the

matter of the US only. Views of the United States of Mexico did not exist in the immigration

policy making process. It was purely US domestic issue. A panel by the Carnegie Endowment

for International Peace produced “Mexico – U.S. Migration: A Shared Responsibility, calling the

both governments to start talks on immigration since the long immigration history between the

two countries in fact sufficed the means of bilateral policy making. This meant Mexico would be

a side in the matters of its citizens who moved to the US. The panel also recommended that the

Bush administration to legalize the undocumented immigrants which could be made possible

through different ways. Maximizing of participation of eligible Mexicans was also

recommended. Panel’s message included four elements:


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 39

1) Conversion of unauthorized workers into legal temporary workers,

2) Provide mechanisms for those who can meet reasonable criteria to earn legal

permanent residence,

3) Offer long term undocumented populations immediate legal permanent residence

status,

4) Negotiate a temporary labor program.

In the light of this panel formed by scholars, religious and community leaders, the Joint

Statement by President George Bush and President Vicente Fox Towards a Partnership for

Prosperity first outlaid that migration from Mexico to the US was a bilateral issue (Castaneda,

Pg, 79) on February 16, 2001 (Castaneda, 78). The statement read: “…Migration is one of the

major ties that bind our societies. It is important that our policies reflect our values and needs,

and that we achieve progress in dealing with this phenomenon. We believe that Mexico should

make the most of the skills and productivity of their workers at home, and we agree there should

be an orderly framework for migration which ensures humane treatment, legal security, and

dignified labor conditions. For this purpose, we are instructing our Governments to engage, at

the earliest opportunity, in formal high-level negotiations aimed at achieving short and long-term

agreements that will allow us to constructively address migration and labor issues between our

two countries. This effort will be chaired by the Secretary of State and the Attorney General of

the U.S. and the Secretary of Foreign Relations and the Secretary of the Interior of Mexico…”

(Bush, 2001).

Joint Communiqué by the High Level Working Group 2001

On April 4, 2001, Mexico and the United States released a joint communiqué which

stated that two countries had begun the negotiations on bilateral migration. The communiqué was
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 40

prepared by the High Level Working Group. Purpose of the talks was to achieve a framework for

orderly, safe, legal and humane migration and for the protection of worker rights. This

communiqué was important as migration would be considered of issue both countries since the

achieving the framework was seen a shared responsibility to ensure that migration from Mexico

would create mutual benefit.

Joint Statement between the United States and the United Mexican States

On September 06, 2001 with a joint statement President Bush and President Fox both renewed

their commitment to new and realistic approaches to migration (The White House, September

06, 2001).

Finally, it seemed to be there was a big change in the neighbor countries’ relations which

would affect the millions of immigrants’ future. The door was opening for migrants to become

immigrants. To open that door was a big responsibility on the US administration’s shoulders

(Castaneda, p 81). It was not easy to reach an agreement which would satisfy both Mexico and

the parties in the Congress. Republicans were in favor of a guest program and democrats were in

favor of amnesty (Castaneda, p 85). Bush administration began to backtrack as it realized the

magnitude of the political investment in August 2001 and before September 11, 2001

(Castaneda, p 81).

September 11, 2001

On September 11, 2001 four passenger airplanes were hijacked by terrorists belonging to

terrorist organization Al Qaeda. Two planes crashed into World Trade Center bringing down the

twin towers, one hit Pentagon, and one crashed in Pennsylvania. After September 11, 2001 the
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 41

negotiations between the two countries were halted. Immigration issue and security issue was

tied to each other. The Mexican issue once again was the issue of the United States alone and

turned back into its unilateral form.

2001 U. S. Patriot Act - Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate

Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act

USA Patriot Act of 2001 became Public Law 107 – 56 on October 26, 2001. In the act the

purpose of it is stated as: “An act to deter and punish terrorist acts in the United States and

around the world, to enhance law enforcement investigatory tools, and for other purposes” (U.S.

Patriot Act). After 9/11 it was understood that some of the terrorists had entered he U.S. legally

an overstayed their visas without any action taken by the INS. In order to end future violations

and to provide a thorough background check before admission into the US the act mandated the

increase the number of the personnel at the northern border, allocation of funds for technology

needs and giving the INS access to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) criminal database.

INS was to begin to entering names of thousands of foreigners who had been ordered deported

and entering their names into the FBI database. It amended the INA, with the material support, to

detain alien or remove that alien from the country if that alien was soliciting membership or

funds to a terrorist organization.

It also directed the U.S. attorney general to implement an entry - exit system, with

particular focus on biometric information gathered during the visa application process and it

appropriated $36 million to monitoring system of foreign students. The act established

provisions to ensure that the immigration status of 9/11 victims and their families was not
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 42

adversely affected as a result of the attacks. The family members of some victims were facing

deportations (Becker pg, 24).

Smart Border Agreement

"Fox had brought up the security issue with Bush on their first talk after 9/11, at the

White House on October 4, 2001, and repeatedly during his conversations with the U.S. leader

throughout the United Nations Summit on Development Financing, held in Monterrey, Mexico,

in late March 2002. At that meeting, in the course of a seperate, bilateral encounter between the

two presidents, the two countries signed the Border Partnership Agreement (or "Smart Border

Agreement") that included twenty-two specific points on border issues, ports of entry, exchange

of information, etc., (ExMex, p. 96).

The agreement listed the U.S. – Mexico Border Partnership Action Plan under three

categories:

i) Secure Infrastructure

ii) Secure Flow of People

iii) Secure Flow of Goods

Item eleven of Secure Flow of People was a reaffirmation of mutual commitment to Border

Security. It asked Mexico to cooperate with the U.S. on stopping illegal immigration by

allocating the high ranked personnel and instutions (The White House).

Homeland Security Act of 2002

On November 25, 2002, Homeland Security Act of 2002 was signed into law. It was “an

act to establish the Department of Homeland Security and for other purposes” (The White
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 43

House). This act consolidated more than 20 agencies into one department employing over

170,000. INS was one of the agencies in the process of consolidation. Title IV, Section 402 of

the act immigration services and immigration law enforcement was separated: INS became the

USCIS and immigration enforcement became the ICE.

Border Security:

Section 402 of the act has outlined the responsibilities of the Under Secretary for Border

and Transportation Security which are preventing the entry of terrorists and the instruments of

terrorism into the United States, Securing the borders, territorial waters, ports, terminals,

waterways, and air, land and sea transportation systems of the United States, administering the

immigration and naturalization laws of the Unite States, administering the customs laws of the

United States, ensuring the speedy, orderly, and efficient flow of lawful traffic and commerce in

carrying out these responsibilities (Illegal Immigration and Aliens, pg 24).

Section 1011 of the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement and Modernization Act of

2003

May 2005, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services finalized the guidance on

Section 1011 of the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003.

$250 million from FY2005 to FY2008 allocated for treatment of unauthorized immigrants. The

states which received the highest allocations for the year 2005 were California, Texas, Arizona,

New York, Illinois and Florida. Undocumented aliens, aliens paroled into the United States at a

U.S. port of entry for the purpose of receiving such services, and Mexican citizens permitted

temporary entry to the U.S. were included. (Medicare Modernization Act, 2005)
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 44

Real ID Act of 2005

One of the recommendations of the 9/11 commission was that an improved and secure

identification should be created for all Americans. After Intelligence Reform and Terrorism

Prevention Act of 2004 which asked new standards to be established for identification in 2005

Real ID Act was signed into law by President Bush. The act mandated federal standards for state

issued driver's licenses. Responsibility for driver's license passed to the Department of Homeland

Security from the Department of Transportation. The new law required DMV personnel to verify

the citizenship or immigration status before issuing a driver's license or non-driver's license.

By May 11, 2008 all states are to be certified for issuing licenses. After this date license issued

by non-certified states will not be accepted for federal purposes including boarding on an

airplane. (Becker, p25)

Change in a policy:

Decades old “Catch and Release” policy was ended by Department of Homeland

Security on October 18, 2005. Under this policy aliens “Other Than Mexicans (OTM)” who

illegaly entered the U.S. were apprehended but due to the lack of detention centers they were

released for a hearing. They would not come to the hearing most of the time. On the other hand,

Mexican aliens who entered the U.S. were being deported immediately. On April 16, 2007

Department of Homeland Security website reported the deportation time decrease from 45 days

to 90 days, no releases of OTMs due to lack of detention facilities or lack of bedspace and a

dramatic decrease in apprehensions of OTMs between the years 2005 and 2007 (Homeland

Security, August 30, 2007). The policy was replaced with “catch and return” where any alien

illegally entered the U.S. have ahd to be subject to apprehension, detention and deportation (The

White House, January 28, 2008).


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 45

Secure Fence Act of 2006

Secure Fence Act of 2006 was signed into law in order to implement necessary measures

to secure the southwestern border of the United Sates with Mexico. The measures included

hundreds of miles of more fences, more vehicle barriers, checkpoints, lighting and authorization

to the DHS to use advanced technology. (Becker, p 26)

Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) Swift & Company raids:

As a result of increasing complaints, in an effort to crack down on identity theft ICE raided Swift

& Company a beef and pork processor headquartered in Colorado December 12, 2006. 1,282

illegal aliens were arrested and 65 people were arrested on criminal charges (Immigration and

Illegal Aliens pg 16). Illegal aliens submitted stolen identifications for employment at Swift

plants. The social security numbers of US citizens were verified in the Basic Pilot Employment

Eligibility System which was used by Swift since 1997 ( U.S. Immigration and Customs

Enforcement).

President Bush’s said “The system we have in place has caused people to rely upon

smugglers and forgers in order to do work Americans aren’t doing. It is a system that, frankly,

leads to inhumane treatment of people.” (The New York Times, December 21, 2006).

Bush Administration and Comperehensive Immigration Reform

On August 3, 2006 President Bush urged the congress to pass the a Comperehensive

immigration reform bill and he explained what it should include:

i) Create a guest worker program that would establish a legal channel for foreign workers to

enter the country in an orderly way, for a limited time,


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 46

ii) Enforce our immigration laws at the worksite

iii) Resolve the status of illegal immigrants who are already in the country

iv) Help newcomers assimilate into our society (The White House, August 03, 2006)

On June 28, 2007 the Senate was not able to reach an agreement on a border security and

immigration reform bill. On January 28, 2008 President Bush addressed the nation on improving

border security and immigration . The Bush administration has increased border security and

immigration enforcement funding from $4.8 billion in 2001 to $12.3 billion in 2008. Border

Patrol agents has increased from 9,000 agents in 2001 to more than 15,000 in 2008. Department

of Homeland Security completed construction of 290 miles of pedestrian and vehicle fence

along the border. Apprehensions at the Southern Border decreased by 20 percent in 2007. (The

White House, January 28, 2006)

Former Federal Reserve Chairman’s Testimony

Remarks by Former Chairman Alan Greenspan, August 27, 2004, “Of course,

immigration, if we choose to expand it, could also lessen the decline of labor force growth in the

United States. As the influx of foreign workers that occurred in response to the tight labor

markets of the 1990s demonstrated, U.S. immigration does respond to evolving economic

conditions. But to fully offset the effects of the decline in fertility, immigration would have to be

much larger than almost all current projections assume.” (Greenspan, Alan).

Republicans and Democrats on Public Services to Illegal Aliens


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 47

National polls show that Republicans are almost twice more as likely as Liberal

Democrats to favor denying illegal aliens basic social services. On the other hand they approve

providing education to illegal alien’s children (Castaneda, p 10).

Findings

Immigration from Mexico according to the states migrants are choosing to move can be

classified in three groups: 1) Gateway states where the immigrants first arrive like (California,

New York, ,Texas, Florida, New Jersey, and Illinois, 2) Second-tier states where immigrants

increasingly tend to settle after their gateway states such as North Carolina, Georgia,

Washington, and Massachusetts, 3) Third - tier states where immigrants from Mexico go to

without staying in the traditional destinations including those who are coming directly from

Mexico. (Castaneda, pp 6-7)

A study of this data by Mr. Passel for the Pew Hispanic Center showed that while 58

percent of the immigrants who arrived in the United States since 2000 settled in 5 of the

traditional gateway states, 24 percent settled in 9 second-tier states (including Georgia,

Massachusetts and Washington) and 11 percent found homes in 11 third-tier states, many of

which have seen little immigration before (stretching from Connecticut to Minnesota to Nevada).

The current trends are showing a great increase of immigration in the second tiered states.

A study of this data by Mr. Passel for the Pew Hispanic Center showed that while 58 percent of

the immigrants who arrived in the United States since 2000 settled in 5 of the traditional gateway

states, 24 percent settled in 9 second-tier states (including Georgia, Massachusetts and

Washington) and 11 percent found homes in 11 third-tier states, many of which have seen little

immigration before (stretching from Connecticut to Minnesota to Nevada). Dispersion and


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 48

diffusion means the movement from California and Texas. Five factors deflected immigration

away from California in the second half of the 1990's:

1) Increase in the costs and risks of border-crossing in the San

Diego area,

2) A slow-down of the California economy,

3) A strong anti-immigration sentiment in the state (Governor Pete Wilson's support of Prop.

187to promote his reelection in 1994),

4) Mobility obtained through amnesty and legalization process between 1987 and 1992,

5) Economic boom in the US from 1992 onward.

“And while many of those first- and second-tier states saw the largest numbers of new

arrivals from Mexico, Mr. Passel found, it was some of the third-tier states that saw the largest

percentage increases: Alabama, South Carolina, Missouri, Kentucky, Ohio and Pennsylvania as

reported by Rick Lyman in the New York Times, August 15, 2006, Census Shows Growth of

Immigrants.

Increased border enforcement, policies and practices like Operation Gatekeeper have

moved the border crossing from west towards east. “The fences or walls, enhanced Border Patrol

surveillance overreaction to strident scenes broadcast on U.S. television in the mid-1990s of

Mexican immigrants swarming over the border then bobbing and weaving through the traffic on

the interstate highway from San Ysidro and San Diego, all converged to create an unwanted but

not unexpected result. Instead of crossing roughly in the area comprised between the sea to the

west and the Tijuana airport to the east migrants were being squeezed inland, first into the

mountains of eastern California, and subsequently, into the desert of western and central

Arizona” (Castaneda, 58).


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 49

The dangers entailed by rough terrain brought about tragic, unforeseen consequences:

1) People began to die by 1997; more than one person loses his life everyday. By the year 2000,

500 people were dying every year, because of dehydration, sunstroke, snakebite, and

exposure.

2) As the difficulties increased the price of smuggling people increased and it turned into

organized crime (roughly 1000 dollars per head 1000 crossings per day equals to 365 million

dollars).

3) Most important circularity came to an end; apprehensions are declining (as fewer people are

caught at the border, because fewer are coming and going).

From 1996 onward Mexicans began to stay instead of returning home for half of the year

and bringing their families to the US instead of leaving them at home. (Castaneda, p 59)

Although gateway states are still absorbing the biggest numbers of immigrants, movement to

second – tier and third – tier states is increasing as a result of legalization and amnesty by IRCA

1986, pro - immigrant laws passed by some of those states like the SR 1426 in Georgia and

increasing existence of family and friends in the same states.

Conclusion

The circulatory nature of Mexican immigration is coming to a halt. The legislation being passed

in the U.S. at the federal and state level, is calling for stricter enforcement of immigration laws

and border enforcement on both legal and illegal immigrants from Mexico. As a result, many

Mexican immigrants are remaining in the U.S. for fear they will not be able to return. As more

immigrants remain in the U.S. there is a trend of dispersion as they migrate out from the

historical gateway states to non-traditional settlement states. Mexican immigration is impacting

both the U.S. both culturally and economically, and legislation, both at the federal and state
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 50

level, are attempting to address the costs of this rapidly growing minority and the socioeconomic

impacts they bring with them.


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 51

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The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 59

Figures

Figure 1 Hispanics, by Type of Origin: 1990. U.S. Bureau of the Census, We Asked . . . You

Told us, (October, 1992) http://www.census.gov/apsd/cqc/cqc7.pdf . p. 2

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We the People: Hispanics in the United States. U. S. Department of Commerce

Economics and Statistics Administration, U. S. Census Bureau

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States. Retrieved March 12, 2008. from the U. S. Department of Commerce Economics

andStatistics Administration, U. S. Census Bureau

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Retrieved March 5, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center.

http://pewhispanic.org/reports/report.php?ReportID=64 p. 3.

Figure 5. Mexican Recent Arrival to U.S. by Gender: 1980 and 2004

Fry, Richard. (2008). Gender and Migration. Pew Hispanic Organization. p.3

http://pewhispanic.org/reports/report.php?ReportID=64 p. 8.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 60

Figure 6. Age if the Mexican Population in the U.S. in 2006. Bendixin & Associates (2007,

August 8) Survey of Mexican and Central Americans in the United States Retrieved

April 15, 2008 from http://www.iadb.org/news/docs/remitmex.pdf p. 4

Figure 7. Most Unauthorized Arrived Since 1990. Passel, Jeffrey S. (2005, March 25) Estimates

of the Size and Characteristics of the Undocumented Population.

Retrieved March 14, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center -Reports.

http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/44.pdf p. 9.

Figure 8. Unauthorized Concentrated but Also Dispersing Passel, Jeffrey S. (2005, March 25)

Estimates of the Size and Characteristics of the Undocumented Population. Retrieved

March 14, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center -Reports.

http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/44.pdf. p. 10

Figure 9. Major Redistribution Away From Big 6 Settlement States. Passel, Jeffrey S.

(2005,March 25) Estimates of the Size and Characteristics of the Undocumented

Population. Retrieved March 14, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center -Reports.

http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/44.pdf p. 10.

Figure 10. Annual Migration to the U.S. Peaked in 1999 – 2000. Passel, Jeffrey S., Suro,

Roberto., (2005 September 27). Rise, Peak, and Decline:

Trends in U.S. Immigration 1992- 2004. Retrieved March 5, 2008, from Pew Hispanic

Center Reports http://pewhispanic.org/reports/report.php?ReportID=53. p. 3.


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 61

Tables

Table 1. Summary Table A. Average Annual Immigration for 1992 - 2004 by Placed of Birth,

by Legal Status, by Race/Hispanic Origin Based on CPS and ACS and Census 2000

/Data. Retrieved March 30, 2008, from Pew Hispanic Center

http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/53.pdf p. 2.

Table 2. Fertility in the Past Year by Region of Birth: 2006. A Statistical Portrait of the

Foreign-Born Population at Mid-Decade. Retrieved March 5, 2008, from the Pew

Hispanic Center Reports

http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/foreignborn2006/Table-12a.pdf

Table 3. Foreign Born by State and Region of Birth in the United States, 2006: Pew Hispanic

Center. (2006). A Statistical Portrait of the Foreign-Born Population at Mid-Decade.

Retrieved March 5, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center Reports

http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/foreignborn2006/Table-12a.pdf p. 1.

Table 4. Resident Population Estimates of the United States by Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin:

April 1, 1990 to July 1, 1999 U.S. Census Bureau Population Estimates Retrieved

March 5, 2008 from the U.S. Census Bureau

http://www.census.gov/popest/archives/1990s/nat-srh.txt pp. 1 , 2

Table 5. Table 4: Annual Estimates of the Hispanic or Latino Population by Age and Sex for the

United States: April 1, 2000 to July 1, 2006 Source: U.S. Census Bureau

Population Estimates Retrieved March 5, 2008, from

http://www.census.gov/popest/national/asrh/NC-EST2006/NC-

EST2006-04-HISP.xls pp. 1,2.


The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 62

Table 6. Estimates of the Unauthorized Migrant Population for the States based on the March

2005 CPS. Pew Hispanic Center. (April 26, 2006). Estimates of the Unauthorized

Migrant Population Based on March 2005 CPS. Retreived March 3, 2008, from the Pew

Hispanic Center Reports and Factsheets. http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/17.pdf

p. 1.

Table 7 Modes of Entry for the Unauthorized Migrant Population. Pew Hispanic Center

(May 22, 2006). Modes of Entry for the Unauthorized Migrant Population.

Retrieved March 5, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center Reports.

http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/19.pdf. p. 1

Table 8. Proportion of Unauthorized Migrants who are Visa Overstays. Pew Hispanic Center

(May 22, 2006). Modes of Entry for the Unauthorized Migrant Population. Retrieved

March 5, 2008, from the Pew Hispanic Center Reports.

http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/19.pdf. p. 4.

Table 9. Occupation by Region of Birth: 2006. Pew Hispanic Center. (2006). A Statistical

Portrait of the Foreign-Born Population at Mid-Decade. Retrieved March 5, 2008, from

the Pew Hispanic Center Reports

http://pewhispanic.org/files/factsheets/foreignborn2006/Table-24.pdf. p. 1.
The Micro-History of Mexican Immigration in the United States 63

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