Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
Petra Doan
Associate Professor
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
Florida State University
Tallahassee, FL 32306-2280
pdoan@garnet.acns.fsu.edu
Harrison Higgins
Planner in Residence
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
Florida State University
Tallahassee, FL 32306-2280
hhiggins@garnet.acns.fsu.edu
August 2006
processing for mathematical, verbal, fine motor, and spatial tasks (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974).
Some scholars suggest that males perform better on mathematical and spatial tasks, whereas
females perform better on verbal and fine motor tasks (Halpern, 2000). However, these results
have been questioned by others particularly in the area of spatial ability. For instance, Caplan et
al, (1985) review numerous studies and argue that the actual differences between sexes in spatial
ability are small and are confounded by a lack of clarity in the definition of spatial ability.
Kitchin (1996) finds only minor differences by sex in geographic knowledge and ability. Self
and Golledge (2000) suggest that there is a great deal of controversy around the issue of sex
differences in cognitive mapping abilities, and suggest a focus on gender rather than sex.
Sanders, et al (2002) argue that within sex differences in cognitive abilities may be as great as
the between sex differences such that sub groups of males and females may exhibit cognitive
characteristics associated with the opposite sex due to variations in prenatal hormone exposure.
One persistent area of sex related spatial ability differences appears to be in navigational
tasks related to wayfinding. Several studies argue that there are important sex linked differences
between the way that women and men process and store spatial data. Lawton suggests that
differences in the cognitive abilities of men and women influence the spatial strategies they use
to navigate in space. Men tend to employ a spatial survey or overview approach, whereas women
tend to utilize specific route based landmarks and directions (Lawton, 2001). Another piece of
the explanation of gendered differences is related to the influence of anxiety with regard to
1
wayfinding (Schmitz, 1999). Lawton and Kallai (2002) report that some women have higher
levels of anxiety about finding their way in unknown or uncertain areas and this concern
influences the way that they attempt to navigate, i.e. their wayfinding strategies. The authors
attribute this anxiety at least in part to differences in upbringing where young girls are often
more closely monitored and given less freedom to explore than boys at an equivalent age.
Recent research indicates that sexual orientation is also associated with differences in
navigational strategies, such that gay men are associated in some tests with wayfinding strategies
more typical of women than men (Rahman et al, 2005). Little has been written about how these
differences might influence residential and travel behaviors based on differential wayfinding
strategies. This research will use a cognitive framework to assess neighborhood location
decisions of a particular subset of the urban population, the sexual minority known as LGBT or
queer. There appear to be large differences in the kinds of neighborhoods and commercial areas
frequented by gay men versus lesbians. The premise of this paper is that a cognitive framework
provides a useful lens through which to analyze the process of place-making for the queer
population.
Over the past several decades LGBT people have become increasingly visible and
recognized as active participants in urban place making within cities. Numerous authors have
provided useful contextual studies of the ways that gays and lesbians have created spaces for
habitation and socializing within cities (Bell and Valentine, 1995; Ingram et al, 1997; Valentine,
2000). Because society at large has been generally repressive of sexual minorities, an important
element of such places has been the establishment of safe spaces in which marginalized
2
individuals can live their lives without immediate fear of retribution. Accordingly, most research
on this topic has examined the evolution of such places through the perspective of a single
community, usually either gay men or lesbians. Castells (1983) examines the evolution of a San
Francisco neighborhood of gay men called the Castro, and finds that gay men are concerned with
controlling territory and dominating space. He argues that this tendency explains spatial
development in the Castro whereas lesbians in the area are more concerned with networks, with
changing basic values and creating linked social systems, not with territoriality. Others concur
that predominantly gay enclaves are quite visible with clearly delineated boundaries, whereas
lesbian neighborhoods areas are less visible and thus appear less clearly defined (Wolfe, 1997).
Adler and Brenner (1993) argue that lesbians may be concerned with spatial issues, but
several factors influence their location decisions. On average women’s incomes are lower than
men’s, so they often can’t afford to buy houses as investments in the manner men do. In some
cases lesbians do own and manage establishments in the wider business community (Forsyth,
1997), but their presence is quite limited. Women are also more likely to have custody of
children, which changes the parameters of their residential location away from inner city
neighborhoods to areas with more attractive schools and other neighborhood amenities friendly
to children. Finally women are more vulnerable in urban areas and therefore less able to stake
Other scholars highlight the important roles played by gay men in the neighborhood
renovation and gentrification process (Lauria and Knopp, 1985), however much of the historic
preservation literature has ignored their presence with occasional exceptions (Dubrow, 1998).
Often the so-called queer spaces in cities like Chicago are little more than the commodification
of space by the patriarchal institutions that remain in control of post-industrial society (Nast
3
2002). Such highly commodified gay spaces leave little space for women (Valentine, 2001),
resulting in lesbian areas that are not distinct, but are blended into otherwise bohemian
neighborhoods which can be called “spaces of difference” (Podmore 2001). Planning in these
areas has often functioned as a “heterosexist project” (Frisch 2002) that reinforces this separation
through land use regulation and policy (Forsyth, 2001). However there is little understanding of
the way that these neighborhoods actually develop, whether they actually serve as safe zones for
queer residents, and what steps planners might take to nurture their development.
All of this work makes the implicit assumption that sex and gender are synonymous. This
is clearly not the case within gay and lesbian populations or the urban population as a whole, but
there is little discussion of gender variation in these studies. Prior to the 1969 Stonewall
revolution flouting gender norms was one method of signifying queerness. Within the gay
community female impersonators have long been a highly visible expression of queerness and
drag shows were popular events in gay bars. At the same time patrons of lesbian bars were
frequently divided into the “butches” and the “femmes”. However, Faderman (1991) suggests
that during the 1970s gender variant women, especially the most overtly butch and femme
women, were pressured to adopt gender attributes more acceptable to society. As a result many
lesbians adopted a standard attire of jeans and a flannel shirt, that is neither terribly butch or
femme. There is still tension within the lesbian community over the highly gendered subject
positions of butches and femmes, with the latter being seen by some people as lipstick lesbians
and often not “real” lesbians (Harris and Crocker, 1997). Within the gay community gender
non-conformity also is even more tightly suppressed, and overtly effeminate men were often
marginalized (Taywaditep, 2001). Many gay men have adopted a more uniformly “masculine”
4
Much of this denial of gender diversity is replicated in the studies of queer urban spaces
that develop when queer people recognize that because of the hetero-normative nature of most
urban areas, overt action is required to create a safe place for themselves (Bell, Binnie, Cream,
and Valentine, 1994). An essential premise of queer theory is the recognition of much more fluid
subject positions with a consequent need for a more radical and more inclusive vision of “queer
space” (Bell and Valentine, 1995). However even this promising new conceptualization has
2002) and non-traditional gender presentations within these communities, leaving these
individuals vulnerable and invisible in public spaces (Namaste, 1993; Namaste, 2000; Doan,
One possible explanation of the differences in spatial behaviors of gay men and lesbians
may be found in the literature on gender dimensions of spatial cognition. Sex linked cognitive
survey approach with a focus on areal delineation appears to underlie Castells’ contention that
men are more territorial. However, there has been little equivalent work on what women’s ways
of knowing and processing such as a landmark based cognition system would mean for the
development of women’s neighborhoods. There has been more focus on the fact that women
have higher levels of anxiety about finding their way in unknown or uncertain areas and that
state may influence the way that they attempt to navigate, i.e. their wayfinding strategies
(Schmitz, 1999; Lawton and Kallai, 2002). Indeed the literature on women’s perceptions of
danger in urban spaces suggests that women’s fear of violence in urban areas is a powerful
influence on their overall comfort level in urban spaces (Valentine, 1990; Pain, 1991; Goodey,
1995; Harris and Miller, 2000; Hollander, 2001). Bondi (1992) argues that the urban landscape
5
is filled with symbols that are strongly associated with men. It is possible that such symbols
contribute to a greater anxiety on the part of women. Mason (2002) adds that fear of violence is
through networks based in these locations reducing the need for spatial contiguity. How is such
information coded and conveyed in urban areas. If women tend to follow procedural and
landmark based cognitive patterns, are there certain types of areas which constitute negative
landmarks?
Furthermore many of the cognitive studies assume that perceptions of spaces (and
associated cognitive processes) are linked to sex and not gender. This paper asks a further
question whether such differences may be related to one’s embodied gender (as self identified) as
opposed to one’s sex. If embodied gender is linked to cognitive processes then variations within
sex which do not also consider gender may be missing key variables which would explain the
inconsistency in results.
Research Objectives
The goal of this research is to examine the ways in which embodied gender influences
wayfinding strategies in urban areas. In addition, the paper considers the connection between
gender and perceptions of the relative safety of the neighborhoods in which men and women live
and work. A critical factor in understanding the effects of gender is the extent to which men and
6
women embody a gender which is consonant with societal expectations. In particular our
research seeks to connect cognition of queer space to the creation of safer, more livable
communities through planning and design. We seek to achieve these ends specifically by
furthering the understanding of the effect of various built environment factors, including
“landmarking” and spatial bounding (two of today’s most common queer space notational
strategies), on perceptions of safety. We accept the premise (posited by Jane Jacobs, 1961 and
Oscar Newman, 1972) that the built environment has an important effect on public safety and the
The research seeks to better understand “queer space” in terms of spatial practices by a
variety of queer people. Rather than focusing narrowly on single neighborhood enclaves or on
the navigational and locational strategies of either gay men or women, the research seeks to
entire, complex urban area. Thus it seeks to understand the functionality of queer space and its
Given that queer people are more often subject to crime and the fear of crime and given
the likelihood that the variety of GBLT navigational and spatial strategies echoes the variety of
the queer community itself, the research seeks to understand the particular urban planning and
design needs of GBLT people given public safety challenges they face. Thus far, planning and
design have paid more attention to the “microscale” phenomena (e.g., the notorious “broken
window”) that effect residents fear of crime than they have to “macroscale” contributions to
minority identity. This research attempts to advance the understanding of macroscale factors
7
effecting perceptions of safety and vulnerability in order to increase the precision of microscale
Methodology
This research examines the interactions of various community members and the urban
spaces they inhabit using a technique known as cognitive mapping to specify the dimensions of
queer spaces. This technique captures the frequency and patterns of use of key landmarks,
boundaries, and safe zones within those areas by a variety of queer people (gay, lesbian, bisexual
and transgendered). Cognitive mapping is a well known tool for capturing information about
individual’s perceptions of spatial environments. First popularized by Kevin Lynch in his study
of Boston (Lynch 1960), .this technique was subsequently used to map perceptions of urban
areas such as New York and Atlanta (Milgram et al, 1972; Reitzes 1981). In more recent years
researchers have studied the reliability of sketch maps (Blades, 1990), the ability of cognitive
maps to reflect the social structure of urban areas (Lloyd and Hooper, 1991), the distribution of
fear in an urban area (Matei, Ball-Rokeach, and Qiu, 2001), as well to assess differences in male
and female spatial abilities (Ward et al, 1986; Schmitz, 1999, Lawton and Kallai, 2002).
To further this aim the researchers developed an interview and mapping protocol that
asked members of the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered population (GLBT) in a south
eastern city to perform simple mapping tasks as well as describe their neighborhoods and
connections to the local “queer areas.” The survey was distributed using a snowball approach,
considered an effective means of reaching a socially marginalized group. The snowball began
with 450 questionnaires distributed to the mailing list of the local GLBT community center. In
addition approximately 100 copies were distributed at meetings of the Metropolitan Community
8
Church, the local Prime-Timers group (over 40 gay men’s group), the LGBT Student Union at
the local university, and the local transgender support group. Additional copies were made
available to other prospective respondents via word of mouth. In total 127 questionnaires were
Each respondent was asked a range of standard questions about their personal situation
(age, race, sex, type of work, range of income, neighborhood type, length of time in Tallahassee,
etc.). Each person was also asked to rate their degree of gender embodiment based on either a
butch-femme scale for women or an equivalent scale for men ranging from macho man to a real
queen. In addition to basic demographic information informants were asked about their
perceptions of safety in both their neighborhoods and in the downtown area and their experiences
of harassment and discrimination within the area. Finally participants were asked to undertake
two mapping tasks. First they were asked to prepare a simple sketch map of the route from
downtown to the airport. Second they were asked to provide written directions from the largest
shopping mall in town to the local public library. The resulting spatial data was analyzed for
Results
A total of 127 surveys were returned. Of these 19% were from members of the Family
Tree, the local LGBT community center. While the mailing list of the Family Tree comprises
more than 450 names, a much smaller percentage of these are actually paid up members of the
Tree. In addition another 14% were affiliated with the Metropolitan Community Church., and
22% were from other LGBT groups. The remainder did not indicate an affiliation.
9
Because of the snowball nature of this survey the demographic composition of the sample
is not as balanced as we might have hoped. The sex ratio was split 60:40 female to male. Of
these there were only a handful of people who identified as bisexual and there were only four
people who identify as transgendered individuals, three M2F and one F2M. The average age of
the population was 45 which is high especially in a college town. Finally the racial composition
of this survey is quite limited, reflecting at last in part the rather white composition of the
institutions used in the snowball survey. The survey responses indicated the following racial
Figure One describes the self attribution of gender by men and women. The survey asked
respondents to rate themselves on a nine part butch – femme scale if they identified as women
and ona similar nine part Macho man to “real queen” scale if they identified as men. The authors
are quite aware of the problematic nature of this stereotyped characterization of gender. Clearly
this is only picking up one dimension of a vastly more complicated concept. However, it is their
collective experience that in Tallahassee these words are often used to describe members of these
populations. The women positioned themselves fairly evenly across the spectrum of gender
possibilities with the exception of the ultra butch category. While many men were unwilling to
locate themselves near the real queen extreme, the overall distribution is similar to the women’s,
except that the range of responses is fore-shortened by men’s apparent unwillingness to self
describe themselves as anything approaching effeminacy. Still a large number clumped just to
the right or right at the median point which we interpret as being as “the least macho” group of
men.
10
In order to preserve the privacy of individuals we did not ask for addresses and we were
not permitted by the Family Tree to see the addresses used in the mail out. We did ask
respondents for three pieces of spatial information, their zip code, the name of their
neighborhood, and the nearest major intersection to their residence. Figure Two shows a map of
survey respondents by zip code. These findings confirm the researchers informal understanding
that there is no clearly defined gay or lesbian enclave in this region. The listing of respondents by
neighborhood showed the largest concentration (10 respondents) in one southside neighborhood
called Indian Head Acres and the neighboring Myers Park area. This neighborhood has been
described by a gay realtor as a “granola neighborhood” with a high proportion of GLBT people
surrounded by other socially conscious (neighbors, but this area is by no means an enclave. The
rest of the respondents were distributed fairly evenly throughout the metropolitan area, though
Figure Three illustrates the income levels of respondents. Incomes of respondents in the
sample appear to be solidly middle income which is probably due to the snowball sampling
strategy which significantly underrepresented both students and minorities, both of whom are a
significant component of this community. Median income in the Tallahassee metro area is
around $36,441 which is very close to the middle of our distribution. Fifteen percent of the
sample report incomes of less than $20,000 and just under ten percent report incomes of more
than $80,000.
11
Figure Three about here
The education levels of our respondents as seen below in Figure Four were somewhat
higher than expected even in a community with two major universities and a large community
college. According to the 2000 Census approximately 21% of the population of the metro area
had a bachelor’s degree and 9.75% had a master’s degree and 5.74% had a doctorate or other
terminal professional (JD/MD) degree. In our sample 33.1% have a bachelor’s degree, 28.3 have
a master’s degree, and 17.3% have a doctorate or other terminal professional degree. Thus our
The community in which the survey was done is bounded on the south by national forest
land which constrains housing options on the southern fringe of the city. In contrast the northern
and eastern edges of the city were once dominated by plantation style agriculture. From the
1970s onward, these large parcels have been slowly converted to extensive suburban
developments with only limited spaces for moderate income housing. The surrounding ex-urban
area is sparsely settled, providing numerous opportunities for small rural farmsteads and other
longer distance commuter residences. Figure Five illustrates the types of neighborhoods in which
respondents are living. Not surprisingly most respondents live either in-town or in traditional
suburbs. Although some research argues that rural areas are indeed receptive to gays and
lesbians, 44.1% of our survey respondents lived in urban in-town neighborhoods and 31.5% live
in traditional suburban developments. Fewer (13.4%) live in peripheral or fringe areas, and even
12
fewer (9.4%) live out in the woods. It is therefore not surprising that the respondents to this
survey are reasonably concentrated closer to the traditional downtown with over half the sample
The bivariate analysis of these data reveals some interesting patterns in the ways that gay
men and lesbians experience safety in this urban environment. The first cut divides the sample
into women and then men to analyze experiences with harassment, hostility, and discrimination.
Table One indicates that among all women, gender dissonant women are more likely to have
experienced harassment (including verbal abuse or extended staring) than other women
respondents. Perhaps this is not surprising since highly butch women are often quite visible,
especially those with very short hair and more masculine attire. These women challenge cultural
norms for gender expression and thus are more exposed to harassing looks and comments.
However gender dissonant women were not significantly more likely to experience outright
Tables Two and Three address the experiences of gender dissonant men as compared to
other men with respect to hostility and discrimination. Table Two shows that gender dissonant
men are more likely to experience outright hostility than other gay men. There appears to be
good reason why gay men seek to project a more macho front to the world. In similar fashion
Table Three indicates that among all men, highly gender dissonant men are more likely to have
13
experienced discrimination in employment or in housing. Once again this is not surprising since
it is perhaps the gender dissonance of these men that marks them as different and makes them
with proximity to one’s nearest LGBT neighbors. These data indicate that LGBT individuals
who live in closer proximity to other LGBT people are significantly more likely to perceive that
their neighborhood is a safe environment for them. Because this community does not have an
identifiable queer space, this does not necessarily imply a high concentration of queer people,
just proximate neighbors. This finding also suggests that in the absence of visible queer spaces,
some LGBT people may make residential location decisions based on where others have found
Multivariate Analysis
Table Five below illustrates the results of the first regression analysis of the total number
of landmarks used in both cognitive mapping exercises. While the overall adjusted R squared is
modest at best (0.126), this level of explanatory power is not uncommon in exploratory research
of this type. In this case we expected that people using a way finding strategy dominated by
landmarks would make greater use of such landmarks. The two variables which were most
significant in the analysis were the length of time that an individual has lived in their current
residence and the degree of men’s gender dissonance. The first variable reflects the degree of
knowledge of the community acquired by an individual who has lived in this community for a
long time and might have transferred to the map. The second variable, the degree of men’s
gender dissonance, is particularly interesting. Less macho men are significantly more likely to
14
follow a landmark based navigating strategy than both other men and women. This finding
suggests that while there are important differences in wayfinding strategy they significantly
related to gender differences, or more precisely the degree to which an individual self perceives
We also tested other variables related to previous experiences with mapping software and
orienteering exercises in the outdoors. None of these variables representing previous experiences
with map-making and outdoor way-finding helped to explain the survey vs. landmark approach.
These results suggest that in this population gender differences are more important than
experience in explaining the type of wayfinding strategy that LGBT are likely to use.
In a similar vein Table Six below uses logistic regression to test whether the respondents
were more likely to use appropriate cardinal directions on the mapping tasks. We expected that
correct cardinal orientation would be a key indicator of the survey wayfinding approach which
the literature indicates is more common among men. We used a logistic regression model
because correct use of a cardinal orientation is either right or wrong. The two most significant
predictors of correct cardinal orientation are the estimated travel distance in minutes that an
individual live from the center of town (which is the starting point for one of the mapping
exercises). Once again this appears to be an indication of the degree to which an individual is
familiar with geographic features of the study metropolitan area. The second variable is in this
equation is the inverse of the previous regression, this time measuring the degree of women’s
gender dissonance. In this case highly gender dissonant women (butch women) were
significantly more likely to use a correct cardinal orientation in their mapping exercises than
other women and than men. This finding suggests strongly that once again it is the degree of
15
Conclusions
The results of the analyses discussed above indicate quite strongly that gender is an
Although much of the literature uses sex differences to analyze both perceptions of safety and
fear in urban areas as well as wayfinding strategies, this paper has argued that gender differences
with harassment, hostility, and discrimination over their lifetimes and in a particular spatial
context. Our results indicate that these experiences vary significantly with the degree to which an
individual’s self ascribed gender is dissonant with societal expectations of gender for a person
perceived as male or female. In particular individuals who are highly gender dissonant are much
more likely to experience incidents of harassment (for women in particular) and either outright
Although our current study area does not have a clearly defined “gay enclave” the results
do indicate that for many respondents having one or more GLBT neighbors in close proximity
makes them feel safer. These results do not vary by neighborhood type suggesting that it less
important where GLBT people live than that they live in areas in which there are supportive
neighbors. This residential level support system appears to be part of “defensive” strategy for
people who may feel quite marginalized by social institutions. Because the study area does not
contain an enclave we were unable to test whether even higher concentrations of GLBT people
Wayfinding strategies are also strongly influenced not by sex, but by the ways in which
16
gender is embodied. Gender dissonant men are more likely to use a landmark approach and
gender dissonant women are more likely to use cardinal directions correctly which is more
closely associated with a survey approach to wayfinding. These preliminary findings suggest
strongly that Castells’ argument that men are more territorial and therefore interested in carving
out enclaves in space is unlikely to be true. More macho men may be more territorial in a survey
style approach, but less macho men appear to be less territorial. Furthermore, the results suggest
that since butch-identified women should also be territorial, there should be more enclaves of
Acknowledgements: This research has been partially funded by the Gays and Lesbians in
Planning Division of the American Planning Association (GALIP) as part of an ongoing project
to examine the cognitive dimensions of queer space. We are grateful to GALIP for their support.
In the near future we plan to expand the pilot study to a more larger Atlanta Metropolitan
Region which will enable us to examine both enclave and non-enclave situations. In addition a
large metropolitan area will provide both a larger sample size and greater ethnic diversity. The
next phase of the study will also place greater emphasis on actual sketch mapping of the
neighborhoods in which LGBT people live.
17
Figure One Men’s and Women’s Gender Type
Men's
Gender type
Women's
gender type
F emm
e to B utch
Scale
18
Figure Two: Concentration of Respondents to total population levels by zip code
19
Figure Three Respondent Incomes
Level of Income
40
30
y
c
n
e
u20
q
e
r
F
10
0
< $19,999 $40K-$59,999 $80K-$99,999
$20K-$39,999 $60K-$79,999 >$100K
Level of Income
Level of Income
Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent
< $19,999 19 15.0 15.0
$20K-$39,999 39 30.7 45.7
$40K-$59,999 40 31.5 77.2
$60K-$79,999 17 13.4 90.6
$80K-$99,999 6 4.7 95.3
>$100K 5 3.9 99.2
no response 1 .8 100.0
Total 127 100.0
20
Figure Four Respondent Education Levels
50
40
y
c30
n
e
u
q
e
r
F
20
10
0
high school AA degree bachelor's master's degree PhD, JD, MD,
diploma degree etc.
Highest Education Level
Highest Education Level
21
Figure Five Neighborhood Types
Description of Neighborhood
60
50
40
y
c
n
e
u
q30
re
F
20
10
0
in town traditional suburban rural fringe rural or out in the
neighborhood development settlement woods
Description of Neighborhood
Description of Neighborhood
Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent
in town neighborhood 56 44.1 44.1
traditional suburban
development 40 31.5 75.6
rural fringe settlement 17 13.4 89.0
rural or out in the woods 12 9.4 98.4
two or more responses 1 .8 99.2
no response 1 .8 100.0
Total 127 100.0
22
Table One Dissonant women & harassment
Women only
Femme Butch
<5 >= 5 Total
Has respondent no Count 47 16 63
ever experienced
physical Expected
harassment Count 43.9 19.1 63.0
yes Count 6 7 13
Expected
Count 9.1 3.9 13.0
Total Count 53 23 76
23
Table Two Dissonant Men and Hostility
Males only
More Less
macho Macho Total
Has no Count 24 8 32
respondent
ever Expected
experienced Count 21.3 10.7 32.0
hostility in
TLH yes Count 10 9 19
Expected
Count 12.7 6.3 19.0
Total Count 34 17 51
Males Only
yes Count 4 6 10
Expected
Count 6.7 3.3 10.0
Total Count 34 17 51
New neighborhood safety * How close is nearest known LGBT Neighbor Crosstabulation
25
Table Five Predicting the number of landmarks used
Coefficientsa
Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Std. Error Beta t Sig.
1 (Constant) 2.522 .565 4.466 .000
Minutes to Apalachee /
-.019 .019 -.097 -.993 .323
Monroe
highest income category -.419 .586 -.069 -.714 .477
gender ID of respondent -.268 .412 -.072 -.651 .517
respondent has a
.421 .349 .115 1.204 .232
graduate degree
Years lived in current
.066 .025 .248 2.614 .010
residence
Managerial and
-.602 .378 -.154 -1.594 .114
Professional
Mens gender dissonance 1.332 .610 .237 2.184 .032
a. Dependent Variable: Number of landmarks in map
Adj. R 2 = .126
ANOVAb
Sum of
Model Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 62.499 7 8.928 3.037 .006a
Residual 270.461 92 2.940
Total 332.960 99
a. Predictors: (Constant), Mens gender dissonance, Managerial and Professional,
Years lived in current residence, highest income category, respondent has a
graduate degree, Minutes to Apalachee / Monroe, gender ID of respondent
b. Dependent Variable: Number of landmarks in map
26
Table Six Predicting Correct Cardinal Direction Orientation
Model Summary
27
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