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 THE

ENCYCLOPZEDIA BRITANNICA
0R

DICTIONARY
OF

ARTS, SCIENCES, AND GENERAL LITERATURE.

SEVENTH EDITION,

WITH PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS ON THE HISTORY OF THE SCIENCES,

AND

OTHER EXTENSIVE IMPROVEMENTS AND ADDITIONS;

INCLUDING THE LATE SUPPLEMENT,

A GENERAL INDEX,

AND NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS.

VOLUME I.

ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK, EDINBURGH;

M.DCCC.XLII.
0:)0
Enli7

IT
Bl

‘PI
of

1111
 -—-__._ i._ v

PREFACE.

m~q~§'_.~_J~J-\

! i_.

IT is now seventy years since the .first appearance of the ENCYCLOPEDIL

BRITANNICA. During that period it has exhibited great and various muta
tions. Consisting at first of three quarto volumes of moderate size, it now
appears in twenty-one; each in quantity of matter equaling more than two
of the original prototype. Its internal changes have been still more signal.
Though its plan was always judicious, in as far as regarded the treatment of
the Sciences, it was in other respects extremely circumscribed. But, as it
advanced, the whole circle of human knowledge came to‘ be included within
its wide embrace. Showing, in its earlier stages, no literary' skill above the 4__4‘_

level of decent abridgement or compilation, it is now composed of treatises

which in no respect yield to the other original and finished productions of the
age. The workmanship, at first, of a few comparatively undistinguished
literary denizens of its native place; its list of contributors now includes a
large portion of that learned host by whom the mental sovereignty of Britain
“i-_._-._
is upheld. Thus, from being-viewed as only a convenient digest of infor
mation suited, chiefly, to the wants of the unlearned; it must now be considered
as one of the most dignified and efficient expedients for the diffusion of matured
5'3 6) a
E_. _L-n _ ,i_- _ _
vi PREFACE.

knowledge, of every description, that the Republic of Letters has yet pro
duced.

Some details of its progressive improvements cannot be viewed as here

misplaced. They are, indeed, necessary to the full illustration of its structure
and contents. But, as it always difl'ered materially from all its predecessors
of the same class, it may not be improper briefly to notice the more pro
minent of these, before giving any account of its own plan and progress, or
attending to those crowning recommendations under which it now appears in
its SEVENTH edition.

This class of publications belongs entirely to the modern world; for

though the Ancients had the term, there were not amongst them any compi
lations resembling those to which the Moderns have applied it. Yet it is
a class which, instead of only appearing, as theoretical history would lead us
to imagine, at an advanced stage of intellectual culture, and amidst a great
accumulation of books, seems to have originated and risen to much favour at
acomparatively early period of modern literature. Thus we find Encyclo
paedias common in the latter half of the sixteenth, and first half of the seven
teenth centuries, and every where enjoying a large share of estimation.’ The
works then so denominated, were intended to comprise, within a moderate
compass, a series of systematic digests applicable either to some of the great
departments of knowledge and art, or to the whole body of human learning.
The “ Natural History” of Pliny has sometimes been styled an Encyclopaadia;
and he has himself said that it embraced all that the Greeks designated by the
term. But this can only have reference to the compass and variety of its mat
ter, not to arrangement or method; in which it has nothing in common with
those collective digests which, during the period mentioned, appropriated that
name. If there were any anterior compilations of a similar nature, we must
look for them, not among the remains of Grecian or Roman literature, but
among those of the learned Arabians of the middle ages. One such work, at

' For a list of early Encycloptedias, see the Biblot/leca Realis Philosophica of Lipenius, T. I. p- 436-7
 PREFACE.
I
least, exists in the collection of Arabic manuscripts preserved in the library of
the Escurial at Madrid. It is described in Casiri’s account of them, as a work,
“ ubi scientiarum, artiumque liberalium, synopsis occurrit, una cum accurata
et perspicua earum notitia, definitione, divisione, methodo ;?" and is said to
have been compiled by Alfarabius, the great ornament of the School of
Bagdad in the tenth century, who himself inscribed it with the title of
Encyclopaedia. - ' Y

The most noted- and valuable of the early Encyclopaedias was. that of
John Henry Alstedius, a Professor of Philosophy-and Divinity at \Veissem
bourg in Transylvania; and who is said to have been the author of about
sixty other works, though he died at the age of fifty, in 1638.1“ His Ency
clopaadia, by- which alone his name is remembered, appeared in 1630, in two
folio volumes. smaller and less comprehensive work of the same kind,
which he published ten years before, served as the groundwork of this more
extensive undertaking; in which he professedly aimed at the formation of a
complete Encyclopaedia. I It consists of thirty-five books, of which the first
four contain an explanation of the nature of the various subjects. discussed
in the rest. Then follow successively, six on Philology; ten on specula
tive, and four 'on practical Philosophy; three on Theology, Jurisprudence,
and Medicine; three on the mechanical Arts -; and five on History, Chrono
logy, and Miscellaneous topics. This work was held in high estimation till
the close of that century. Leibnitz mentions it, in the early part of the next.
in respectful terms '; accompanied with anearnest- wish that some of the
learned would either join in remodeling and improving itflar in composing
an entirely new work of the same kind.§ 'The observations of this illustrious
philosopher show that he had reflected much on the objects of such an under

-' Casiri, Bibliot/l. Arabico.- Hispana Esmrial. I. p. 189.

# Niceron, lllémoirea des Hommes illustres, T. XLI. p. 300. ~ , , _
1 The idea then entertained of the nature, of such a work, will be seen from his definition :'-“ Encyclopmdia
eat systema omnium systematuni, quibus res, homine digme, methodo certfl explicantur.” Alsted. En'cyclop.
T. l. p 49.
S Leibnitii Opera, T. V. p. 405.
 "PREFACE.
taking; and that 'he considered an Encyclopaedia as a species of publication
calculated 'to be eminently useful to mankind.

_ After what has been said ofthese works, it is scarcely necessary to observe,
that, though the term Encyclopaedia is now familiarized to us as an appellap
tive for alphabetical digests of general knowledge, the first works so designated
were by no means constructed with any reference to the alphabet. It was
long before the idea occurred that the lexicographic plan might be used as
the basis of a universal repertory of human learning; and still longer, before
the alphabet was employed to introduce general treatises similar to those
of the early Encyclopaedias. Nearly a century elapsed from the publication
of the popular work of Alstedius, before any considerable attempt was
made to present the world with an encyclopedical dictionary; and for a long
period thereafter, no dictionary of that description—none, in fact, till the
appearance of the Encyclopaedia Britannica—exemplified the method of in
serting complete or systematic views of the Sciences.

Dictionaries limited to the explanation of technical terms, and particular

sciences, had been long common throughout Europe ; but the first professed
attempt to bring the whole body of science and art into the lexicographic form,
was the Lexicon Technicum 10f Dr Harris. It was completed and published
at London in the year 1710 ;' and is generally viewed as the first great
advance to the objects of the more modern Encyclopaedia. But, though pro
fessing to be universal, it was in fact limited almost entirely to mathematical
and physical science; with respect to which, however, it has been generally
allowed to have come fully up to the acquisitions of its day.

The “ Cyclopaedia” of Mr Chambers, published in the year 1728, presents

the next marked advance in the composition of encyclopedical. dictionaries;
and falls, indeed, to be considered as constituting an era in the history of
. their formation. Till its appearance there had been no attempt at once to

' In two folio volumes—the first in 1706, the other in 1710. It passed through five editions in the course
of the next thirty years. ' '
 PREFACE. ' ix
ieizplain the sciences‘in the order of the alphabet,'aud to conjoin‘ their com
ponent parts dissevered by that mode of arrangement. “ No one,” says this
‘author, “ seems to have perceived that a dictionary is in acme measure'capable
cf the advantages of a continued discourse; and, therefore, we see nothing like
’a whole in what has, in this sort, been done.” It was not, however, by com
prehensive yiews of the established divisions of knowledge, introduced in the
alphabetical order of their names, that he proposed to remedy that evil of
fractured “ wholes,” of which he complains. He thought to accOmplish this
by references from general to particular heads, and from the latter to the for
mer—in short, from the parts of all connected subjects or topics, reciprocally;
conformably to an illustrative scheme with which he furnished his readers.
That something was thus done to indicate and'conjoin the subordinate heads
of a science, fortuitously scattered by the alphabet, needs not be questioned;
but the inherent defects of the plan vvere incapable of being surmounted by any
system of references, however complete. The sciences cannot be taught or
understood without being viewed continuously, in their natural state of
unity and coherency; and the great and primary objects of an Encyclopazdia
cannot possibly be attained, where that method of surveying them is not exem—
plified. In some other respects, Mr Chambers’s notions of what was required
by the nature of his undertaking were confined and arbitrary ; as in thinking
that an Encyclopaadia should only contain the conclusions, without any of the
‘ demonstrations of mathematical, or the experimental details of physical science.
But, with all its defects, whether of plan or execution, his work must be
allowed to be the production of a mind of no ordinary compass and vigour;
as well as one of the most useful literary undertakings ever accomplished by a
single hand. vHow much has it not done through its numerous editions,‘ and
'the other works of the same kind to which it gave rise throughout Europe, to
stimulate the curiosity, to enlarge‘the‘knowledge, and to diversify the intel
lectual pleasures and pursuits of the mass of mankind! '

The popularity of the “ Cyclopaedia” remained undisturbed by any rival

_
' The Cgclopczdia consisted of two very large folio volumes ; of which there
l
were fire editionsI published in
the short period of eighteen years.
If PREFACE.

for a considerable period; but the success with which it was frequently
republished, and the progress of knowledge in some departments in which
it was from the first defective, by holding out a prospect of encouragement to
newer undertakings, led at last to a. succession of similar works, mostly
modeled upon its plan. The title which Mr Chambers chose, in preference
to the more classical one of Encyclopwdia, was however laid aside, for that
suggested by their alphabetical structure; nor was the correct name assumed
conjunctively with the latter, in any British. work of this class, till the appear
ance of the EncyclOpaedia Britannica.

The first of these works was Barrow’s “ New and Universal Dictionary
of Arts and Sciences,” consisting of'a folio volume, published in 1751; to
wvhich a supplement was added in 1754. Its only recommendations, as
"compared with its predecessor, consisted in an enlarged number of articles
on mathematical subjects, on the mechanical arts, and on naval afi‘airs; to
make room for which, church history and all scholastic topics were excluded.
A garbled translation of D’Alembert’s celebrated preliminary Discourse to
the French Encyclopédie was prefixed, in two portions, to these two volumes,
without the slightest notice of the original.

This was followed, in 1754, by a “New and Complete Dictionary of

Arts and Sciences,” comprised in four large octavo volumes, written, accord
ing to the title-page, “ by a Society of Gentlemen”. It is distinguished by the
general brevity of its articles; a quality, which enabled its compilers to widen
its range in the departments of geography,'commerce, and natural history.
Prefixed ' to it, there is a scheme of the divisions of human knowledge,
intended to serve as the basis of its articles and references; and which is
.annOunced as “ more simple and natural, and likewise fuller and better distri
buted,” than that of either Chambers or D’Alembert ; but which may be fairly
characterized as an exceedingly confused and illogical performance, exempli
fying an arbitrary use of philosophical terms.

In 1766, was published, in three folio volumes, “ The Complete Dictionary

 PREFACE. x;
of Arts and Sciences'”-_-a work compiled under the joint direction of the Rev. '
Henry Cro‘ker, Dr Thomas Williams, and Mr Samuel Clerk; the theological,
philosophical, and critical branches being edited ‘by the first; those of ana
tomy, medicine, and chemistry, by the second; 'and the mathematical by the
last. This division of labour does not appear to have contributed much to
the excellence of the respective departments; for the character of the whole,
with a few exceptions, is that of sordid compilation. In point of method, it
has still less claim to praise; for its authors either did not perceive, or disre
garded the use of-that chain of references, bywhich Mr Chambers endeavoured
to remedy the defects arising from the division of subjects,natura11y connected,
under a multiplicity of separate heads. Part of D’Alembert’s Discourse
was here also appropriated without any mention of the quarter from Whence
it was derived. '

On the Continent, as well as in England, the “ Cyclopaedia” of Mr

Chambers gave a new impulse to the desire for such publications. Within
little more than twenty years from its first appearance, it had been translated
into the Italian language; and had, in France, become the foundation of the
Encyclopédie—the most extensive and celebrated undertaking of the kind that
had yet appeared in the world. This great work, originally intended to con
sist of ten, was ultimately enlarged to seventeen folio volumes; of which the
first was published in 1751, the last in 1765.‘ It is well known to those con
versant with its history, that it was founded upon an unpublished French
translation of the work of Mr Chambers. That translation was undertaken in
1743, and completed in 1745, by an Englishman of the name of Mills, assisted
by a native of Dantzic, named Selliusj About the time of its completion, or
soon after, the Encyclopédie was devised ; and this translation was put into the
hands of its intended conductors, as the groundwork of the undertaking.
It is not, perhaps, so generally known, that the Abbe de Gua was its pro

. Besides seventeen volumes of Text, it has eleven of Plates and Descriptions 3 of which the first was pub.
lished in 1762, the last in 1772.
f Me'moira pour P. J. F. Luneau De Boisjermain, Sowcripteur dc [’Encyclopédie. 4to. Paris, 177L
 PREFACE.
jector; and that it was only in consequence of a dispute between him and
the booksellers concerned, that the editorship was committed to D’Alembert
and Diderot.‘ While both concur in bestowing the highest encomiums upon
the encyclopedical method—or plan of references—which Chambers had ex
emplified, they represent his execution as that of a servile compiler, particu
larly from French writers; observing, that the design of publishing the
translation of his work was abandoned, because it was discovered that the.
public would thereby get little of which it was not already possessed in another
form. They, at the same time, make the curious acknowledgment, that with
out the aids derived from that translation, it would have been next to im~
possible to procure the co-operation necessary to the composition of thev
Encyclopedia. “ Il n’y a presqu'aucun de nos Collegues, qu’on efit déter
miné a travailler, si on lui cut proposé de composer a neuf toute sa partie ;
tous auroz'ent été afirayés, et l’Encyclopédz'e ne se feroit point faite.”f

The plan, however, of this memorable publication was confessedly

modeled upon that of Mr Chambers, which its editors represented as having
obtained the general sufi'rages of the learned. Seeking no distinction, there;
fore, from novelty of method, they rested its claims to public favour upon
the great extension ofits several departments; upon the various attainments
and literary eminence of its contributors; and, above all, on the philoso
phical spirit which animated their labours. It would be altogether foreign
to the present purpose, to enter into any details concerning its philosophical
or literary merits ; or the irreligious and revolutionary designs with which
its conductors were charged. But with respect to its completeness and
consistency as a general repertory of knowledge, it seems proper to observe,
that the popular branches of biography and history were excluded from
its plan; and that, though it unquestionably contains many articles of great
originality, depth, and ability, there is yet every where a large alloy of useless
matter, dressed out in a vague, difl'use, and declamatory style.
e Nouv. Illem. dc I’Académia Royals des Sciences de Berlin, pour Pan. 1770, p. 52.—Bi0graphie Uni.
verselle, Tom. XVIII. Art. Gua de Malves. o

1 Encyclopédia, Art. Encyclop. Tom. V. p. 645.

 PREFACE. xii;
. To its tendency to promote similar undertakings in the higher walks of
literature, may probably be ascribed Dr Goldsmith’s proposal to publish
“ A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,” with the promised assist
ance of the most distinguished British writers of that day; who, as Bishop
Percy informs us, “ were to contribute articles, each on the subject in which
he excelled)” The plan was frustrated by his untimely death; and it is
matter of regret that his “ Prospectus,” described by the same writer as
“ giving a luminous view of his design,” has not hitherto reached the public.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica made its first appearance in the world a

few years after the completion of its great French progenitor, then at the
height of its fame. The first edition, which was completed in the year 1771,
though, as already observed, far from imposing or attractive either in respect
of extent or execution, was yet distinguished by a much more philosophical
plan than had been exemplified by any of its predecessors, either abroad or
at home. Instead of attempting to elucidate the sciences by a number of
separate articles corresponding to their technical titles or sections, introduced
in the order prescribed by the alphabet—and with no other continuity of
explanation than could be obtained through references from one head to
another—it treated each science completely, in a systematic form, under its
proper denomination; the technical terms and subordinate heads being also
explained alphabetically, when any thing more than a reference to the general
treatise was required. This excellent method was prosecuted upon a wider
scale, and with more maturity of execution, in the subsequent editions; and
though not always followed out with perfect order and consistency—for that
could hardly be supposed possible in a work composed by a multitude of
hands—it was nevertheless practised toan extent exemplifying a great and
beneficial improvement in the structure of Encyclopeedias. Provision was
thus made for the intermixture of general treatises, upon all subjects
requiring continuous discussion, with any number of particulars to which the
expansive powers of the alphabet can reach. The objects aimed at in the

' Life of Goldsmith, prefixed to Bishop Percy’s edition of his work, Vol. I. p. 112.

b
xiv PREFACE.
early Encyclopaedias were, in this way, reconciled to the lexicographic plan,
whilst its adaptation to particular topics was in no respect impaired. It has,
indeed, been alleged that this method has a tendency to withdraw the
attention from the subordinate to the greater articles; and that the nobler
provinc'es on the map of knowledge may thus appear in high culture and
order, whilst the inferior and obscurer districts and localities are found to
bear the marks of desertion or neglect. But this is not by any means a
necessary or unavoidable result; and the plan which is best adapted to a
satisfactory delineation of the higher subjects of enquiry, and which promises
most effectually to communicate the knowledge of them, must be viewed as,
on the whole,-that which has made the greatest advances to perfection, and
as the most likely to be productive of beneficial effects.

The Editor of the first edition of this Encyclopzedia, was Mr 'William

Smellie; then well known as a man of considerable intellectual resources,
and particularly conversant with Natural History. It is said by his bio
grapher “ that the plan of the work was devised by him;”" and if this alludes
to its method in respect to the sciences, he was more likely, certainly, to
have suggested that great improvement than any other of his known co
adjutors. That method, it may however be observed, was not entirely new;
for it had been at least partially exemplified many years before, in Dr De
Coetlogon’s voluminous, but long forgotten “ Illustrations of the Arts and
Sciences,” published in the year 1745. In that work, each art and science
was fully discussed in a separate treatise, introduced alphabetically accord
ing to the name of its subject; thus exemplifying the distinguishing feature
of the method in 'question. But whether it was actually suggested by that
obscure publication does not appear.

The work, though bearing the title of Encyclopedia, was at first little
more than a Dictionary of Arts and Sciences upon a greatly improved plan;
but its second edition, completed in ten volumes, about twelve years after

' Kerr's Life of Smellie, Vol. I. p. 135

 PREFACE. xv

the first, was enriched with the addition of two great and popular branches
not treated in the same form in any preceding work of the kind—namely,
Biography and History. In the French Encyclopedic, though occasional
notices of memorable persons occur in the articles relative to the history of
philosophy and science, there was no series of separate lives; and no place
whatever was assigned to civil history. The Supplement to that great work pro
fessed to include history in its plan; but its historical details were limited, for '
the most part, to what could be introduced under the names of kings and
rulers; and thus presented no substantive or connected views of nations and
states. To include history, in any form, was considered by some critics of
name, particularly M. De La Harpe, as an abuse of the purposes of an En
cyclopaedia. “ L’histoire n’est point,” says he, “ une acquisition de l’esprit;
ce ,n’est pas dans une Encyclopédie qu’on doit la chercher.” " This reason for
such an exclusion is manifestly arbitrary, and would equally strike at many
subjects of importance, to the introduction of which this writer does not object.
It derives no countenance either from the practice of the earlier encyclopaedists,
or the opinions of the most enlightened of those who have commented upon
their labours. Thus we find a general summary of the history of the world in
the Encyclopsedia of Alstedius; and Leibnitz, in remarking upon the defects
of that work, mentions the historical department as one of those requiring to
be greatly extended? There cannot be a doubt that the success of the
Encyclopsedia Britannica was materially promoted by the above-mentioned
enlargement of its basis; and that any work of the kind-to many serving
the purposes of a library—which should now exclude these subjects, would
greatly circumscribe the sphere of its usefulness.

Till the publication of its third edition, which was completed in eighteen
volumes, in the year 1797, its method and the comprehensiveness of its plan,
constituted its chief recommendations. In none of its departments had it as
yet attracted any marked approbation. But in this edition it rose greatly
above its former level; and that in fields of speculation and research

' La Harpe, Cour: dc Litterature, Tom. XV. p. 74. 1' Leibnitii Opera, Tom. V. p. 184.
 xvi PREFACE.
which lie far out of the ordinary paths of enquiry. In proof of this, it is only
necessary to mention its admirable treatise on General or Philosophical Gram
mar; "‘ its copious survey of Metaphysics, by the late Reverend Dr Gleig; its
profound articles on Mythology,Mysteries, and Philology, by the late Dr Doig;
and its elaborate view of the Philosophy of Induction, by the late Professor
Robison. The powers thus displayed in speculative philosophy, and ancient
erudition, were, however, more than equaled by the other contributions of the
last~mentioned writer, in the wide field of Physical Science. Though his
' accession did not take place till the edition had advanced to its thirteenth
volume, the number and value of these contributions were such as strongly
to attract the attention of the scientific world; and the very high place
which they then took, they still, in a great measure, maintain in its estima
tion. Shortly before, the work had been committed, owing to the death of
the Editor, Mr Macfarquhar, to the direction of Dr Gleig ; and to this occur
rence Professor Robison’s accession, and its important consequences, would
seem to be owing.

This edition was accordingly soon followed by two supplementary volumes,

in which Professor Robison resumed the contributions wanting to complete
that series which, as just stated, he had commenced, when the principal work
was far advanced. Taken altogether, “ they exhibited,” according to a most
competent judge—the late Dr Thomas Young-“ a more complete view of the
modern improvements of Physical Science than had ever before been in the
possession of the British public.”'l‘ These volumes contained little else of
durable value; but such remarkable contributions, joined with the others
already mentioned, gave the work generally a new and more dignified aspect;
and did much to bespeak the future co-operation of the highest class of
literary men.

A fourth edition, augmented to twenty volumes, was completed in 1810,

' Said to have been written by the Rev. James Bruce; but the originality of the authorship has been much
questioned.
1' See Dr Young’s biographical account of Professor Robison, in the present edition, Vol. XIX. p. 303.
 PREFACE. xvii
under the able superintendence of the late Dr James Miller. " Most of the
new treatises which he introduced, belonged, conformably to his own predilec
tions and attainments, to Chemistry and Natural History—sciences then
undergoing such rapid changes, that but little of any stable value could,
through them, be added to the work. The case, however, was different
with Professor Wallace’s Mathematical contributions; which were not only
of a kind to elevate its scientific character, but to impart to it great and per
manent utilityfll‘ The general value of the edition would have been consider
ably enhanced, could its Editor have availed himself of these articles which
Professor Robison contributed to the preceding supplemental volumes; but
this was prevented by a temporary separation of the property from that in
the principal work; and the incorporation of the whole—or rather of all that
it has been judged proper to republish—with the general text, has only been
effected in the present edition.I

With the completion of the fourth edition the progress of improvement

was for some time suspended. The next two were little more than reprints
of the former; and, therefore, contributed nothing to vary or advance
the character of the work. But its reputation, which might have otherwise
suffered, was not merely sustained, but vastly augmented by a Supplement,
extending to six volumes, which far more than compensated for the absence
of any improvements in these two editions.

That distinguished publication was projected by the late Mr Constable,

soon after the principal work and its appendages had been purchased by his
enterprising house ; and nothing which the extensive connexions, intelligence,
and great liberality of that house--then in the zenith of its prosperity—could

' See the notice of his Life in the present edition.

f The following were the most valuable: Algebra, Conic Sections, Fluxions, Geometry, Mensurntion,
Porisms, Series, Trigonometry. '
I The following are the articles of the series here reprinted: Arch, Carpentry, Centre, Dynamics, Per
spective, Philosophy, Physics, Pumps, Resistance of Fluids, River, Roof, Seamanship, Signals, Steam
Engine, Strength of Materials, Telescope, Trumpet, Waterworks.
xviii PREFACE.
contribute to the perfection and success of a favourite undertaking, was either
withheld or grudgingly bestowed. That success was fully commensurate to
the expectations that had been formed. The first half volume was ushered
into the world under the sanction of the illustrious name of Dugald Stewart,
as the author of the first of those Preliminary Dissertations on the History of
the Sciences, which, in a more complete state, so greatly ornament and recom
mend the present edition; and the work rose rapidly to an unexampled pitch
of public favour, which it enjoyed without the slightest diminution till its
close. Nor is it matter of wonder that, containing, as it did, a succession of
treatises upon many of the most important and interesting branches of know
ledge—some of them altogether overlooked, others but sparingly treated in
similar works—written by men second to none in talents and reputation, it
should have continued to sustain itself on that elevated ground which it early
reached. Its fame was not confined to Britain, but extended to the Conti»
nent; and two of the most distinguished philosophers of France—M. Arago
and M. Biot-—were enrolled, and took an active place amongst its scientific
contributors. Its publication, which had commenced in December 1815, was
completed in April 1824.

Within a few years thereafter, the whole of these copyrights passed,

owing to the misfortunes of the great publishing house just mentioned, into
the hands of the present proprietors; and this fortunate devolution of the
property was soon manifested, by the announcement of preparations for the
edition now completed ;—in every respect, the most perfect and conspicuous
that has yet signalized the progress of the work. It is but simple justice,
however, here to acknowledge, that a similar edition had been projected,
and all but commenced, at the period of the overthrow of the former
owners. In the Prospectus of their plan, the new proprietors stated, that
“ the work would be widened in its compass, amplified and improved in its
contents, and raised, in all respects, to a level with the modes of thinking and
spirit of the age ;” and they may unhesitatingly lay claim to the merit of hav
ing amply fulfilled this comprehensive engagement. Nay, the multiplicity of
new treatises, in some cases extending through all the branches of the most
 PREFACE. xix
widely ramified sciences; the large and various engraftments in every depart
ment ; and the careful renovations throughout, make this edition, in a much
greater degree, a new work with an old and respected name, than an improved
republication of what had, under that name, been already given to the world.
The Outline to be given of its contents, will, it is hoped, fully support the
claims put forth in its behalf.

For the very responsible task of directing and superintending its forma
tion, the Editor chosen had at least the recommendation of considerable
experience, a thorough knowledge of the work itself, and extensive literary
connexions—derived mostly from his previous editorship of the Supplement.
The peculiar labours of an Editor, in such an undertaking, do not realize
themselves in any separate substantive form. He is the sole director and
fashioner of the fabric, and therefore accountable for its solidity and com
pleteness; but he may not himself have furnished any of the materials
employed for its erection. His duties lie in judging of those materials, in
selecting the workmen, and directing their operations. Stated more in detail,
the present Editor believed them to consist in determining what parts of the
text were to be retained, what expunged, and what altered—in ascertaining
what defects and omissions were to be supplied, and the manner of doing so
—in judging what subjects or sciences had received an imperfect or unphilo
sophical examination, and required to be placed on a level with the improved
knowledge and taste of the times—in distinguishing those where the existing
treatment might suffice, if amended, from such as called for, or merited an
entirely new elucidation—in selecting the writers whose aid was to be solicited,
and indicating their respective tasks—in conducting the correspondence thence
arising—and in the ultimate revision of the whole, in order to make sure of
the projected improvements, and to discover whether any thing was either
improperly omitted or superinduced. The conclusions to be formed in the
exercise of some of these duties were necessarily complicated by considera_
tions connected with the incorporation of the Supplement—one of the prin
eipal objects of the undertaking—which obviously required great and material
interferences with the structure of the older work.
 PREFACE

The Editor’s previous knowledge of that work, though productive of some

material facilities, could not possibly authorize him to dispense with a
renewed and scrupulous revision of the text, throughout its whole extent.
This was essential towards fixing, justly and correctly, what portions were to
be struck out as antiquated or insufficient, and what to be retained, with or
without alterations. The discharge of this duty imposed the necessity of
attentively re-perusing the greater part (taking the Supplement into view)
of above twenty thousand closely printed quarto pages. Every article that
he on this scrutiny retained, was corrected and amended previous to its being
committed to the press as a component part of the new edition. In these
emendations, and in the revision of the press, the Editor had the assistance of
the late Dr James Browne, who, with learning and talents fitted to do credit
to the highest departments of the work, and from which, in fact, it derived
much valuable aid, performed these comparatively obscure duties with an assi
duity and care not always conjoined with such abilities. But his interest in a
great publication with which his name was otherwise honourably associated,
and his warm desire to co-operate with the Editor, animated and sustained him,
till his labours were interrupted by a fatal illness, when the work had advanced
near to its appointed close. The stroke of death which prematurely deprived
the cause of useful knowledge of a devoted and vigorous labourer, renders
only the more sacred the duty of thus acknowledging what is due, in this
particular, to his industry and skill. His other services, in the shape of a
literary contributions, speak for themselves, and will, in part, be afterwards
noticed.

The Editor's attention was early directed to the means of completing

those Preliminary Dissertations on the History of the Sciences, which had
been published progressively with the volumes of the Supplement, and con
stituted their noblest and most attractive features. They were intended to
form two distinct Dissertations, each divided into Parts. The first was to
contain the History of Metaphysical, Ethical, and Political Philosophy ; the
second, that of Mathematical and Physical Science. The one was undertaken
 PREFACE. m
by' the late Mr Dugald Stewart, the other by his'friend and former colleague,
the late Professor Playfair; and, incomplete as they Were left by the death of
these eminent men, they yet, to a considerable extent, supplied a great desidera—
turn in British literature. 'The idea of a continuous delineation of the progress
of the human mind in the discovery of truth, and in the correction of error,
as an Introduction'to a work in which the sciences are examined in detail,
was, for the first time, exemplified in the Discourse by D’Alembert, prefixed
to the French Encyclopedic ; 'and nothing‘of the kind of acknowledged merit
had, in any shape, been given to the world in our own language prior to
these Dissertations. That Discourse,'th0ugh grand in its 'outline, was at
once too rapid and too compressed in its notices of those “ great lights of
the world, by whom the torch of science'has been successively seized and
transmitted,” to impart to the student, or to fix in his recollection, any satis
factory views of their opinions and achievements; The Scottish Discourses
were written upon a scale which enabled their authors to remedy that
defect; and they accordingly present, in a style as noble as their subjects
are dignified, some of the most instructive views of the advances and fail
ures of human reason, and the progress of genuine science, combined with
the justest estimates of those who have most affected that progress, for good
or for evil, that any language affords. Mr Stewart had originally intended
to trace the history of all the principal branches of philosophy connected
with the knowledge of the Mind; but his plan was completed only in as far
as regarded the fundamental, or Metaphysical branch; the others—with
the exception of some valuable observations occasionally introduced in the
former, concerning the Ethical and Political notions of the sixteenth, and early
part of the seventeenth century—having been left untouched; Fortunately,
however, the portion completed and published had received, before the death
of the venerable author, a careful revision, and some additions of moment
from his own hand; and it is the Dissertation, as thus amended, that appears
in the present work. The history of the Mathematical and Physical sciences,
again, was, at Professor Playfair’s death, brought down only to the period
rendered memorable by the names of Newton and Leibnitz; thus leaving the
c
xxii PREFACE.

discoveries of a century, eminently progressive in scientific knowledge, to be

detailed by some other hand. It was the wish of the Editor to procure such
continuations as should complete the plan which the original masters had
sketched out; and, in as far as concerns Mathematical and Physical science,
this may be considered as having been, in a great measure, accomplished by
the animated and instructive sequel to Professor Playfair’s treatise, written
by the successor to his Academical Chair, the late Sir John Leslie. As to
the other great division of the original plan, it is matter of deep regret that
one of its most important sections has not been filled up. The Editor for
some time hoped to procure from the late Sir James Mackintosh, a continua
tion which should include the history of Political as well as Ethical science;
but his declining health and various occupations, obliged him ultimately,
notwithstanding his strong attachment to the subject, to limit himself to
the latter. The work has thus, at any rate, acquired an admirable analytical
view of the Ethical theories of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
now placed as a sequel to the history of Metaphysical science completed
by Mr Stewart. Its excellence, and the known wisdom, moderation, and
erudition of its author, cannot but occasion regret to all, that the Political
section did not receive the expected illustration from his all-competent pen.
But, though these Dissertations do not present a complete history of the
sciences, and though differences in respect of execution may, no doubt, be
perceived among them, it cannot be denied that they furnish some precious
illustrations of the progress of most of their principal branches. Viewed in
connexion, as they now stand, they form an appropriate vestibule to this great
intellectual structure; and a long period will in all probability elapse, before
so much genuine philosophy, so much scientific genius, and such powers of
writing, will be again combined in the same form, to recommend and dignify
such an undertaking. '

In his account of the present edition, the Editor is, necessarily obliged
to restrict himself to a brevity of statement which excludes the possibility of
mentioning all the treatises of value that have been transferred to it, from
 PREFACE. “iii
the preceding editions and their Supplements; but the importance of the
last will necessarily require full details concerning the draughts made from
its ample stores.

It may be stated generally, that every article of value in any preceding

edition has been reprinted in this—in all cases with corrections, and fre
quently with considerable additions. Thus the article on Universal Grammar,
published in the third, has here received annotations and additions cal
culated greatly to augment its utility to the younger student. These may
'be mentioned as among the services for which the work is indebted to
the learning of the late Dr Browne.‘ All the articles contributed by Pro
fessor Robison—excepting those which the progress of science has so far
outstripped as to require the substitution of others—have been here re
printed; occasionally with additions by writers every way competent to
supply what was found wanting in the originals. One of the most useful, his
treatise on Carpentry, appears with an introduction and notes by the late
Dr Thomas Young;’r whose equal eminence in Science and Letters, and
numerous contributions in both departments to the late Supplement, entitle
him to be regarded as one of the greatest benefactors of this Encyclopwdia.
This article was particularly valued by Dr Young, as forming, alongst with
those on Roof, and Strength of Materials, a uniform system of the most
important branch of practical mechanics. Among other extensively useful
contributions by Professor Robison, were those on Seamanship, Steam, and
the Steam-Engine. The first is reprinted with a supplemental section,
containing some notices of recent improvements, written by a scientific sea
'man, Captain Basil Hall, of the Royal Navy. Of the other two, only
those parts have been retained which show the state of the physics and

' The original trwtise extends from p. 638 to p. 686 of the Tenth volume of the present edition ; and Dr
Browne's additions from that page to p. 702.
1' It having been judged proper, on account of its importance, to reprintthe article Carpentry (which, for
a reason before mentioned, was not inserted in the body of the work) in the lust Supplement, it was there
that it came, at the Editor’s request, to be annotated by the late Dr Young.
 xxiv PREFACE.

mechanics of Steam at the time, and the progress of the noblest of engines ;
and these now form integral parts of the extensive and valuable treatises
on their subjects, and on Steam Navigation, contributed by Mr Scott
Russell.

Of the articles written for former editions, several have been so extensively
altered or remodeled by their own authors, as to make them, in reality, almost
entirely new. Such is the case with some of those Mathematical articles by
which Professor Wallace so much elevated the scientific character of the work,
in its fourth edition; particularly the treatises on Conic Sections, and Flux
ions. In these, and other similar cases, the figures required for explanation
or demonstration, instead of being accumulated in separate plates, have been
transferred by woodcuts to the text; a change obviously of great utility as
well to the occasional enquirer as to the student. Others of the older trea
tises, now posthumous, have, besides the usual corrections, received suitable
additions from living writers—for example, that on Theology, written for
the third edition by the Reverend Dr Gleig; which is here augmented with
a very necessary view of the opinions of later Theologians, by the Reverend
W. L. Alexander.

In particularizing the use that has been made of the late Supplement,
it may first of all be stated generally, that its contents have mostly been re
printed; all the principal treatises having been previously revised by their
authors where that was possible, and altered, or corrected, wherever circum
stances required, such changes. Any more particular mention of a publica
tion which has been for years before the world, may, at first view, appear
unnecessary; but as its incorporation with the general text formed one of
the chief objects of the present edition, it thus becomes proper to show what
the work has thereby in its unity acquired. The Editor can only, however,
specify those more eminent contributions which are likely still to be considered
as recommendatory as they were at their firstvappearance.

In Mathematical and Physical Science, the Supplement contained various

 PREFACE. xxv
treatises, the simplest mention of which and their writers will suffice to show
their importance and distinction. Capillary Attraction, Attraction of Ellip
tical Spheroids, and Equations, were contributed by’Mr Ivory; Physical
Astronomy, (which now forms one of the divisions of the general treatise on
Astronomy,) by Professor Playfair; Chromatics, Cohesion of Fluids, and
Tides, by Dr Thomas Young; Pendulum, by M. Biot; and Polarization of
Light, by M. Arago: while Sir John Leslie, in an extensive series—drawing
its subjects alike from Chemical, Mathematical, and Physical Science, and
bearing throughout the impress of his inventive genius and fervid imagination
—gave the scientific portion of the work attractions which such compilations
cannot reasonably be often expected to exhibit. That series consisted of the
following articles: Angle, its trisection, Achromatic Glasses, Aerostation,
Arithmetic, its philosophy, Barometer, Barometrical Measurements, Climate,
Cold, Congelation, Dew, and Meteorology. The steps by which he was led
to the discovery of his own beautiful process of artificial congelation' are
strikingly detailed in one of these articles; and it may be mentioned for the
information of those engaged in meteorological observations, that the last
contains a full explanation of the theory and applications of all the different
instruments required for their prosecution.

M. Biot’s article on the Pendulum, and that of Dr Thomas Young on

Tides, have been augmented with supplemental accounts of the latest enquiries
on their respective subjects, by Mr Meikle; from whom the Editor has,
both in this way, and by the contribution of several entire articles, received
much useful aid.

The Supplement has also furnished some valuable contributions in differ

ent provinces of Natural History; Particularly a comprehensive and animated
‘ view of the history of Botany and Botanical Systems, by the late Sir James
Edward Smith, which is here included in the general treatise on Botany;
and two articles on the Anatomy and Physiology of Vegetables, remarkable

' See the account of his Life in this work.

xxvi PREFACE.

for luminous arrangement and interesting details, by the late Mr Daniel

Ellis.

The highly useful departments of Civil Engineering, Arts, and Mann

factures, have been widely extended by the numerous treatises belonging to
these heads, written for the Supplement. Among them the following may
be particularly mentioned: Agriculture, by the late Mr Cleghorn; Assaying,
and Coining, by the late Mr Mushet; Baking, Brick-making, Bleaching, Brew
ing, and Distillation, by Dr Thomas Thomson; Bridges, Roads, and Weights
and Measures, by Dr Thomas Young; Breakwaters, and Docks, by Sir John
Barrow; Cotton Manufacture, by Mr Bannatyne; Horticulture, by Dr Neill;
Joinery, Stone-Cutting,-and Stone-Masonry, by the late Mr Tredgold; and
Gunpowder and Wine-making, by the late Dr Maculloch. These articles
will be found rich in practical information not derived from ordinary
sources, or to be met with in ordinary compilations. Additions have
been here made to several. Thus, the latest details connected with the
Cotton Manufacture, have been furnished by the writer of the article; and
Horticulture, which appeared to its experienced author to require a more
expanded treatment, has been by him remodeled and amended accordingly.
In reprinting those, again, which had unfortunately become posthumous, and
which required alterations, the Editor had recourse to other' suitable aid.
Dr Young’s article on Bridges has accordingly a short addition by Professor
Wallace; and Mr Meikle supplied the more recent details required in the
article on Weights and Measures. ' '

It may be safely stated, that the Supplement was the first encyclopedical
Work published in Britain, in which there was any marked attention bestowed
upon Politics and Political Economy, considered as sciences; and as the im
portant treatises introduced to supply that defect are here reprinted, the
Editor will take leave to describe them (with some immaterial alterations) in
the language used on their first appearance. ' '

“ Political Philosophy has been hitherto but little attended to in the

 PREFACE. 'nvii
formation of Encyclopaedias. Yet it would seem to have peculiar claims
to attention in these works; for the student is but too often left to
such information only as can be procured in mere occasional, or party produc
tions ;—in publications where it is seldom attempted, either to pursue a
scientific mode of discussion, or to reduce the scattered elements of know
ledge into a systematic form. Hence the prepriety of political treatises in
works planned for the purpose of methodizing and diffusing knowledge;
where, though prejudice and predilection cannot of course be entirely excluded,
all the general topics of political science are more likely to be treated in a
philosophical spirit and form, than in most of the other vehicles of political
information.

“ The defects of the Encyclopaedia. Britannica in Political Science, made

a strong call, as the Editor thought, to supply the deficiency; and he hopes
the present work will be found far more complete in all the branches of
that science, than any similar publication that has yet appeared. The articles
introduced may be considered as belonging to General Politics, Political
Economy, and Political Arithmetic.

“ To the first head may be referred the articles Balance of Power, Govern
ment, Jurisprudence, Law of Nations, Liberty of the Press, and Prison Dis
cipline; all, but the first, written by the late Mr Mill, whose contributions
display a reach and depth of thinking, and a power of analytical reasoning, that
must command the respect even of those who may sometimes be disposed to
dispute his principles, or to dissent from his conclusions. Most of the great
problems respecting the ends and objects of government and legislation, and
the means of preserving political, civil, and national rights, are discussed by
him, in the articles mentioned, in a form severely methodical, and in a spirit
which seeks neither aid nor ornament from the artifices of rhetoric. "

“ It is observed by M. Cuvier, in his brilliant Sketch of the progress of

Physical Science in France since the Revolution, that the evils which resulted
 “viii PREFACE.
from the ruinous system of Assignats, were in some degree compensated by
the improvements in the arts to which that system gave rise.‘ Compensa
tions of a far higher order have, in this country, attended the evils occasioned
by measures affecting the soundness of its Currency; for they have served to
exercise the science of Political Economy in discussions which have elicited
new principles, afforded new explanations, and raised the truths which it
unfolds to a degree of importance in the eyes of statesmen and legislators, of
which the world generally has experienced the benefits. The space here
allotted to this science, has been accordingly measured out with a due regard
to the interest which it has excited, and to its intrinsic utility; and here, also,
the reader will receive the information presented to him, from contributions of
eminent ability ;—some of them furnished by those who, next to the immortal
founder of the science, are universally considered as its greatest benefactors.

“ The following are the most important: Colony, and Economists, by

Mr Mill; Emigration, by Mr Buchanan; Funding System, by the late Mr
Ricardo; Political Economy, Cottage System, Exchange, Interest, Money,
and Taxation, by Mr M‘Culloch; and Population, by the late Reverend T.
B. Malthus.

“ It thus appears that Political Economy, as a distinct science, forms the

subject of a general treatise ; while others are devoted to subordinate but
important topics, requiring a more enlarged elucidation. Taken altogether,they
furnish not only a systematic exposition of the great principles of the science,
but detailed views also, of the new doctrines concerning Rent, Value, Wages,
and Profits, with full statements of the opinions to which they are opposed. In
copious references, and in illustrative 'Tables, formed with the greatest atten

' “ Elle a laissé a l'art du Papetier des perfectionnemens durables, et surtout l’emploi de l'acide muriatique
oxigéné pour le blancbiment de la pate. C’est mémé a elle que l’on doit en grande partie le nouvel emploi des
caractéres stéréotypes, qui augmenteront les bienfaits de l'imprimerie, en faisant penetrer les conceptions du
génie jusque dans les plus pauvres chaumiéres.”-Cvvrss, Rapport Historiqua sur le Progre‘s des Sciences
Naturalles.
 PREFACE. xxix

tion to accuracy, they have recommendations of especial value in an Encyclo

paedia. The prejudices opposed to the important and fruitful doctrine more
particularly connected with the name of Mr Malthus, must be considered as
greatly enhancing the value of the clear and comprehensive summary of the
facts and reasonings by which it is established, here given, in their latest form,
by himself. Generally speaking, the preceding treatises may be represented
as exhibiting a complete view of all the great questions that have been agi
tated in recent times, relative to the creation, distribution,~ and consumption
of wealth; the theory of money; the means of raising supplies for the public
expenditure; the effects of subjecting the food of the people to artificial
regulation; and the causes which regulate the increase and decrease of their
numbers.

“ In the branch of Political Arithmetic there are two articles by Mr Milne,

who is also the author of the treatise on Annuities. The first, on Bills of
Mortality, explains the history, formation, and uses of these important Regis
ters; the other, on the Law of Mortality, developes the principle which governs
the waste of human life, and furnishes the means of calculating the probable
length of its duration at any given age.”"

In preparing the foregoing treatises for the present edition, they have
undergone such modifications, and received such additions,~ as were neces
sary to adjust them to the later views and information applicable to their
subjects. This‘ has been the case more particularly in the series contri
buted by Mr M‘Culloch—a series, the utility of which, in a work like this,
can hardly be overrated, and whose compass and details have been con
siderably augmented and improved by the alterations here introduced. The
article on Prison Discipline, by the late Mr Mill, has been accommodated, by
another hand, to the information supplied by subsequent enquiries; and
the closely connected subjects treated under Bills, and the Law of Mortality,

' Preface to the Supplement.

xxx PREFACE.

have been consolidated by the original author into one treatise, bearing the
title of the latter. The article on Annuities, by the same writer, has also
been reconstructed by himself, with useful additions.

It has been remarked by a late enlightened judge of literary undertakings,

that “the articles on the exact Sciences, contained in Encyclopaadias, are
the best ; and that those on literary, moral, and political subjects, are in most
danger of being less ably executed.” "' The reason why it should be so is not
very obvious, unless it be that excellence is of more difficult attainment in the
latter than in the former. But be this as it may, and admitting the risk of
inferiority to be in general as stated, it must be allowed that the political
articles of the Supplement established an honourable brotherhood with those
on the exact sciences; and the like equality may be confidently ascribed to its
contributions on literary subjects. No one can deny that its treatises on the
Affinities of Languages, and on Egyptian Hieroglyphics, by Dr Thomas
Young, displayed literary powers and acquisitions of the highest order ;—
his discoveries as to the latter being among the greatest achievements of
modern scholarship. In the present work they have been incorporated in a
general view of Hieroglyphics, evincing no small share of learning and inge
nuity, by Dr Brownej' Among the other literary productions alluded to, were
that on the Fine Arts, by Mr Hazlitt; and the characteristic series on Chivalry,
the Drama, and Romance, by Sir Walter Scott. The second of this series
has been generally considered as ranking with the best compositions in serious
prose, which its illustrious author has given to the world. The last was
limited to Romances of Chivalry and the cognate kinds; but it has in this
edition been augmented by Mr Moir, so as to present a critical account of
the fictions of the great novelist himself, and others of anterior and subse
quent date. The treatise on Beauty by (Mr, now) Lord Jeffrey, also written
for the Supplement, belongs to a class equally within the scope of the above

' Sir James MackintoshPEdinburgll Review, V. 27, p. 196.

1' The third, fourth, and fifth sections of this treatise, consist of what was written by Dr Young. In the
Supplement, his Hieroglyphical enquiries made part of an article which be contributed upon Egypt.
 PREFACE. xxx,
remark; and may be appealed to, with those just mentioned, as showing that
merit of the highest order was there exemplified in literary and [speculative
as well as in scientific compositions. That treatise, it is proper- to add, in
cludes much of the theory of Taste, and is alike remarkable for its philoso
phical grasp, its happy analytical expositions, and its brilliant diction.

Owing to the defects of the Encyclopaedia in the three extensive pro

vinces of Geography, Topography, and Statistics, a large portion of the
Supplement was necessarily devoted to them; and every article of value
within either has been here naturalized ;—sometimes with large additions,
and always with such alterations as existing circumstances required. In
composing the geographical articles, the discoveries in the obscure districts
of Africa, in the interior regions of the American continent, in the Indian
and Pacific oceans, and in the icy seas that surround the Poles, formed objects
of particular attention. The most valuable were contributed by Sir John
Barrow, who also furnished an account of China; the more to be prized, as
it contained the results of his own observations upon the institutions and
language of that extraordinary empire. To the same very able writer the
Statistical department was indebted for more than one instructive article;
but that on the Navy deserves to be particularly mentioned, as comprising
information respecting this favourite instrument of national glory and power,
which could not have been procured, in so satisfactory a form, from any other
quarter.

The Historical articles of the Supplement were necessarily limited to recent

changes and events; and the Biographical, mostly, but not entirely, to the
lives of such eminent men as had died within the preceding thirty or forty
years. The contributions in this branch will, however, be generally recog
nized as of durable value. Amongst them were several accounts of memorable
men, written by those who had personal knowledge, or other authentic infor
mation concerning them; and a number of scientific and literary lives, replete
with accurate information, and particularly attentive to bibliographical and
other minute notices, were contributed by Dr Young; who, greatly distin
xxxii PREFACE.
guished both as a scholar and man of science, deemed no details unworthy
of his attention by which knowledge could be rendered moreexact and
complete.

The Editor has now to add some account of the wholly new matter with
which the liberality of the Proprietors, honourably desirous to outstrip their
promises to the public, enabled him to enrich the present edition. And here,
as before, the only course by which, amidst the multiplicity of articles that
invite attention, he can avoid a revolting minuteness of statement, is to make
such selections as may enable the reader to form a tolerable estimate of the
value of the information contained in this vast collection, and the state of
perfection at which it has now arrived.

It could not be supposed that in a work proposing to examine every

methodized product of human thought, the subject of all others the most
important to man should be overlooked; even though one of its editions had
not, as before mentioned, been partly conducted by a clergyman. But though
by no means wanting in treatises upon that subject, some topics not pre
viously discussed presented themselves for enquiry; and a few others, as
calling for a more thorough investigation than they had before received.
The observation applies both to theology and to ecclesiastical history.
Under the word Scripture, an article of great utility to students, on the
critical knowledge of the sacred books—a subject but lately introduced into
the theological curricula of our academical seminaries—was contributed by
the Rev. W. L. Alexander. The Life of the Saviour, and the History
of the Jews, form two new articles, written with great ability, and a
thorough knowledge—particularly conspicuous in the first—of the later
heresies of the German schools. For these the Editor is indebted to the
Reverend Dr Welsh. Finally, the Religious Missions of the present age;
the great Secession from the Scottish Presbyterian Church towards the
middle of last century; and the history of that small community of Protest
ants who, from remote times and under cruel persecution, have upheld their
altars and prosecuted their worship in the secluded valleys of the Cottian
 PREFACE. ’ Xxxiii

Alps, have each been noticed at considerable length, under their respective
heads—Religious Missions, Seceders, and Valdenses-—by Mr Douglas, the
Rev. James Tayler, and the Rev. Dr Gilly.

In Philosophy, as contradistinguished from Science, there is comparap

tively little to be described as new. The valuable articles upon Ancient
Philosophy, about to be mentioned, constitute the principal accessions to
this department. It is one, indeed, in which the work has made fewer
advances than in any other, above its earlier essays. The treatises on Uni
versal Grammar, on Metaphysics, and on the Philosophy of Induction, pub
lished in the third edition, still maintain their places in this. To the first, in
as far as it goes, it would not be easy to produce any thing superior; and the
second, though of a structure too scholastic to please the taste of the present
day, yet displays much reading, carefully elaborated, and no small share of that
acumen which its subject requires. One of its chief defects is, that it does
nothing like justice to that Metaphysical School native to Scotland, and dis
tinguished by the names of Reid and Stewart, which is now rising more and
more into reputation and authority on the Continent and in the New World,
whilst it unfortunately engages but little attention in the country and island
to which it does so much honour. The defect alluded to cannot, however, be
wholly ascribed to the particular opinions of the author; for, at the time
when his treatise was written, the works of the most successful expounder of
the doctrines of that School, had only lately and to a small extent been pub
lished.‘ The Editor accordingly at first resolved to have \

“ This long explored, but still cxhaustless mine

Of contemplation"

examined anew, under the more appropriate title of the Philosophy of the
Blind; but views of expediency, and the consideration that the defects of that
treatise were at least partially supplied in the first Preliminary Dissertation,
led ultimately to the abandonment of that design. The third of the

' See Note to Art. Metaphysics, Vol. XIV. p. 599

xxxiv PREFACE.
articles mentioned above, was intended by Professor Robison as a formal
explanation of the Inductive Philosophy of Lord Bacon. It has been com
plained of, and not unjustly, as abstract and inexplicit; but here the enquirer
may turn to the Preliminary Dissertations, with the certainty of finding
expositions of the Baconian precepts, and delineations of the genius of the
immortal author, worthy of the subject and his name. In this fundamental
portion of modern philosophy, these Dissertations give the Encyclopaedia
Britannica a marked superiority over all its compeers. But with respect to
the philosophy of the ancient world, it has always been not merely defective but
nearly silent. It was, therefore, the Editor’s wish, to make it more consistent
with itself, and more complete for study and reference, by introducing an
account of the speculative wisdom of antiquity. He thought, at the same time,
that for such a work, the most suitable explanations would be such as could
be given, not in a general, but in separate treatises on the lives and doctrines
of those sages whose names are first thought of by every student, and whose
opinions have been most fully transmitted to modern times; and one of the
soundest scholars and thinkers of that great English Seminary which has been
represented as having the mastery in Grecian learning, obligingly entered into
the design, and furnished three treatises on the Lives and Philosophy of Aris
totle, Plato, and Socrates. Dr Hampden has, by these excellent contributions,
which agreeably combine personal history with profound views of the compre
hensive, lofty, and subtle systems he was called upon to explain—written in a
clear and manly style—endowed the work with additional recommendations to
the notice of the learned, and done much to silence all cavils as to the essential
superficiality, where such subjects are concerned, of publications of this de
scription.

Another new treatise remains to be mentioned, as appertaining to the

philosophical rather than to any other department; namely, that on Rhetoric,
by Professor Spalding. It consists of a comprehensive and discriminating
analysis of the principles of reasoning and eloquence, both written and oral;
and some useful observations on the works to which students are commonly
referred.
 TPREFACE. ' xxxv

High as the reputation of this work for a considerable period has been
in mathematical and physical science, it cannot but be raised still more in
name, as in utility, by the numerous and important contributions to both, in
this edition. These seemed to be called for, partly by an advisable exten
sion of subjects, and partly to substitute treatises of a higher order for
the less perfect performances of an earlier day. The popular science of Astro
nomy has accordingly been examined under that general head, and in two
separate articles on Comets and the Figure of the Earth, by Mr Galloway.
The doctrine of Probability, the history and principles of the Trigonometrical
Survey, Projectiles, and Rotation, form other four contributions by the same
very able and highly instructed writer. Hygrometry is discussed in a valuable
article by Mr Meikle. Eight treatises, embracing the greater part of that
congeries of sciences classed under the general name of Natural Philosophy,
are recommended by the authorship of one who has himself, by his fine and
brilliant experiments and discoveries; added a new province, of the most
interesting description, to the realms of science. The Editor alludes to Sir
David Brewster, whose contributions include Hydrodynamics, Electricity,
Magnetism, Mechanics, Micrometer, Microscope, Optics, and Voltaic Elec
tricity.

Passing from this primary department, the Editor has to mention, that
Chemistry, and the widely ramified branches of Natural History, have,
throughout their whole extent, been treated anew. The general view of
the former, as a distinct science, was contributed by Dr Thomas Thomson;
to whose profound knowledge the Supplement, as before mentioned, was
indebted for several valuable articles on the chemical arts, here reprinted.
The treatise on Geology, by Mr Phillips, presents one of the most compre
hensive summaries yet given to the world of that favourite science; and
of the kindred branch of Mineralogy, it is enough to say that it has been
explained according to the Natural History system, by Professor Jameson.
Closely connected with these, are two instructive articles on Heat, and on
Physical Geography, by Dr Trail]. Botany is fully illustrated in an exten
sive article by Mr Walker Arnott; and Zoology, by far the largest division .
 xxxvi - PREFACE.

of Natural History, has been passed in review, under a new arrangement

comprising twelve great classes, each forming a distinct treatise. The prin
ciples of their classification, the general doctrines of Zoology, and its various
systems, are discussed with consummate knowledge, and in a most agreeable
style, in a general survey of the Animal Kingdom, by Mr James Wilson. It
forms an introduction to the other treatises; most of the more important
and interesting of which have been contributed by the same accomplished
writer ; while the others, in order to secure systematic unity, have been exe
cuted under his immediate direction. The Editor need not load his already
crowded pages with an enumeration of these zoological treatises. It is
enough for the reader to be informed that they constitute, when viewed in
their scientific order, a complete and consistent system of Zoology, founded
on the best information, and having reference to all the latest authorities.

Besides the treatises alluded to, there are some detached articles, full of
attraction to those who delight in rural occupations and pastimes ;» particularly
that on Angling by Mr Wilson, and those on the Horse and the Hound by
Mr Apperley ;—a writer whose power of blending amusement with informa
tion, it would not, in his particular line, be easy to surpass. With these may
be mentioned, though not so nearly connected with Zoology, the articles on
Horsemanship and Hunting ;—all alike bearing the stamp, not to be mistaken,
of the same curious and experienced hand.

In Medical Science, and the subjects connected with it, the contri
butions have been limited to such of the great branches as necessarily
called for reconsideration; and to a few subordinate topics to which recent
enquiries had imparted fresh interest. Anatomy, Surgery, and the distinct
branch of Veterinary 'Medicine, have been treated under these several
heads by Dr Craigie, Mr Miller, and Mr Dick. Dr Traill has furnished
a general sketch of the comparatively new science of Medical Jurisprudence;
and Physiology is very fully explained in a treatise possessing every recom
mendation that extensive knowledge and clearness of composition can confer,
' by Dr Roget. There are, besides, articles on Animal Magnetism, by Dr
 PREFACE. xxxvii

John Thomson; on Mental Diseases, by Dr Poole; on Medicine generally,

the Practice of Physic, and Pathology, by Dr William Thomson; and on
Poisons, by Dr Christison.

The number of new contributions in the ever-enlarging branches of

Civil Engineering, Arts, and Manufactures, is so great as to admit of only
a partial enumeration, limited to the most interesting and important. In .
this view, the following may be specified :—Architecture, and Building, by
Mr Hosking ;" Clock and Watch-work, and Inland Navigation, by Mr Meikle;
Dyeing, by Dr Thomas Thomson; Gas-Lighting, by Dr Anderson ; Light
Houses, by Mr Alan Stevenson; Music, by Mr Grahame; Painting, by Mr
Haydon; Porcelain Manufacture, by Mr Davenport; Printing, Copper
plate Printing, and Type-Founding, by Mr Hansard; Railways, and Tunnels,
by Mr Lecount; Ship-Building, Timber, and Tonnage, by Mr Creuze;
Steam NavigatiOn, treated alongst with Steam generally, and the Steam
Engine, by Mr Scott Russell; Ventilation, by Dr D. B. Reid; Weaving,
\V001, and its Manufactures, by Mr Chapman.

The numerous treatises in General Politics, and Political Economy,

reprinted from the Supplement, with additions, left but little call for any
further extension of their subjects. A few treatises of great value have,
however, been added. Such in particular are those on Legislation, including
the modern doctrine of Codification; and on the Laws and Government
of England ;—the last forming one of the divisions of the general account
of its History and Statistics. For these treatises, which are written in
a calm and philosophical strain, entitling them to high consideration as
political disquisitions, the Editor is indebted to Mr Empson. In Political
Economy again, the recent changes in the English Poor-Laws required a
new view of the whole system—well supplied by Mr Coode; and Mr M‘Cul

' These two treatises, joined with those in different parts of the work, on Brick-Making, Carpentry,
Centre, Gas-Lights, Joinery, Masonry, Stone-Cutting, Roof, and Strength of Materials, form a body of
information respecting the operations most essential to the comfort, protection, and ornament of life, that
it would not be easy to surpass, either in respect of scientific or practical instruction.
e
xxxviii PREFACE.

loch has made a most useful supplement to his former series, by a treatise, in
two divisions, upon Paper Money ;—-the last of the two being occupied with
an exposition of the principles of Banking.

Though the additional matter appertaining to Geography and Statistics

consists, in a great measure, of enlargements of articles reprinted from the
Supplement, there is a vast number wholly new, particularly in European and
Asiatic Geography. Indeed the geography of Asia may be said to be
almost entirely so, both in the greater and shorter articles; all of which have
been composed with due attention to the latest information, and to the
growing importance of these regions to British industry and commerce. The
European articles have been chiefly written by Mr Jacob; the Asiatic, by Mr
Buchanan. The counties, cities, and towns of England were also, for the
most part, furnished by the former; but in many cases, the accounts of these
were corrected by resident individuals of competent information. The Irish
articles of this description have been mostly contributed by the Rev. Edward
Groves; while those respecting Scotland were compiled or improved by
various hands. It may be stated in general, that great care has been
exercised in obtaining accurate information as to places; the Editor know
ing well that errors would occur in spite of the best exertions; and that he
who perceives any thing faulty regarding the place of his nativity or resi
dence, is apt enough to imagine that there must be great defects in greater
things. It has been observed by the eminent critic already referred to,
“ that the Geographical articles of Encyclopaedias are often copied from old
books, and transcribed from edition to edition with a disgraceful negligence
of new information)“ That some of these compilations have been “ disgrace
fully” faulty in this particular, is undeniable; but though imperfections may
be discovered in a field of such endless details, the Editor is confident that
in no impartial survey of this work would they be ascribed to the servile
practice so justly decried, or to any culpable neglect of the best sources of
information.

' Sir James Mackintosh—Edinburgh Review, ubi sup.

 PREFACE. xxxix
History and Biography made large calls for the augmentation of
their recitals. Some sections of the former have been entirely re-written;
of which two may be particularized as owing their renovated form to the
lights derived from recent researches. These are the histories of Rome and
of Scotland. The investigations of Niebuhr and other subsequent writers,
strongly suggested a new survey of that memorable portion of history; and
the successful enquiries of Mr Tytler and others in the far less splendid, but
sufficiently contentious province of Scottish history, and its particular claims to
notice in a work like this, also enjoined its general reconsideration. The one
task was performed by the Rev. W. M. Hetherington; the other by the writer
just named, who has deservedly earned much credit for the light which he has
thrown upon the darker portions of our national history.

In Biography, again, numerous new lives have been introduced; but

many omissions, as some might consider them, could be easily pointed
out. It is in such cases forgotten, that in a field so vast and crowded
there can only be selections; that the choice must be in great measure
discretionary; and that, in all probability, no two individuals could be found,
who would in every instance agree as to whether a particular life should
be inserted or omitted. But, speaking generally, it cannot be denied that
there has been a great and not injudicious choice of new biographical
articles, by which the utility of the work for consultation has been considerably
augmented. To particularize these lives would be an unprofitable task.
Several of them, such as that of Shakspeare by Mr De Quincey, are excellent
specimens of critical biography, upon that limited scale which the nature of
the work prescribed. It may be added, that a large proportion were compiled
by Dr Browne; that the greater part of those belonging to the classical ages
and mythology, were written by Mr Ramage; and that almost all the Scottish
lives have been rc-composed, with distinguished accuracy and learning, by
Dr Irving. '

The new articles, not properly belonging to any of the immediately preced
ing divisions, form a considerable Miscellaneous list, in which are included
x1 PREFACE.
several of no ordinary merit. The general treatise on Poetry, by Mr Moir,
shows critical powers, knowledge, and taste, worthy of its subject; and Dr
Browne’s literary resources appear to advantage in that on Hieroglyphics, as
well as in those under the words Army, Libraries, and Newspapers. Alongst
with these may be mentioned an elaborate account of the history and consti
tution of the principal Universities of Europe, by Mr Ferguson; and three
learned treatises on the Canon, Civil, and Feudal law, by Dr Irving. Other
articles might be specified; but the above may suffice to show that much
valuable information, of a miscellaneous nature, has been introduced.

This Outline may be fitly closed by the mention of a distinguishing part of the
present edition, and which, indeed, is altogether new in British Encyclopaedias
—namely, an extensive General Index. Other portions of the work may, and
properly, be more extolled; yet this undeniably lays claim to a very high
degree of utility—a utility to be more or less felt by every class of enquirers—
as furnishing a key, not merely to this or that particular science or subject,
but to every thing included within the vast circuit of human knowledge. It
is indeed obvious, that if an Encyclopaedia has in any tolerable degree realized
its objects, an index to it must necessarily be the most useful compilation of its
kind that can by possibility exist; and it certainly must, at first view, appear
somewhat remarkable, that no similar appendage to any such work should have
been previously exemplified in this country. It was thought, perhaps, that an
Encyclopaedia is itself a species of Index; and that the contents of each article
are sufficiently disclosed by its title. The Editor had been long of opinion
that an Index pointing to the information upon particular topics, scattered
under a multitude of different heads, or lurking in corners where it might not
be expected or readily found, was absolutely necessary to perfect an Ency
clopaadia as a book of reference; particularly an Encyclopaedia in which
general subjects are discussed in systematic or complete treatises—includ
ing facts, opinions, and authorities, which their titles alone could not pos
siblyindicate. It was, therefore, from the first, a favourite part of his plan
to superadd this recommendation to the present edition ; but the design, how
ever carefully considered, would have lost much of its value, had it not been
 PREFACE. xli

carried into execution with a degree of intelligence and zeal, seldom exem-
plified in a performance wholly unattended with literary distinction. For this
the Editor is indebted to Mr Cox; and he will be thanked by all who avail
themselves of the ready access which he has thus laid open to the treasures of
this multifarious Repertory. Some explanatory details as to the structure of
the Index, will be found in the notice which he has prefixed to it.

The Editor cannot quit the foregoing Outline without a few deprecatory
words as to its contents. In the first place, he hopes that no contributor
whose labours and name have not been mentioned, will ascribe the omission to
any want of respect for either; or to any cause but the necessity of bringing the
selections within some reasonable compass, and the apprehension of creating
disgust by a cumbrous multiplicity of details; the less wanted as to names,
that the Signature to each new article will, on turning to the annexed
Table, immediately disclose its authorship. In the second place, and
still more earnestly, he begs to express the hope, that no one will ascribe
the language of commendation which he has occasionally used, to any pre
sumptuous idea of its being of any consequence, either to those to whom it
applies, or to the public. He conceived it to be his duty to give some account
of the formation and contents of the work; and, in doing so, he has only exer
cised the privilege allowed to the humblest historian, of representing the
things and persons that come under his review in the light in which they
appear to his own understanding.

Allusion has just been made to the Signatures designed to connect authors
with their contributions. This expedient, which is as evidently useful in an
extensive Encyclopaadia, in order to give each article the authority due to
its author’s name, as it would seem to be injurious in a Critical Journal,
by repressing that freedom, and neutralizing that community of sentiment
which ought to obtain in such a publication, was first employed in the French
Encyclopédie ; but not always with perfect honesty; for latterly, it was not
unusual to screen living writers, by affixing to articles of a certain description
xli; PREFACE.
--les diatribes les plus hardies~the signatures of those who were dead.‘ The
expedient in question was adopted by the Editor, and steadily practised, with the
marked approbation of the public, throughout the late Supplement ; and it has
been repeated in the present edition with increased confidence in its utility. To
render the literary history of the work as complete as possible, the Editor has
also annexed Signatures to articles of eminence written for previous editions,
wherever he was enabled to do so upon authoritative grounds. He is sorry to
add, that in many copies, Signatures both to new articles and to some
reprinted from the Supplement, have been accidentally omitted; and, what is
worse, that they have, in a few instances, been so applied as to give to one
author what was written by another. The mistakes that might arise from
these defects and inaccuracies, will be partly obviated by the statements in this
Preface; but, still further to remedy them, a corrective Memorandum has
been subjoined to the Table of Signatures ; and the Editor ventures to hope
that such blunders in the handicraft details of a work so extensive, will be
acknowledged as almost unavoidable, even by those whom they personally
afi'ect.

A few omissions in the text, for which the Editor alone is to blame, were
discovered too late to be remedied. Partial errors may also be perceived.
It is hardly possible, in fact, for human circumspection to recollect and pro
vide for every thing that ought to be found in so multifarious a publication;
and blemishes which, looking to the general merits of the execution, cannot
fairly be ascribed either to remissness or indifference, the candid and consider
ate will readily excuse. I
The Editor conceives it to be unnecessary to make any detailed obser
vations as to the Woodcuts, Engravings, and Maps, with which the
work is so copiously illustrated. ' They speak sufficiently for themselves,
both in respect of number and execution; yet it would be unjust not to
acknowledge, that though contributors are sometimes apt to make large

' See BingmP hie Universelle, Tom. X. Art. Damihvillc.

 PREFACE.
demands for these expensive appendages, no complaint of a grudging supply
ever came to his knowledge; and, as he left the publishers almost wholly
to their own discretion in this particular, the merit of the arrangements
in this costly department belongs entirely to them.

There is no literary undertaking which so severely tries both the purse

and the judgment of the projectors, as an extensive Encyclopaedia; and surely
they who take the risks attending a work so eminently useful—whose import
ance to the general culture of the national understanding it would not be
easy to overrate—which gives to the truths of science a wider and more
beneficial diffusion than they could otherwise attain—and which places a large
amount of knowledge, upon every subject of human enquiry, within easy
reach and ready reference—are well entitled to adequate returns. But years
must elapse before that harvest can be fully reaped; and the Editor hopes
that he may be allowed, on taking leave of the work, to express his earnest
wishes for the prosperity of those who entrusted to his direction so great a
venture, and liberally supplied the means of success. Joined with other per
sonal feelings incident to such an occasion, is the mournful recollection of the
too great number of illustrious and able coadjutors, who, since the period of
his first connexion with this work, have paid the great debt of nature—among
them, some of the most revered of his instructors and esteemed of his
friends. But he gladly quits this topic, to express, in conclusion, his grati
tude to those survivors, through whose countenance and talents his task has
been brought to a satisfactory close.

EDINBURGH, March 1842. NAPIER.

 SIGNATURES.

THE employment of Signatures to indicate the Authors of the Contributions to which they are
annexed, is particularly mentioned in the foregoing Preface. The original intention with respect to
their application was, to aflix to each contribution a letter of the alphabet, taken progressively from
the established series; and when one series was exhausted, to use two or more corresponding letters,

according as the contributions to which they were to be attached should come earlier or later into the
text of the work. This plan was followed till the alphabet was four times repeated, and Signatures
consisted of one, two, three, and four corresponding letters. It would have been better, perhaps, to
have continued the same mode of indication throughout; but as the Signatures appeared likely to
become somewhat cumbrous, and as it was of little moment what mark was used, provided the

choice was fixed, the practice crept in of employing two difl'erent letters, and, in one or two instances,
the initials of the author’s name. Hence the change that will be perceived in the annexed Table.

The application of these Signatures was at first intended to be limited to New Contributions, and
to those reprinted, with or without additions, from the late Supplement; but in order to make the
literary history of the work more complete, it was afterwards thought advisable to indicate, in the same
way, the writers of articles of distinction or importance reprinted from any preceding edition, in as far
as the authorship could be authoritatively ascertained. The Signatures thus refer to three sets of
Contributions :—those written for the present edition; those reprinted from the Supplement; and those
reprinted from earlier editions. The number of these so marked is but small.

TABLE
 TABLE.

E" Jmss Baowrm, LL.D., Advocate. Z. Axnnnw DUNCAN, Jun., M.D., F.R.S.E., late
SIR JOHN LESLIE, late Professor of Natural Professor of Medical Jurisprudence in the
Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, University of Edinburgh.
Corresponding Member of the Royal Institute
of France. A.A. JosIIUA MILNE, Esq, Actuary to the Sun
Gnoncn BUCHANAN,Esq.,F.R.S.E.,CIVIl Engineer. Life Assurance Company.
JAMEs CLEGHORN, Fsq. B.B. \VILLIAM ARClllBALD CADELL, Esq, F.R.S.
HUGH MURRAY, Esq, F.R.S.E. Loud. and Edinb.
DAvIn BucnANAn, Esq C.C. J. R. M‘CULLocu, Esq, Corresponding
WILLIAM JACOB, Esq, F.R.S. Member of the Royal Institute of France.
F971???) JAMES PILLANs, F.R.S.E., Professor of Huma D.D. WILLIAM IIAZLIT'I', Esq
nity in the University of Edinburgh. E. E. Rounn'r Musuar, Esq, late of the Royal Mint.
use CHARLES MACKENZIE, Esq, F.R.S. F. F. CAPTAIN SPEARMAN.
Joun COLQUIIOUN, Esq, F.R.S.E., Advocate. G.G. ANTONIO PANIZZI, LL.D., Librarian to the
THOMAS Tuonson, M.D., F.R.S. Loud. and British Museum.
Edinb., Professor of Chemistry in the Univer~ H.H. WILLIAM Hosxme, Esq, F.S.A., Architect
sity of Glasgow. and Engineer.
Sm JOHN BARROW, Bart, F.R.S. I.I. Reverend R. DICKSON HAMPDEN, D.D.,
JOHN PLArrAm, F.R.S. Lend. and Edinb., late Rcgius Professor of Divinity in the Uni
Professor of Natural Philosophy in the Uni versity of Oxford.
versity of Edinburgh. K.K. JAMES Ivonr, Esq, F.R.S., Corresponding
Ronsn'r JAMESON, F.R.S. Loud. and Edinb., Member of the Royal Institute of France.
Regius Professor of Natural History in the L.L. TllOMASYOUNG, M.D., F.R.S., Corresponding
University of Edinburgh. Member of the Royal Institute of France.
CHARLEs MACLAREN, Esq, F.R.S.E. M.M. Josnrn Lows, Esq.
JOHN C. DUNLOP, Esq, F.R.S.E., Advocate. N.N. Sm Jo. GRAHAM DALrnLL, Bart.
F163 WILLIAM WALLACE, LL.D., F.R.S.E., late 0.0. JAmzs GLAssronn, Esq, Advocate.
Professor of Mathematics in the University of P.P. FRAxms JEFFREY, Esq. (now Loan JEFFREY.)
Edinburgh. Q-Q Sm GEORGE BALLINGALL, M.D., Regius Pro
.m THOMAS GALLOWAY, Esq, F.R.S., Secretary to fessor of Military Surgery in the University
the Royal Astronomical Society. of Edinburgh.
t<?<€.<.citi JAMES WILSON, Esq, F.R.S.E. T.T. Roman-r S'rnvmvson, Esq, F.R.S.E., Civil
THOMAS Jnrrnnson Hoec, Esq. Engineer. .
DAVID CBAIGIE, M.D., F.R.S.E. U.-U. JOHN GILLIES, M.D., late of Buenos Ayres.
DANIEL ELLIs, Esq, F.R.S.E. V. V. Sm WILLIAM HAMILTON, Bart, Professor of
DAVID IRVING, LL.D. Logic in the University of Edinburgh,
PETER M. Room, M.D., F.R.S., Secretary to Corresponding Member of the Royal In
the Royal Society. stitute of France.
 TABLE. xlvii

X. X. Sm JAMES EDWARD SIII'rn, F.R.S., late Pre \V.W.W. Tnouss DE Qumcnr, Esq.
sident of the Linnean Society. X.X.X. JAMES CLELAND, LL.D.
Y. Y. TnouAs IIENRY LIs'rEn, Esq., Registrar-Ge Y.Y.Y. Mr WILLIAM Coornn.
neral. Z.Z.Z. Jonn MACCULLOCH, M.D., F.R.S., late
Z.Z. ADAM HAY, Esq. Chemist to the Board of Ordnance.

A.A.A. JAMES MILL, Esq., Late of the India-House. A.A.A.A. WILLIAM P. ALISON, M.D., F.R.S.E.,
B.B.B. Jonn Romson, LL.D., F.R.S., Lond. and Professor of the Institutes of Medi
Edinb., late Professor of Natural Philo cine in the University of Edinburgh.
sophy in the University of Edinburgh. B.B.B.B. CnAnLEs APPERLEY, Esq.
C.C.C. DAVID LAING, Esq. C.C.C.C. J. BmxI-InsnAw, Esq.
D.D.D. Sm WALTER. Sco'r'r, Bart. D.D.D.D. Rev. DAVID WELSH, D.D., F.R.S.E.,
HENRY MEIKLE, Esq., Civil Engineer. Professor of Ecclesiastical History in
Reverend Jonn FLEMING, D.D., F.R.S.E., the University of Edinburgh.
Professor of Natural Philosophy, King’s WILLIAM EMPSON, Professor of General
College, Aberdeen. Policy and the Law of England, in
G.G.G. W. H. LIZAns, Esq. the East India College, Hertford.
H.H.H. DUGALD BANNATYNE, Esq. Jonn THOMSON, M.D., Professor of
I.I.I. THOMAS STEWART TnAILL, M.D., F.R.S.E., Pathology in the University of Edin
Professor of Medical Jurisprudence in burgh.
the University of Edinburgh. G.G.G.G. THOMAS TREDGOLD, Esq., Civil Engi
K.K.K. HENRY S'rnrnnns, Esq., Civil Engineer. neer.
L.L.L. Reverend Ronnn'r MOREHEAD, D. D., H.H.H.H. Right Reverend GEORGE GLEIG, D.D.
F.R.S.E. I.I.I.I. LocxIIAn'r MUInIInAD, LL.D., late
M.M.M. WILLIAM CIIAIIIIERs, Esq. Professor of Natural History in the
N.N.N. SIII. DAVID Bnsws'rsn, F.R.S. Lond. University of Glasgow.
and Edinb., Corresponding Member of K.K.K.K. RIcnAnD POOLE, M.D.
the Royal Institute of France, and Prin L.L.L.L. WILLIAM Tnonson, M.D., Professor of
cipal of the United College, St Andrews. the Theory and Practice of Physic
0.0.0. Rev. G. B. WILDING, A.M., Oxford. in the University of Glasgow.
P. P.P. Rev.JOHN LEE, D.D., F.R.S.E., Principal M.M.M.M. JOHN HILL BURTON, Esq., Advocate.
of the University of Edinburgh. N.N.N.N. Rev. WILLIAII LINDsAY ALEXANDER.
QQQ Jonn ALLEN, Esq., Master of Dulwich 0.0.0.0. DAVID DOIe, LL.D., late Rector of the
College. Grammar School, Stirling.
R.R.R. JOHN Fmcrs Surrn, Esq. P.P.P.P. Hns'nr DEWAB, M.D., F.R.S.E.
S.S.S. DAVID RICARDO, Esq. Q.Q.Q.Q. BENJAMIN Ronsn'r IIAYDON, Esq.
U.U.U. JAMES S'rAnx, Esq., Puisné Judge of the R.R.R.R. ALEXANDER DUNLOP, Esq., Advocate.
Supreme Court, Ceylon. S.S.S.S. JEAN BAPrIs'rIr BIor, Member of the
V. V. V. ADAM ANDERSON, LL.D., Professor of Royal Institute of France.
Natural Philosophy in the United Col T. T. T. T. D. F. Ammo, Member of the Royal
lege, St Andrews. Institute of France.
 xlviii TABLE.

U.U.U.U. JORN WARD, Esq. C.D. JAMES MILLER, Esq., F.R.S.E.

V.V.V.V. JOIIN C. LOUDON, Esq., F.L.S. and H.S. C.E. EDWARD SANG, Esq., F. R.S.E., Civil Engineer.
GEORGE MOIR, Esq., Advocate, late C.P. ROBERT Cox, Esq.
Professor of Rhetoric in the Univer C.G. CIIARLEs COWAN, Esq.
sity of Edinburgh. C.H. MR JAMES LAURIE.
X.X.X.X. ROBERT CHRISTISON, M.D., F.R.S.E., C.I. TIIOIIAs MURRAY, LL.D.
Professor of Materia Medica in the C.K. ALFRED AINGER, Esq.
University of Edinburgh. C.L. PATRICK FRAZER TITLER, Esq., Advocate.
Y.Y..Y.Y. Reverend THOMAS ROBERT MALTIIus, C.M. JAMES STARK, M.D., F.R.S.E.
late Professor of Political Economy C.N. WILLIAM STEvENSON, Esq.
in the East India College, Hertford. C.O. CRARLEs SYLVESTER, Esq., Civil Engineer.
Z.Z.Z.Z. ALExANDER SMITH, Esq. C.P. Reverend EDWARD GROVES, Record Oflice,
A.A.A.A.A. GEORGE COODE, Esq. Dublin.
C.Q. CRAUFURD TAIT RAMAGE, Esq.
B.C. JOIIN DAVENPORT, Esq. C.R. WILLIAM WEIR, Esq., Advocate.
B.D. Tnoms C. HANSARD, Esq. C.S. MR JOIIN DUNCAN.
B.E. WILLIAM HOW'ITT. C.T. Reverend WILLIAM TURNER.
B.P. TIIEODORE MARTIN, Esq. C.U. JAMES STODDART, Esq., F.R.S.
D.G. JAMES DOUGLAs, Esq., of Cavers. C.W. Reverend J. P. DAVIES.
D.H. PETER LECOUN'I‘, Esq., R.N., Civil Engineer. C.X. WILLIAM DICK, Lecturer on Veterinary Sur
B.I. ALAN STEVENsON, Esq., F.R.S.E., Civil En gery to the Highland and Agricultural
gineer. Society of Scotland.
B.K. Honourable and Reverend CHARLES BA C.Y. MR THOMAS BARCLAY.
TIIURsT, LL.D. D.A. LIEUT.-COL. CHARLES HAIm.T0N SMITH,
B.L. WILLIAM SPALDING,_Advocate, Professor of F.R.S.
Rhetoric in the University of Edinburgh. D.H. Reverend PHILIP KELLAND, F.R.S. Loud.
B.M. DOUGLAs MACLAGAN, M.D. and Edinb., Professor of Mathematics in
B.N. Reverend JOIIN WALLACE. the University of Edinburgh.
B.O. Reverend WILLIAM M. HETIIERINGTON. D.C. JORN PHILLIP, F.R.S., Professor of Geology
B.P. SIR THOMAS DICK LAUDER, Bart., F.R.S.E. in King’s College, London.
B.Q. Reverend JAMES TAYLOR. D.E. MR EDENEZER JOIINsTONE.
B.R. PATRICK NEILL, LL.D., F.R.S.E. D.F. Reverend WILLIAM S. GILLY, D.D., Pre
B.S. JAMES NEWLANDs, Esq., Civil Engineer. bendary of Durham.
B.T. CAPTAIN BAsIL HALL, R.N., F.R.S. D.G. DAVID BoswELL REID, M.D., F.R.S.E.
B.U. ROBERT ALLAN, Esq., Advocate, F.R.S.E. D.H. ANDREW FYFE, M.D., F.R.S.E.
B.W. GEORGE FERGUSON, Esq. D.I. MR JOIIN LOTIIIAN.
B.X. (Author of the Oakleigh Shooting Code.) D.K. WILLIAM PIPER, Esq.
B.Y. JOHN WIGHAM. D.L. HENRI SAMUEL CHAPMAN, Esq., of the
B.Z. AUGUSTIN F. B. CREUZE, Esq. Middle Temple.
C.A. JOIIN SCOTT RUSSELL, Esq., F.R.S.E., Civil D.M. GEORGE JonNsTON, M.D.
Engineer. D.N. Reverend JOIIN REID OMOND.
 OMISSIONS AND CORRECTIONS. xlix

D.O. Tnoms HENDERSON, F.R.S.E., Professor of D.S. CHARLES S'roxEs, Esq., F.R.A. and LS.
Practical Astronomy in the University of D.T. Jon‘s FLOCKHART Snows, Esq.
Edinburgh. A.R.C. AGLIONBY Ross Canson, LL.D., Rector of
D.P. Jms WALKER Annorr, LL.D., Advocate. the High School, Edinburgh.
D.Q. Jmss DONALDSON, Esq. G.F.G. GEORGE FARQUHARZGRAHAME, Esq.
11R. Tuosurs ALLAN, Esq., F.R.S.E.

‘OMISSIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Signatures have been frequently omitted, both in the case of Articles reprinted from the Supple
ment, and those written for the present work; and this has happened sometimes with respect to the
whole of an author’s contributions, sometimes with respect only to a part. The annexed details will,
it is hoped, in a great measure remedy these omissions; but wherever there is any doubt as to the
authorship of a particular article, the reader will do well to turn to the Preface, to ascertain whether
the article in question islthere mentioned; for if it is, the name of its author will be found stated in
connexion with it.
It is proper to mention further, that the omissions are more numerous in some copies of the
werk than in others; for when the impression was enlarged to meet the increased demand, Signatures
were annexed to those Articles which had been discovered to want them.

-I.-—Articles without Signatures.‘

“norm. AUTHORS.
Britain. Egypt. . . . . ~. . . JAMES Baownn, LL.D.
Atmometer. . . . . . . . . Sm Joan LEsLiE.
The greater portion of the Scottish Counties: also,% JAMES CLEGI‘ORN’ Esq.
Cumberland, County of. .
Babylon. Borneo. Jains, (Sect of) . . . Huen Munnxr, Esq. ‘
Benares. Filangieri, (Gaetan.) France, (Statistics of.) .
Mysore. Neeker. Nepaul. Rhodes. Siam. Siberia.
DAVID Bucrmun, Esq.
Sinde. Singapore. Statistics. United States. Van
Diemen’s Land. . . .
Demernra. Guiana. Holland. Hungary. London. ,
Mutis, (J. C.) . . . .i WILLIAM JACOB’

" The Articles in this List, having been mostly written by the authors mentioned in the preceding Table, are entered in
the order in which the names of the Writers occur in that Table-the names only, without titles, being on that account,
and
to avoid repetition, here aflixed.
 OMISSIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

ARTICLES. AUTHORS.

Brissot. De Brosses. M. Buat. Ceylon. Cornwallis.

Denina. Duclos. Dumarsais. Dundas, (Henry)
Jonx Commons, Esq.
Dunning. Dussaulx. Dutens. Eberhard, (J. A.)
Garve, Genovesi, .
Block-Machinery. Dock. Dock-Yards. Fisheries. }
Sm Jonn BAnnow.
Himalaya Mountains.
Aurora-Borealis. Mineralogy. Pnornssoa JAMESON.
Europe. Greece. Ionian Islands. CHARLEs MACLABEN, Esq.
Moore, (Dr John.) J. C. DUNLOP, Esq.
Mensuration. Porism. Series. Squaring. Trigo-}
WILLIAM WALLACE, LL.D.
nometry. .
Porism, (Additions to.) Projectiles. Resistance of }
THOMAS GALLOWAY, Esq.
Fluids, (Additions to.) .
Vegetable Physiology. DANIEL ELLIS, Esq.
Baldinger. Kaleidoscope. Dn RooE'r.
Aqua-Tofana. DB DUNCAN, JUN.
Cinnamon. Copper. Klinometer. Lamp. W. A. CADELL, Esq.
Exchange. Money. J. R. M‘CULLOCH, Esq.
Burger, (G. A.) WILLIAM HAzurr, Esq.
Aristotle. Reverend Dr. HAMPDEN.
Carpentry,
Herculaneum.
(Additions
Lagrange.
to.) Coulomb.
Language,
Heberden,
(affinities of.)

Da THOMAS Youxo.
Lemonnier. Malus. Maskelyne, (Dr.) Mechain.
Messier. Orme, (Robert.)
Confederation of the Rhine. Copyright. Jossru Lows, Esq.
Anderson, (Dr James.) Arreoys. Balm of Gilead.
Batties. Beykaneer. Bogaleund. Borromean Sm JOHN GRAHAM DALYELL, Bart.
Islands. Bronzing.
Bacon, (John.) JAMEs GLASSFORD, Esq.
Blasting. Rosnn'r Srnvnssox, Esq.
Bogota. DR GILLIEs.
Botany, Historical View of, and of Botanical Systems
Sm J. E. SMITH.
Jussieu. . . I}
Sculpture, (Additions to.) ADAM HAY, Esq.
Pump. . . . Pnorusson Romson.
Dalrymple, (Sir David.) DAvrn LAING, Esq.
Dialling. Skew Bridge. HENRY MEIKLE, Esq.
Mollusca. Reverend DR FLEMING.
Aquatinta Engraving. Engraving. Etching. W. H. LIZARS, Esq.
Credit. . . . . . D. BANNATYNE, Esq.
Medical Jurisprudence. DR TnAlLL.
 OMISSIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 1i

ABTICLBS. AUTHORS.

Delille. . . . . . . Reverend DR MOREHEAD.

Mechanics. Micrometer. Optics. V oltaic Electricity. Sm Dsvm BREWSTER.
Burns. Canning. Canova. Collingwood. Fez. Fezzan.
Flaxman. Florida. Grattan. Greenock. Mexico. J. F. SMITH, Esq.
Puno. Rio Grande do Sul. Rio de Janeiro.
Four Borough Court. Lyon-King of Arms. Scot- }
James STARK, Esq.
land, (Judicial Establishments of.)
Gunpowder. DR M‘CULLocn.
Laws and Government of England; forming Part Se
PROFESSOR EMPsox.
cond of article England. Legislation.
Joinery. . . . . . . . . Tnouss TREDGOLD, Esq.
History of Ethics, (forming part of Moral Philosophy);
Reverend DR GLEIG.
Theology. . . . . . . .
Medicine. Practice of Physic. . . . . WILLIAM Tuousos, M.D.
Mary, (Virgin.) Melchisedcc. Theology, (Additions to.) Reverend MR ALEXANDER.
Condillac. . . .' . . . DR DEWAR.
Prisons. Punishments. JOHN Warm,
Embanking. J. C. Lounos', Esq.
Post-Office. ALEXANDER SMITH, Esq.
Piano-Forte. G. F. GRAHAM, Esq.
Porcelain, (Additions to.) Pottery, (Additions to.) Jonx Davam’om‘, Esq.
Viaduct. P. LECOUNT, Esq.
Geography. . . . . . Reverend JOHN WALLACE.
Birmingham. Bristol. Paris. Statistics of Prussia. Reverend JAMES TAYLOR.
Horticulture. . . . . . . . DR NEiLL.
Iceland. Insurance. . . RoaEn'r ALLAN, Esq.
Steam. Steam-Engine. Steam Navigation. J. S. RussELL, Esq.
Steam Navigation, History of. JAMES NEWLANDS, Esq.
The General Index. Rosam- Cox, Esq.
Paper-Making. CHARLES Comm, Esq.
Statistics of Sweden. ME JAMES LAURIE.
Kirkcudbrightshire, (Additions to.) Statistics of Scot
DE Munnsr.
land. Whithorn. . . .
Lock. . . . . . . ALFRED AINGER, Esq.
History of Scotland. P. F. TYTLEB, Esq.
Abyssinia. Baltic Sea. Barracks. Bentinck, (Duke
WILLIAM SrEvEssos', Esq.
of Portland.) Berbice. Black Sea. Bundelcund.
Annealing. Anvil. Blowpipe. Brass-making. Crumuas SYLvssrl-zn, Esq.
Ireland, and the Irish Counties. . . Reverend E. Gnovss.
Articles in Classical and Mythological Biography’ from} C. T. Ramses, Esq.
letter G to S. . . . . . . .
Iii OMISSIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

urrcuzs. AUTHORS.

Brazil. . . . . W. WEIR, FAq.

Calender. . . . . Mn Joan DUNCAN.

Colliery, (Winning and Working.) Reverend WILLIAM TURNER.

Ma Sronmn'r.
Cutlery. . . . . . . .
Denbighshire. Derbyshire. Devonshire. Dorset-}
Reverend J. P. Davms.
shire. Durhamshire.
MR DICK.
Veterinary Science. . . . .
Fifeshire. Firth of Forth. Inverkeithing. Kinghorn.}
Ma Tnouss BARCLAY.
Kirkcaldy. . . . . . . . .
Operations by Land, (forming part of the general article )
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL Sui-m.
on War.) . . . . . . . .l
Variations. Pnorxssoa Parmars.
Paorssson
Geology. .
Stirling. Stirlingshire. Mn E. Jonxsross.
Smoke. Stove. . . . . . . DR A. Free.
Orkney Islands. . ‘ Reverend J. R. Onion.
Practical Astronomy, (Additions to.) PROFESSOR Hsxnansox.
Botany. J. W. Anson, LL.D.
Chess. Jums DONALDSON, Esq.

Diamond. Tnouxs ALLAN, Esq.

Lithography. Cnmuzs S'roxss, Esq.

Isle of Man. . . . . . . .1. F. Snows, Esq.
Balance of Power. Bibliography. Biographical Ar
ticles, General and Scottish; viz.—-Abdollatiph.
Acosta. Donna Agnesi. Chancellor D’Aguessau. Eniroa.
Alfarabius. Alhazen. Archibald Constable, Esq.
Sir John Leslie. . . .

II.——-Articles with Erroneous Signatures.

As mentioned in the Preface, Signatures have, in a few instances, been incorrectly applied. The
annexed corrections will, it is believed, rectify all the errors of the kind that have been committed.

The Article Aqua-Tofana has the sig. X. instead of Z.
Benares, S. instead of F.
Bogalcund, F. instead of N.N.
Botany, U.U. instead of XX. and D.P.
Copyright, D.D. instead of M.M.
Mysore, B. instead of F.
The Article Practice of Physic, L. instead of L.L.L.L.
Porcelain, X.X. instead of B.C.
Pottery, X.X.X.X. instead of B.C.
Prisons, X. instead of U.U.U.U.
Vegetable Physiology, Q. instead of W.
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

DISSE RTATION FIRST:

EXHIBITING" A GENERAL VIEW

OF THE

PROGRESS OF METAPHYSICAL, ETHICAL, AND POLITICAL

PHILOSOPHY,

SINCE THE REVIVAL OF LETTERS IN EUROPE.

BY DUGALD STEWART, Esq. F. R. SS. LOND. AND EDIN.

LATE PROFESSOR OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY IN TIIE UNIVERSITY

OF EDINBURGH.
A"! r»;
 PREFACE,

CONTAINING SOME CRITICAL REMARKS ON THE DISCOURSE PREFIXED TO THE

FRENCH ENCYCLOPEDIE. \ ’

HEN I ventured to undertake the task of myself of the present opportunity to point out
contributing a Preliminary Dissertation their most important defects ;—defects which, I
to the Encyclopedia Britannica, my original in am nevertheless very ready to acknowledge, it
tention was, after the example of D’Alembert, is much more easy to remark than to supply.
to have begun with a general survey of the va The critical strictures which, in the course of
rious departments of human knowledge. The this discussion, I shall have occasion to ofl’er on
outline of such a survey, sketched by the com my predecessors, will, at the same time, account
prehensive genius of Bacon, together with the for my forbearing to substitute a new map of
corrections and improvements suggested by his my own, instead of that to which the names of
illustrious disciple, would, I thought, have ren Bacon and D’Alembert have lent so great and
dered it comparatively easy to adapt their intel so well-merited a celebrity; and may perhaps
lectual map to the present advanced state of the suggest a doubt, whether the period be yet ar
sciences; while the unrivalled 'authority which rived for hazarding again, with any reasonable
their united work has long maintained in the prospect of success, a repetition of their bold
republic of letters, would, I flattered myself, experiment. For the length to which these
have softened those criticisms which might be strictures are likely to extend, the only apology
expected to be incurred by any similar attempt I have to offer is the peculiar importance of the
of a more modern hand. On a closer examina questions to which they relate, and the high au
tion, however, of their labours, I found myself thority of the writers whose opinions I presume
under the necessity of abandoning this design. to controvcrt.
Doubts immediately occurred to me with respect Before entering on his main subject, D’Alem
to the justness of their logical views, and soon bert is at pains to explain a distinction—which he
terminated in a conviction that these views are represents as of considerable importance—be
radically and essentially erroneous. Instead, tween the Genealogy of the sciences, and the
therefore, of endeavouring to give additional Encyclopedical arrangement of the objects of
currency to speculations which I conceived to human knowledge.1 “ In examining the for
be fundamentally unsound, Iresolved to avail mer,” he observes, “ our aim is, by rcmounting

' “ [I nc faut pasconfondre l‘ordre Encyclopédique des connoissanccs humaines avcc la Génealogic de< Sciences."
Avertissement, p. 7.
D155- 1- PART I. A
 2 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to the origin and genesis of our ideas, to trace enables a skilful writer to smooth and varnish
the causes to which the sciences owe their birth; over his most illogical transitions.
and to mark the characteristics by which they The most essential imperfections, however, of
are distinguished from each other. In order to this historical sketch, may be fairly ascribed to
ascertain the latter, it is necessary to compre a certain vagueness and indecision in the au
hend, in one general scheme, all the various de thor’s idea, with regard to the scope of his in
partments of study; to arrange them into pro quiries. What he has in general pointed at is
per classes; and to point out their mutual rela to trace, from the theory of the Mind, and from
tions and dependencies.” Such a scheme is some the order followed by nature in the develope
times likened by D’Alembert to a map or chart ment of its powers, the successive steps by which
of the intellectual world; sometimes to a Ge the curiosity may be conceived to have been
nealog'icall or Encyclopedieal Tree, indicating gradually conducted from one intellectual pur
the manifold and complicated affinities of those suit to another; but, in the execution of this
studies, which, however apparently remote and design (which in itself is highly philosophical
unconnected, are all the common offspring of and interesting), he does not appear to have
the human understanding. For executing suc paid due attention to the essential difl'erence
cessfully this chart or tree, a philosophical deli between the history of the human species, and
neation of the natural progress of the mind may that of the civilised and inquisitive individual.
(according to him) furnish very useful lights; The former was undoubtedly that which prin
although he acknowledges that the results of the cipally figured in his conceptions, and to which,
two undertakings cannot fail to differ widely in I apprehend, he ought to have confined himself
many instances,—the laws which regulate the exclusively; whereas, in fact, he has so com
generation of our ideas often interfering with pletely blended the two subjects together, that
that systematical order in the relative arrange it is often impossible to say which of them was
ment of scientific pursuits, which it is the pur uppermost in his thoughts. The consequence
pose of the Encyclopedical Tree to exhibit.“ is, that, instead of throwing upon either those
In trfating of the first of these subjects, it can strong and steady lights, which might have been
not be denied that D’Alembert has displayed expected from his powers, he has involved both
much ingenuity and invention; but the depth in additional obscurity. This indistinctness is
and solidity of his general train of thought may more peculiarly remarkable in the beginning of
be questioned. On various occasions, he has his Discourse, where he represents men in the
evidently sutfered himself to be misled by a spi earliest infancy of science, before they had time
rit of false refinement; and on others, where to take any precautions for securing the means
probably he was fully aware of his inability to of their subsistence, or of their safety,—-as phi
render the theoretical chain complete, he seems losophising on their sensations, on the exist
to have aimed at concealing from his readers the ence of their own bodies, and on that of the
faulty links, by availing himself of those epi material world. His Discourse, accordingly,
grammatic points, and other artifices of style, sets out with a series of Meditations, precisely
with which the genius of the French language analogous to those which form the introduction

‘ It is to be regretted, that the epithet Genealogical should have been employed on this occasion, where the author's wish
was to contradistinguish the idea denoted by it, from that historical view of the sciences to which the word Genealogy had
been previously applied.
’ The true reason of this mi ht perhaps have been assigned in simpler terms by remarking, that the order of invention
is, in most cases, the reverse of that fitted for didactic communication. This observation applies not only to the analytical
and synthetical processes of the individual, but to the progressive improvements of the species, when compared with the
arrangements prescribed by logical method, for conveying a knowledge of them to students. In an enlightened age, the
sciences are justly considered as the basis of the arts ; and, in a course of liberal education, the former are always taught
' rim to the latter. But, in the order of invention and discovery, the arts preceded the sciences. Men measured land
efere they studied speculative enmctry ; and governments were established before politics were studied as a science. A
remark somewhat similar is media by Celsus, concerning the history of medicine: “ Non medicinam rationi esse posterio
rem, sed post medicinam inventam, rationem esse queesitam.”
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST DISSERTATION. 3

.to the philosophy of Descartes; meditations impression, either unfavourable to the perspi
which, in the order of time, have been uniform cuity of the writer, or to their own powers of
ly posterior to the study of external nature; comprehension and of reasoning. It were to he
and which, even in such an age as the present, wished, therefore, that, instead of occupying the
are confined to _a comparatively small number first pages of the Encyclopédie, it had been re
of recluse metaphysicians. served for a separate article in the body of that
Of this sort of amjectural or theoretical his work. There it might have been read by the
tory, the mest unexceptionable specimens which logical student, with no small interest and ad
have yet appeared, are indisputably the frag vantage; for, with all its imperfections, it bears
ments in Mr Smith’s posthumous work on the numerous and precious marks of its author’s
History of Astronomy, and on that of the An hand.
cient Systems of Physics and Metaphysics. In delineating his Encyclopedical Tree, D’A
That, in the latter of these, he may have occa lembert has, in my opinion, been still more un
sionally accommodated his details to his own successful than in the speculations which have
peculiar opinions concerning the object of Phi been hitherto under our review. His venerai
losophy, may perhaps, with some truth, be al tion for Bacon seems, on this occasion, to have
leged; but he must at least be allowed the me prevented him from giving due scope to his own ‘
rit of completely avoiding the error by which powerful and fertile genius, and has engaged
D’Alembert was misled; and, even in those in him in the fruitless task of attempting, by means
stances where he himself seems to wander a of arbitrary definitions, to draw a veil over in
little from the right path, of furnishing his suc curable defects and blemishes. In this part of
cessors with a thread, leading by easy and al Bacon’s logic, it must, at the same time, be
most insensible steps, from the first gross per owned, that there is something peculiarly capti
ceptions of sense, to the most abstract refine vating to the fancy; and, accordingly, it has
ments of the Grecian schools. Nor is this the united in its favour the sufl'rages of almost all
only praise to which these fragments are en the succeeding authors who have treated of the
titled. By seizing on the difi'erent points of same subject. It will be necessary for me,
view from which the same object was contem therefore, to explain fully the grounds of that
plated by difl'erent sects, they often bestow a censure, which, in opposition to so many illus
certain degree of unity and of interest on what trious names, I have presumed to bestow on it.
before seemed calculated merely to bewilder Of the leading ideas to which I more particu
and to confound; and render the apparent aber larly object, the following statement is given by
rations and caprices of the understanding, sub D’Alembert. I quote it in preference to the
servient to the study of its operations and laws. corresponding passage in Bacon, as it contains
To the foregoing strictures on D’Alernbert’s various explanatory clauses and glosses, for
View of the origin of the sciences, it may be which we are indebted to the ingenuity of the
added, that this introductory part of his Dis commentator.
course does not' seem to have any immediate “ The objects about which our minds are 0c
connection with the sequel. “’0 are led, in cupied, are either spiritual or material, and the
deed, to expect, that it is to prepare the way media employed for this purpose are our ideas,
for the study of the Encyclopedical Tree after either directly received, or derived from reflec
wards to be exhibited; but in this expectation tion. The system of our direct knowledge con
we are completely disappointed,—-no reference sists entirely in the passive and mechanical ac
to it whatever being made by the author in the cumulation of the particulars it comprehends;
farther prosecution of his subject. It forms, an accumulation which belongs exclusively to
accordingly, 9. portion of his Discourse altoge the province of Memory. Reflection is of two
ther foreign to the general design; while, from kinds, according as it is employed in reasoning
the metaphysical obscurity which pervades it, on the objects of our direct ideas, or in study
the generality of readers are likely to receive an ing them as models for imitation.
4 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

“ Thus, Memory, Reason, strictly so called, of its successive operations on the subjects of
and Imagination, are the three modes in which thought, by creating abstract and general ideas,
the mind operates on the subjects of its thoughts. remote from the perceptions of sense, leads to
By Imagination, however, is here to be under the exercise of Imagination as the last step of
stood, not the faculty of conceiving or repre the process. Thus metaphysics and geometry
senting to ourselves what we have formerly per are, of all the sciences belonging to Reason,
ceived, a faculty which differs in nothing from those in which Imagination has the greatest
the memory of these perceptions, and which, if it ‘ share. I ask pardon for this observation from
were not relieved by the invention of signs, those men of taste, who, little aware of the near
would be in a state of continual exercise. The aflinity of geometry to their own pursuits, and
power which we denote by this name has a still less suspecting that the only intermediate
nobler province allotted to it, that of render step between them is formed by metaphysics,
ing imitation subservient to the creations of are disposed to employ their wit in depreciating
genius. its value.' The truth is, that, to the geometer
“ These three faculties suggest a. correspond who invents, Imagination is not less essential
ing division of human knowledge into three than to the poet who creates. They operate,
branches, 1. History, which derives its materials indeed, differently on their object, the former
from Memory; 2. Philosophy, which is the pro abstracting and analyzing, where the latter com
duct of Reason ; and 3. Poetry (comprehending bines and adorns ;—two processes of the mind,
under this title all the Fine Arts), which is the it must at the same time be confessed, which
offspring of Imagination.1 If we place Reason seem from experience to be so little congenial,
before Imagination, it is because this order ap that it may be doubted if the talents of a great
pears to us conformable to the natural progress geometer and of a great poet will ever be united
of our intellectual operations.’3 The Imagina in the same person. But whether these talents
tion is a creative faculty ; and the mind, before be or be not mutually exclusive, certain it is,
that they who possess the one, have no right to
it attempts to create, begins by reasoning upon
what it sees and knows. Nor is this all. In despise those who cultivate the other. Of all
the faculty of Imagination, both Reason and the great men of antiquity, Archimedes is per
Memory are, to a certain extent, combined,— haps he who is the best entitled to be placed by
the mind never imagining or creating objects the side of Homer.”
but such as are analogous to those whereof it D’Alembert afterwards proceeds to observe,
has had previous experience. Where this ana that of these three general branches of the Eu
logy is wanting, the combinations are extrava cyclopedical Tree, a natural and convenient sub
gant and displeasing; and consequently, in that division is atforded by the metaphysical distri
agreeable imitation of nature, at which the fine bution of things into Material and Spiritual.
arts aim in common, invention is necessarily “ With these two classes of existences,” he ob
subjected to the control of rules which it is the serves farther, “ history and philosophy are
business of the philosopher to investigate. equally conversant; but as for Imagination,
“ In farther justification of this arrangement, her imitations are entirely confined to the mate
it may be remarked, that reason, in the course rial world ;——a circumstance,” he adds, “ which

‘ The latitude given by D'Alembert to the meaning of the word Poetry is a real and very important improvement on
Bacon, who restricts it to Fictitious History or Fables. De Aug. Seimt. Lib. ii. cap. i.) D‘Alembert, on the other hand,
employs it in its natural signification, as synonymous wit 1 invention or creation. “ La Peinture, la Sculpture, l'Architec
ture, la Poésie, In M usique, et leurs difi'érentes divisions, composent la troisieme distribution générale qui nait de l’Imagi
nation, ct dont les parties sont com rises sous le nom de Beaux-Arts. On peut les rapporter tone 5 la I’oésie, en prenant
ce mot dans sa signification nature] e, qui n’est autre chose qu'invention ou création."
’ In placing Reason before Imagination, D‘Alembert departs from the order in which these faculties are arranged by
Bacon. “ Si nous n‘nvons pas place. comme lui, la Rnison upres l‘Imagination, c’est que nous avons suivi dans le system:
Encyclopédique, l'ordre metaphysique des operations de l‘esprit. plutdt que l‘ordre historique de ses pro res depuis in re
naissance (les lemma-(Disc. Préh'm.) How far the motive here assigned for the change is valid, the rea er will be enabled
to judge from the sequel of the above quotation.
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST DISSERTATION. 5

conspires with the other arguments above stated, without any attempt to compare and to genera
in justifying Bacon for assigning to her the last lize? For the cultivation of that speciespf his
place in his enumeration of our intellectual fa tory, in particular, which alone deserves a place
culties.”1 Upon this subdivision he enlarges at in the Encyclopedical Tree, it may be justly af
some length, and with considerable ingenuity; firmed, that the rarest and most comprehensive
but on the present occasion it would be quite combination of all our mental gifts is indispen
superfluous to follow him any farther, as more sably requisite.
than enough has been already quoted to enable Another, and a still more formidable objec
my readers to judge, whether the objections tion to Bacon’s classification, may be derived
which I am now to state to the foregoing ex from the very imperfect and partial analysis of
tracts be as sound and decisive as I apprehend the mind which it assumes as its basis. Why
them to be. were the powers of Abstraction and Generaliza
Of these objections a very obvious one is sug tion passed over in silence P—powers which, ac
gested by a consideration, of which D’Alembert cording as they are cultivated or neglected, con
himself has taken notice,—that the three facul stitute the most essential of all distinctions be
ties to which he refers the whole operations of tween the intellectual characters of individuals.
the understanding are perpetually blended to A corresponding distinction, too, not less im
gether in their actual exercise, insomuch that portant, may be remarked among the objects of
there is scarcely a branch of human knowledge human study, according as our aim is to treasure
which does not, in a greater or less degree, up particular facts, or to establish general con
furnish employment to them all. It may be clusions. Does not this distinction mark out,
said, indeed, that some pursuits exercise and in with greater precision, the limits which separate
vigorate particular faculties more than others; philosophy from mere historical narrative, than
that the study of History, for example, al that which turns upon the different provinces of
though it may occasionally require the aid both Reasbn and of Memory ?
of Reason and of Imagination, yet chiefly fur I shall only add one other criticism on this
nishes occupation to the Memory ; and that this celebrated enumeration, and that is, its want of
is suflieient to justify the logical division of our distinctness, in confounding together the Sciences
mental powers as the ground-work of a corre and the Arts under the same general titles.
sponding Encyclopedical classification.‘I This, Hence a variety of those Capricious arrange
however, will be found more specious than solid. ments, which must immediately strike every
In what respects is the faculty of Memory more reader who follows Bacon through his details ;—
essentially necessary to the student of history the reference, for instance, of the mechanical
than to the philosopher or to the poet ; and, on arts to the department of History; and conse
the other hand, of what value, in the circle of the quently, according to his own analysis of the
sciences, would be a collection of historical de Mind, the ultimate reference of these arts to the
tails, accumulated without discrimination, with faculty of Memory; while at the same time, in
out a scrupulous examination of evidence, or his tripartite division of the whole field of hu

' In this exclusive limitation of the province of Imagination to things Material and Sensible, D'Alembert has followed
the definition given by Descartes in his second Meditation : “ Imnginuri nilail aliud n! quam rzi corpomz Jig-11mm .Ifll imagi
ncm contrmplari ,-"_a power of the mind, which (as I have elsewhere observed) appears to me to be most precisely ex
pressed in our langua by the word Ctmvtpfion. The province assigned to Imagination by D‘Alembert is more extensive
than this, for he ascri es to her also a creative and combining power ; but still his definition agrees with that of Descartes,
inasmuch as it excludes entirely from her dominion both the intellectual and the moral worlds.
1 I allude here to the following apology for Bacon, suggested by a very learned and judicious writer:--“ On a flit
cependant 2. Bacon quelques reproches nsez fondés. On a observe que so classification des sciences repose sur unc
distinction qui n‘est pas rigoureuse, puisque la me'moire, la raison, et l‘imagination concourent néccssmrement dun:
cha ue art, comme dans cheque science. Mais on pout ré iondre, que l‘un ou l‘autre de ces trois facultés, quoiquc secondt'e
par es deux autres, pent ccpeudant jouer le role principal. l-In prenant la distinction de Bacon dans ce sens. so classifica
tion restc exacte, et devient tree utile-"—-(DEOIBAXDO, HM. Comp. Tune 1. p. can.)
6 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

man knowledge, the art of Poetry has one en habitually occupied in exerting the one, Seldom
tire prpvince allotted to itself. fails to impair both his capacity and his relish
These objections apply in common to Bacon for the exercise of the other.
and to D’Alembert. That which follows has a This identification of two faculties, so strong
particular reference to a passage already cited ly contrasted in their characteristical features,
from the latter, where, by some false refinements was least of all to be eXpected from a logician,
concerning the nature and functions of Imagina who had previously limited the province of Ima
tion, he has rendered the classification of his pre gination to the imitation of material objects; a
decessor incomparably more indistinct and illo limitation, it may be remarked in passing, which
gical than it seemed to be before. is neither sanctioned by common use, nor by
That all the creations or new combinations of just views of the philosophy of the mind. Upon
Imagination, imply the previous process of de what ground can it be alleged, that Milton’s
composition or analysis, is abundantly manifest; portrait of Satan’s intellectual and moral cha
and, therefore, without departing from the com racter was not the offspring of the same creative
mon and popular use of language, it may un faculty which gave birth to his Garden of Eden ?
doubtedly be said, that the faculty of abstraction After such a definition, however, it is difiicult
is not less essential to the Poet, than to the Geo to conceive, how so very acute a writer should
meter and the Metaphysician.1 But this is not have referred to Imagination the abstractions
the doctrine of D’Alcmbert. On the contrary, of the geometer and of the metaphysician ; and
he affirms, that Metaphysics and Geometry are, still more, that he should have attempted to
of all the sciences connected with reason, those justify this reference, by observing, that these
in which Imagination has the greatest share ;-— abstractions do not fall under the cognisance of
an assertion which, it will not be disputed, has at the senses. My own opinion is, that, in the
first sight somewhat of the air of a paradox ; and composition of the whole passage, he had a
which, on closer examination, will, I apprehend, view to the unexpected parallel between Homer
be found altogether inconsistent with fact. If and Archimedes, with which he meant, at the
indeed D’Alembert had, in this instance, used, close, to surprise his readers.
as some writers have done, the word Imagina If the foregoing strictures be well-founded,
tion as synonymous with Invention, I should not it seems to follow, not only that the attempt of
have thought it worth while (at least so far as the Bacon and of D’Alembert to classify the sciences
geometer is concerned) to dispute his proposi and arts according to a logical division of our
tion. But that this was not the meaning annex faculties, is altogether unsatisfactory; but that
ed to it by the author, appear from a subsequent every future attempt of the same kind may be
clause, where he tells us, that the most refined expected to be liable to similar objections. In
operations of reason, consisting in the creation studying, indeed, the Theory of the Mind, it is
of generals which do not fall under the cogniz necessary to push our analysis as far as the
ance of our senses, naturally led to the exercise of nature of the subject admits of; and, wherever
Imagination. His doctrine, therefore, goes to the the thing is pessible, to examine its constituent
identification of Imagination with Abstraction; principles separately and apart from each other:
two faculties so very different in the direction but this consideration itself, when combined
which they give to our thoughts, that, according with what was before stated on the endless
to his own acknowledgment, the man who is variety of forms in which they may be blended

‘ This assertion must, however, be understood with some qualifications; for, although the Poet, as well as the Geometer
and the Metaphysician, be perpetually called upon to decompose, by means of abstraction, the complicated objects of per
ception, it must not be concluded that the abstractions of all the three are exactly of the some kind. Those of the Poet
amount to nothing more than to a separation into parts of the realities presented to his senses; which separation is only a
preliminary step to a subse uent recomposition into new and ideal forms of the things abstracted ; whereas the abstraction!
of the Metaphysician and o the Geometer form the very objects of their respective sciences.
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST DISSERTATION. 7

together in our various intellectual pursuits, is vantage. At the period when Bacon wrote, it
sufficient to show how ill adapted such an ana was of much more consequence to exhibit to the
lysis must for ever remain to serve as the basis learned a comprehensive sketch, than an ac
of an Encyclopedical distribution.1 curate survey of the intellectual world ;—such
The circumstance to which this part of Ba a sketch as, by pointing out to those whose
con’s philosophy is chiefly indebted for its po views had been hitherto confined within the
pularity, is the specious simplicity and compre limits of particular regions, the relative positions
hensiveness of the distribution itself ;—not the and bearings of their respective districts as
soundness of the logical views by which it was parts of one great whole, might invite them all,
suggested. That all our intellectual pursuits for the common benefit, to a reciprocal exchange
may be referred to one or other of these three of their local riches. The societies or acade—
heads, History, Philosophy, and Poetry, may mies which, soon after, sprung up in different
undoubtedly be said'with considerable plausi countries of Europe, for the avowed purpose of
bility ;—the word History being understood to contributing to the general mass of information,
comprehend all our knowledge of particular by the collection of insulated facts, conjectures,
facts and particular events; the word Philoso and queries, afford sufficient proof, that the anti
phy, all the general conclusions or laws inferred cipations of Bacon were not, in this instance,
from these particulars by induction; and the altogether chimerical.
word Poetry, all the arts addressed to the ima In examining the details of Bacon’s survey, it
gination. Not that the enumeration, even with is impossible not to be struck (more especially
thehelp of this comment, can be considered as when we reflect on the state of learning two
complete; for, to pass over entirely the other hundred years ago) with the minuteness of his
objections already stated, under which of these information, as well as with the extent of his
three heads shall we arrange the various branches views; or to forbear admiring his sagacity in
of pure mathematics? pointing out, to future adventurers, the unknown
Are we therefore to conclude, that the magni tracks still left to be explored by human cu
ficent design, conceived by Bacon, of enumerat riosity. If his classifications he sometimes arti
ing, defining, and classifying the multifarious ficial and arbitrary, they have at least the merit
objects of human knowledge ;—a design, on the of including, under one head or another, every
successful accomplishment of which he himself particular of importance ; and of exhibiting these
believed that the advancement of the sciences particulars with a degree of method and of ap
essentially depended ;—Are we to conclude, parent connection, which, if it does not always
that this design was nothing more than the satisfy the judgment, never fails to interest the
abortive ofl'spring of a warm imagination, un fancy, and to lay hold of the memory. Nor
susceptible of any useful application to enlight must it be forgotten, to the glory of his genius,
en the mind, or to accelerate its progress? that what he failed to accomplish remains to
My own idea is widely different. The design this day a desideratum in science ;-—that the in
was, in every respect, worthy of the sublime tellectual chart delineated by him is, with all its
genius by which it was formed. Nor does it imperfections, the only one of which modern
follow, because the execution was imperfect, philosophy has yet to boast ;-and that the
that the attempt has been attended with no ad united talents of D’Alembert and of Diderot,
\

' In justice to the authors of the Encyclopedical Tree prefixed to the French Dicti , it ought to be observed, that
it is spoken of by D‘Alembert, in his Preliminary Discourse, with the utmost modesty an ditlidence: and that he has ex
pressed, not only his own conviction, but that of his colleague, of the impossibility of cxecutin such a task in a manner
ikely to satisfy the public. “ Nous sommes tro convaincus de l'arhitrnire qui régnera to 'ours gins une pareille division,
pour croire que notre systeme soit l‘unique ou e meilleur ; il nous sufiira que notre travai ne suit pas enticrement désap
prouvé par les bons esprits.“ And, some pages afterwards, “ Si le public éclairé donue son approbation a ces ch ens,
elle sera la recompense de notre docilité ; et s‘il ne les sp rouve pas, nous n‘en scrons quc plus convaincus dc l‘unpoui
bilité de former un Arbre Encyclopédique qui soit au gré e tout le monde."
 8 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

aided by all the lights of the eighteenth century, the same, by several writers of the highest rank,
have been able to add but little to what Bacon renders it in some measure necessary, on the
performed. present occasion, to consider how far it is found
ed on just principles; more especially as it is
After the foregoing observations, it will not
be expected that an attempt is to be made, in completely at variance not only with the lan
the following Essay, to solve a problem which guage and arrangement adopted in these preli
has so recently baflled the powers of these minary essays, but with the whole of that plan on
eminent writers, and which will probably long which the original projectors, as well as the con
continue to exercise the ingenuity of our suc tinuators, of the Encyclopedia Britannica, ap
cessors. How much remains to be previously pear to have proceeded. These strictures will,
at the same time, afford an additional proof of
done for the improvement of that part of Logic,
whose province it is to fix the limits by whichthe difficulty, or rather of the impossibility, in
contiguous departments of study are defined the actiral state of logical science, of solving
and separated! And how many unsuspected this great problem, in a manner calculated to
aflinities may‘bc reasonably presumed to exist unite the general suffrages of philosophers.
among sciences, which, to our circumscribed “ All that can fall," says Mr Locke, “ with
views, appear at present the most alien from in the compass of Human Understanding being
each other! The abstract geometry of Apol either, first, The nature of things as they are in
‘ lonius and Archimedes was found, after an in themselves, their relations, and their manner of
terval of two thousand years, to furnish a torch operation; or, secondly, That which man him
to the physical inquiries of Newton; while, in self ought to do as a rational and voluntary
the further progress of knowledge, the Etymo agent, for the attainment of any end, especially
logy of Languages has been happily employed happiness; or, thirdly, The ways and means
to fill up the chasms of Ancient History; and whereby the knowledge of both the one and the
the conclusions of Comparative Anatomy, to il other of these is attained and communicated; I
lustrate the Theory of the Earth. For my own think science may be divided properly into these
part, even if the task were executed with the three sorts:
most complete success, I should be strongly in “ I. woman, or Natural Philosophy. The end
clined to think, that its appropriate place in an of this is bare speculative truth ; and whatsoever
Encyclopedia would be as a branch of the article can afford the mind of man any such, falls under
on Logic ;—certainly not as an ewordium to the this branch, whether it be God himself, angels,
Preliminary Discourse; the enlarged and re spirits, bodies, or any of their affections, as num
fined views which it necessarily presupposes be ber and figure, 8w.
ing peculiarly unsuitable to that part of the work “ 2. Hgaxmm, The skill of right applying our
which may be expected, in the first instance, to own powers and actions for the attainment of
attract the curiosity of every reader. things good and useful. The most considerable
Before concluding this preface, I shall sub under this head is Ethics, which is the seeking
join a few slight strictures on a very concise and out those rules and measures of human actions
comprehensive division of the objects of Human which lead to happiness, and the means to\prac
Knowledge, proposed by Mr Locke, as the ba tise them. The end of this is not bare specula
sis of a new classification of the sciences. Al tion, but right, and a conduct suitable to it.1
though I do not know that any attempt has ever “ 3. Swami-ms, or the doctrine Qf signs, the
been made to follow out in detail the general most usual whereof being words, it is aptly
idea, yet the repeated approbation which has enough termed also A0711"), Logic. The business
been lately bestowed on a division essentially of this is to consider the nature of signs the

' From this definition it appears, that as Locke included under the title of Physics, not only Natural Philosophy, pro
perly so called, but Natural Theology, and the Philosophy of the Human Mind, so he meant to refer to the head of Practice,
not only Ethiu, but all the various Art: of life, both mechanical and liberal.
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST DISSERTATION.

mind makes use of for the understanding of ever was taught in the ancient schools of Greece,
things, or conveying its knowledge to others. concerning their nature, made a part of the sys
“ This seems to me,” continues Mr Locke, tem of physics.”ii
“ the first and most general, as well as natural, di— Dr Campbell, in his Philosophy of Rhetoric,
vision of the objects of our understanding; for a has borrowed from the Grecian schools the
man can employ his ihoughts about nothing but same very extensive use of the words physics
either the contemplation of things themselves, and physzblogy, which he employs as synonymous
for the discovery of truth; or about the things terms; comprehending under this title “ not
in his own power, which are his own actions, merely Natural History, Astronomy, Geography,
for the attainment of his own ends; or the Mechanics, Optics, Hydrostatics, Meteorology,
signs the mind makes use of, both in one and Medicine, Chemistry, but also Natural Theology
the other, and the right ordering of them for and Psychology, which,” he observes, “ have
its clearer information. All which three, viz. been, in his opinion, most unnaturally disjoined
things as they are in themselves knowable; from Physiology by philosophers.” “ Spirit,” he
actions as they depend on us, in order to hap adds, “ which here comprises only the Supreme
piness; and the right use of signs, in order to Being and the human soul, is surely as much in
knowledge; being toto aelo difl'erent, they seem cluded under the notion of natural object as body
ed to me to be the three great provinces of the is; and is knowable to the philosopher purely in
intellectual world, wholly separate and distinct the same way, by observation and experience.“
one from another.”x A similar train of thinking led the late cele
From the manner in which Mr Locke ex brated M. Target to comprehend under the
presses himself in the above quotation, he ap name of Physics, not only Natural Philosophy
pears evidently to have considered the division (as that phrase is understood by the Newtonians),
proposed in it as an original idea of his own; but Metaphysics, Logic, and even History.‘
and yet the truth is, that it coincides exactly Notwithstanding all this weight of authority,
with what was generally adopted by the philo- ' it is difiicult to reconcile one’s self to an arrange
sophers of ancient Greece. “ The ancient ment which, while it classes with Astronomy,
Greek Philosophy,” says Mr Smith, “ was divid with Mechanics, with Optics, and with Hy
ed into three great branches, Physics, or Natural drostatics, the strikingly contrasted studies of
Philosophy; Ethics, or Moral Philosophy; and Natural Theology and of the Philosophy of the
Logic. This general division,” he adds, “ seems Human Mind, disunites from the two last the
perfectly agreeable to the nature of things.” Mr far more congenial sciences of Ethics and of
Smith afterwards observes, in strict conformity Logic. The human mind, it is true, as well as
to Locke’s definitions (of which, however, he the material world which surrounds it, forms
seems to have had no recollection when he a part of the great system of the Universe; but
wrote this passage), “ That, as the human is it possible to conceive two parts of the same
mind and the Deity, in whatever their essence whole “more completely dissimilar, or rather
may be supposed to consist, are parts of the more diametrically opposite, in all their charac
great system of the universe, and parts, too, teristical attributes? Is not the one the appro
productive of the most important efl‘ects, what priate field and province of obscrvalion,—-a power

I
See the concluding chapter of the Enay on Human Understanding, entitled, “ Of the Division of the Sciences.“
’ Wealth of IVatimu, Boo v. chap. i.
' Philosophy of Hhvlnric, Book i. chap. v. Part iii. § I.
' Q “ Sous lc nom de sciences physiques je comprenrla la logiquc, qui est la connoissance des opérations dc notre esprit et
de lagénération de nos idées; la métaphysique, qui s'occupe de in nature et dc l‘origine dcs (-trcs; et enfin la physique, pro
prement ditc, qui observe l‘action mutuelle des corps les uns sur lcs eutres, et its causes et l‘cnchaincment dcs phénomcnes
sensibles. On prmrrm't y ajoutcr I’IIMoirc."_-((Euvru dc Tunoor, Tome II. pp 284, 286.)
In the year l795, a quarto volume was published at Bath, entitled Intellectual P/lylicl. It consists entirely of speculations
concerning the human mind, and is by no means destitute of merit. The publication was anonymous; but I have reason
to believe that the author was the late well-known Governor l’ownall.
DlSS- 1. PART I. ' n
10 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

habitually awake to all the perceptions and im the ground-work of an Encyclopedical classifi
pressions of the bodily organs ? And does not cation of the sciences and arts. No branch of
the other fall exclusively under the cognisance human knowledge, no work of human skill, can
of reflection ;—an operation which inverts all the be mentioned, which does not obviously fall un
ordinary habits of the understanding, abstract der the former head or the latter.
ing the thoughts from every sensible object, Agreeably to this twofold classification of the
and even striving to abstract them from every sciences and arts, it is proposed, in the follow
sensible image? What abuse of language can ing introductory Essays, to exhibit a rapid
be greater, than to apply a common name to sketch of the progress made since the revival of
departments of knowledge which invite the letters: First, in those branches of knowledge
curiosity in directions precisely contrary, and which relate to Mind; and, secondly, in those
which tend to form intellectual talents, which, which relate to Matter. D’Alembert, in his
if not altogether incompatible, are certainly not Preliminary Discourse, has boldly attempted to
often found united in the same individual? embrace both subjects in one magnificent de
The word Physics, in particular, which, in our sign; and never, certainly, was there a single
language, long and constant use has restricted mind more equal to such an undertaking. The
to the phenomena of Matter, cannot fail to strike historical outline which he has there traced
every ear as anomalously, and therefore illogical forms by far the m0st valuable portion of that
ly, applied, when extended to those of Thought performance, and will for ever remain a proud
and of Consciousness. monument to the depth, to the comprehensive
Nor let it be imagined that these observations ness, and to the singular versatility of his genius.
assume any particular theory about the nature In the present state of science, however, it has
or essence of Mind. Whether we adopt, on this been apprehended, that, by dividing so great a
point, the language of the Materialists, or that work among different hands, something might
of their opponents, it is a proposition equally perhaps be gained, if not in point of reputation
certain and equally indisputable, that the phe to the authors, at least in point of instruction
nomena of Mind and those of Matter, as far as to their readers. This division of labour was,
they come under the cognisance of our faculties, indeed, in some measure, rendered necessary
appear to be more completely heterogeneous (independently of all other considerations), by
than any other classes of facts within the circle the important accessions which mathematics
of our knowledge; and that the sources of our and physics have received since D’Alembert’s
information concerning them are in every re time ;—by the innumerable improvements which
spect so radically different, that nothing is more the spirit of mercantile speculation, and the
carefully to be avoided, in the study of either, rivalship of commercial nations, have introduced
than an attempt to assimilate them, by means into the mechanical arts ;-and, above all, by
of analogical or metaphorical terms, applied to the rapid succession of chemical discoveries,
both in common. In those inquiries, above all, which commences with the researches of Black
where we have occasion to consider Matter and and of Lavoisier. The part of this task which
Mind as conspiring to produce the same joint has fallen to my share is certainly, upon the
effects (in the constitution, for example, of our whole, the least splendid in the results which it
own co‘mpounded frame), it becomes more pe has to record; but I am not without hopes, that
culiarly necessary to keep constantly in view this disadvantage may be partly compensated
the distinct province of each, and to remember, by its closer connection with (what ought to
that the business of philosophy is not to resolve be the ultimate end of all our pursuits) the in
the phenomena of the one into those of the tellectual and moral improvement of the spe
other, but merely to ascertain the general laws cies.
which regulate their mutual connection. Mat I am, at the same time, well aware that, in
ter and Mind, therefore, it should seem, are the proportion as this last consideration increases
two most general heads which ought to form the importance, it adds to the difficulty of my
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST DISSERTATION. 11
undertaking. It is chiefly in judging of ques broken for ever; not can any efl‘ort of thought
tions “ coming home to their business and bo again conjure up the spectres which have va
soms,” that casual associations lead mankind nished.
astray; and of such associations how incalcu As to the subdivisions of which the sciences,
lable is the number arising from false sytems of of Matter and of Mind are susceptible, I have
religion, oppressive forms of government, and already said, that this is not the proper place for
absurd plans of education! The consequence entering into any discussion concerning them.
is, that while the physical and mathematical dis The passages above quoted from D’Alembert,
coveries of former ages present themselves to from Locke, and from Smith, are sufficient to
the hand of the historian, like masses of pure show how little probability there is, in the actual
and native gold, the truths which we are here state of Logical Science, of uniting the opinions
in quest of may be compared to iron, which, al of the learned in favour of any one scheme of
though at once the most necessary and the inost partition. To prefix, therefore, such a scheme
widely diffused of all the metals, commonly re to a work which is professedly to be carried on
quires a discriminating eye to detect its exist by a set of unconnected writers, would be equal
ence, and a tedious, as well as nice process, to ly presumptuous and useless; and, on the most
extract it from the ore. favourable supposition, could tend only to fetter,
To the same circumstance it is owing, that by means of dubious definitions, the subsequent
improvements in Moral and in Political Science freedom of thought and of expression. The’ ex
do not strike the imagination with nearly so ample of the French Encychpédie cannot here be
great force as the discoveries of the Mathemati justly alleged as a precedent. The preliminary
cian or of the Chemist. When an inveterate pages by which it is introduced were written by
prejudice is destroyed by extirpating the casual the two persons who projected the whole plan,
associations on which it was grafted, how power and who considered themselves as responsible,
ful is the new impulse given to the intellectual not only for their own admirable articles, but
faculties of man ! Yet how slow and silent the for the general conduct of the execution; where
process by which the effect is accomplished! as, on the present occasion, a porch was to be
Were it not, indeed, for a certain class of learned adapted to an irregular edifice, reared, at difi'er
authors, who, from time to time, heave the log ent periods, by different architects. It seemed,
into the deep, we should hardly believe that the accordingly, most advisable to avoid, as much
reason of the species is progressive. In this re as possible, in these Introductory Essays, all in
spect, the religious and academical establish novations in language, and, in describing the
ments in some parts of Europe are not without different arts and sciences, to follow scrupulous
their use to the Historian of the Human Mind. ly the prevailing and most intelligible phrase
Immoveably moored to the same station by the ology. The task of defining them, with a greater
strength of their cables, and the weight of their degree of precision, properly devolves upon those
anchors, they enable him to measure the rapi to whose province it belongs, in the progress of
dity of the current by which the rest of the the work, to unfold in detail their elementary
world are borne along. principles.
This, too, is remarkable in the history of our The sciences to which I mean to confine my
prejudices; that, as soon as the film falls from observations are Metaphysics, Ethics, and Poli
the intellectual eye, we are apt to lose all recol— tical Philosophy; understanding, by Metaphy
lection of our former blindness. Like the fan sics, not the Ontology and Pneumatology of the
tastic and giant shapes which, in a thick fog, the schools, but the indUctive Philosophy of the
imagination lends to a block of stone, or to the Human Mind ; and limiting the phrase Political
stump of a tree, they produce, while the illusion Philosophy almost exclusively to the modern
science of Political Economy; or (to express
lasts, the same effect with truths and realities;
but the moment the eye has caught the exact myself in terms at once more comprehensive
form and dimensions of its object, the spell is and more precise) to that branch of the theory
12 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

of legislation which, according to Bacon’s defi
nition, aims to ascertain those “ Leges legum,
ex quibus informatio peti potest quid in singulis
legibushene aut perperam positum aut constitu
tum sit.” The close aflinity between these three
departments of knowledge, and the easy transi
tions by which the curiosity is invited from the
study of any one of them to that of the other
two, will sufiiciently appear from the following
Historical Review. ‘
 DISSERTATION FIRST.

PART FIRST.

IN the following Historical and Critical
Sketches, it has been judged proper by the dif-_
ferent writers, to confine their views entirely to
the period which has elapsed since the revival of
letters. To have extended their retrospects to
the ancient world would have crowded too great
a multiplicity of objects into the limited canvas
on which they had to work. For my own part,
I might, perhaps with still greater propriety,
have confined myself exclusively to the two last
centuries; as 'the Sciences of which I am to
treat, present but little matter for useful remark,
prior to the time of Lord Bacon. I shall make
no apology, however, for devoting, in the first
place, a few pages to some observations of a more
general nature, and to some scanty gleanings of
literary detail, hearing more or less directly on
my principal design.
On this occasion, as well as in the sequel of
my Discourse, I shall avoid, as far as is consist
ent with distinctness and perspicuity, the mi
nuteness of the mere bibliographer; and, instead
of attempting to amuse my readers with a series
of critical epigrams, or to dazzle them with a
rapid succession of evanescent portraits, shall
study to fix their attention on those great lights
Qf the world by whom the torch of science has
been successively seized and transmitted.1 It
is, in fact, such leading characters alone which
furnish matter for philosophical history. To enu
merate the names or the labours of obscure or
even secondary authors, whatever amusement it
might afford to men of curious erudition, would
contribute but little to illustrate the origin and
filiation of consecutive systems, or the gradual
developement and progress of the human mind.

' I have ventured here to combine a scriptural expression with an allusion of Plato's to a Grecian me :-an allusion which.
in his writings, is finely and pathetically applied to the rapid succession of generations, throug which the continuity of
human life is maintained from age to age; and which are perpetually transferring from hand to hand the concerns and du
ties of lhll fleeting scene. Turin-n,- " Izi inveipn'ru (nu-31:, Inll'l’le “fwd;- fir Bin "c.3135", ilk“: i; illun-{PLA'ITM Ll“
lib. vi.)
Et quasi cursores vita'i lampada tradunL-Jm carr
 l4 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

FROM THE REVIVAL OF LETTERS TOVTHE PUBLICATION OF BACON’S PHILOSOPHICAL

\VORKS.

I THE long interval, commonly known by the

name of the middle ages, which immediately pre
ceded the revival of letters in the western part
of Europe, forms the most melancholy blank
which occurs, from the first dawn of recorded
civilisation, in the intellectual and moral his
tory of the human race. In one point of view
alone, the recollection of it is not altogether un
pleasing, inasmuch as, by the proof it exhibits
of the inseparable connection between ignorance
and prejudice on the one hand, and vice, mi
sery, and slavery on the other, it affords, in
conjunction with other causes, which will after
wards fall under our review, some security
against any future recurrence of a similar cala
mity.
It would furnish a very interesting and in
structive subject of speculation, to record and
to illustrate (with the spirit, however, rather of
a philosopher than of an antiquary), the various powers; and although, in the first instance,
abortive efforts, which, during this protracted
and seemingly hopeless period of a thousand
years, were made by enlightened individuals, to
impart to their contemporaries the fruits of their
own acquirements. For in no one age from its
commencement to its close, does the continuity of
knowledge (if I may borrow an expression of Mr
Harris), seem to have been entirely interrupted:
“ There was always a faint twilight, like that
auspicious gleam which, in a summer’s night,
fills up the interval between the setting and the
rising un.”l On the present occasion, I shall
content myself with remarking the important
effects produced by the numerous monastic esta
blishments all over the Christian world, in pre
serving, amidst the general wreck, the inesti
mable remains of Greek and Roman refinement ;
and in keeping alive, during so many centuries,
those scattered sparks of truth and of science,
which were afterwards to kindle into so bright
a flame. I mention this particularly, because, in
our zeal against the vices and corruptions of the
Romish church, we are too apt to forget, how
deeply we are indebted to its superstitious and
apparently useless foundations, for the most pre
cious advantages that we now enjoy.
The study of the Roman Law, which, from a
variety of causes, natural as well as accidental,
became, in the course of the twelfth century, an
object of general pursuit, shot a strong and aus
picious ray of intellectual light across the sur
rounding darkness. No study could then have
been presented to the curiosity of men, more
happily adapted to improve their taste, to enlarge
their views, or to invigorate their reasoning
prosecuted merely as the object of a weak and
undistinguishing idolatry, it nevertheless con
ducted the student to the very confines ofethical
as well as of political speculation ; and served, in
the meantime, as a substitute of no inconsider
ahle value for both these sciences. According
ly we find that, while in its immediate efi'ects it
powerfully contributed, wherever it struck its
roots, by ameliorating and systematizing the ad
ministration of justice, to accelerate the progress
of order and of civilization, it afterwards furnish
ed, in the further career of human advancement,
the parent stock on which were grafted the first
rudiments of pure ethics and of liberal politics
taught in modern times. I need scarcely add,
that I allude to the' systems of natural jun'spru- '

I Philological Inquiries, Part III. chap. i.

 DISSERTATION FIRST. 15
deuce compiled by Grotius and his successors ;— mentioned, the progress of useful knowledge
systems which, for a hundred and fifty years, was extremely slow. The passion for logical
engrossed all the learned industry of the most disputation was succeeded by an unbounded ad~
enlightened part of Europe; and which, how miration for the wisdom of antiquity ; and in
ever unpromising in their first aspect, were des proportion as the pedantry of the schools disap
tined, the last result, to prepare the way for peared in the universities, that of erudition and
that never to be forgotten change in the literary philology occupied its place.
taste of the eighteenth century, “ which has Meanwhile, an important advantage was gain
everywhere turned the spirit of philosophical ed in the immense stock of materials which the
inquiry from frivolous or abstruse speculations, ancient authors supplied to the reflections of
to the business and affairs of men.”1 speculative men ; and which, although frequent/
The revival of letters may be considered as ly accumulated with little discrimination or pro
coeval with the fall of the Eastern empire, to fit, were much more favourable to the develope
wards the close of the fifteenth century. In con ment of taste and of genius than the unsubstan
sequence of this event, a number of learned tial subtleties of ontology or of dialectics. By
Greeks took refuge in Italy, where the taste for such studies were formed Erasmus,I Ludovicus
literature already introduced by Dante, Petrarch, Vives,s Sir Thomas More,‘ and many other ac
and Boccacio, together with the liberal patro complished scholars of a similar character, who,
nage of the illustrious House of Medicis, secu if they do not rank in the same line with the
red them a welcome reception. A knowledge of daring reformers by whom the errors of the
the Greek tongue soon became fashionable; and Catholic church were openly assailed, certainly
the learned, encouraged by the rapid diffusion exhibit a very striking contrast to the barbarous
which the art of printing now gave to their and unenlightened writers of the preceding age.
labours, vied with each other in rendering the The Protestant Reformation, which followed
Greek authors accessible, by means of Latin immediately after, was itself one of the natural
' translations, to a still wider circle of readers. consequences of the revival of letters, and of the
For a long time, indeed, after the era just invention of printing. But although, in one

' Dr Robertson, from whom I quote these words, has mentioned this change as the glory of the present age, meaning, _I
presume, the period which has elapsed since the time of Mont uieu. By w at steps the philosophy to which he alludes
took its rise from the systems ofjurisprudence previously in fashion, will sgpear in the seguel of this Discourse
' The writings of Erasmus probably contributed still more than those of uther himsel to the progress of the Reforms
tion among men of education and taste; but, without the comperutinn of holder and more decided characters than his, little
would to this day have been efl'ected in Europe arno the lower orders. “ Erasmus imagined." as is observed by his bio
grapher, " that at length, by training up youth in earning and useful knowledge, those religious improvements would
gradually be brought about, which the Princes, the I’relates, and the Divines of his days could not be persuaded to admit
or to tolerate."-_(Joa'rm, p. 279.) In yieldin , however, to this pleasing expectation, Erasmus must have flattered himself
with the ho e, not only ofa perfect freedom of literary discussion, but of such reforms in the prevailing modes of instruc
tion, as wou d ive complete scope to the energies ofthe human mind ;_for, where books and teachers are subiicted to the
censorship of t ose who are hostile to the dissemination of truth, they become the most powerful of all aux' ' ries to the
authority of established errors.
It was long a roverbial saying among the eeclesiastlcs of the Romish church, that “ Erasmus laid the egg, and Luther
hatched it;" an there is more truth in the remark, than in most of their sarcasms on the same subject.
' Ludovicus Vives was a learned Spaniard, intimately connected both with Erasmus and More; with the former of
whom he lived for some time at Louvain, “ where they both promoted literature as much as they could, though not with
out great opposition from some of the divines."-Jorrix, p. 255.
“ He was invited into England by \Volsey, in 1523; and coming to Oxford, he read the Cardinal's lecture of Humanity,
and chic lectures of Civil Law, which Henry VIII. and his Queen, Catherine, did him the honour of attending—(HM. p.
207.) He died at Bruges in 1554.
In point of good sense and acuteness, wherever he treats of philosophical questions, he yields to none of his contempo
raries; and in some of his anticipation! of the future progress of science, he discovers a mind more comprehensive and
sagacious than any of them. Erasmus appears, from a letter of his to Budreus, dated in 1521, to have foreseen the bril
liant career which Vives, then a very young man, was about to run. “ Vives in studio literario. non minus feliciter qusm
gnaviter decertat, et si sstis ingenium hominis novi,_non conquiescet, donec omnes a tergo reliquerit.“_l-‘or this letter (the
whole of which is peculiarly interesting, as it contains a character of Sir Thomas More, and an account ofthe extraordinary
accomplishments of his daughters), See J os'nx‘s Life ofEmnmu, Vol. II. p. 866. ct :cg.
‘ See Note A. ‘
 16 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS. -

point of view, only an qfléct, it is not, on the Aristotle, concerning matter, form, motion, and
present occasion, less entitled to notice than the time ?”‘ The same freedom of thought on to
causes by which it was produced. pics not strictly theological, formed a prominent
The renunciation, in a great part of Europe, feature in the character of Calvin. A curious
of theological opinions so long consecrated by instance of it occurs in one of his letters, where
time, and the adoption of a creed more pure in he discusses an ethical question of no small mo
ment in the science of political economy ;—
its principles and more liberal in its spirit, could
not fail to encourage, on all other subjects, a “ How far it is consistent with morality to ac
congenial freedom of inquiry. These circum cept of interest for a pecuniary loan ?” On this
stances operated still more directly and power question, which, even in Protestant countries,
fully, by their influence, in undermining the au continued, till a very recent period, to divide the
thority of Aristotle ;—an authority which for opinions both of divines and lawyers, Calvin
many years was scarcely inferior in the schools treats the authority of Aristotle and that of the
to that of the Scriptures; and which, in some church with equal disregard. To the former he
Universities, was supported by statutes, requir opposes a close and logical argument, not un
ing the teachers to promise upon oath, that in worthy of Mr Bentham. To the latter he replies,
their public lectures, they would follow no other by showing, that the Mosaic law on this point
guide. was not a moral but a municipal prohibition;
Luther,1 who was perfectly aware of the cor a prohibition not to be judged of from any par
ruptions which the Romish church had contriv ticular text of Scripture, but upon the principles
ed to connect with their veneration for the Sta of natural equity.‘ The example of these two
girite,2 not only threw ofl‘ the yoke himself, but, Fathers of the Reformation would probably have
in various parts of his writings, speaks of Aris been followed by consequences still greater and
totle with the most unbecoming asperity and more immediate, if Melanchthon had not unfor
contempt.“ In one very remarkable passage, tunately given the sanction of his name to the
he asserts, that the study of Aristotle was wholly doctrines of the Peripatetic school :° but still,
useless, not only in Theology, but in Natural among the Reformers in general, the credit of
Philosophy. “ What does it contribute,” he these doctrines gradually declined, and a spirit
asks, “ to the knowledge of things, to trifle and of research and of improvement prevailed.
cavil in language conceived and prescribed by The invention of printing, which took place
‘ a

‘ Born 1483, died 1546.

~ ’ In one of his letters he writes thus : “ Ego sim liciter credo, uod impossibile sit ecclesiam reformari, nisi funditus
canones, decretales, scholastica theologia, philosophia, ogica, ut nunc bentur, eradicentur, et alia instituantur.“-Baucr
2m Hist. Crit. Phil. Tom. IV. p. 95.
' For a specimen of Luther’s scurrility against Aristotle, see Burr, Art. Luther, Note HH.
In Luther‘s Colloquia Mcmalia we are told, that “ he abhorred the Schoolmen, and called them sophistical locusts, cater
pillars, frogs, and lice." From the same work we learn, that “ he hated Aristotle, but highly esteemed Cicero, as a wise
and a gland man."_SeP Joa'rm’s Life qf Eraumu,_ . I21.
6“ ihil adjumenti ex ipso haberi posse non so um ad theologiam seu sacrss literas, verum etiam ad ipsam naturalem
philosophiam. Quid enim juvet ad rerum cognitionem, si de materia, forms, motu, tempore, nugari et cavillari queas ver
bis ab Aristotele conceptis et praescriptis P"_Baucx. Hid. Phil. Tom. IV. p. 10].
The following passage to the same urpose is quoted by Bayle: “ Non mihi persuadebitis, philosophiam esse garrulita
tem illam de materia, motu, infinite, oco, vacuo, tempore, qua; fere in Aristotele sola discimus, tslis quae nec intellectum,
nec ati'ectum, nec communes hominum mores quidquam juvent ; tantum contentionibus serendis, seminandisque idunea."
- Bsvu-z, Art. Luther, Note HH.
I borrow from Bayle another short extract from Luther: “ Nihil ita ardet animus, quam histrionem illum (Aristotelem),
qui tam vere Graeca larva ecclesiam lusit, multis revelsre, ignominiamque ejus cunctis ostendere, si otium esset. H abeo
in manus commentariolos in l. Physicorum, quibus fabulam Aristaei denuo agere statui in meum istum l’rotea (Aristotelem).
Pars crucis mete vel maxima est, quod videre cogor fratrum optima ingenia, bonis studiis nuts, in istis cmnis vitam agere,
_et operam perdere."_lbid.
T at Luther was deeply slrilled in the scholastic philosophy we learn from very high authority, that of Melanchthon :
who tells us farther, that he was a strenuous partizan of the sect of Nominaliua, or, as they were then generallycalled,
Tcminbtn-Bancx. Tom. IV. pp. 93, 94, et seq.
5 See Note B.
‘ “ Et Melanchthoni quidem prmcipue debetur conservatio philosophies Aristotelian in academiis protestantium. Scripsit
is compendia plerarumque disciplinarum philosophie Aristotelicie, quze in Academiis diu regnarunt."_H1-:1s£ccu, Elem.
Hid. Phil. § ciii. See also BAYLE’S Dictionary, Art. Illclanchthon.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 17
very nearly at the same time with the fall of in the case of the French Economists; and
the Eastern Empire, besides adding greatly to many examples of a similar import might be pro
the efficacy of the causes above-mentioned, must duced from the history of science in our coun
have been attended with very important effects try; more particularly from the history of the va
of its own, on the progress of the humn mind. rious medical and metaphysical schools which
For us who have been accustomed, from our in successively rose and fell during the last century.
fancy, to the use of books, it is not easy to form With the circumstances already suggested, as
an adequate idea of the disadvantages which conspiring to accelerate the progress of know
those laboured under, who had to acquire the ledge, another has co-operated very extensively
whole of their knowledge through the medium and powerfully; the rise of the lower orders in
of universities and schools ;——blindly devoted as the different countries of Europe,—in conse
the generality of' students must then have been quence partly of the enlargement of commerce,
to the peculiar opinions of the teacher who first and partly of the efforts of the Sovereigns to re
unfolded to their curiosity the treasures of lite duce the overgrown power of the feudal aristo
rature and the wonders of science. Thus error cracy.
was perpetuated; and, instead of yielding to Without this emancipation of the lower or
time, acquired additional influence in each suc ders, and the gradual diffusion of wealth by
cessive generation.l In modern times, this in which it was accompanied, the advantages de
fluence of names is, comparatively speaking, at rived from the invention of printing would have
an end. The object of a public teacher is no been extremely limited. A certain degree of
longer to inculcate a particular system of dog ease and independence is essentially requisite to
mas, but to prepare his pupils for exercising inspire men with the desire of knowledge, and
their own judgments; to exhibit to them an to afford the leisure necessary for acquiring it;
outline of the different sciences, and to suggest and it is only by the encouragement which such
subjects for their future examination. The few a state of society presents to industry and ambi
attempts to establish schools and to found sects, tion, that the selfish passions of the multitude
have all, after perhaps a temporary success, can be interested in the intellectual improve
proved abortive. Their effect, too, during their ment of their children. It is only, too, in such
short continuance, has been perfectly the reverse a state of society, that education and books are
of that of the schools of' antiquity; for where likely to increase the sum of human happiness;
as these were instrumental, on many occasions, for while these advantages are confined to one
in establishing and diffusing error in the world, privileged description of individuals, they but
the founders of our modern sects, by mixing up furnish them with an additional engine for de
important truths with their own peculiar tenets, basing and misleading the minds of their infe
and by disguising them under the garb of a tech riors. To all which it may be added, that it is
nical phraseology, have fostered such prejudices chiefly by the shock and collision of different and
against themselves, as have blinded the public opposite prejudices, that truths are gradually
mind to all the lights they were able to commu cleared from that admixture of error which they
nicate. Of' this remark a melancholy illustra have so strong a tendency to acquire, wherever
tion occurs, as M. Turgot long ago predicted, the course of public opinion is forcibly con

' [t was in consequence of this mode of conducting education by means of oral instruction alone, that the different sects
of philosophy arose in ancient Greece; and it seems to have been with a view of counteracting the obvious inconveniences
resulting from them, that Socrates introduced his peculiar method of questioning, with an air of sceptical diflidence, those
whom he-was anxious to instruct: so as to allow them, in forming their conclusions, the complete and unbiased exercise
of their own reason. Such, at least, is the apology offered for the apparent indecision of' the Academic school, by one of
its wisest as well as most eloquent adherents. “ As for other sects," says Cicero, “ who are bound in falters, before they
are able to form any jud ent of' what is right or true, and who have been led to yield themselves up, m'their tender
years, to the guidance of some friend, or to the captivating eloquence of the teacher whom they have first heard, they as
sume to themselves the right of pronouncing i'i-pon questions of which they are completely ignorant : adhering to whatever
creed the wind of doctrine may have driven e m, as if it were the only rock on which their safety depended."_Cic.
Luca/1m, 3.
DISS- I. PART l. C
 18 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

strained and guided within certain artificial Clerc, in his Histmy qf Physic, “ that he pos
channels, marked out by the narrow views of sessed an extensive knowledge of what is called
human policy. The diffusion .of knowledge, the lllnleria Medica, and that he had employed
therefore, occasioned by the rise of the lower much time in working on the animal, the vege
orders, would necessarily contribute to the im table, and the mineral substances of which it is
provement of useful science, not merely in pro composed. He seems, besides, to have tried an
portion to the arithmetical number of cultivated immense number of experiments in chemistry;
minds new combined in the pursuit of truth, but he has this great defect, that he studiously
but in a proportion tending to accelerate that conceals or disguises the results of his long ex
important effect with a far greater rapidity. perience.” The same author quotes from Pa
Nor ought we here to overlook the influence racelsus a remarkable expression, in which he
of the foregoing causes, in encouraging among calls the philosophy of Aristotle a wooden fimn
authors the practice of addressing the multitude dation. “ He ought to have attempted,” con
in their own vernacular tongues. The zeal of tinues Le Clerc, “ to have laid a better; but if
the Refortners first gave birth to this invaluable he has not done it, he has at least, by discover
innovation, and imposed on their adversaries ing its weakness, invited his successors to look
the necessity of employing, in their own de out for a firmerbasis.”5
fence, the same weapons.1 From that moment Lord Bacon himself, while he censures the
the prejudice began to vanish which had so moral frailties of Paracelsus, and the blind em
long confounded knowledge with erudition ; and piricism of his followers, indirectly acknowledges
a revolution commenced in the republic of let the extent of his experimental information :
ters, analogous to what the invention of gun “ The ancient sophists may be said to have hid,
powder produced in the art of war. “ All the but Paracelsus extinguished the light of nature.
splendid distinctions of mankind,” as the Cham The sophists were only deserters of experience,
pion and Flower of Chivalry indignantly ex but Paraeelsus has betrayed it. At the same
claimed, “ were thereby thrown down; and time, he is so far from understanding the right
the naked shepherd levelled with the knight method of conducting experiments, or of record
clad in steel.” ing their results, that he has added to the trouble
To all these considerations may be added the and tediousness of experimenting. By wander
gradual effects of time and experience in cor ing through the wilds of experience, his disciples
recting the errors and prejudices which had sometimes stumble upon useful discoveries, not
misled philosophers during so long a succession by reason, but by accident ;—-whence rashly
of ages. To this cause, chiefly, must be ascrib proceeding to form theories, they carry the
ed the ardour with which we find various inge smoke and tarnish of their art along with them;
nious men, soon after the period in question, and, like childish operators at the furnace, at
employed in prosecuting experimental inquiries ; tempt to raise a structure of philosophy with a
a species of study to which nothing analogous few experiments, of distillation.”
occurs in the history of ancient science.I The Two other circumstances, of a nature widely
boldest and most successful of this new school different from those hitherto enumerated, al
was the celebrated Paracelsus, born in 1493, though, probably, in no small degree to be ac
and consequentlypnly ten years younger than counted for on the same principles, seconded,
Luther. “ It is impossible to doubt,” says Le with an incalculable accession of power, the sud

‘ “ The sacred books were, in almost all the kingdoms and states of Europe, translated into the language of each -
tive people, particularly in Germany, Italy, France, and Britain."_(MosnI:rM's Eccler. Hid. Vol. III. p. 266.) The set
of this single circumstance in multiplying the number of readers and of thinkers, and in giving a certain stability to the
mutable forms of oral speech, muv be easily imagined. The common translation of the Bible into English is pronounced by
Dr Lowth to be still the best standard of our language.
' “ Haec nostra (ut sazpe diximus) felicitatis cujusdam sunt potius quam facultatil, e! potim import: parrua quam ingenii."._
Nov. Org. Lib. i. c. xxrii.
' Histoire de la Médecine (a la Heye, 1729), p. 819.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 19
den impulse which the human mind had just re-‘ the cnjoyments, and to the happiness of man
ceived. The same century which the invention kind? Can they improve our present state, or
of printing and the revival of letters have made do they only change it ?”
for ever memorable, was also illustrated by the dis I have introduced this quotation, not with the
covery of the New World, and of the passage to design of attempting at present any reply to the
India by the Cape of Good Hope ;—events which very interesting question with which it con
may be justly regarded as fixing a new era in cludes, but merely to convey some slight notion
the political and moral history of mankind, and of the political and moral importance of the
which still continue to exert a growing influence events in question. I cannot, however, forbear
over the general condition of our species. “ It to remark, in addition to Raynal’s eloquent and
is an era,” as Raynal observes, “ which gave impressive summary, the inestimable treasure of
rise to a revolution, not only in the commerce new facts which these events have furnished for
of nations, but in the manners, industry, and illustrating the versatile nature of man, and the
government of the world. At this period new history of civil society. In this respect (as Ba
connections were formed by the inhabitants of con has well observed) they have fully verified
the most distant regions, for the supply of wants the Scripture prophecy, multi pertransibunt et au
which they had never before experienced. The gebitur scienlia ; or, in the still more emphatical
productions of climates situated under the equa words of our English version, “ Many shall go
tor, were consumed in countries bordering on to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased.”l
the pole; the industry of the north was trans The same prediction may be applied to the gra
planted to the south; and the inhabitants of the dual renewal, (in proportion as modern govern
west were clothed with the manufactures of the ments became effectual in securing order and
east; a general intercourse of opinions, laws and tranquillity) of that intercourse between the dif
customs, diseases and remedies, virtues and vices, ferent states of Europe, which had, in a great
was established among men.” measure, ceased during the anarchy and turbu
“ Every thing,” continues the same writer, lence of the middle ages.
“ has changed, and must yet change more. But In consequence of these combined causes, aid
it is a question, whether the revolutions that are ed by some others of secondary importance, 9 the
past, or those which must hereafter take place, Genius of the human race seems, all at once,
have been, or can be, of any utility to the hu to have awakened with renovated and giant
man race. Will they add to the tranquillity, to strength, from his long sleep. In less than a

' “ Neque omittenda est prophetia Daniella dc ultimis mundi temporihus; mulli patrmuilmit el angebitur lcimlio .- Ma
nifeste innuens et significans, ease in futis, id est, in providentia, ut pertmnsitus mundi (qui per tot longinquas navigationes
implctur plane, aut jam in opere esse videtur) ct augments scientiarum in eandem zetatem incident."_Nov. Org. Lib. xciii.
’ Such as the accidental inventions of the telescope and of the microscope. The powerful influence of these inventions may
be easily conceived, not only in advancing the sciences of Astronomy and of Natural History, but in banishing many of
the scholastic prejudices then universally prevalent. The effects of the telescope, in this respect, have been often re
marked; but less attention has been given to those of the microscope, which, however, it is probable, contributed not a
little to prepare the way for the modern revival of the Atomic or Corpusculur Philosophy, by Bacon, Gasscndi, and New.
ton. That, on the mind of Bacon, the wonders disclosed by the microscope produced a strong impression in favour of the
Epicurean physics, may be inferred from his own words. “ Perspicillum (microscopicum) 51 vidisset Democrilus, exsilu
:ilsjct forte: ct modum videndi Atomum, quem ille invisibilem omnino atlirmavit, inventum fuisse putasset."_Nnv. Org.
'b. ii. § 39. '
We are told in the Life of Galileo, that when the telescope was invented, some individuals carried to so great a length
their devotion to Aristotle, that they positively refused to look through that instrument: so averse were they to open
their eyes to any truths inconsistent With their favourite creed-(Vita di Galileo, Venezia, 1744). It is amusing to find
some other
question the followers
evidence of sense,
the Stagirite,
assertinga that
very itfew
wasyears
from afterwards,
a passage inwhen they found
Aristotle, whereitheimpossible
attempts any lon r to
to explhein whycall in
stars
become visible in the day-time when viewed from the bottom of a deep well, that the invention of the telescope was but
rowed. The two facts, when combined, exhibit a truly characteristical portrait of one of the most fatal weaknesses
incident to humanity; and form a moral apologuc, daily exemplified on subjects of still nearer and higher interest than
the phenomena of the heavens.
In ascrihing to aeeldeut the inventions of the telescope and of the microscope, I have expressed myself in conformity to
common language; but it ought not to be overlooked, that an invention may be accidental with respect to the particular
author, and yet may be the natural result of the circumstances of society at the period when it took lace. As to the in
struments in question, the combination of lenses employed in their structure is so simple, that it con d scarcely escape the
notice ofall the experimenters and mechanicians of that busy and inquisitive age. A similar remark has been made by
20 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

century from the invention of printing, and the hujusmodi latent in pandectis aevi sequentis, non
fall of the Eastern empire, Copernicus discovered antea discenda, quam librum hunc Deus arbiter
the true theory of the planetary motions, and a saaeulorum recluserit mortalibus.”l
very few years afterwards, was succeeded by the
three great precursors of Newton,--Tycho Brahe, I have hitherto taken no notice of the efl'ects
Kepler, and Galileo. of the revival of letters on Metaphysical, Moral,
The step made by Copernicus may be justly or Political science. The truth is, that little de
regarded as one of the proudest triumphs of hu serving of our attention occurs in any of these
man reason ;-—whether we consider the sagacity departments prior to the seventeenth century;
which enabled the author to obviate, to his own and nothing which bears the most remote ana
satisfaction, the many plausible objections which logy to the rapid strides made, during the six
must have presented themselves against his con teenth, in mathematics, astronomy, and physics.
clusions, at a period when the theory of motion The influence, indeed, of the Reformation on
was so imperfectly understood ; or the bold spi the practical doctrines of ethics appears to have
rit of inquiry which encouraged him to exercise been great and immediate. We may judge of
his private judgment, in opposition to the autho this from a passage in Melanchtbon, where he
rity of Aristotle,——to the decrees of the church combats the pernicious and impious tenets of
of R0me,—and to the universal belief of the those theologians who maintained, that moral
learned, during a long succession of ages. He distinctions are created entirely by the arbitrary
appears, indeed, to have well merited the enco and revealed will of God. In opposition to this
mium bestowed on him by Kepler, who calls heresy, he expresses himself in these memorable
him “ a man of vast genius, and, what is of still words :-—“ Wherefore our decision is this; that
greater moment in these researches, a man of a those precepts which learned men have commit
free mind." ted to writing, transcribing them from the com
The establishment of the Copernican system, mon reason and common feelings of human na
beside the new field of study which it opened to ture, are to be accounted as not less divine, than
Astronomers, must have had great effects on those contained in the tables given to Moses;
philosophy in all its branches, by inspiring those and that it could not be the intention of our
sanguine prospects of future improvement, which Maker to supersede, by a law graven upon stone,
stimulate curiosity, and invigorate the inventive that which is written with his own finger on the
powers. It afforded to the common sense, even table of the heart.”'—¢This language was, un
of the illiterate, a palpable and incontrovertible doubtedly, a most important step towards a just
proof, that the ancients had not exhausted the system of Moral Philosophy; but still, like the
stock of possible discoveries; and that, in mat other steps of the Reformers, it was only a return
ters of science, the creed of the Romish church to common sense, and to the genuine spirit of
was not infallible. In the conclusion of one of Christianity, from the dogmas imposed on the
Kepler’s works, we perceive the influence of credulity of mankind by an ambitious priest
these prospects on his mind. “ Haw et cetera hood.3 Many years were yet to elapse, before

Condorcet concerning the invention of printing. “ I .‘invention de l'Imprimerie a sans doute avnncé le progrcs de l‘espéce
humaine; mais eette invention étoit elle-méme une suite de l‘usage de la lecture rt pandu dans un grand nombre de pays."
Vie do Turgot.
l Epit. Astra“. Copernic
’ Proinde sic statuimus, nihilo minus divina pnecepta esse ca, qum a sensu communi et naturxe j'JtllClO mutuati docti ho
mines entiles literis lnandarunt, quam quse extant in ipsis saxcis Mosis tabulis. Neque ille ipse cselestis Pater pluris a
nobis heri ens 1e es voluit, quas in saxo scripsit, quam quas in ipsos animorum nostrorum sensus impresserat."
Not having it in my power at present to consult Melanchthon‘s works, I have transcribed the forelgging paragraph on the
authority of alearned German Professor, Christ. M dimers—See his Hilton'a Doctrimt dz Vera Deo mgovie, 1780, p. 12.
' It is observed by Dr Cudworth, that the doctrine which refers the origin of moral distinctions to the arbitrary ap
pointment of the Deity, was strongly reprobatcd by the ancient fathers of t i e Christian church, and that “ it crept up
aflerward in the scholastic ages; ()ccam being among the first that maintained that there is no act evil. but as it is prohi
bited by God, and which cannot be made good, if it he commanded by him. In this doctrine he was quickly followed by
Petrus Alliacus, Andreas de Nova Castro, and others."__See Treatise qf Immutahlz blorality.
It is pleasing to remark, how very generally the heresy here ascribed to Occam is now reprobated by good men of all
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 21'

any attempts were to be made to trace, with words adopted in the casuistry of the Jesuits,
analytical accuracy, the moral phenomena of and so inimitably exposed by Pascal in the Pro
human life to their first principles in the consti vincial Letters. The arguments against them
tution and condition of man, or even to disen employed by the Reformer, cannot, in strict pro
tangle the plain and practical lessons of ethics priety, be considered as 'positive accession to the
from the speculative and controverted articles of stock of human knowledge; but what scientific
theological systems.1 discoveries can be compared to them in value !'
A similar observation may be applied to the From this period may be dated the decline‘
powerful appeals, in the early Protestant wri of that worst of all heresies of the Romish _
ters, to the moral judgment and moral feelings church, which, by opposing Revelation to Rea
of the human race, from those casuistical subtle son, endeavoured to extinguish the light of both ;
ties, with which the schoolmcn and monks of and the absurdity, so happily described by
the middle ages had studied to obscure the light Locke, became every day more manifest, of at
of nature, and to stifle the voice of conscience. tempting. “ to persuade men to put out their
These subtleties were precisely analogous in eyes, that they might the better receive the re
their spirit to the pia et religiosa calliditas, aftcr- mote light of an invisible star by a telescope.”

persuasions. The Catholics have even begun to recriminate on the Reformers as the first hroachers of it; and it is to be
regretted, that in some of the writings of the latter, too near approaches to it are to be found. The truth is, as Burnet
long ago observed, that the effects of the Reformation have not been confined to the reformed churches ;-to which it may
be added, that both Catholics and Protestants have, since that era, profited very largely by the general progress of the
sciences and of human reason.
I quote the following sentence from a highly respectable Catholic writer on the law of nature and nations :-_“ Qui ra
tionem exsulnrejubent a moralibus przeccptis qua: in sacris literis trsduntur, et in absurdam enormemque LUTHER! scn
tentiam imprudentes incidunt (quam egregie et elegantissime refutavit Melchior Cnnus Loc- Throlog. Lib. ix. et x.), et ea
doccntktbune si sectatores inveniant mornh'a omnia susque deque miscere, ac reveletionem ipsam inutilern omnino et inefii
cacem dere possent."_(L.\nII-neni FLORENTINI JurirNuturmd Grntimn Thcorcmaia,Tom. [1. p. 195. Pisis, 1782). For
the continuation of the passage, which would do credit to the most liberal Protestsnt,l must refer to the original work. The
zeal of Luther for the doctrine of the Nominalists had probably prepossessed him, in his early years, in favour of some of
the theological tenets of Uccam, and afterwards prevented him from testifying his disapprobation of them so explicitly and
decidedly as Melanchthon and other reformers have done.
' “ The theological system (says the learned and judicious Mosheim) that new revails in the Lutheran academies, is not
of the some tenor or spirit with that which was adopted in the infancy of the Re ormution. 'l'he glorious defenders of re
ligious liberty, to whom we owe the various blessings of the Reformation. could not, at once, behold the truth in all its
lustre, and in all its extent: but, as usually happens to persons that have been long accustomed to the darkness of igno
rance, their approaches towards knowledge were but slow, and their views of things but inipcrfect.“-(MAcuiss‘s TmmL
qfMnsheim. London, 2d ed. Vol. IV. p. 19.) He afterwards mentions one of Luther's early disciples (Amsdortf) “ who
was so for transported and infatuated by his excessive zeal for the supposed doctrine of his master, as to maintain, that
good works arr an impediment to aalm!ion."-Ibid. p. 39.
Mosheim, after remarking that “ there are more excellent rules of conduct in the few practical productions of Luther
and Melanchthon, than are to be found in the innumerable volumes of all the ancient comma and moraliu'n," candidly ac
knowledges, “ that the notions of these great men concerning the important science of morality were far from being suffi
ciently accurate or extensive. Melanchthon himself, whose exquisite judgment rendered him peculiarly capable of re
ducing into a compendious system the elements of every science, never seems to have thought of treatin morals in this
manner; but has inserted. on the contrary, all his practical rules and instructions, undcr the theological articles that relate
to the law, 111:, free-trill, faith, kept, and clmrity."_MosuI:nI's Eel-In. Hb'. Vol. lV. pp- 23. 24.
The same author elsewhere observes, that “ the progress of morality among the reformed was obstructed by the very
same means that retarded its improvement among the Lutherans ; and that it was left in II rude and imperfect state by
Calvin and his associates. It was neglected amidst the tumult of controversy ; and, while every pcn was drawn to main
tain certain systems of doctrine, few were employed in cultivating that master-science which has virtue, life, and marine",
for its objects."--Ibid. pp. 120. 121. '
' “ Et tomen hi doctores angelit—i, Cftt‘rubifl', :craphici, non modo universam philosophiam ac theologian-n erroribus quam
plurimis inquinarunt : verum ctiam in philosophiam moralem invexere sacerrima ista principin probabiliuni, mrtlmdi dirig-rndi
‘nlznfiom'm, rucrrulionts mrm'alie, peccafi philosophici, quibus J esuitie etiamnum mirifice delectantur.“-HI-:I.\'2cc. Elan. Ilblor.
Phil. § ci. See also the references.
With respect to the ethics of the Jesuits, which exhibit a very fair picture of the general state of that science, prior to
the Reformation, See the Pmvirwial Lclferl; M osnnr n's Ecclniaatlml History. Vol. IV. p. 354; Donxronn's Translaflon of
Fuller's llirtorical Dm-lrloprmtnt qf the pram! Political Conciliation qf the Germanic Empire, Vol. II. p. 6.; and the Appendix
to Psxnoss‘s Bamplon Lccrurn.
' I have said, the decline of this heruy .- for it was by no means immrdialrly extirpated even in, the reformed churches
“ As late as the year 1598, Daniel Hofmsn, Professor of Divinity in the University of Helmstsdt, laying hold of some
particular opinions of Luther, extravagantly maintained, that philosophy was the mortal enemy of reli vion ; that truth was
divisible into two branches, the one philomphical and the other theological; and that what was true in p Iilosopby wasflilu in
theolog'y."-Mosuzix, Vol. IV. p. 18. l
22 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

In the meantime, a pOWerful obstacle to the of that lively sympathy with the fortunes of the
progress of practical morality and of sound policy, human race, or of that warm zeal for the inte
was superadded to those previously exist'mg in rests of truth and justice, without the guidance
Catholic countries, by the rapid growth andex of which, the highest mental endowments, when
tensive influence of the Machiavelian school. applied to moral or to political researches, are
The founder of this new sect, or, to speak more in perpetual danger of mistaking their way.
correctly, the systematizer and apostle of its What is still more remarkable, he seems to have
doctrines, was born as early as 1469, that is,been altogether blind to the mighty changes in
about ten years before Luther; and, like that human affairs, which, in consequence of the re
reformer, acquired, by the commanding superio cent invention of printing, were about to result
rity of his genius, an astonishing ascendant, from the progress of Reason and the diffusion
though of a very difl‘erent nature, over the of Knowledge. Through the whole of his Prince
minds of his followers. No writer, certainly, (the most noted as well as one of the latest of
either in ancient or in modern times, has ever his publications) he proceeds on the supposition,
united, in a more remarkable degree, a greater that the sovereign has no other object in go
variety of the most dissimilar and seemingly verning, but his own advantage; the very cir
the most discordant gifts and attainments ;—a cumstance which, in the judgment of Aristotle,
profound acquaintance with all those arts of dis constitutes the essence of the worst species of
simulation and intrigue, which in the petty tyranny.l He assumes also the possibility of
cabinets of Italy, were then universally con retaining mankind in perpetual bondage by the
founded with political wisdom; an imagination old policy of the double doctrine ,- or, in other
familiarized t0 the cool contemplation of what words, by enlightening the few, and hoodwink
ever is perfidious or atrocious in the history of ing the many ;—-a policy less or more practised
conspirators and of tyrants; combined with a by statesmen in all ages and countries; but _
graphical skill in holding up to laughter the which, wherever the freedom of the press is re
comparatively harmless follies of ordinary life. spected, cannot fail, by the insult it offers to
His dramatic humour has been often compared the discernment of the multitude, to increase
to that of Moliere; but it resembles it rather in the insecurity of those who have the weakness
comic force, than in benevolent gaiety or in to employ it. It has been contended, indeed,
chastened morality. Such as it is, however, it by some of Machiavcl’s apologists, that his real
forms an extraordinary contrast to that strength object in unfolding and systematising the mys
of intellectual character, which, in one page, teries of King-Crafi, was to point out indirectly
reminds us of the deep sense of Tacitus, and in to the governed the means by which the en
the next, of the dark and infernal policy of croachments of their rulers might be most ef
Caesar Borgia. To all this must be supperadded fectually resisted; and, at the same time, to
a purity of taste, which has enabled him, as an satirize, under the ironical mask of loyal and
historian, to rival the severe simplicity of the courtly admonition, the characteristical vices of
Grecian masters; and a sagacity in combining princes.“ But, although this hypothesis has
historical facts, which was afterwards to afford been sanctioned by several distinguished names,
lights to the school of Montesquieu. and derives some verisimilitudc from various in
Eminent, however, as the talents of Ma cidents in the author’s life, it will be found, on
chiavel unquestionably were, he cannot be num examination, quite untenable; and accordingly
bered among the benefactors of mankind. In it is now, I believe, very generally rejected.
none of‘ his writings does he exhibit any marks One thing is certain, that if such were actually

‘ “ There is a third kind of tyranny, which most properly deserves that odious name, and which stands in direct op osi
tion to royalty; it takes place when one man, the worst perhaps and basest in the country, governs a king;lcm wi no
other view than the advantage of himself and his family."_-Anisrorr.n‘s Politicc, Book vi. chap. 1:. See r Grauas's
Translation.
=' See Note C.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 23

Machiavel’s views, they were much too refined were obliterated by the joint influence of atheism
for the capacity of his royal pupils. By many and of superstition.”1
of these his book has been adopted as a manual And here, may I be permitted to caution my
for daily use ; but I have never heard of a single readers against the common error of confound
instance, in which it has been regarded by this ing the double doctrine of Machiavelian politi
class of students as a disguised panegyric upon cians, with the benevolent reverence for establish
liberty and virtue. The question concerning the ed opinions, manifested in the noted maxim of
motives of the author is surely of little moment, Fontenelle,—-“ that a wise man, even when his
when experience has enabled us to pronounce so hand was full of truths, would often content
decidedly on the practical eflizcts of his precepts. himself with opening his little finger.” Of the
“ About the period of the Reformation,” says advocates for the former, it may be justly said,
Condorcet, “ the principles of religious Machia that “ they love darkness rather than light,
velism had become the only creed of princes, of because their deeds are evil ;” well knowing, if I
ministers, and of pontifi‘s; and the same opinions may borrow the words of Bacon, “ that the
had contributed to corrupt philosophy. “’hat open day-light doth not show the masks and
code, indeed, of morals,” he adds, “ was to be mummeries, and triumphs of the world, half so
expected from a system, of which one of the stately as candle-light.” The philosopher, on
principles is,—that it is necessary to support the the other hand, who is duly impressed with the
morality of the people by false pretences, and latter, may be compared to the oculist, who,
that men of enlightened minds have a right to after removing the cataract of his patient, pre
retain others in the chains from which they have pares the still irritable eye, by the glimmering
themselves contrived to escape l” The fact is dawn of a darkened apartment, for enjoying in
perhaps stated in terms somewhat too unquali safety the light of day.’
fied ; but there are the best reasons for believing Machiavel is well known to have been, at
that the exceptions were few, when compared bottom, no friend to the priesthood; and his
with the general proposition. character has been stigmatized by many of the
The consequences of the prevalence of such a order with the most opprobrious epithets. It is
creed among the rulers of mankind were such nevertheless certain, that to his maxims the
as might be expected. “ Infamous crimes, as royal defenders of the Catholic faith have been
sassinations, and poisonings (says a French his indebted for the spirit of that policy which they
torian), prevailed more than ever. They were have uniformly opposed to the innovations of the
thought to be the growth of Italy, where the Reformcrs. The Prince was a favourite book of
rage and weakness of the opposite factions con the Emperor Charles V.; and was called the
spired to multiply them. Morality gradually Bible of Catharine of Medieis. At the court of
disappeared, and with'it all security in the inter the latter, while Regent of France, those who
course of life. The first principles of duty approached her are said to have professed open

' Millet.
’ How strange is the following misrepresentation of Fontenelle's fine and deep saying, by the comparatively coarse hand
of the Baron de Grimm ! “ Il disoit, que s’il éut tenu la vérité dans see mains comme un oiseau, il l'auroit étouti'ée, tant il
oit le plus been present du cicl inutile et dangereux pour le genre humain."-(1llémoir¢: Histon'quct, 8w. par le
BARON as Gama. Londres, 18M. Tome I. p. 340.) Of the complete inconsistencv of this statement, not only With the
testimony of his most authentic biographers, but with the general tenor both of his life and writings, a judgment may be
formed from an expression of D'Alembert, in his very ingenious and philosophical parallel between Fontenelle and La
Mona. a Tous deux ont rte trop loin leur revolte décidée, quoique douce cn apparencc. contre les dieux.et lcs lms du
Parnasse: mais la libertc es opinions de la Motte semble tenir plus intimement l'intt‘rét personnel qu'il avoit de les
mutenir; et la liberté des opinions de Fontenelle A I‘intéré't généml, peat-it's qmlqucfoia mal enlmdu, qu'il prmoit an progvél
dc la raium dam tom Ia genru. What follows may be regarded in the li ht of a comment on the maxrm above quoted :
“ La finesse de la Motte est plus developpée, celle de Fontcnello laissc p us a deviner a son lecteur. La .Mottc, sans
jnmais en trop dire, n‘oublie de ce que son sujet lui prt‘sente. mct habilement tout en muvrc, et semble cramdre perdre
par dos réticences trop subtiles uelqu‘un de ses avan es; Fontenellc, sans jamnis Etre obscur, excepte pour CQUX'qUl
no meritent pas méme qu'on sort clair, se ménage a la ois et le plaisir de sous-entendre, et celul d‘espérer qu‘il sen plema
ment entendu par ceux qui en sent dignes."—Eloge 11: la Mom.
24 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ly its mot atrocious maxims; particularly that had already occasion to quote. “ Though all
which recommends to sovereigns not to commit kinds of government,” says Mr Hume, “ be im
crimes by halves. The Italian cardinals, who proved in modern times, yet monarchical govern
are supposed to have been the secret instigators ment seems to have made the greatest advances
of the massacre of St Bartholomew, were bred towards perfection. It may now be affirmed of
in the same school.1 - civilized monarchies, what was formerly said of
It is observed by Mr Hume, that “ there is republics alone, that they are a government of
scarcely any maxim in the Prince, which subse laws, not of men. They are found susceptible
quent experience has not entirely refuted?” of order, method, and constancy, to a surprising
“ NIachiavel,” says the same writer, “ was cer degree. Property is there secure, industry en
tainly a great genius; but having confined his couraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives
study to the furious and tyrannical governments secure among his subjects, like a father among
of ancient times, or to the little disorderly prin his children. There are, perhaps, and have been
cipalities of Italy, his reasonings, especially upon for two centuries, near two hundred absolute
monarchical governments, have been found ex princes, great and small, in Europe; and allow
tremely defective. The errors of this politician ing twenty years to each reign, we may suppose
proceeded, in a great measure, from his having that there have been in the whole two thousand
lived in too early an age of the world, to be a monarchs, or tyrants, as the Greeks would have
good judge of political truth.“ called them. Yet of these there has not been
To these very udicious remarks, it may be one, not even Philip II. of Spain, so bad as
added, that the bent of Maehiavel’s mind seems Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, or Domitian, who were
to have disposed him much more strongly to four in twelve among the Roman Emperors.“
combine and to generalize his historical reading, For this very remarkable fact, it seems difii
than to remount to the first principles of politi cult to assign any cause equal to the efl'ect, but
cal seience, in the constitution of human nature, the increased diffusion of knowledge (imperfect,
and in the immutable truths of morality. His alas ! as this difi'usion still is) by means of the
conclusions, accordingly, ingenious and refined Press; which, while it has raised, in free states, a
as they commonly are, amount to little more growingbulwark against the oppression of rulers,
(with a few very splendid exceptions) than em in the light and spirit of the people, has, even
pirical results from the events of past ages. To under the most absolute governments, had a
the student of ancient history they may be often powerful influence—by teaching princes to re
both interesting and instructive; but, to the gard the wealth and prosperity and instruction of
modern politician, the most important lesson their subjects as the firmest basis of their gran
they afi'ord is, the danger, in the present circum deur—in directing their attention to objects of
stances of the world, of trusting to such re national and permanent utility. How encoura
sults, as maxims of universal application, or of ging the prospect thus opened of the future his
permanent utility. tory of the world ! And what a motive to ani
The progress of political philosophy, and along mate the ambition of those, who, in the solitude
with it of morality and good order, in every of the closet, aspire to bequeath their contribu
part of Europe, since the period of which I am tions, how slender soever, to the progressive
now speaking, forms so pleasing a comment on mass of human improvement and happiness!
the profiigate and short—sighted policy of Ma
chiavel, that I cannot help pausing for a mo In the bright constellation of scholars, histo
ment to remark the fact. In stating it, I shall rians, artists, and wits, who shed so strong a
avail myself of the words of the same profound lustre on Italy during that splendid period of its
writer, whose strictures on Machiavel’s Prince I history which commences with the revival of

' VOLTAIRE, Essay on Universal [listen]. = Essay on Civil Libcrty ' lbid.
 ‘ DISSERTATION FIRST. 25
letters, it is surprising how few. names occur, By a small :band of bolder innovators belong
which it is possible to connect, by any palpable ing to this golden age of Italian literature, the
link, with the philosophical or political specula Aristotelian doctrines were more directly and
tions of the present times. As an original and powerfully assailed. Laurentius Valla, Marius
profound thinker, the genius of Machiavel com Nizolius, and Franciseus Patricius,1 have all of
pletely eclipses that of all his contemporaries. them transmitted their names to posterity as
Not that Italy was then destitute of writers who philosophical reformers, and, in particular, as
pretended to the character of philosophers; but revolters against the authority of, the Stagirite.
as their attempts were, in general, limited to the Of the individuals just mentioned, Nizolius is the
exclusive illustration and defence of some one only one who seems entitled to maintain a per
or other of the ancient systems for which they manent place in the annals of modern science.
had conceived a predilection, they added but His principal work, entitled Antibarbqrus,‘ is
little of their own to the stock of useful know not only a bold invective against ‘the prevailing
ledge, and are now remembered chiefly from ignorance and barbarism of the schools, but con
the occasional recurrence of their names in the tains so able an argument against the then fashion
catalogues of the curious, or in the works of able doctrine of the Realists concerning general
philological erudition. The zeal of Cardinal ideas, that Leibnitz thought it worth while, acentu
Bessarion, and of Marsilius Ficinus, for the re ryafterwards, to republish it, with the addition of
vival of the Platonic philosophy, was more pe a long and valuable preface written by himself.
culiarly remarkable, and, at one time, produced At the same period with Franciscus Patricius,
so general an impression, as to alarm the follow flourished another learned Italian, Albericus
ers of Aristotle for the tottering authority of Gentilis, whose writings seem to have attracted
their master. If we may credit Launoius, this more notice in England and Germany than in
great revolution was on the point of being as: his own country. His attachment to the reform
tually accomplished, when Cardinal Bellarmine ed faith having driven him from Italy, he sought
warned Pope Clement VIII. of the peculiar dan an asylum at Oxford, where, in 1587, he was ap
ger of showing any favour to a philosopher pointed professor of the Civil Law, an office
whose opinions approached so nearly as those which he held till the period of his death in
of Plato to the truths revealed in the Gospel. 1611.” He was the author of a treatise De Jure
In what manner Bellarmine connected his con Belli, in three books, which appeared successively
clusions with his premises, we are not informed. in 1588 and 1589, and were first published to
To those who are uninitiated in the mysteries of gether at Hanan in 1598. His name, however,
the conclave, his inference would certainly ap has already sunk into almost total oblivion; and
pear much less logical than that of the old Ro I should certainly not have mentioned it on the
man Pagans, who petitioned the Senate to con present occasion, were it not for his indisputable
demn the works of Cicero to the flames, as they merits as the precursor of Grotius, in a depart
predisposed the minds of those who read them ment 'of study which, forty years afterwards,
for embracing the Christian faith. the celebrated treatise De Jure Belli ct Pacis was

' His Diamulonu Pcripatcticm were printed at Venice in I571. Another work, entitled Nam dc Univeui: Philosophia, also
printed at Venice, appeared in 1593. I have never happened to meet with either; but from the account given of the au
thor by Thuamis, he does not seem to have attracted that notice from his contemporaries, to which his learninglsnd talents
entitled him—.(Tnunr. Hist. Lib. cxix. xvii). His Dimuntovm Pcn'paleiicm are mentioned by Brucker in t e following
terms:_-“ Opus cgrrgium, doctum, varium, Iuculenlum, ml invidia odioque in Aridolclrm plenum anti: mptrquc."—(H'u1.
Phil. Tom. IV. p. 425). The same very laborious and candid writer acknowledges the assistance he had derived from Pa
trician in his account of the Peripatetic philosophy.-“ In qua tractatione futemur egregiam enitere I’atricii doctrinam, in~
genii el tinm prorsus admirabilem, et quod prime loco ponendum est, insolihm veteris philosophiie cognitionem, cujus
ope nos eripatetlcaa disciplines historim multoties lucem attulisse, grati suis locis professi sumus.”_.lln'd. p. 426.
’ Antibarbarus, u'vt dc Vera“: Principii: ct Vcra Rationc I’hilowphandi contra Pacudo-philoaopkoa. Parmm, I553. “ Les faux
hilosophes," dit l-‘ontenelle, “ étoient tous les scholastiques passes et pre'sens; et Nizolius s'élL-ve avec la dcmii-re hardi
gsse contre leurs idées monstrueuses et. leur langage berbare. La longue et constante admiration u‘on nvoit eu pour Aris
tote, ne prouvoit, disoibil, que la multitude des sots ct. la durée de la sottise." The merits of t is writer are much too
lightly estimated by Brucker-_‘~‘ee 11m. PhiL 'I‘om. IV. I’srs I. pp. 9]. 92. '
' Woon‘s Athena! Dreams, VoL II. cal- 90. Dr Bliss's edition.
DISS- I. PART I. D
26 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to raise to so conspicuous a rank among the soever. But when they are called upon to act
branches of academieal education. The avowed on a greater scale, they hesitate and arelost in
aim of this new science, when combined with their own meditations ; distrustful of their judg
the anniety of Gentilis,to counteract the efl'ect ment, and conscious of their incompetency to
of Machiavel’s Prince, by representing it as a the scene in which they are placed: men, in a
warning to subjects rather than as a manual of word, possessed of a genius rather acute than
instruction for their rulers, may be regarded as comprehensive. A similar difference may be
satisfactory evidence of the growing influence, traced among authors. What can be more
even at that era, of better ethical principles than acute than Descartes in Physics, or than Hobbes
those commonly imputed to the Florentine Secre in Morals! And yet, if the one be compa
wry-1 red with Bacon, and the other with Campa
The only other Italian of whom I shall take nella, the former writers seem to grovel upon
notice at present, is Campanella;‘Z a philoso the earth,—the latter to soar to the Heavens, by
pher now remembered chiefly in consequence of the vastness of their conceptions, their plans,
his eccentric character and eventful life, but of and their enterpries, and to aim at objects be
whom Leibnitz has spoken in terms of such yond the reach of the human powers. The
high admiration, as to place him in the same former, accordingly, are best fitted for deliver
line with Bacon. .After looking into several of ing the first elements of knowledge, the latter
his works with some attention, I must confess for establishing conclusions of important and
I am at a loss to conceive upon what grounds general application.”5
the eulogy of L'eibnitz proceeds; but as it is The annals of France, during this period,
difficult to suppose, that the praise of this great present very scanty materials for the History
man was, in any instance, the result of mere of Philosophy. The name of the Chancellor
caprice, I shall put it in_the power of my read de l’Hopital, however, must not be passed over
ers to judge for themselves, by subjoining a in silence. As an author, he does not run]:
faithful translation of his words. I do this the high ;' nor does he seem to have at all valued
more willingly, as the passage itself (whatever himself on the careless efl'usions of his literary
may'be thought of the critical judgments pro hours; but, as an upright and virtuous magis
nounced in it), contains some general remarks trate, he has left behind him a reputation un
on intellectual charader, which are in every re rivalled to this day.‘ His wise and indulgent
spect worthy of the author. principles on the subject of religious liberty,
“ Some men, in conducting operations where and the steadiness with which he adhered to
an attention to minutiae is requisite, discover a them, under circumstances of extraordinary dif
mind vigorous, subtile, and versatile, and seem ficulty and danger, exhibit a splendid contrast
to be equal to any ,undertaking, how arduous to the cruel intolerance, which, a few years he

' The claims of Albericus Gentilis to be regarded as the father of Natural Jwicprudawc, are strongly asserted b his
countrymen Lampredi, in his very judicious and el nt work, entitled, Juri: Publici Themmam, published at I sat in
l782. “ Hic primus jus aliquod Belli et case at tradl posse excogitavit, et Belli et l’acis regulas explanavit primus, et
fortasse in causa fuit cur Grotius opus suum conscribere sggederetur: dignus sane qui prae ceteris memoretur, Italize
enim, in qua ortus erat, et unde Juris Romani' disciplinam bauscrnt, glorizun auxit, eti'ecitque ut qua fuerat bonarum arti
um omnium restitutrix et altrix, eadem esset'et prime. Jurisprudentise Naturalis magistra."
’ Born 1568, died 1689. _
’ Lsrsm'r. Opera, Vol. VI. p. 303, ed. Dutcns-It is probable that, in the above passage, Leibnitz alluded more to the
elevated tone of Campanella‘s reasoning on moral and litical subjects, when contrasted with that of Hobbes, than to the
intellectual su riority of the former writer above the liftter. No philosopher, certainly, has spoken with more reverence
than Campane la has done, on various occasions, of the dignity of human nature. A remarkable instance of this occurs in
his eloquent comparison of the human hand with the or s of touch in other animals. ( Vidc CAMPAN- Phyn‘o'log. cap. xx.
Art. 2.) Of his Political Aphorim, which form the t ird part of his treatise on March, a sufficient idea for our purpose
is conveyed by the concluding corollary, “ Probitas custodit r m populosque; non autem indocta Machiavellistarum astu-~
tia.“ On the other hand, Campanella's works abound wit immoralities and extravagancies far exceedin those of
Hobbes. In his idea of a perfect commonwealth (to which he gives the name of Civilas Solis), the impurity of is imagi
nation, and the unsoundness of his 'udgment, are equally conspicuous; He recommends, under certain regulations, a com
munity of women; and, in every t ing connected with procreation, lays great stress on the opinions of astrologers.
‘ Magistrat au-dessus de tout clogs; et d'aprés lequel on a jugé tous ceux qui ont osé s‘asseoir sur ce méme tribunal
sans avorr son courage ni ses lumiéres."-Hmuv1.r, Abrigé Chronologique.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. "27
fore, had disgraced the character of an illustri more honourable to Bodinus, may be traced in
ous Chancellor of England. The same philo their common attachment to religious as well as
sophical and truly catholic spirit distinguished to civil liberty. To have caught, in the six
his friend, the President de Thou,l and gives teenth century, somewhat of the philosophical
the principal charm to the justly admired pre spirit of the eighteenth, reflects less credit on
face prefixed to his history. In tracing the pro the force of his mind, than to have imbibed, in
gress of the human mind during the sixteenth the midst of the theological controversies of his
century, such insulated and anomalous examples age, those lessons of mutual forbearance and
of the triumph of reason over superstition and charity, which a long and sad experience of the
bigotry, deserve attention, not less than what fatal effects of persecution has to this day so im
' is due, in a history of the experimental arts, to perfectly taught to the most enlightened nations
Friar Bacon’s early anticipation of gunpowder, of Europe.
and of the telesco . As a specimen of the liberal and moderate
Contemporary with these great men was Bo views of this philosophical politician, I shall
din (or Bodinus),’ an eminent French 'lawyer, quote two short passages from his Treatise De
who appears to have been one of the first that la République, which seem to me objects of con
united a philosophical turn of thinking with an siderable curiosity, when contrasted with the
extensive knowledge of jurisprudence and of general spirit of the age in which they were
_ history. His learning is often ill digested, and written. The first relates to liberty of con
his conclusions still oftener rash and unsound; science, for which he was a strenuous and in
yet it is but justice to him to acknowledge, that, . trepid advocate, not only in his publications, but
in his views of the philosophy of law, he has as a member of the Etats Générauz, assembled
approached very nearly to some leading 'ideas at Blois in 1576. “ The mightier that a man
of Lord Bacon;3 while, in his refined combina is (says Bodin), the more justly and temperate
tions of historical facts, he has more than once ly he ought to behave himself towards all men,
struck into a train of speculation, bearing a but especially towards his subjects. Wherefore
strong resemblance to that afterwards pursued having
the senate and people
renounced of Basilofdid
the Bishop Wisely,
Rome's who, I
religion,
by Montesquieu.‘ Of this resemblance, so re
markable an instance, occurs in his chapter on would not, upon the sudden, thrust the monks
the moral effects of Climate, and on the atten and nuns, with the other religious persons, out
tion due to this circumstance by the legislator, of their abbeys and monasteries, but only took
that it has repeatedly subjected the author of order, that, as they died they should die both for
The Spirit of Laws (but in my opinion without themselves and their successors, expressly for
any good reason) to the. imputation of plagia bidding any new to be chosen in their places, so
rism.‘ A resemblance to Montesquieu, still that, by that means, their colleges might, by

' “ One cannot help admiring," says Dr Jortin, “ the Hermit manner in “hich the illustrious 'l'huanus hath spoken of
Calvin :" “ Acri vir ac vehementi ingenio, et admirabili t'acundin prmditus: tum inter protestumcs magni nominis theolo
gua"-(Li/‘e of Erasmus, p. 655.) ' h e same writer has remarked the great decency and moderation With which 'l‘huanus
speaks of Lathes-lbw. p. 113.
1’ Born I530, died 1596.
' See, in particular, the preface to his book, entitled Mdhodm adfarilcm Hinorianm cognilimmn.
' See the work I): la République, pouim. In this treatise there are two chapters singularly-curious, considering the time
when they were written : the second and third chapters of the sixth book. The first is entitled, Dee Finance: ,- t 0 second,
Le Moym d‘mpe‘rher que la Mommy" cog/mt alter-é" d: Pris‘ ou fallific'u. The reasoning! of the Author on various into
there treated of, will be apt to excite a smile among those who have studied the Inquiry into the Wealth of Nqlou; ut it
reflects no small credit on a lawyer of the sixteenth century to have subjected such questions to hilosophical examination,
and to have formed so just a conception as Bodin appears evidently to have done, not only of t object, but of the im
portance of the modem science of political economy.
Thuanus speaks highly of Bodin‘s dissertations Dr Re Jllrmrtaria, which I have never seen. The same historian thus ex
presses himself with respect to the work Dc Republim .- " Opus in quo ut omni seientiarum genere non tincti oed imbuti in
nii cxvii.
{.eih. fidem ix.
fecit, sic nonnullis, qui recte judicunt, non omnino nb oncntutiosia innalo gm“ vitio vacuum se proboviL-Hiu.

‘ See Note I).

‘28 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

little and little, by the death of the fellows, be and follow the great God of Nature, who in all
extinguished. Whereby it came to pass, that all things proceedeth easily, and by little and little;
the rest of the Carthusians, of their own accord, who of a little seed causeth to grow a tree for
forsaking their cloisters, yet one of them all height and greatness, right admirable, and yet
alone for a long time remained therein, quietly for all that insensibly; and still by means con
and without any disturbance, holding the right joining the extremities of nature, as by putting
of his convent, being never enforced to change the spring between winter and summer, and
either his place, or habit, or old ceremonies, or autumn betwixt summer and winter, mode
religion before by him received. The like order rating the extremities of the terms and seasons,
was taken at Coire in the diet of the Grisons; with the self-same wisdom which it useth in all
wherein it was decreed, that the ministers of other things also, and that in such sort, as that
the reformed religion should be maintained of no violent force or course therein appeareth.“
the profits and revenues of the church, the reli Notwithstanding these wise and enlightened
gious men nevertheless still remaining in their maxims, it must he owned, on the other hand,
cloisters and convents, to be by their death sup that Bodin has indulged himself in various spe
pressed, thcy being new prohibited to choose any culations, which would expose a writer of the
new instead of them which died. By which present times to the imputation of insanity.
means, they which professed the new religion, One of the most extraordinary of these, is his
and they who professed the old, were both pro elaborate-argument to preve, that, in a well con
vided for.” 1 stituted state, the father should possess the right
The aim of the chapter from which I have .of life and death over his children ;-—a paradox
extracted the foregoing passage, is to show, that which forms an unaccountable contrast to the
“ it is a most dangerous thing, at one and the general tone of humanity which characterizes his
same time, to change the form, laws,‘ and cus opinions. Of the extent of his credulity on the
toms of a commonwealth.” The scope of the subject of witchcraft, and of the deep horror
author’s reasonings maybe judged of from the with which he regarded those who affected to be
concluding paragraph. sceptical about the reality of that crime, he has
“ We ought then in the government of a left a lasting memorial in a learned and curious
well-ordered state and commonwealth, to imitate volume entitled Dénmwmanie ,4 while the ec

' Book iv. chap. iii-The book from which this quotation is taken was published only twenty-three years after the mur
der of Servetus at Geneva : an event which leaves so deep a stain on the memory not only of Calvin, but on that of the
milder and more charitable Melanchthon. The epistle of the latter to Bullinger, where he applauds the conduct of the
judges who condemned to the flames this incorrigible heretic, affords the most decisive of all proofs, how remote the senti
ments of the most enlightened Fathers of the Reformation were from those Christian and philosophical principles of tole
ration, to which their noble exertions have gradually, and now almo>t universally, led the way.
' [bid-The substance of the above reflection has been compressed by Bacon into the following well-known aphorisms.
“ Time is the greatat innovator ; shall we then not imitate time P
“ What innovator imitates time, which innovates so silently as to mock the sense ?”
The resemblance between the two passages is still more striking in the Latin versions of their respective authors.
“ Deum igitur pmepotentem natune parentem imitemur, qui omniu paulatim : namque semina perquam exigua in ar
bores excelsas excrescere jubet, idque tam occulte ut nemo sentiat.“_Bonmus.
“ Novator maximus tempus ; quidni igitur tempus imiteniur F“
“ Quis novator tempus imitatur, quod novationes ita insinuat, ut sensus fallant ?"_Bllcow.
The Treatise of Bodin De la Républiquc (by far the most important of his works) was first printed at Paris in 1576, and
was reprinted seven times in.the space of three years. It was translated into Latin by the author himself, with a view
chiefly (as is said) to the accommodation of the scholars of England, among whom it was so highly esteemed, that lectures
upon it were given in the University of Cambridge, as early as 1580. In 1579, Bodin visited London in the mite of the
Due d'Alenqon : a circumstance which probably contributed not a little to recommend his writings, so very soon after their
ublication, to the attention of our countrymen. In 1606, the treatise of The Republic was done inla English by Richard
nolles, who appears to have collated the French and Latin copies so carefully and judiciously, that his version is, in some
respects, superior to either of the originals. It is from this version, accordingly, that I have transcribed the passages above
guoted; trusting, that it will not be unacceptable to my readers, while looking back [0 the intellectual attain‘ments of our
orefhthers, to have an opportunity, at the same time, of marking the progress which had been made in England, more than
two centuries ago, in the arts of writing and of translation.
For Dr Johnson's opinion of Knolles‘s merits as an historian, and as an English writer, see flu: Rambler, No. I28.
' De la Dérmmomanie de: Sort‘ierl. Par J. Bonm ANGEVIN, a Paris, 1580. This book, which exhibits so melancholy
 - ‘ DISSERTATION FIRST. ~ 29.

centricity of his religious tenets was such, as to with him on points of theology.‘ Nor was the
incline the candid mind of Grotius to suspect study of the severer sciences, on all occasions,
him of a secret leaning to the Jewish faith.l an effectual remedy against such illusions of the
In contemplating the characters of the eminent imagination. The sagacious Kepler was an as
persons who appeared about this era, nothing is trologer and a visionary; and his friend Tycho
more interesting and instructive, than to remark Brahe, the Prince of Astrmmners, kept an idiot in
the astonishing combination, in the same minds, his service, to whose prophecies he listened as
of the highest intellectualendowments, with the revelations from above. 4 During the long night
most deplorable aberrations of the understand of Gothic barbarism, the intellectual world had
ing; and even, in numberless instances, with the again become, like the primitive earth, “with
most childish superstitions of the multitude. out form and void;” 'the light had already ap
Of this apparent inconsistency, Bodinus does peared; “ and God had seen the light that it was
not furnish a solitary example. The same re good ;” but the time was not yet come to “ di
mark may be extended, in a greater or less de vide it from the darkness.“
gree, to most of the other celebrated names In the midst of the disorders, both political
hitherto mentioned. Melanchthon, as appears and moral, of that unfortunate age, it is pleasing
from his letters, was an interpreter of dreams, to observe the anticipations of brighter pro
and a. caster of nativities ;" and Luther not only spects, in the speculations of a few individuals.
sanctioned, by his authority, the popular fables Bodinus himself is one of the number ;° and to '
about the sexual and prolific intercourse of Satan his name may be added that of his countryman
with the human race, but seems to have serious and predecessor Budmus.’ But, of all the
ly believed that he had himself frequently seen writers of the sixteenth century, Ludovicus
the arch enemy face to face, and held arguments Vives seems to have had the liveliest and the

a contrast to the mental powers displayed in the treatise De la Républigue, was dedicated by the author to his friend, the
President de Thou; and it is somewhat amusing to find, that it exposed Bodin himself to the imputation of being a ma
gician. For this we have the testimony of the illustrious historian just mentioned—(Tnuanus, Lib. cxvii- ix.)-Nor did it
recommend the author to the opinion of the Catholic church, having been formally condemned and prohibited by the
Roman Inquisition. The Re ection of the Jesuit Martin del Rio on this occasion is worth transcribing. “ Adeo lubritufll
d periculomm dc his dinners, m'ri Drum .rmrper, ct calholicam jldem, cccluizrqne Homamr vensuram tanquam cynonu'am "quark."
Dilquidtionum Magicarum, Libri Sex. Auctore Mun-mo nsr. Rro, Societatis Jesu Presbytcro. Venit. 1640, p. 8.
' Epid- ad Cordw‘um (quoted by Barns.) '
' Jon'rln's Life qfEranmn, p. 156.
' See Note E.
‘ See the Life of Tycfio Bra/w, by Gassnnnr.
' I have allotted to Bodiu a larger space than may seem due to his literary importance; but the truth is, ,I know of no
political writer, of the same date, whose extensive and various and discriminating reading appears to me to have contri
buted more to facilitate and to guide the researches of his successors, or whose references to ancient learning have been
more frequently transcribed without acknowledgment. Of late his works have fallen into very general neglect; otherwise
it is impossible that so many gross mistakes should be current about the scope and spirit of his princi les. By many he
has been mentioned as a zealot for republican forms of government, probably for no better reason than tfiat he chose to call
his book a Treatise Dc Republics ,- whereas, in point of fact, he is uniformly a warm and able advocate for monarchy: and,
although no friend to tyranny, has, on more than one occasion, carried his monarchical principles to a very blameable ex
cess.-(See, in' particular, chapter's fourth and titth of the Sixth Book.) On the other hand, Grouvclle, a writer of some
note, has classed Bodin with Aristotle, as an advocate for domestic slavery. “ The reasonin of both," he says, “ are re
futed by Montesquieu."_(Dn I'Autorité dc Montcsquicu dam Ia Révolution pic'wale. Pans, 1789.) “"hoevcr has the
curiosity to com re Bodin and Montesquieu together, will be satisfied, that, on this point, their sentiments were exactly
the same; and t at, so far from refuting Bodin, Montesquieu has borrowed from him more than one argument in support
of his general conclusion.
The merits of Bodin have been, on the whole, very fairly estimated by Dayle, who pronounces him “ one of the ablest
men that appeared in France during the sixteenth century.“ “ Si nous voulons disputer :1 Jean Bodin la qualité d‘écrivlin
émt et judicieuX, laissons lui sans controverse, un grand génie, un vaste sav in one me’moire et une lecture prodigieuses.
‘ See, in particular, his illrthod of Studying History, chap. vii. entitled C futalio comm qui quatuor blonarchia: Aurraquc
Sacsla mituerunt. In this chapter, utter enumerating some of the most important discoveries and inventions of the modems,
he concludes with mentioning the art of printing, of the value of which he seems to have formed a very just estimate.
“ Una'l‘ypogrsphia cum omnibus veterum inventis certarc facile potent. Itaquc non minus pcccant, qui a vctcribus
aiunt omnia comprehensa, quam qui illos de vetcri multarum artium possessions dcturbant. Hahet Nature scientiarum
thesaurus innumerabiles, qur nullis zetatibus exhnuriri possunt." In tho same chapter Bodinus expresses himself thus:
“ IEtas illa quam mumm vocant, si ad nostrnm conferatur,firrra videri possit." .
1 The works of Budreus were printed at Deals, in four volumes folio, I557. My sc uaintance With them is much too
slight to enable me to speak of them from my own judgment. No scholar certainly st higher in the estimation of his
c. “ Quo viro," says Ludovicus Vives, “ Gallia scutiore ingenio, acriore ’judicio, exactiore diligentia, majore erudi
tionc nullum unquam produxit : hac vero retate nec ltalia quidem." The praise bestowed on him by other contemporary
writers of the highest eminence is equally lavish. I
 30 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

most assured foresight of the new career on ‘ placed in a very strong light some of the most
which the human mind 'was about to enter. vulnerable parts of the Aristotelian logic; with
The following passage from one of his works out, however, exhibiting any marks of that deep
would have done no discredit to the Novum Or sagacity which afterwards enabled Bacon, Des
ganon :—“ The similitudc which many have cartes, and Locke, to strike at the very roots
fancied between the superiority of the modems of the system. His copious and not inelegant
to the ancients, and the elevation of a dwarf on style as a writer, recommended his innovations
the back ofa giant, is altogether false and puerile. to those who were disgusted with the barbarism
Neither were they giants, nor are we dwarfs, but of the schools;" while his avowed partiality for
all of us men of the same standard,—and we the the reformed faith (to which he fell a martyr in
taller of the two, by adding their height to our the massacre of Paris), procured many prose
own : Provided always that we do not yield to lytes to his opinions in all the Protestant coun
them in study, attention, vigilance, and love of tries of Europe. In England his logic had the
truth; for, if those qualities be wanting, so far honour, in an age of comparative light and re
from mounting on the giant’s shoulders, we throw finement, to find an expounder and methodiser
away the advantages of our own just stature, by in the author of Paradise Lost; and in some of
remaining prostrate on the ground.”1 our northern universities, where it was very
I pass over, without any particular notice, the early introduced, it maintained its ground till it
' names of some French logicians who flourished was supplanted by the logic of Locke.
about this period, because, however celebrated It has been justly said of Ramus, that, “ al
among their contemporaries, they do not seem though he had genius suflicient to shake the
to form essential links in the History of Science. Aristotelian fabric, he was unable to substitute
The bold and persevering spirit with which Ra any thing more solid in its place ;” but it ought
mus disputed, in the University of Paris, the not to be forgotten, that even this praise, scanty
authority of Aristotle, and the persecutions he as it may now appear, involves a large tribute
incurred by this philosophical heresy, entitle to his merits as a philosophical reformer. Be
,him to an honourable distinction from the rest fore human reason was able to advance, it was
of his brethren. He was certainly a man of un necessary that it should first be released from
common acuteness as well as eloquence, and the weight of its fetters.’

' Vrvns do Caus- Corrupt. Artium, Lib. i. Similar ideas occur in the works of Roger Bacon : “ Quanto juniores tanto
perspicaciores, quia juniores posteriores successione temporum ingrediuntur labores priorum."_(0 us Mnjua, edit. Jebb.
p. 9.) Nor were they altogether overlooked by ancient writers. “ Veniet tempus, quo ista qum tent nunc in lucem
dies extrahet,
(Senses, et Nat.
Qua'd. longioris zevic.dili
Lib. vii. 25$entia. Veniet tern
This language us, quo
comcides poster-i
exactly nostri
with that tarn
of theaperta nos ignorasse
Chancellor mirabuntur."
Bacon ; but it was re
served for the latter to illustrate the connection between the pro ss of human knowledge, and of human happiness ,- or (to
borrow his own phraseology) the connection between the progress of knowledge, and the enlargement of man’s power over
the destiny of his own species. Among other passages to this purpose, See Nov. Org. Lib. i. cxxix.
’ To the accomplishments of ltamus as a writer, a very fluttering testimony is given by an eminent English scholar, by
no means disposed to overrate his merits as a logician. “ Pulse tandem barbarie, Petrus Remus politioris literature: vir,
ausus est Aristotclem acrius ubique et liberius incessere, universarnque Peripateticam philosophiam exs 'tare. Ejus
,Dialetica exi o tempore fuit apud plurimos summo in pretio, maxime eloquentiie studiosos, idque idio sc olasticorum,
quorum dictio et stylus inmts flier-ant auribus Ciceronianis."-_Logicm Artie Compendium, Auctore R. Ssxnnlson, Episc.
Lincoln, pp. 250. 251. Edit. Decima. (lxon. The first edition was printed in 1618.
a Dr Barrow, in one of his mathematical lectures, speaks of ltamus in terms far too contemptuous. “ Homo, ne quid
gravius dicam, argutulu: rt dicaculus."_“ Sane vix indignationi meze tempero, qum illum accipiam pro suo merito, rsm
que v'alidius in ejus caput, quse contra veteres jactat convicia” Had Barrow confined this censure to the weak an arro
gant attacks made by Ramus upon Euclid (pa icularly upon Euclid‘s definition of Proportion), it would not have been
more than Remus deserved ; but it is evident e meant to extend it also to the more powerful attacks of the same reformer
upon the logic of Aristotle. Of these there are many which may be read with profit even in the present times. I select
one assage as a specimen, recommending it strongly to the consideration of those logicians who have lately stood forward
as a vocates for Aristotle's abecrdarian demonstrations of the syllogistic rules. “ In Aristotelis arte, unius pnecepti uni
cum exemplurn est, ac szepissime nullum : sed unico et singulari esemplo non potest artifex efiici ; pluribus opus est et
dissimilibus. Et quidem, ut Aristotelis exempla tantummodo non falsa sint, qualis tamen sunt ? Omne b est a : omne rest
I: .- ergo omne rest a. Exemplum Aristotelis est puero a grammaticis et oratoribus venienti, et istsm mutorum Mathema
ticorum lingunm ignoranti, novum et durum: et in totis Analyticis ista non Attica, non Ionica, non Dorica, non Eolica,
non communi, sed geometries lingua usus est Aristoteles, odi0sa pueris, ignota populc, a communi sensu remote, a rhetoricre
usu ct ab humanitatis usu alienissima."_(1’. RAM! [lro Philowphim Paricicnn': Academics Discipline Onm'a, 1550). If these
strictures should be thought too loose and declamatory, the reader may consult the fourth chapter (De Convnnionibua) of the
seventh book of Ramus‘s Dialer-tics, where the same charge is urged, in my opinion, with irresistible force of argument. '
 DISSERTATION FIRST. ' 31
It is observed with great truth, by Condorcet, a closer resemblance to the political philosophy
that, in the times of which we are now speak of the eighteenth century, than any composition
ing, “ the science of political economy did not which had previously appeared. The ethical
exist, Princes estimated not the number of paradoxes afterwards inculcated by Hobbes as
men, but of soldiers in the state ;—-finance was the ground-work of his slavish theory of govern
merely the art of plundering the people, with ment, are anticipated and refuted, and a power
out driving them to the desperation that might ful argument is urged against that 'doctrine of
end in revolt ;—and governments paid no other Utility which has attracted so much notice in
attention to commerce but that of loading it our times. The political reflections, too, inci
with taxes, of restricting it by privileges, or of dentally introduced by the same author in his
disputing for its monopoly.” History of Scotland, bear marks of a mind
The internal disorders then agitating the worthy of a better age than fell to his lot. Of
whole of Christendom, were still less favourable this kind are the remarks with which he closes
to the growth of this science, considered as a his narrative of the wanton cruelties exercised
branch of speculative study. Religious con in punishing the murderers of James the First.
troversies everywhere divided the opinions of In reading them, one would almost imagine, that
the multitude ;—involving those collateral dis one is listening to the voice of Beccaria' or of
cussions concerning the liberty of conscience, Montesquieu. “ After this manner,” says the
and the relative claims of sovereigns and sub historian, “ was the cruel death of James still
jects, which, by threatening to resolve society more cruelly avenged. For punishments so far
into its first elements, present to restless and exceeding the measure of humanity, have less
aspiring spirits the most inviting of all fields for efl‘ect in deterring the multitude from crimes,
enterprise and ambition. Amidst the shock of . than in rousing them to greater efforts, both as
such discussions, the calm inquiries which medi actors and as sufferers. Nor do they tend so
tate in silence the slow and gradual amelioration much to intimidate by their severity, as by their
of the social order, were not likely to possess frequency to diminish the terrors of the specta
strong attractions, even to men of the most tors. The evil is more peculiarly great, when
sanguine benevolence; and, accordingly, the po the mind of the criminal is hardened against the
litical speculations of this period turn almost en sense of pain ; for in the judgment ‘of the un
tirely on the comparative adVantages and disad _ thinking vulgar, a stubborn confidence generally
vantages of different forms of government, or obtains the praise of heroic constancy."
on the still more alarming questions concerning After the publication of this great work, the
the limits of allegiance and the right of resist name of Scotland, so early distinguished over
ance. Europe by the learning and by the genius1
The dialogue of our illustrious countryman of her sons, disappears for more than a century
Buchanan, De Jure Rcgm' apud Scotos, though and a half from the History of Letters. But
occasionally disfigured by the keen and indig from this subject, so pregnant with melancholy
nant temper of the writer, and by 'a predilection and humiliating recollections, our attention is _
(pardonablc in a scholar warm from the schools forcibly drawn to a mighty and auspicious light
of ancient Greece and Rome) for forms of policy which, in a more fortunate part of the island,
unsuitable to the circumstances of modern was already beginning to rise on the philosophi
Europe, bears, nevertheless, in its general spirit, cal world.‘I

' Pmfervidum Scotorum in niurn.

' That, at the end of the sixteenth centu , the Scottish nation were advancing not less rapidly than their neighbours.
in every species of mental cultivation, is an ciently attested by their literary remains, both in the Latin in and in
their own vernacular tongue. A remarkable testimony to the same pu rpose occurs in the dialogue above qu t autha
of which had spent the best years of his life in the moat polished society of the Continent. “ As otten," says Buchanan,
“ as I turn my eyes to the niccncss and elegance of our own times, the ancient manners of our forefathers appear sober and
venerable. but withal rough and horrid."-_" Quoties oculos ad nostri temporis munditias ct elegantiam refers, lntiquitu illa
sanctn et sobria, sod horrirla tamen, ct nondum lam empolita fuisse videtur.“-(De Jure Regal spud Scorer.) One would think,
that be conceived the taste of his countrymen to have then arrived at the M phu ultra of national refinement,
Aurca nunc, olim sylvestribus horrdda dun-nil.
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

CHAPTER II. .

FROM THE PUBLICATION OF BACON'S PHILOSOP'HICAL WORKS, TILL THAT OF THE ESSAY
ON HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.

SECTION I.

Progress of Philosophy in England during this period.

BACON. '

THE state of science towards the close of the out in various branches of the Philosophy of
sixteenth century, presented a field of observa Mind, have been much less attended to; al
tion singularly calculated to attract the curio though the whole scope and tenor of his specu
sity, and to awaken the genius of Bacon; nor lations show, that to this study his genius was
was it the least of his personal advantages, that, far more strongly and happily turned, than to
as the son of one of Queen Elizabeth’s ministers, that of the Material World. It was not, as some
he had a ready access, wherever he went, to the seem to have imagined, by sagacious anticipa
most enlightened society in Europe. While yet tions of particular discoveries afterwards to be
only in the seventeenth year of his age, he was made in physics, that his writings have had so
removed by his father from Cambridge to Paris, powerful an influence in accelerating the ad
where it is not to be doubted, that the novelty vancement of that science. In the extent and
of the literary scene must have largely contri accuracy of his physical knowledge, he was far
buted to cherish the natural liberality and inde— inferior to many of his predecessors; but he
pendence of his mind. Sir Joshua Reynolds .surpassed them all in his knowledge of the laws,
has remarked,‘ in one of his academical Dis the resources, and the limits of the human un
courses, that “ every seminary of learning is derstanding. The sanguine expectations with
surrounded with an atmosphere of floating which he looked forwards to the future, were
knowledge, where every mind may imbibe some founded solely on his confidence in the untried
what congenial to its own original concep capacities of the mind, and on a conviction of
tions.“ He might have added, with still great the possibility of invigorating and guiding, by
er truth, that it is an atmosphere, of which it is means of logical rules, those faculties which, in
' more peculiarly salutary for those who have all our researches after truth, are the organs or
been elsewhere reared tobreathe the air. The instruments to be employed. “ Such rules,” as
remark is applicable to higher pursuits than he himself has observed, “ do in some sort equal
were-in the contemplation of this philosophical men’s wits, and leave no great advantage or pre
artist; and it suggests a hint of no inconsider eminence to the perfect and excellent motions
able value for the education of youth. of the spirit. To draw astraight line, or to de
The merits of Bacon, as the father of Experi scribe a circle, by aim of hand only, there must
mental Philosophy, are so universally acknow be a great difi‘erence between an unsteady and
ledged, that it would be superfluous to touch unpractised hand, and a steady and practised;
upon them here. The lights which he has struck but to do it by rule or compass it is much alike."

1 Born 1561, died 1626. ' Discourse delivered at the opening of the Royal Academy, January 2, I769.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 33
Nor is it merely as a logician that Bacon is to be found in Locke, of whom itjs impossible
entitled to notice on the present occasion. It to forbear remarking, as a circumstance not
would be ditiicult to name another writer prior easily explicable, that he should have resumed
to Locke, whose works are enriched with so this important discussion, without once mention
many just observations on the intellectual phe ing the name of his great predecessor. The
nomena. Among these, the most valuable re chief improvement made by Locke, in the far
late to the laws of Memory, and of Imagination; ther prosecution of the argument, is the appli
the latter of which subjects he seems to have cation of Hobbes’s theory of association, to ex
studied with peculiar care. In one short but plain in what manner these prejudices are ori
beautiful paragraph concerning Poetry (under ginally generated.
which title may be comprehended all the vari In Bacon’s scattered hints on topics connected
ous creations of this faculty), he has exhausted with the Philosophy of the Mind, strictly so
every thing that philosophy and good sense have called, nothing is more remarkable than the pre
yet had to otter, on what has been since called cise and just ideas they display of the proper
the Beau Ideal; a topic, which has furnished aim of this science. He had manifestly re
occasion to so many over-refinements among flected much and successfully on the operations
the French critics, and to so much extravagance of his own understanding, and had studied with
and mysticism in the cloud-clap! metaphysics of uncommon sagacity the intellectual characters
the new German school.‘ In considering ima of others. Of his reflections and observations
gination as connected with the nervous system, on both subjects, he has recorded many im
more particularly as connected with that species portant results, and has in general stated them
of sympathy to which medical writers have without the slightest reference to any physiolo
given the name of imitation, he has suggested gical theory concerning their causes, or to any
some very important hints which none of his analogical explanations founded on the capriccs
successors have hitherto prosecuted; and has, of metaphorical language. If, on some occasions,
at the same time, leftan example of cautious he assumes the existence of animal spirits, as the
inquiry, worthy to be studied by all who may medium of communication between Soul mid
attempt to investigate the laws regulating the Body, it must be remembered, that this was
union between Mind and Body.“ His illustra then the universal belief of the learned ; and that
tion of the difi‘erent classes of prejudices inci it was at a much later period not less confidently
dent to human nature, is, in point of practical avowed by Locke. Nor ought it to be over
utility, at least equal to any thing on that head looked (I mention it to the credit of both authors),

I “ Cum mundus sensibilis sit anima rationali di itate inferior, videtur Pot-'0‘: hare humame nature largiri qua historia
den t; atque animo umhris rerum utcunque satisfacere, cum solida haberi non imssint. Si quis eniui rem acutius in
trosplciat, iirmum ex Poi'n' sumitur srgumentum, magnitudinem rerum magis illustrem, ordinem magis perfectnm, et va
rietatem magis pulchram, animus humane: complacere, quam in nature ipsa, post lapsum, rcperiri ullo modo possit. Qua
propter, cum rcs gestze et evenlus, qui verae historixe sub'iciuntur, non sint ejus umplitudinis, in qua anima humans sibi
satisfaciat, priesto est Poi‘iil, qum facta magi: heroica con ngat. Cum historic vera successus reruni, minime pro meritis
’virtutum et scelerum narret, corrigit eam Poé‘m, et exitus, et fortunas, secundum merits, et ex lege Nemeseos, exhibet.
Cum historia vera obvia rerum satietate et similitudine, anima humanae fastidio sit relicit euin l’o‘e'sir, inexpectata, et
vuria, et vicissitudinum plena canens- Adeo ut Po'c'fll ista non solum ad delectationem, aed ad animi magnitudinem, ct ad
mores conferat."_( De Aug. Scimlt. Lib. ii. cap. xiii.)
' To this branch of the philosophy of mint . Bacon gives the title of Doctrine dc fadcrr, n'im dc communi vinrulo anima: n
Mrpofi'l—(DG Aug. Scicnl. Lib. iv. cap. i.) Under this article, he mentions, among other deridcmla. an inquiry (which he
recommends to hysicians) concerning the influence of imagination over the body. His own words are very remarkable :
more particular y, the clause in which he remarks the effect of fixing and concentrating the attention, in giving to idenl
ob'ects the power of realities over the belief. “ Ad lliud quippiam, quod huc pertinet, parce admodum, nec pro rei sub
tihtate, vel utilitate, inquisitum est; qnatcnus seilieet 5pm imaginuio anima' vel mgilatio perqimn fine, 2! what in fidnn
guandam exallnla, valest ad immutandum ('0 us imaginantis."_(lbid.) Be an sts also, as a curious roblem, to ascer
tain how far it is possible to fortify and en t the imagination; and by what means this may most e ectually be done.
The class of‘ facts here alluded to. are manifestly ol' the same description with those to which the attention of philosophers
has been lately called by the pretensions of Mcsmer and of Perkins: “ Atque huic conjuncta est disquisitio. quomodo ima
ginatio inlcndi ct fortiticari possit? Quippe, si imaginatio furtis tantarnin sit virium, opera pretium fuerit nésse, quibul
modis cam exaltari, et se ipsa majorem tieri detur ? A tque hic oblique. ncc minus periculose se insinuat palliatio qucdam
et dei'cnsio maximae partis Magia' Crnmialia," &c. &C-—DC Aug. St‘flllll. Lib. iv. cap. iii.
D155. l. PART 1- E
34 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

that in such instances the fact is commonly so its depth and importance were perceived in all
stated, as to render it easy for the reader to de their extent. I need scarcely say, that I allude
tach it from the theory. As to the scholastic to the excellent Memoirs of M. Prevost and of
questions concerning the nature and essence of M. Degerando, on “ Signs considered in their
mind,—whether it be extended or unextended ? connection with the Intellectual Operations.”
Whether it have any relation to space or to time P The anticipations formed by Bacon, ofthat branch
or whether (as was contended by others) it exist of modern logic which relates to Universal Gram
in every ubi, but in no phce ?—Bacon has uni mar, do no less honour to his sagacity. “ Gram
formly passed them over with silent contempt ; mar," he observes, “ is of two kinds, the one lite
and has probably contributed not less effectually rary, the other philosophical. The former has
to bring them into general discredit, by this in for its object to trace the analogies running
direct intimation of his own opinion, than if he through the structure of a particular tongue, so
had descended to the ungrateful task of exposing as to facilitate its acquisition to a foreigner, or to
their absurdity.1 enable him to speak it with correctness and purity.
While Bacon, however, 0 cautiously avoids The latter directs the attention, not to the analogies
these unprofitable discussions about the nature which words bear to words, but the analogies
of Mind, he decidedly states his conviction, that which words bear to things ;”9 or, as be after
the faculties of Man difl'er not merely in degree, wards explains himself more clearly, “ to lan
but in kind, from the instincts of the brutes. guage considered as the sensible portraiture or
“ I do not, therefore,” he observes on one oc image of the mental process.” In farther illus
casion, “ approve of that confused and promiscu tration of these hints, he takes notice of the lights
ous method in which philosophers are accustomed which the different genius of difi'erent languages
to treat of pneumatology; as if the human Soul reflect on the characters and habits of those by
ranked above those of brutes, merely like the whom they were respectively spoken. “ Thus,”
sun above the stars, or like gold above other says he, “ it is easy to perceive, that the
meta .” Greeks were addicted to the culture of the arts,
Among the various topic started by Bacon the Romans engrossed with the conduct of af
for the consideration of future logicians, he did fairs ; inasmuch as the technical distinctions
not overlook (what may be justly regarded, in introduced in the progress of refinement require
a practical view, as the most interesting of all the aid of compounded words ; while the real
logical problems) the question concerning the business of life stands in no need of so artificial
mutual influence of Thought and of Language a phraseology.”s Ideas of this sort have, in the
on each other. “ Men believe,” says'he, “ that course of a very w years, already become com
their reason governs their words ; but it often mon, and almost tritical ; but how different was
happens, that words have power enough to re the case two centuries ago!
act upon reason.” This aphorism may be con With these sound and enlarged views con
sidered as the text of by far the most valuable cerning the philosophy of the Mind, it will not
part of Locke’s Essay,—that which relates to appear surprising to those who have attended to
the imperfections and abuse of words; but it the slow and irregular advances of human reason, ‘
was not until within the last twenty years that that Bacon should occasionally blend incidental

‘ Notwithstanding the extravagance of Spinoza’s own philosophical creed, he is one of the very few among Bacon's
successors, who seem to have been fully aware of the justness, importance, and originality of the method pointed out in
the Nonum Organon for the study of the Mind. “ Ad haec intelligenda, non est opus naturam mcnti: cognoscere, sed suf
ficit, mentis sive perceptionum historiolam concinnare modo illo quo VEBULAMIUB docet.”_.SrIs. Epin. 42.
In order to comprehend the whole merit of this remark, it is necessary to know that, according to the Cartesian hrase
ology, which is here adopted by Spinoza, the word perception is a general term, equally applicable to all the inte lectual
operations. The words of Descartes himself are these : “ Omnes modi cogitandi, quos in nobis experimur, ad duos gene
rales referri possunt: quorum unus est, parceptia, sive operatic intellectus; alius vero, vuliiio, sive operatic voluntatis
Nam aenh‘ri, imaginari, at pure iniclligcre, sun! tantum divcm' modi percipicndi; ut et cupere, aversari, afiirmare, neg-are,
dubitare, sunt diversi modi volendi."-Princip. Phil. Pars I. § 32.
1' Dc Aug. Scient. Lib. vi. cap. i.
' Ibid.
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
remarks, savouring of the habits of thinking
prevalent in his time. A curious example of
this occurs in the same chapter which contains
his excellent definition or description of uni
versal grammar. “ This too,” he observes, “ is
worthy of notice, that the ancient languages
were full of declensions, of cases, of eonjugations,
of tenses, and of other similar inflections; while
the modern, almost entirely destitute of these,
indolently accomplish the same purpose by the
help of prepositions, and of auxiliary verbs.
Whence,” he continues, “ may be inferred,
(however we may flatter ourselves with the idea
of our own superiority), that the human intellect
was much more acute and subtile in ancient, than
it now is in modern times.”1 How very un
like is this last reflection to the usual strain of
Bacon’s writings ! It seems, indeed, much more
congenial to the philosophy of Mr Harris and of
Lord Monboddo; and it has accordingly been
sanctioned with the approbation of both these
learned authors. Ifmy memory does not deceive
me, it is the only passage in Bacon’s works,
which Lord Monboddo has anywhere conde
scended to quote.
These observations afi'ord me a convenient
opportunity for remarking the progress and dif
fusion of the philosophical spirit, since the begin
ning of the seventeenth century. In the short
passage just cited from Bacon, there are involv
ed no less than two capital errors, which are
now almost universally ranked, by men of edu
cation, among the grossest prejudices of the
multitude. The one, that the declensions and
conjugations of the ancient languages, and the
modern substitution in their place of preposi
tions and auxiliary verbs, are, both of them, the
deliberate and systematical contrivanees of spe
culative grammarians ; the other (still less ana
logous to Bacon’s general style of reasoning),
that the faculties of man have declined, as the
world has grown older. Both of these errors
may be now said to have disappeared entirely.
The latter, more particularly, must, to the ris
ing generation, seem so absurd, that it almost
requires an apology tohave mentioned it.
‘ Dc Aug. Scient. Lib. vi. cap. i.
35
the capacities of the human mind have been in
all ages the same; and that the diversity of
phenomena exhibited by our species, is the re
sult merely of the different circumstances in
which men are placed, has been long receiv
ed as an incontrovertible logical maxim ; or ra
ther, such is the influence of early instruction,
that we are apt to regard it as one of the most
obvious suggestions of common sense. And
yet, till about the time of Montesquieu, it was
by no means so generally recognised by the
learned, as to have a sensible influence on the
fashionable tone of thinking over Europe. The
application of this fundamental and leading idea
to the natural or theoretical hem of society in
all its various aspects ;—to the history of Ian
guages, of the arts, of the sciences, of laws, of
government, of manners, and of religion,—is
the peculiar glory of the latter half of the eigh
teenth century, and forms a characteristical
feature in its philosophy, which even the ima
gination of Bacon was unable to foresee.
It Would be endless to particularize the ori
ginal suggestions thrown out by Bacon on topics
connected with the science of Mind. The few
passages of this sort already quoted, are produ
ced merely as a specimen of the rest. They are
by no means selected as the most important in
his writings; but as they happened to be those
which had left the strongest impression on my
memory, I thought them as likely as any other,
to invite the curiosity of my readers to a careful
examination of the rich mine from which they
are extracted.
The Ethical disquisitions of Bacon are almost
entirely of a practical nature. Of the two theo
retical questions so much agitated, in both parts
of this island, during the eighteenth century,
concerning the principle and the oly'ect of moral
approbation, he has said nothing; but he has
opened some new and interesting views with re
spect to the influence of custom and the forma
tion of habits ,'—a most important article of mo
ral philosophy, on which he has enlarged more
ably and more usefully than any writer since
That Aristotle.’ Under the same head of Ethics may
' D: Aug. Scicnl. Lil» vii. cap. iii.
36 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

be mentioned the small volume to which he has secured from foreign enemies by proper mili
given the title of Essays ,- the best known and tary arrangements; that they should be guard
the most popular of all his Works. It is also ed by an effectual police against seditious and
one of those where the superiority of his genius private injuries; that they should be loyal to
appears to the greatest advantage; the novelty government, and obedient to magistrates; and,
and depth of his reflections often receiving a finally, that they should abound in wealth, and
strong relief from the triteness of his subject. in other national resources.”1—“ The science
It may be read from beginning to end in a few of such matters certainly belongs more parti
hours,—and yet, after the twentieth perusal, cularly to the province of men who, by habits
one seldom fails to remark in it something over of public business, have been led to take a com
looked before. This, indeed, is a characteristic prehensive survey of the social order ; of the in
of all Bacon’s writings, and is only to be ac terests of the community at large; of the rules
counted for by the inexhaustible aliment they of natural equity; of the manners of nations;
furnish to our own thoughts, and the sympa of the different forms of government; and who
thetic activity they impart to our torpid faculties. are thus prepared to reason concerning the wis
The suggestions of Bacon for the improveh dom of laws, both from considerations of jus
ment of Political Philosophy, exhibit as strong tice and of policy. The great desideratum,
a. contrast to the narrow systems of contempo accordingly, is, by investigating the principles
rary statesmen, as the Inductive Logic to that of natural justice, and those of political expedi
of the Schools. How profound and comprehen ency, to exhibit a theoretical model of legisla
sive are the views opened in the following pas tion, which, while it serves as a standard for
sages, when compared with the scope of the cele estimating the comparative excellence of muni
brated treatise De Jure Belli et Paris ; a work cipal codes, may suggest hints for their correc
which was first published about a year before tion and improvement, to such as have at heart
Bacon's death, and which continued, for a hun the welfare of mankind.” ‘
dred and fifty years afterwards, to be regarded llow precise the action was that Bacon had
in all the Protestant universities of Europe as formed of a philosophical system of jurispru
an inexhaustible treasure of moral and jurispru dence (with which as a standard the municipal
dential wisdom ! laws of different nations might be compared),
“ The ultimate object which legislators ought appears from a remarkable expression, in which
to have in view, and to which all their enact he mentions it as the proper business of those
ments and sanctions ought to be subservient, is, who might attempt to carry his plan into execu
that the citizens may live happily. For this pur tion, to investigate those “ LEGES LEGUM, ex
pose, it is necessary that they should receive a quibus informatio peti possit, quid in singulis
religious and pious education; that they should legibus bene aut perperam positum aut consti
be trained to good morals; that they should be tutnm sit.”3 I do not know if, in Bacon’s

‘ Ezemplum Trnclntm dc Fonlibu: Jan's, Aphor. 5. This enumeration of the different objects of law approaches very
nearly to Mr Smith‘s ideas on the same subject. as expressed by himself in the concluding sentence of his Theory offllarul
Sentimz'nls. “In another Discourse. I shall endeavour to give an account of the general principles of law and overn
ment, and of the different revolutions they have undergone in the different ages and riods of society: not only in what
concerns justice, but in what concerns police, revenue, and arms, and whatever else is the object of law."
’ De Aug. Scienl. Lib. viii. cap. iii.
' De Fonttbus Jan-h, Aphor. (i.
From the preface to a small tract of Bacon's entitled, The Element: oft/re Common Law! qf Eng/mid, written while he was
Solicitor-General to Queen Elizabeth, we learn, that the phrase Icgmn loge; had been previously used by some “ great
Civilian.” To what Civilian Bacon here alludes, I know not; but, whoever he was. I doubt much if he annexed to it the
comprehensive and philosophical meaning so precisely explained in the above definition. Bacon himself, when he wrote
his Tract on the Common Laws, does not seem to have yet risen to this vantage-ground of Universal Jurisprudence. His
great object (he tells us) was “ to collect the rules and grounds dispersed throughout the body of the same laws, in order
to see more profoundly into the reason of such judgments and ruled mses, and thereby to make more use of them for the
decision of other cases more doubtful; so that the uncertainty of law. which is the principal and most just challenge that is
made to the laws of our nation at this time. will, by this new strength laid to the foundation, be somewhat the more settled
and corrected." In this passage, no reference whatever is made to the Univerml Jmfice spoken of in the aphorisms De
Fontitw .luria ,- but merely to the leading and governing rules which give to a municipal system whatever it possesses of
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 37
prophetic anticipations of the future progress of and vulgar laws ;” the former invariably aiming
Physics, there be any thing more characteristi to accomplish their end, not by giving any sud
cal, both of the grandeur and of the justness of den shock to the feelings and interests of the
his conceptions, than this short definition ; more existing generation, but by allowing to natural
particularly, when we consider how widely Gro causes time and opportunity to operate; and
tius, in a work professedly devoted to this very by removing those artificial obstacles which
inquiry, was soon after to wander from the check the progressive tendencies of society. It
right path, in consequence of his vague and is probable, that, on this occasion, Ba'con had
wavering idea of the aim of his researches. an eye more particularly to the memorable sta
The sagacity, however, displayed in these, and tute qf alienation; to the efl'ects of which (what
various other passages of a similar import, can ever were the motives of its author) the above
by no means be duly appreciated, without at description certainly applies in an eminent de
tending, at the same time, to the cautious and gree.
temperate maxims so frequently inculcated by After all, however, it must be acknowledged,
the author, on the subject of political innova that it is rather in his general views and maxims,
tion. “ A stubborn retention of customs is a than in the details of his political theories, that
turbulent thing, not less than the introduction Bacon’s sagaeity appears to advantage. His
of new.”—“ Time is the greatest innovator; notions with respect to commercial policy seem
shall we then not imitate time, which innovates to have been more peculiarly erroneous; origi
so silently as to mock the sense?” Nearly con nating in an overweening opinion of the efficacy
nected with these aphorisms, are the profound of law, in matters where natural causes ought
reflections in the first book De Augmentis Scien to be allowed a free operation. It is observed
tiarum, on the necessity of accommodating every by Mr Hume, that the statutes of Henry VI]. re
new institution to the character and circum lating to the police of his kingdom, are generally
stances of the people for whom it is intended; contrived with more judgment than his com
and on the peculiar danger which literary men mercial regulations. The same writer adds, that
run of overlooking this consideration, from the “ the more simple ideas of order and equity are
familiar acquaintance they acquire, in the course sufficient to guide a legislator in every thing that
of their early studies, with the ideas and senti regards the internal administration of justice;
ments of the ancient classics. but that the principles of commerce are much
The remark of Bacon on the systematical more complicated, and require long experience
policy of Henry VII. was manifestly suggested and deep reflection to be well understood in any
by the same train of thinking. “ His laws state. The real consequence is there often con
(whoso marks them well) were deep and not trary to first appearances. No wonder, that,
vulgar; not made on the spur of a particular during the reign of Henry VIL, these matters
occasion for the present, but out of providence were frequently mistaken; and it may safely be
for the future; to make the estate of his people afiirmed, that, even in the age of Lord Bacon,
still more and more happy, after the manner of very imperfect and erroneous ideas were formed
the legislators in ancient and heroic times.” on that subject."
How far this noble eulogy was merited, either The instances mentioned by Hume in con
by the legislators of antiquity, or by the modern firmation of these general remarks, are pe
Prince on whom Bacon has bestowed it, is a culiarly gratifying to those who have a pleasure
question of little moment. I quote it merely on in tracing the slow but certain progress of rea
account of the important philosophical distinc son and liberality. “ During the reign,” says
tion which it indirectly marks, between “ deep he, “ of Henry VII. it was prohibited to ex

analogy and consistency. To these rules Bacon gives the title of 141m Icenm ; but the meaning of the phrase. on this 01‘
msinn, differs from that in which he afterwards employed it, not. less widely than the rules of Latin or of Greek syntax
differ from the principles of universal grammar.
38 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

port horses, as if that exportation did not en derstanding and the heart, to the abundant har
courage the breed, and make them more plen vest which rewards the diligent husbandman for
tiful in the kingdom. Prices were also affixed the toils of the spring. To this analogy he seems
towoollen cloths,to caps and hats, and the wages to have been particularly anxious to attract the
of labourers were regulated by law. 11' 1s EVI— attention of his readers, by bestowing on educa
DENT, that these matters ought always to be leftfree, tion the title of the Georgia of the Mind ,' iden
and be entrusted to the cmnmmz course of business tifying, by a happy and impressive metaphor, the
and oommerce.”—“ For a like reason,” the his two proudest functions entrusted to the legi
torian continues, the “ law enacted against in slator,—the encouragement of agricultural in
closures, and for the keeping up of farm-houses, dustry, and the care of national instruction. In
scarcely deserves the praises bestowed on it by both instances, the legislator exerts a power
Lord Bacon. If husbandmen understand agri which is literally productive or creative ; com
culture, and have a ready vent for their com pelling, in the one case, the unprofitable desert
modities, we need not dread a diminution of the to pour forth its latent riches; andin the other,
people employed in the country. vivifying the dormant seeds of genius and virtue,
During a cen
tury and a. half after this period, there was a and redeeming from the neglected wastes of hu
frequent renewal of laws and edicts against de man intellect, a new and unexpected accession
population ; whence we may infer, that none of to the common inheritance of mankind.
them were ever executed. The natural course When from such speculations as these we
of improvement at last provided a remedy.” descend to the treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis, the
These acute and decisive strictures on the im contrast is mortifying indeed. And yet, so
policy of some laws highly applauded by Bacon, much better suited were the talents and accom
while they strongly illustrate the narrow and plishments of Grotius t0 the taste, not only of
mistaken views in political economy entertained his contemporaries, but of their remote descend
by the wisest statesmen and philosophers two ants, that, while the merits of Bacon failed, for
centuries ago,_afi'ord, at the same time, a. proof a century and a half, to command the general
of the general difi'usion which has since taken place admiration of Europe,1 Grotius continued, even
among the people of Great Britain, of juster and in our British universities, the acknowledged
more enlightened opinions on this important Oracle of Jurisprudence and of Ethic, till long
branch of legislation. Wherever such doctrines after the death of Montesquieu. Nor was Bacon
find their way into the page of history, it may himself unapprised of the slow growth of his
be safely inferred, that the public mind is not posthumous fame. No writer seems ever to have
indisposed to give them a welcome reception. felt more deeply, that be properly belonged to a
The ideas of Bacon concerning the education later and more enlightened age ;—a sentiment
of youth, were such as might be expected from which he has pathetically expressed in that clause
a. philosophical statesman. On the conduct of of his testament where he “ bequeaths his name
education in general, with a view to the de to posterity, after some generations shall be
velopement and improvement of the intellectual past.“
character, he has suggested various useful hints Unbounded, however, as the reputation of
in difl'erent parts of his works; but what I wish Grotius was on the Continent, even before his
chiefly to remark at present is, the paramount own death, it was not till many years after the
importance which he has attached to the education publication of the treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis,
of the people,-—comparing, as he has repeatedly that the science of Natural J urisprudencebecame,
done, the effects of early culture on the un in this island, an object of much attention, even

‘ “ La ce'lébrité en France des écrits du Cbancelier Bacon n’a guere pour date que celle de l'Encyclopédie."—(H‘utoire
dc: Mathématiqucs par filontuclu, Preface, p. ix.) It is an extraordinary circumstance, that Bayle, who has so oflen wasted
his erudition and acuteness on the most insignificant characters, and to whom Le Clerc has very justly ascribed the merit
of mu: exactitude étonnaute dam du clwm de néanl, should have devoted to Bacon only twelve lines of his Dictionary.
' See Note F.
 DISSERTATION FIRST 39
to the learned. In order, therefore, to give to wise and good, augments the natural powers
the sequel of this section some degree of con of the human understanding, and enables the
tinuity, I shall reserve my observations on Gro succeeding race to start from a higher ground
tins and his successors, till I shall have finished than was occupied by their fathers. The remark
all that I think it necessary to mention further, applies with peculiar force to the study of the
with respect to the literature of our own coun Mind itself; a study, where the chief source of
try, prior to the appearance of Mr Locke’s error is the imperfection of words; and where
Essay. every. improvement on this great instrument of
thought may be justly regarded in the light of
The rapid advancement of intellectual culti a discovery.1
vation in England, between the years 1588 and In the foregoing list of illustrious names, Mr
1640 (a period of almost uninterrupted peace), Fox has, with much propriety, connected those
has been remarked by Mr Fox. “ The general of Bacon and Raleigh; two men, who, not
improvement,” he observes, “ in all arts of civil withstanding the diversity of their professional
life, and, above all, the astonishing progress of pursuits, and the strong contrast of their cha
literature, are the most triking among the gene racters, exhibit, nevertheless, in their capacity
ral features of that period ; and are in themselves of authors, some striking features of resem
causes suflicient to produce effects of the utmost blance. Both of them owed to the force of their
importance. A country whose language was en own minds, their emancipation from the fetters
riched by the works of Hooker, Raleigh, and Ba of the schools; both were eminently distinguish
con, could not but experience a sensible change ed above their contemporaries, by the originality
in its manners, and in its style of thinking; and and enlargement of their philosophical views;
even to speak the same language in which Spen and both divide, with the venerable Hooker,
cer and Shakspeare had written, seemed a suf the glory of exemplifying, to their yet unpolish
ficient plea to rescue the Commons of England ed countrymen, the richness, variety, and grace,
from the appellation of Brutes, with which Hen which might be lent to the English idiom, by
ry the Eighth had addressed them.”-—The re~ the hand of a master.’
mark is equally just and refined. It is by the It is mt improbable that Mr Fox might have
mediation of an improving language, that the included the name of Hobbes in the same enu
progress of the mind is chiefly continued from meration, had he not been prevented by an
one generation to another; and that the acquire aversion to his slavish principles of government,
ments of the enlightened few are insensibly im and by his own disrclish for metaphysical theories.
parted to the many. Whatever tends to diminish As a writer, Hobbes unquestionably ranks high
the ambiguities of speech, or to fix, with more among the older English classics, and is so pe
logical precision, the import of general terms ;— culiarly distinguished by the simplicity and ease
above all, whatever tends to embody, in popular of his manner, that one would naturally have
forms of expression, the ideas and feelings of the expected from Mr Fox’s characteristical taste,

' It is not so foreign as may at first be supposed to the object of this Discourse, to take notice here of the extraordinary
demand for books on Agriculture under the government of James I. The fact is thus very strongly stated by Dr Johnson,
in his introduction to the Harleian Miscellany. “ It deserves to be remarked, because it is not generally known, that the
treatises on husbandry and agriculture, which were published during the reign of King Jmnes, are so numerous, that it can
scarcely be imagined by whom they were written, or to whom they were sold.“ Nothing can illustrate more strongl the
efi'ects of a pacific system of policy, in encouragin a general taste for reading, as well as an active spirit of nations im
provement. At all times, and in every country, the extensive sale of books on agriculture, may be regarded as one of the
most“pleasing symptoms of mental cultivation in the great body of a people.
I o prevent bein misunderstood, it is necessary for me to add. t at I do not speak of the gmrrnl nyle of these old au
thors; but only of ( etuched passages, which may be selected from all of them, as earnests or first fruits of a new and
brighter ers in English literature. It may be safely aflirmed, that in thrir works, and in the prose compositions of Milton,
are to be found some of the finest sentences of which our language has yet to boast. 'l‘o propose them new as models for
imitation would be quite absurd. Dr Lowth certainly went much too far when he said, “ That in correctneu, proprlfly,
and purity of English style, Hooker hath hardly been surpassed. or even equalled, by any of his successors.”-Prqfboe to
Lowrn's Engmh Grammar.
40 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

that he would have relished his style still more progress of English Philosophy, either in the
than that of Bacon1 or of Raleigh. It is with study of the Mind, or in the kindred researches
the philosophical merits, however, of Hobbes, of Ethical and Political Science.
that we are alone concerned at present; and, in ' Of the few and comparatively trifling excep
this point of view, what a space is filled in the tions to this remark, furnished by the metaphy
subsequent history of our domestic literature, sical tracts of Glanville, of Henry More, and
by his own works, and by those of his innume of John Smith, I must delay taking notice, till
rable opponents! Little else, indeed, but the some account shall be given of the Cartesian
systems which he published, and the contro Philosophy; to which their most interesting dis
versies which they provoked, occurs, during the cussions have a constant reference, either in the
interval between Bacon and Locke, to mark the way of comment or refutation.

HOBBES. '

“ The philosopher of Malmesbury,” says Dr had the good fortune, upon his return to Eng
Warburton, “ was the terror of the last age, as land, to be admitted into the intimacy and con—
Tindall and Collins are of this. The press fidence of Lord Bacon; a circumstance which,
sweat with controversy; and every young we may presume, contributed not a little to en
churchman militant, would try his arms in courage that bold spirit of inquiry, and that
thundering on Hobbes’s steel cap.”' Nor was aversion to scholastic learning, which character
the opposition to Hobbes confined to the clerical ise his writings. Happy, if he had, at the same
order, or to the controversialists of his own time, imbibed some portion of that love of truth
times. The most eminent moralists and politi and zeal for the advancement of knowledge,
cians of the eighteenth century may be ranked which seem to have been Bacon’s ruling pas
in the number of his antagonists; and even at sions ! But such was the obstinacy of his tem
the present moment, scarcely does there appear per, and his overweening self-conceit, that, in,
a new publication on Ethics or Jurisprudence, stead of co-operating with Bacon in the execu
where a refutation of Hobbism is not to_.be found. tion of his magnificent design, he resolved to
The period when Hobbes began his literary rear, on a foundation exclusively his own, a com
career, as well as the principal incidents of his plete structure both of Moral and Physical
life, were, in a singular degree, favourable to a Science; disdaining to avail himself even of the
mind like his; impatient of the yoke of autho materials collected by his predecessors, and
rity, and ambitious to attract attention, if nottreating the ezperimentarian philosophers as ob
by solid and useful discoveries, at least by an jects only of contempt and ridicule !‘
ingenious defence of paradoxical tenets. After In the political writings of Hobbes, we may
a residence of five years at Oxford, and a very perceive the influence also of other motives.
extensive tour through France and Italy, he From his earliest years, he seems to have been

' According to Dr Burnet (no contemptible judge of style), Bacon was “ the first that writ our language correctly."
The same learned prelate pronounces Bacon to be “ m'll our best author ;" and this, at a time when the works of S rat,
and many of the prose compositions of Cowley and of Dryden, were already in the hands of the public. It is diflicu t to
conceive on what grounds Burnet proceeded, in hazarding so extraordinary an opinion—See the preface to Bunnt'r‘s Trans
lation of Moss's Utopia.
It is still more difiicult, on the other hand, to account for the following very bold decision of Mr Hume. I transcribe
it from an essay first published in 1742; but the same passage is to be found in the last edition of his works, corrected
by himself. “ The first polite prose we have, was unit by a man (Dr Swift) who is still alive. As to Sprat, Locke, and
even Temple, they knew too little of the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, Harrington,
and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their sense be excellent.”
How insignificant are the petty grammatical improvements proposed, by Swift, when compared with the inexhaustible
riches imparted to the English tongue by the writers of the seventeenth century; and how inferior, in all the hi her qua
lities and graces of style, are his prose compositions, to those of his immediate predecessors, Dryden, Pope, and A dison !
1 Born 1588, died 1079.
-' Divine Legufion, Pref; to Vol. II. p. 9.
‘ See Note G.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 41
decidedly hostile to all the forms of popular go consequence is, that a state of nature must be a
vernment; and it is said to have been with the state of perpetual warfare, in which no indivi
design of impressing his countrymen with a just dual has any other means of safety than his own
sense of the disorders incident to democratical strength or ingenuity ; and in which there is no
establishments, that he published, in 1618, an room for regular industry, because no secure en
English translation of Thucydides. In these joyment of its fruits. In confirmation of this
opinions he was more and more confirmed by view of the origin of society, Hobbes appeals to
the events he afterwards witnessed in England; facts falling daily within the circle of our own
the fatal consequences of which he early foresaw experience. “ Does not a man (he asks), when
with so much alarm, that, in 1640, he withdrew taking a journey, arm himself, and seek to go
from the approaching storm, to enjoy the so well accompanied? When going to sleep, does
ciety of his philosophical friends at Paris. It he not lock his doors? Nay, even in his own
was there he wrote his book De Give, a few house, does he not lock his chests? Does he
copies of which were printed, and privately not there as much accuse mankind by his actions,
circulated in 1642. The same work was after as I do by my words ?”‘ An additional argu
wards given to the public, with material cor ment to the same purpose may, according to
rections and improvements, in 1647, when the some later Hobbists, be derived from the in
author’s attachment to the royal cause being stinctive aversion of infants for strangers; and
strengthened by his personal connection with the from the apprehension which, it is alleged,
exiled king, he thought it incumbent on him every person feels, when he hears the tread of
to stand forth avowedly as an advocate for those an unknown foot in the dark.
principles which he had long professed. The For the sake of peace and security, it is ne
great object of this performance was to strength cessary that each individual should surrender a
en the hands of sovereigns against the rising part of his natural right, and be contented with
spirit of democracy, by arming them with the such a share of liberty as he is willing to allow
weapons of a new philosophy. to others ; or, to use Hobbes’s own language,
The fundamental doctrines inculcated in the “ every man must divest himself of the right he
political works of Hobbes are contained in the has to all things by nature ; the right of all men
following propositions. I recapitulate them to all things being in effect no better than if no
here, not on their own account, but to prepare man had a right to any thing.”fl In conse
the way for some remarks which I mean after quence of this transference of natural rights to
wards to offer on the coincidence between the an individual, or to a body of individuals, the
principles of Hobbes and those of Locke. In multitude become one person, under the name
their practical conclusions, indeed, with re of a State or Republic, by which person the
spect to the rights and duties of citizens, the common will and power are exercised for the
two writers differ widely; but it is curious to common defence. The ruling power cannot be
observe how very nearly they set out from the withdrawn from those to whom it has been com
same hypothetical assumptions. mitted ; nor can they be punished for misgovern
All men are by nature equal; and, prior to ment. The interpretation of the laws is to be
government, they had all an equal right to en sought, not from the comments of philosophers,
joy the good things of this world. Man, too, is but from the authority of the ruler; otherwise
(according to Hobbes) by nature a solitary and society would every moment he in danger of re
purely selfish animal; the social union being en solving itself into the discordant elements of
tirely an interested league, suggested by pruden which it was at first composed. The will of the
tial views of personal advantage. The necessary magistrate, therefore, is to be regarded as the ulti

' Of Man, Part I. cba . xiii.

’ De Corporc Politico, art I. chap. i. § l0.
0159. I. PART 1.
 42 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
mate standard of right and wrong, and his voice
to be listened to by every citizen as the voice of
conscience.
Not many years afterwards} Hobbes pushed
the argument for the absolute power of princes
still further, in a work to which he gave the
name of Leviathan. Under this appellation he
means the body politic ; insinuating that man is
an untameable beast of prey, and that govern
ment is- the strong chain by which he is kept
from mischief. The fundamental principles here
' maintained are the same as in the book De Cive;
but as it inveighs more particularly against ec
clesiastical tyranny, with the view of subjecting
the consciences of men to the civil authority, it
lost the author the favour of some powerful pro
tectors he had hitherto enjoyed among the Eng
lish divines who attended Charles II. in France ;
and he even found it convenient to quit that
kingdom, and to return to England, where Crom
well (to whose government his political tenets
Were nmd as favourable as they were meant to be
to the royal claims) suffered him to remain un
molested. The same circumstances operated to
his disadvantage after the Restoration, and
obliged the King, who always retained for him
a very strong attachment, to confer his marks
of favour on him with the utmost reserve and
circumspection. '
The details which I have entered into, with
respect to the history of Hobbes’s political writ
ings, will be found, by those who may peruse
them, to throwmuch light on the author’s reason
ings. Indeed, it is only by thus considering
them in their connection with the circumstances
of the times, and the fortunes of the writer,
that a just notion can be formed of their spirit sitarians have borrowed the most formidable of
and tendency.
The ethical principles of Hobbes are so com
pletely interwoven with his political system,
I
that all which has been said of the one may be
applied to the other. It is very remarkable,
that Descartes should have thought so highly
of the former, as to pronounce Hobbes to he
“ a much greater master of morality than of
metaphysics ;” a judgment which is of itself
sufficient to mark the very low state of ethical
science in France about the middle of the seven
teenth century. Mr Addison, on the other
hand, gives a decided preference (among all the
books written by Hobbes) to his Treatise on Hw
man Nature ; and to his opinion on this point I
most implicitly subscribe; including, however,
in the same commendation, some of his other
philosophical essays on similiar topics. They
are the only part of his works which it is pos
sible now to read with any interest; and they
everywhere evince in their author, even when
he thinks most unsoundly himself, that power
of setting his reader a-thinking, which is one of
the most unequivocal marks of original genius.
They have plainly been studied with the utmost
care both by Locke and Hume. To the former
they have suggested some of his most important
observations on the Association of Ideas, as well
as much of the sophistry displayed in the first
book of his Essay, on the Origin of our Know
ledge, and on the factitious nature of our moral
principles; to the latter (among a variety of
hints of less consequence), his theory concern
ing the nature of those established connections
among physical events, which it is the business
of the natural philosopher to ascertain,3 and the
substance of his argument against the scho
lastic doctrine of general conceptions. It is from
the works of Hobbes, too, that our later Neces
those weapons with which they have combated
the doctrine of moral liberty; and from the
same source has been derived the leading idea

‘ In 1651.
’ See Note H.
‘ The same doctrine, concerning the proper object of natural philosophy (commonly ascribed to Mr Hume, both by his
followers and by his opponents), is to be found in various writers contemporary with Hobbes. It is stated, with uncom
mon precision and clearness, in a book entitled Scqm': Scientifica, or Confessed Ignorance the way to Science, by Joseph
Glanvill, (printed in 1665). The whole work is strongly marked with the features of an acute, an original, and, in matters
of science, a somewhat sceptical genius; and, when compared with the treatise on witchcraft, by the same author, adds
another proof to those already mentioned, of the possible union of the highest intellectual with the most degrading
intellectual weaknesses.
With respect to the Scrpri: Scimtifica, it deserves to be noticed, that the doctrine maintained in it concerning phyrical
causes and effects does not occur in the form of a detached observation, of the value of which the author might not have
been fully aware, but is the very basis of the general argument running through all his discussions.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. ' “43
which runs through the philological materialism during his own life, as some of his other doc
of Mr Horne Tooke. It is probable, indeed, trines, which, having a more immediate refer
that this last author borrowed it, at second ence to human afl'airs, were better adapted to
hand, from ahint in Locke’s Essay; but it is the unsettled and revolutionary spirit of the
repeatedly stated by Hobbes, in the most ex times. It is by these doctrines, chiefly, that his
plicit and confident terms. Of this idea (than name has since become so memorable in the an
which, in point of fact, nothing can be imagin nals of modern literature ; and although they
ed more puerile and unsound), Mr Tooke’s now derive their whole interest from the extra
etymologies, when he applies them to the solu ordinary combination they exhibit of acuteness
tion of metaphysical questions, are little more and subtlety with a dead-palsy in the powers of
than an ingenious expansion, adapted and level taste and of moral sensibility, yet they will be
led -to the comprehension of the multitude. found, on an attentive examination, to have had ,
The speculations of Hobbes, however, con a far more extensive influence on the subsequent
cerning the theory of the understanding, do not history, both of political and of ethical science,
seem to have been nearly so much attended to than any other publication of the same period.

ANTAGONISTS OF HOBBES.

Cudworth‘ was one of the first who success Hobbists, and those inculcated by the Cromwel
fully combated this new philosophy. As Hobbes, lian Antinomians, there was a very extraor
in the frenzy of his political zeal, had been led dinary and unfortunate coincidence; the latter
to sacrifice wantonly all the principles of re insisting, that, in expectation of Christ’s second
ligion and morality to the establishment of his coming, “ the obligations of morality and natural
conclusions, his works not only gave offence to law were suspended; and that the elect, guided
the friends of liberty, but excited a general by an internal principle, more perfect and divine,
alarm among all sound moralists. His doctrine, were superior'to the beggarly elements of justice
in particular, that there is no natural distinction and humanity.“ It was the object of Cudworth
between Right and Wrong, and that these are to vindicate, against the assaults of both parties,
dependent on the arbitrary will of the civil ma tip immutability of moral distinctions.
gistrate, was so obviously subversive of all the In the prosecution of his very able argument
commonly received ideas concerning the moral on this subject, Cudworth displays a rich store
constitution of human nature, that it became in of enlightened and choice erudition, penetrated
dispensably necessary, either to expose the so— throughout with a peculiar vein of sobered and
phistry of the attempt, or to admit, with Hobbes, subdued Platonism, from whence some German
that man is a beast of prey, incapable of being systems, which have attracted no small notice
governed by any motives but fear, and the de in our own times, will be found, when stripped
sire of self-preservation. of their deep neological disguise, to have bor
Between some of these tenets of the courtly rowed their most valuable materials.s

‘ Born 1617, died 1688

' Hume—For a more particular account of the English Antinomisns, See Mosheim, Vol. IV. p. 534, ct :cq.
' The "limb wording l0 Cudworth. perceives. by occasion of outward objects, as much more than is represented to it
by sense, as a learned man does in the best written book, than an illiterate person or brute. “ To the eyes of both, the
same characters will appear; but the learned man, in those characters, will see heaven, earth, sun, and stars; read pro
found theorems of philoso by or geometry; learn a great deal of new knowledge from them, and admire the wisdom of
the composer; while, to tlie other, nothing appears but black strokes drawn on white paper. The reason of which is,
that the mind of the one is furnished with certain previous inward anticipations, ideas, and instruction. that the other
wants."-“ In the room of this book of human composition, let us now substitute the book of Nature, written all
over with the characters and impressions of divine wisdom and goodness, but legible only to an intellectual eye. To the
sense both of man and brute, there appem's nothin else in it, but, as in the other, so many inky scrawls; that is, nothing
but figures and colours. But the mind, which but a participation of the divine wisdom that made it, upon occasion of
those sensible dclineations, exerting its own inward activity, will have not only a wonderful scene, and large prospects of
44 . PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Another coincidence between the Hobbists right and wrong on the various theories of mo
and the Antinomians, may be remarked in their rals which appeared in the course of the eigh
common zeal for the scheme of necessity ; which teenth century. To this argument may, more
both of them stated in such a way as to be particularly, be traced the origin of the cele
equally inconsistent with the moral agency of brated question, Whether the principle of moral
man, and with the moral attributes of God.‘ approbation is to be ultimately resolved into
The strongest of all presumptions against this Reason, or into Sentiment ?—a question which
scheme is afforded by the other tenets with has furnished the chief ground of difference be
which it is almost universally combined; and ac tween the Systems of Cudworth and of Clarke,
cordingly, it was very shrewdly observed by on the one hand; and those of Shaftesbury,
Cudworth, that the licentz'ous system which flou Hutcheson, Hume, and Smith, on the other.
rished in his time (under which title, I pre The remarks which I have to ofl'er on this con
sume, he comprehended the immoral tenets of troversy must evidently be delayed, till the writ
the fanatics as Well as of the Hobbists), “ grew ings of these more modern authors shall fall un
up from the doctrine of the fatal necessity of all der review.
actions and events, as from its proper root.” The Intellectual System of Cudworth embraces
The unsettled, and, at the same time, disputa a field much wider than his treatise of Immu
tious period during which Cudworth lived, af table Morality. The latter is particularly direct
forded him peculiarly favourable opportunities ed against the ethical doctrines of Hobbes, and
of judging from experience, of the practical ten of the Antinomians; but the former aspires to
dency of this metaphysical dogma; and the re tear up by the roots all the principles, both phy
sult of his observations deserves the serious at sical and metaphysical, of the Epicurean philo
tention of those who may be disposed to regard sophy. It is a work, certainly, which reflects
it in the light of a. fair and harmless theme for much honour on the talents of the author, and
the display of controversial subtility. To argue, still more on the boundless extent of his learn
in this manner, against a speculative principle ing; but it is so ill suited to the taste of the
from its palpable efl'ects, is not always so illogi present age,‘ that, since the time of Mr Harris
cal as some authors have supposed. “ You re and Dr Price, I scarcely recollect the slightest
peat to me incessantly,” says Rousseau to one reference to it in the writings of our British me
of his correspondents, “ that truth can never h ‘taphysicians. Of its faults (beside the general
injurious to the world. I myself believe so as disposition of the author to discuss questions
firmly as you do; and it is for this very reason placed altogether beyond the reach of our facul
I am satisfied that your proposition is false." ties), the most prominent is the wild hypothesis
But the principal importance of Cudworth, as of a plastic nature; or, in other words, “of a
an ethical writer, arises from the influence of vital and spiritual, but unintelligent and neces
his argument concerning the immutability of sary agent, created by the Deity for the execu

other thoughts laid open before it, and variety of knowledge, logical, mathematical, and moral, displayed; but also clearly
read the divine wisdom and goodness in every p of this great volume, as it were written in large and legible characters."
I do not pretend to be an adept in the philosop y of Kant; but I certainly think I pay it a very high compliment, when
I so pose, that, in the Critic of Pure Rmmn, the leading idea is somewhat analogous to what is so much better expressed in
the iiiregoing passage. To Kant it was probably su ested by the following very acute and decisive remark of Leibnitz on
Locke’s Essay : “ Nempe, nihil est in intellectu, quiid non fuerit in sensu, nin‘ iple intrilcctm."
In justice to Aristotle, it may be here observed, that, although the general strain of his language is strictly conformable
to the scholastic maxim just quoted, he does not seem to have altogether overlooked the important exception to it ointed
out by Leibnitz. Indeed, this exception or limitation is very nearly a translation of Aristotle‘s words. Kai ell-r3; 3 (mm
Inrri: ilflv, Jrw‘le In}. nnrd‘ led [all 70“: a" into 5):)", '1'; min lln near, gal 73 "Ill/nun. “And the mind itself is an object of
knowledge, as well as other things which are intelligible. For, in immaterial beings, that which understands is the same
with that which is understood."_(De Animu, Lib. iii. cap. iv.) I quote this very curious, and, I suspect, very little
known sentence, in order to vindicate Aristotle against the misrepresentations of some of his present idolators, who, in
their anxiety to secure to him all the credit of Locke's doctrine concerning the ori 'n of our Ideas, have overlooked the
occasional traces which occur in his works, of that higher anqiounder philosophy in w ich he had been educated.
' “ The doctrines of fate or destiny were deemed by the dependents essential to all religion. I n these rigid opinions,
the whale sectariu, amidst all their other differences, unanimously concurred.”-Huru:’s History, chap. lvii.
" “ Vous répétez sans cesse que la vérité ne peut jamais fairs de mal aux hommes; je le crois, et c’est pour moi la
preuve que ce que vous ditcs n‘est pas la vérité."
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 45
tion of his purposes.” Notwithstanding, how them in combating that Epicurean and Machia
ever, these, and many other abatements of its velian philosophy which was then fashionable at
merits, the Intellectual System will for ever re court, and which may he always suspected to
main a precious mine of information to those form the secret creed of the enemies of civil and
whose curiosity may lead them to study the spi religious liberty ;:—on other occasions, to over
rit of the ancient theories; and to it we may whelm, with the united force of argument and
justly apply what Leibnitz has somewhere said, learning, the extravagances by which the igno
with far less reason, of the works of the school rant enthusiasts of the preceding period had ex
men, “ Scholasticos agnosco abundare ineptiis; posed Christianity itself to the scofi's of their li
sed aurum est in illo caeno.”1 bertine opponents. Among the divines who ap
Before dismissing the doctrines of Hobbes, it peared at this era, it is impossible to pass over
may be worth while to remark, that all his lead in silence the name of Barrow, whose theological
ing principles are traced by Cudworth to the re works (adorned throughout by classical erudition,
mains of the ancient sceptics, by some of whom, and by a vigorous, though unpolished eloquence),
as well as by Hobbes, they seem to have been exhibit, in every page, marks of the same inven
adopted from a wish to flatter the uncontrolled tive genius which, in mathematics, has secured to
passions of sovereigns. Not that I am disposed him a rank second alone to that of Newton. As
to call in question the originality of Hobbes; a writer, he is equally distinguished by the re
for it appears, from the testimony of all his dundancy of his matter, and by the pregnant
friends, that he had much less pleasure in read brevity of his expression; but what more pecu
ing than in thinking. “ If I had read," he was liarly characterises his manner, is a certain air
accustomed to say, “ as much as some others, I of powerful and of conscious facility in the exe
should have been as ignorant as they are.” But cution of whatever he undertakes. Whether
similar political circumstances invariably repro the subject he mathematical, metaphysical, or
duce similar philosophical theories; and it is theological, he seems always to bring to it a
one of the numerous disadvantages attending an mind which feels itself superior to the occasion ;
inventive mind, not properly furnished with ac and which, in contending with the greatest dif
quired information, to be continually liable to a ficulties, “ puts forth but half its strength."
waste of its powers on subjects previously ex He has somewhere spoken of his Lectiones Ma
hausted. thematicw (which it may, in passing, be remarked,
display metaphysical talents of the highest order),
The sudden tide of licentiousness, both in as extemporaneous effusions of his pen ; and I
principles and in practice, which burst into this have no doubt that the same epithet is still more
island at the moment of the Restoration, con literally applicable to his pulpit discourses. It
spired with the paradoxes of Hobbes, and with is, indeed, only thus we can account for the va
the no less dangerous errors recently propagated riety and extent of his voluminous remains,
among the people by their religious instructors, when we recollect that the author died at the
to turn 9the thoughts of sober and speculative age of forty-six.“
men towards ethical disquisitions. The esta To the extreme rapidity with which Barrow
blished clergy assumed a higher tone than be committed his thoughts to writing, I am inclined
fore in their sermons; sometimes employing to ascribe the hasty and not altogether consist

‘ The Intellectual Sym'm was published in 1678. The Truth: concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality did not appear
till a considerable number of vears after the author‘s death.
' In a note annexed to an English translation of the Cardinal Maury's Pn’ncipla qfEloquence, it is stated, upon the au
thority of a manuscript of Dr Doddridge, that most of Barrow‘s sermons were transcribed three times, and some much
oflener. They seem to me to contain very strong intrinsic evidence of the incorrectness of this anecdote. Mr Abraham
Hill, in his Account oflhe Lift qfBarruw, addressed to Dr 'l‘illotson, contents himself with saying, that “ Some of his ser
mons were written four or five times over;"--mentioning, at the same time, a circumstance which may account for this.
fact, in perfect consistency with what I have stated above,-Lhet Barrow was very ready to land his sermons u oflcn as
46 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

cut opinions which he has hazarded on some im progress of the philosophical spirit during the
portant topics. I shall confine myself to a single intervening period was not inconsiderable.
example, which I select in preference to others, The name of Wilkins (although he too wrote
as it bears directly on the most interesting of all with some reputation against the Epicureans of
questions connected with the theory of morals. his day), is now remembered chiefly in conse
“ If we scan,” says he, “ the particular nature, quence of his treatises concerning a universal lan
and search into the original causes of the seve guage and a real character. Of these treatises, I
ral kinds of naughty dispositions in our souls, shall hereafter have occasion to take some notice,
and of miscarriages in our lives, we shall find under a different article. With all the ingenuity
inordinate self-love to be a main ingredient, and displayed in them, they cannot be considered as
a common source of them all; so that a divine accessions of much value to science; and the
of great name had some reason to aflirm,—that long period since elapsed, during which no at
original sin (or that innate distemper from which tempt has been made to turn them to any prac
men generally become so very prone to evil, and tical use, afl'ords of itself no slight presumption
averse to good), doth consist in self-love, dispo against the solidity of the project.
sing us to all kinds of irregularity and excess." A few years before the death of Hobbes, Dr
In another passage, the same author expresses Cumberland (afterwards Bishop of Peterbo
himself thus :—“ Reason dictateth and pre rough) published a book, entitled, De Legibus
scribeth to us, that we should have a sober re Natures, Disquisihb Philosqzhica ; the principal
gard to our true good and welfare ; to our best aim of which was to confirm and illustrate, in
interests and solid content; to that which (all opposition to Hobbes, the conclusions of Grotius,
things being rightly stat-ed, considered, and com concerning Natural Law. The work is executed
puted) will, in the final event, prove most bene with ability, and discovers juster views of the
ficial and satisfactory to us: a self-love working object of moral science, than any modern sys
in prosecution of such things, common sense tem that had yet appeared; the author resting
cannot but allow and approve.” the strength of his argument, not, as Grotius
Of these two opposite and irreconcileable opi had done, on an accumulation of authorities, but
nions, the latter is incomparably the least wide on the principles of the human frame, and the
of the truth; and accordingly Mr Locke, and mutual relations of the human race. The cir
his innumerable followers, both in England and cumstance, however, which chiefly entitles this
on the Continent, have maintained, that virtue publication to our notice, is, that it seems to
and an enlightened self-love are one and the have been the earliest on the subject which at
same. ,I‘ shall afterwards find a more conve tracted, in any considerable degree, the attention
nient Opportunity for stating some objections to of English scholars. From this time, the writings
the latter doctrine, as well as to the former. I of Grotius and of Pufi'endorfl' began to be gene
have quoted the two passages here, merely to rally studied, and soon after made their way
show the very little attention that had been into the Universities. In Scotland, the im
paid, at the era in question, to ethical science, pression produced by them was more peculiarly
by one of the most learned and profound divines remarkable. They were everywhere adopted as
of his age. This is the more remarkable, as his the best manuals of ethical and of political in~
works everywhere inculcate the purest lessons struction that could be put into the hands of
of practical morality, and evince a singular students, and gradually contributed to form that
acuteness and justness of eye'in the observation memorable school, from whence so many philo
of human character. Whoever compares the sophers and philosophical historians were after
views of Harrow, when he touches on the theory wards to proceed.
of morals, with those opened about fifty years From the writings of Hobbes to those of
afterwards by Dr Butler, in his Discourses on Locke, the transition is easy and obvious; but
Human Nature, will be abundantly satisfied, before prosecuting farther the history of philo
that, in this science, as well as in others, the sophy in England, it will be proper to turn our
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 47
attention to its progress abroad, since the period insulated scholar may without dread abandon
at which this section commences.‘ ‘ In the first
himself to the spirit of system; he hears the
voice of contradiction only from afar. But in
place, however, I shall add a few miscellaneous
remarks on some important events which oc a learned society, the collision of systematic
curred in this country during the lifetime of opinions soon terminates in their common de
Hobbes, and of which his extraordinary longe struction; while the desire of mutual conviction
vity prevented me sooner from taking notice. creates among the members a tacit compact, to
Among these events, that which is most im admit nothing but the results of observation, or
mediately connected with our present subject, the conclusions of mathematical reasoning. Ac
is the establishment of the Royal Societyr of cordingly, experience has shown, how much
London in 1662, which was followed a few years these establishments have contributed, since
afterwards by that of the Royal Academy of their origin, to the spread of true philosophy.
Sciences at Paris. The professed object of both By setting the example of submitting every
institutions was the improvement of Experi thing to the examination of a severe logic, they
mental Knowledge, and of the auxiliary science have dissipated the prejudices which had too
of Mathematics ; but their influence on the long reigned in the sciences, and which the
general progress of human reason has been far strongest minds of the preceding centuries had
greater than could possibly have been foreseen not been able to resist. They have constantly
at the moment of their foundation. On the opposed to empiricism a mass of knowledge,
happy effects resulting from them in this re against which the errors adopted by the vulgar,
spect, La Place has introduced some just reflec with an enthusiasm which, in former times,
tions in his System of the World, which, as they would have perpetuated their empire, have spent
discover more originality of thought than be com their force in vain. In a word, it has been in
monly displays, when he ventures to step beyond their bosoms that those grand theories have been
the circumference of his own magic circle, I shall conceived, which, although far exalted by their
quote, in a literal translation of his words. generality above the reach of the multitude, are
“ The chief advantage of learned societies, is for this very reason entitled to special encourage
the philosophical spirit to which they may be ex ment, from their innumerable applications to
pected to give birth, and which they cannot fail the phenonema of nature, and to the practice of
to diffuse over all the various pursuits of the the arts.”'
nations among whom they are established. The In confirmation of these judicious remarks, it

' Throughout the whole of this Discourse, I have avoided touching on the discussions which, on Various occasions. have
arisen with regard to the theory of government, and the comparative advantages or disadvantages of different political
forms. Of the scope and spirit of these discussions it would be seldom ssihle to convey a just idea, without entering
into details of a local or temporary nature, inconsistent with my gene design. In the present circumstances of the
aworld,
very besides, the interest
subordinate theory oftogovernment (sltho h,
inquiries connectrril in one
with point economy,
political of view, the most
and important
with ofall studies)
the fundamental seems of
principles to egisla
ssess
tion. “'hat is it, indeed, that renders one form of vernrnent more favourable than another to human happiness, but
the superior security it provides for the enactment of wise laws, and for their impartial and vi rous execution ? These
considerations will sufficiently account for my passin over in silence, not only the names of eedham, of Sidney, and of
Milton, but that of Harrington, whose Ocean is just y regardedas one of the beasts of English literature, and is pronounced
by Home to be “ the only valuable model of a commonwealth that has yet been offered to the public."—Enay: and Tm;
tiun, Vol. I. Essa xvi.
A remark whic Hume has elsewhere made on the Oceana, appears to me so striking and so instructive, that I shall give
it a place it this note. " Harrington," he observes, “ thought himself so sure of his general principle, that the balance qf
your depend: on that of property, that he ventured to pronounce it impossible ever to rc-establish monarchy in England :
But his book was scarcely published when the King was restored ; and we see that monarchy has ever since subsisted on
the same footing as before. So dangerous is it for a politician to venture to foretell the situation of public ntlmrs a few
years hence."_lbid. Essay vii. _
How much nearer the truth, even in the science of politics, is Bacon‘s cardinal principle, that howledgs IS power l-a
principle, which applies to Man not. less in his corporate than in his individual capacity ; and which may be safely trusted
to as the most solid of all foundations for our msonings concerning the future history of the world. . ‘
' The Royal Society of Londma, though not incorporated h charter till 1662, may be considered as virtually existing,
at least as far back as l638, when some 0 the most eminent o the original members began first to hold regular meetings
at Gresham College, for the purpose of philosophical discussion. Ev‘cn these meetings were but a continuation of those
previously held by the same individuals, at the apartments of Dr Wilkins in Oxford-See Sras'r's llinory oflbs Royal
Socidy.
48 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

may be farther observed, that nothing could To thi combination of the pursuits of trade,
have been more happily imagined than the esta with the advantages of a liberal education, may
blishment of learned corporations for correcting be ascribed the great multitude of ingenious and
those prejudices which (under the significant enlightened speculations on commerce, and on
title of Idola Specus), Bacon has described as in the other branches of national industry, which
cident to the retired student. While these idols issued from the press, in the short interval be
of the den maintain their authority, the cultiva tween the Restoration and the Revolution; an
tion of the philosophical spirit is impossible ; or
interval during which the sudden and immense
rather, it is in a renunciation of this idolatry
extension of the trade of England, and the cor
that the philosophical spirit essentially consists.
responding rise of the commercial interest, must
It was accordingly in this great school of thehave presented a spectacle peculiarly calculated
learned World, that the characters of Bacon, to awaken the curiosity of inquisitive observers.
Descartes, Leibnitz, and Locke were formed; It is a very remarkable circumstance with re
the four individuals who have contributed the spect to these economical researches, which now
most to diffuse the philosophical spirit over engage so much of the attention both of states
Europe. The remark applies more peculiarly men and of philosophers, that they are altogether
to Bacon, who first pointed out the inconveni of modern origin. “ There is scarcely,” says
ences to be apprehended from a minute and Mr Hume, “ any ancient writer on politics who
mechanical subdivision of literarv labour; and has made mention of trade ; nor was it ever con
anticipated the advantages to be expected from sidered as an affair of state till the seventeenth
the institution of learned academics, in enlar century.”'—The work of the celebrated John de
ging the field of scientific curiosity, and the cor Witt, entitled, “ The true interest and political
respondent grasp of the emancipated mind. For maxims of the republic ofHolland and West Fries
accomplishing this object, what means so efl'ec' land,” is the earliest publication of any note, in
tual as habits of daily intercourse with men which commerce is treated of as an object of na
whose pursuits are different from our own ; andtionaland politicalconcern,in opposition to the par
that expanded knowledge, both of man and of tial interests of corporations and of monopolists.
nature, of which such an intercourse must ne Of the English publications to which I have
cessarily be productive ! just alluded, the greater part consists of anony
Another event which operated still more for mous pamphlets, now only to be met with in the
cibly and universally on the intellectual cha collections of the curious. A few bear the
racter of our countrymen, was the civil war names of eminent English merchants. I shall
which began in 1640, and which ultimately have occasion to refer to them more particularly
terminated in the usurpation of Cromwell. It afterwards, when I come to speak of the writings
is observed by Mr Hume, that “ the prevalence of Smith, Quesnay, and Turgot. At present,
of democratical principles, under the Common I shall only observe, that, these fugitive and
wealth, engaged the country gentlemen to bind now neglected tracts, are to be found the first
their sons apprentices to merchants; and that rudiments of that science of Political Economy,
commerce has ever since been more honourable which is justly considered as the boast of the
in England, than in any other European king present age; and which, although the aid of
dom.”1 “ The higher and the lower ranks (as learning and philosophy was necessary to rear it
a later writer has remarked) were thus brought to maturity, may be justly said to have had its
closer together, and all of them inspired with cradle in the Royal Exchange of London.
an activity and vigour that, in former ages, had Mr Locke was one of the firt retired theorists
no example.“ (and this singular feature in his history has not

‘ History QfEngland, chap. lxii.

’ Ciurmsas‘l Political Eatimate, &.c. (London, 1804) p. 44.
3 Easy qf Civil Liberty.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 49

been sufliciently attended to by his biographers),
who condescendedto treat of trade as an object
of liberal study. Notwithstanding the manifold
errors into which he fell in the course of his
reasonings concerning it, it may be fairly ques
tioned, if he has anywhere else given greater
proofs, either of the vigour or of the originality
of his genius. But the name of Locke reminds
me, that it is now time to interrupt these nation
al details, and to turn our attention to the pro
gress of science on the Continent, since the times
of Bodinus and of Campanella.

SECTION II.

Progress of Philosophy in France during the Seventeenth Century.

MONTAIGNE-CHARRON-LA ROCHEFOUCAULD

AT the head of the French writers who con own personal qualities, both intellectual and mo
tributed, in the beginning of the seventeenth ral. The only study which seems ever to have
century, to turn the thoughts of their country engaged his attention was that of man ,' and for
men to subjects connected with the Philosophy this he was singularly fitted, by a rare com
of Mind, Montaigne may, I apprehend, be justly bination of that talent for observation which be
placed. Properly speaking, he belongs to a longs to men of the World, with those habits of
period somewhat earlier; but his tone of think abstracted reflection, which men of the world
ing and of writing classes him much more natu have commonly so little disposition to cultivate.
rally with his successors, than with any French “ I study myself,” says he, “ more than any
author who had appeared before him.1 other subject. This is my metaphysic; this my
In assigning to Montaigne so distinguished a natural philosophy.“ He has accordingly pro
rank in the history of modern philosophy, I need duced a work, unique in its kind; valuable, in
scarcely say, that I leave entirely out of the ac an eminent degree, as an authentic record of
count what constitutes (and justly constitutes) many interesting facts relative to human nature;
to the generality of readers the principal charm but more valuable by far, as holding up a mirror
of his Essays; the good nature, humanity, and in which every individual, if he does not see his
unafi'ected sensibility, which so irresistibly attach own image, will at least occasionally perceive
us to his character,—lending, it must be owned, so many traits of resemblance to it, as can scarce
but too often a fascination to his talk, when he ly fail to invite his curiosity to a more careful
cannot be recommended as the safest of com review of himself. In this respect, Montaigne’s
panions. Nor do I lay much stress on the in writings may be regarded in the light of what
viting frankness and vivacity with which he un painters call studies ; in other words, of those
bosoms himself about all his domestic habits and slight sketches which were originally designed
concerns, and which render his book so ex for the improvement or amusement of the artist,
pressive a portrait, not only of the author, but but which, on that account, are the more likely
of the Gascon country gentleman, two hundred to be useful in developing the germs of similar
years ago. I have in view chiefly the minute endowments in others.
ness and good faith of his details concerning his Withouta union of these two powers (reflection

' Montaigne was born in 1533, and died in 1592. ' Emyl, Book chap.
D135. 1- PART 1
50 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and observation), the study of Man can never paradoxical theories which, in later times, Hel
be successfully prosecuted. It is only by re vetius and others have laboured to systematise
tiring within ourselves that we can obtain a key and to support with the parade of metaphysical
to the characters of others; and it is only by discussion. In the mind of Montaigne, the same
observing and comparing the characters of others paradoxes may be easily traced to those deceitful
that we can theroughly understand and appre appearances which, in order to stimulate our
ciate our own. faculties to their best exertions, nature seems
After all, however, it maybe fairly questioned, purposely to have thrown in our way, as stum
notwithstanding the scrupulous fidelity with bling-blocks in the pursuit of truth; and it is
which Montaigne has endeavoured to delineate only to be regretted on such occasions, for the
his own portrait, if he has been always sufiicient sake of his own happiness, that his genius and
ly aware of the secret folds and reduplications temper qualified and disposed him more to start
of the human heart. That he was by no means the problem than to investigate the solution.
exempted from the common delusions of self-love When Montaigne touches on religion, he is,
and self-deceit, has been fully evinced in a very in general, less pleasing than on other subjects.
acute, though somewhat uncharitable, section of His constitutional temper, it is probable, pre
the Port-Royal logic; but this consideration, so disposed him to scepticism ; but this original
far from diminishing the value of his Essays, is bias could not fail to be mightily strengthened
one of the most instructive lessons they afl‘ord toby the disputes, both religious and political,
those who, after the example of the author, may which, during his lifetime, convulsed Europe,
undertake the salutary but humiliating task of and more particularly his own country. On a
self-examination. mind like his it may be safely presumed, that
As Montaigne’s scientific knowledge was, ac the writings of the Reformers, and the instruc
cording to his own account, “ very vague and tions of Buchanan, were not altogether without
imperfect,”1 and his book-learning rather sen effect; and hence, in all probability, the per
tentious and gossiping, than comprehensive and petual struggle, which he is at no pains to con
systematical, it would be unreasonable to expect, ceal, between the creed of his infancy, and the
in his philosophical arguments, much either of lights of his mature understanding. He speaks,
depth or of solidity. ' The sentiments he hazards indeed, of “ reposing tranquilly on the pillow qf
are to be regarded but as the impressions of the doubt ,'” but this language is neither reconcileable
moment ; consisting chiefly of the more obvious with the general complexion of his works, nor
doubts and difliculties which, on all metaphysical with the most authentic accounts we have re
and moral questions, are apt to present them , ceived of his dying moments. It is a maxim of
selves to a speculative mind, when it first atF his own, that, “ in forming a judgment of a
tempts to dig below the surface of common man’s life, particular regard should be paid to
opinions. In reading Montaigne, accordingly, his behaviour at the end of it ;” to which he
what chiefly strikes us, is not the novelty or the pathetically adds, “ that the chief study of his
refinement of his ideas, but the liveliness and own life was, that his latter end might be de
felicity with which we see embodied in words cent, calm, and silent.” The fact is (if we may
the previous wanderings of our own imaginations. credit the testimony of his biographers), that,
It is probably owing to this circumstance, rather in his declining years, he exchanged his boast
than to any direct plagiarism, that his Essays ed pillow qf doubt for the more powerful opiates
appear to contain the germs of so many of the prescribed by the infallible church; and that he

‘ Book i. chap. xxv.

’ Montaigne's education, however, had not been 11 lected by his father. 0n the contrary, he tells us himself; that
“ George Buchanan, the great poet of Scotland, and arcus Antonius Muretus, the best orator of his time, were among
the number of his domestic preceptors."-_“ Buchanan," he adds, “ when I saw him afterwards in the retinue of the late
Mareschal de Brissac, told me, that he was about to write a. treatise on the education of children, and that he would take
the model of it from mine."-_Book i. chap. xxv.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 51
I

expired in performing what his old preceptor scription of a Sceptic by a writer not many years
Buchanan would not have scrupled to describe posterior to Montaigne.
as an act of idolatry.1 “ A sceptic in religion is one that hangs in
The scepticism of Montaigne seems to have the balance with all sorts of opinions; whereof
been of a very peculiar cast, and to have had not one but stirs him, and none sways him. A
little in common with that either of Bayle or of man guiltier of eredulity than he is taken to be;
Hume. The great aim of the two latter writers for it is out of his belief of every thing that he
evidently was, by exposing the uncertainty of believes nothing. Each religion scares him
our reasonings whenever we pass the limit of from its contrary, none persuades him to itself.
sensible objects, to inspire their readers with a He would be wholly a Christian, but that he is
complete distrust of 'the human faculties on all something of an Atheist; and wholly an Atheist,
moral and metaphysical topics. Montaigne, on but that he is partly a Christian ; and a. perfect
the other hand, never thinks of forming a sect; Heretic, but that there are so many to distract
but, yielding passively to the current of his re him. He finds reason in all opinions, truth in
flections and feelings, argues, at different times, none; indeed, the least reason perplexes him,
according to the varying state of his impressions and the best will not satisfy him. He finds
and temper, on opposite sides of the same ques-' doubts and scruples better than resolves them,
tion. On all occasions, he preserves an air of and is always too hard for himself?" If this
the most perfect sincerity; and it was to this, portrait had been presented to Montaigne, I have
I presume, much more than to the superiority little doubt that he would have had the candonr
of his reasoning powers, that Montesquieu al-~ to acknowledge, that he recognised in it some
luded, when he said, “ In the greater part of of the most prominent and characteristical fea
authors I see the writer ; in Montaigne I see tures of his own mind.‘
nothing but the thinker.” The radical fault of The most elaborate, and seemingly the most
his understanding consisted in an incapacity of serious, of all Montaigne’s essays, is his long
forming, on disputable points, those decided and and somewhat tedious Apology for Raimmul de
fixed opinions which 'can alone impart either Sebonde, contained in the twelfth chapter of his
force‘ or consistency to intellectual character. second book. This author appears, from Mon
For remedying this weakness, the religious con taigue’s account, to have been a Spaniard, who
troversies, and the civil wars recently engender professed physio at Thoulouse, towards the end
ed by the Reformatiou, were but ill calculated. of the fourteenth century; and who published
The minds of the most serious men, all over a treatise, entitled, Theologia Naturallls, which
Christendom, must have been then unsettled in was put into the hands of Montaigne’s father by
an extraordinary degree; and where any pre a friend, as a useful antidote against the inno
disposition to scepticism existed, every external vations with which Luther was then beginning
circumstance must have conspired to cherish and to disturb the ancient faith. That, in this parti
confirm it. Of the extent to which it was car cular instance, the book answered the intended
ried, about the same period, in England, some purpose, may be presumed from the request of
jlidgmeut may be formed from the following de old Montaigne to his son, a few days before his

' “ Sentant so fin up rocher, il fit dire la messe dans sa chamhre. A l‘élévation dc l‘hostie, il se levs sur son lit pour
l'adorer; mais une foib esse l'enlcva dans cc moment mC-me, lc 15 Septembre 1592, a 60 ans."-_Nuuumu Did. Hider. a
Lyon, 1804, Art. Montaigne.
' Mirro-comwgmphy, or a Pin“: ofthe lVorld Dixmrrrni, in Essay: and Characters. For a short notice of the author of this
very curious hook (Bishop Earle), Sec the edition published at London in 101 l. The chapter containing the above passage
is entitled, A Sceptic I in RrIig-ilm ; and it has plainly suggested to Lord Clarendon some of the ideas, and even expressions,
which occur in his account of Chillin worth.
-‘ “ The writings of the best out ors among the ancients," Montaigne tells us on one occasion, “ being full and solid,
tempt and carry me which way almost they wil He that I am reading seems always to_have the most force; and I find
that every one in turn has reason, though they contradict one another."-Book ii. chap. xii.
 -
5") PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

death, to translate it into French from the Spa wards becoming a sound believing Christian.“
nish original. His request was accordingly It is a melancholy fact in ecclesiastical history,
complied with ; and the translation is referred that this insidious maxim should have been
to by Montaigne in the first edition of his Essays, sanctioned, in our times, by some theologians of
printed at Bourdeaux in 1580; but the execu no common pretensions to orthodoxy; who, in
tion of this filial duty seems to have produced direct contradiction to the words of Scripture,
on Montaigne’s own mind very different effects have ventured to assert, that “ he who comes
from what his father had anticipated.1 ' to God must first believe that he is now.” Is
' The principal aim of Sebonde’s book, accord it necessary to remind these grave retailers of
ing to Montaigne, is to show that “ Christians Bayle’s sly and ironieal sophistry, that every
are in the wrong to make human reasoning the argument for Christianity, drawn from its in
basis of their belief, since the object of it is only ternal evidence, tacitly recognises the authority
conceived by faith, and by a special inspiration of human reason; and assumes, as the ultimate
of the divine grace.” To this doctrine Mon criteria of truth and of falsehood, of right and
taigne professes to yield an implicit assent; and, of wrong, certain fundamental articles of belief,
under the shelter of it, contrives to give free discoverable by the light of Nature ?’
vent to all the extravagances of scepticism. The Charron is well known as the chosen friend
essential distinction between the reason of man, of Montaigne’s latter years, and as the confi
and the instincts of the lower animals, is at dential depositary of his philosophical senti
great length, and with no inconsiderable inge ments.1 Endowed with talents far inferior in
nuity, disputed; the powers of the human un force and originality to those of his master, he
derstanding, in all inquiries, whether physical possessed, nevertheless, a much sounder and
or moral, are held up to ridicule; an universal more regulated judgment; and as his reputation,
Pyrrhonism is recommended; and we are again notwithstanding the liberality of some of his
and again reminded, that “ the senses are the be peculiar tenets, was high among the most re
ginning and the end of allour knowkdge.” Who spectable and conscientious divines of his own
ever has the patience to peruse this chapter with church, it is far from improbable, that_Mon
attention, will be surprised to find in it the ru taigne committed to him the guardianship of his
diments of a great part of the licentious philo posthumous fame, from motives similar to those
sophy of the eighteenth century; nor can he which influenced Pope, in selecting Warburton
fail to remark the address with which the author as his literary executor. The discharge of this
avails himself of the language afterwards adopt trust, however, seems to have done less good to
ed by Bayle, Helvetius, and Hume :—“ That, Montaigne than harm to Charron ; for while the
to be a philosophical sceptic, is the first step to unlimited scepticism, and the indecent levities

' The very few particulars known with respect to Sebonde have been collected by Bayle.-See his Dictionary, Art.
Sebonde.
’ This expression is Mr Hume’s; but the same proposition, in substance, is frequently repeated by the'two other
writers, and is very fully enlarged upon by Dayle in the Illustration upon the Scepfia, annexed to his Dictionary.
' “ I once asked Adrian Turneblu,” says Montaigne, “ what he thought of Sebonde's treatise. The answer he made to
me was, That he believed it to be some extract from Thoma: Aquinas, for that none but a genius like his was capable of
such ideas.”
I must not, however, omit to mention, that a very learned Protestant, Hugo Grothu, has expressed himself to his friend
Bignon not unfavourably of Sebonde’s intentions, altho h the terms in which he speaks of him are somewhat equivocal,
and imply but little satisfaction with the execution of his design. “ Non ignores quantum excoluerint istam mater-ism
(argumentum :cil. pro Religion: Christiana) philomphica :ubtih'tare Raimundus Sebundus, dialogorum varietate Ludovicus
Vives, maxima autem tum eruditione tum facundia vestras Philippus Mornmus." The authors of the Nouvmu Dictilmnairc
Historiquc (Lyons, 1804) have entered much more completely into the spirit and drift of Sebonde's reasoning, when they
observe, “ Ce livre ofi‘re fies singularités hardies, qui p urent dans le temps aux philosophes de ce siecle, et qui 1w de'plairoicnt
pat ii ceuz du natrc.“
It is proper to add, that I am ac uainted with Sebcnde only through the medium of Montaigne’s version, which does not
lay claim to the merit of strict fide ty; the translator himself having acknowled , that he had given to the S nish phi
1050 her “ un accoutrement a la Franqoise, et qu’il l‘a dévétu de son port farouc e et maintien barbaresque, e msmére
qu" a mes-hui assez de faqon pour se presenter en toute bonne compagnie.”
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 53
of the former, were viewed by the zealots of related the science of Ethics. On the powers
those days with a smile of tenderness and indul of the understanding he has touched but slight
gence, the slighter heresies of the latter were ly; nor has he imitated Montaigne, in anato
marked with' a severity the more rigorous and mizing, for the edification of the world, the pe
unrelenting; that, in points of essential import culiarities of his own moral character. It has
ance, they deviated sovery little from the stand probably been owing to 'the desultory and po
ard of the Catholic faith. It is not easy to pular style of composition common to both, that
guess the motives of this inconsistency; but so little attention has been paid to either by
such we find from the fact to have been the those who have treated of the history of French
temper of religious bigotry, or, to speak more philosophy. To Montaigne’s merits, indeed, as
correctly, of political religionism in all ages of a lively and amusing essayist, ample justice has
the world.1 been done; but his influence on the subsequent
As an example of Charron’s solicitude to pro habits of thinking among his countrymen re
vide an antidote against the more pernicious er mains still to be illustrated. He has done more,
rors of his friend, I shall only mention his inge perhaps, than any other author (I am inclined
nious and philosophical attempt to reconcile, to think with the most honest intentions), to in
with the moral constitution of human nature, troduce into men’s houses (if I may borrow an
the apparent discordancy in the judgments of expression of Cicero) what is now called the
different nations concerning right and wrong. new phibsophy,—a philosophy certainly very
His argument on this point is in substance the different from that of Socrates. In the fashion
very same with that so well urged by Beattie, able world, he has, for more than two centuries,
in opposition to Locke’s reasonings against the maintained his place as the first of moralists; a
existence of innate practical principles. It is circumstance easily accounted for, when we at
diflicult to say, whether, in this instance, the tend to the singular combination, exhibited in
coincidence between Montaigne and Locke, or his writings, of a semblance of erudition, with
that between Charron and Beattie, be the more what Malebranche happily calls his air du
remarkable.g monde, and air cavalier.’ As for the graver and
Although Charron has affected to give to his less attractive Charron, his name would pro
work a systematical form, by dividing and sub bably before now have sunk into oblivion, had
dividing it into books and chapters, it is in re it not been so closely associated, by the acci
ality little more than an unconnected series of dental events of his life, with the more cele
essays on various topics, more or less distantly brated name of Montaigne.“
r

‘ Montaigne, cet auteur charmant,

Tour-a-tour profond et frivole,
Dans son chateau paisiblement,
Loin de tout frondeur malévole,
Doutoit de tout impunément,
Et se moquoit tres librement
Des bavnrds fourrés de l‘école.
Maia quand son c'leve Churron, ‘ ,
Plus retenu. plus méthodiquc,
De donna leqon,
Il fut pres de périr, (lit-on,
Par la haine the'ologique.
Vot'ruas, Epilre nu Prén'drnt Hv’nault.
' See Beattie‘s Emy on Fable and Romam‘e; and Charron de la Sagme, Liv. ii. c. B. it may amuse the curious reader
also to compare the theoretical reasonings of Charron with a memoir in the Phil. Tram. for 1773, by Sir Roger Curtis,
containing mm: particular: with rerpcr! to the country qfLabmdor.
’ “ Ah l‘aimable homlne, qu'il cu dc berm: mpagnie! C'est mon ancien ami; mais, a force d'étrc ancien, il m'est nou
veau."_MAnAMs m: Sevrusn'.
‘ Montaigne himself seems. from the general strain of his writings, to have had but little expectation of the posthumous
fame which e has so long continued to enjoy. One of his reflections on this head is so characteristics! of the author as a
man, and. at the same time. affords so fine a specimen of the graphical powers of his now antiquated style, that I am tempted
to transcribe it in his own words: “J'e'cris mon livre a peu d'hommes et a peu d‘annc'cs; s'il q'eflt été une matiere de
durée, il l‘eut fallu commettre a un langnge plus ferme. Selon ll variation continuelle qui a suivi le notre jusqu‘s cette
54 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

The preceding remarks lead me, by a natural That the tendency of these maxims is, upon
connection of ideas (to which I am here much the whole, unfavourable to morality, and that
more inclined to attend than to the order of they always leave a disagreeable impression on
dates), to another writer of the seventeenth cen the mind, must, I think, be granted. At the
tury, whose influence over the literary and phi same time, it may be fairly questioned, if the
losophical taste of France has been far greater motives of the author have in general been well
than seems to be commonly imagined. I allude understood, either by his admirers or his oppo
to the Duke of La Rochefoucauld, author of the nents. In affirming that self-love is the spring
Maxims and Dioral Rtfiections. of all our actions, there is no good reason for
Voltaire was, I believe, the first who ventur upposing that he meant to deny the reality of
ed to assign to La Rochefoucauld the pre-emi moral distinctions as a philosophical truth ;—a
nent rank which belongs to him among the-French supposition quite inconsistent with his own fine
classics. “ One of the works,” says he, “ which and deep remark, that hypocrisy is itself an ho
contributed most to form the taste of the nation mage which vice renders t0 virtue. He states it
to a justness and precision of thought and ex merely as a position which, in the course of his
pression, was the small collection of maxims by experience as a man of the world, he had found
Francis Duke of La Rochefoucauld. Although very generally verified in the higher classes of
there be little more than one idea in the book, society, and which he was induced to announce
that seal/110cc is the spring qf all our actions, yet without any qualification or restriction, in order
this idea is presented in so great a variety of to give more force and poignancy to his satire
forms, as to he always amusing. When it first In adopting this mode of writing, he has un
appeared, it was read with avidity; and it con consciously conformed himself, like many other
tributed, more than any other performance, since French authors, who have since followed his
the revival of letters, to improve the vivacity, example, to a suggestion which Aristotle has
correctness, and delicacy of French composition.” stated with admirable depth and acuteness in
Another very eminent judge of literary merit his Rhetoric. “ Sentences or apophthegms lend
(the late Dr Johnson) was accustomed to say much aid to eloquence. One reason of this is,
of La Rochefoucauld’s Maxims, that it was al that they flatter the pride of the hearers, who
most the only book written bya man of fashion, are delighted when the speaker, making use of
of which professed authors had reason to be jea general language, touches upon opinions which
lous. Nor is this wonderful, when we consider they had before known to be true in part. Thus,
the unwearied industry of the very accomplish a person who had the misfortune to live in a bad
ed writer, in giving to every part of it the high neighbourhood, or to have worthless children,
est and most finished polish which his exquisite would easily assent to the speaker who should
taste could bestow. lVhen he had committed a aflirm, that nothing is more vexatious than to
maxim to paper, he was in use to circulate it have any neighbours ; nothing more irrational
among his friends, that he might avail himself than to bring children into the world."1 This
of their critical animadversions; and, if we may observation of Aristotle, while it goes far to ac.
credit Segrais, altered some of them no less than count for the imposing and dazzling effect of
thirty times, before venturing to submit them to these rhetorical exaggerations, ought to guard us
the public eye. against the common and popular error of mis

heure, qui pent espérer que sa forme résente soit en usage d‘ici a cinquante ans ? il écoule tous les jours de nos mains, et
depuis que je vis s‘est altéré de moitié. Nous disons qu‘il est a cette heure parfait : Autant en dit du lien cheque siecle.
(“at an: boru ct utilcs écrih dc Ic clouer 1‘: cum, ct iru m ortunc Idea 1: crédit dc natrc éfat."
How completely have both the predictions in the ast sentence been verified by the subsequent history of the French
language!
1 'Exaun 3i (ym'pm) u" 'I'dil‘ Aiyw; {inilmlv plyilm, aim [sir Eh, 313: mi! ¢aenzirwr¢ 'ri'r l'lgca-I'Jv' xm'eolm yde, in'v 'm szlélw My",
iqn'rlixp 7;! 3:351, 6:; hair“ sun‘s pie“ ixourip'fl pl! 71% yuipn, :ur'rle i/en'rlu, xulélou i10¢cui£ ilw‘ xliesun 5i luiékau llyapiuv,
i’nz-ri pie“ flgoiierakzpfla'vnfl; 'ru'yxaiuun' 04'", if r]; yu'nm nix, llxgflfliiti ii 'rixm; @aulnn, dualism" 1;! To; li'ro'wn, Mi- 'yu'rou'us
xukuru’n nI' £1. 5'1" all?" willlmiflen 'rlxvn'fiuu—ABIBT. Ifht’t. Lil). i1. 0. XXi.
The w ole chapter is interesting and instructive, and shows how profoundly Aristotle had meditated the principles of
the rhetorical'art.
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
taking them for the serious and profound genera
lisations of science. As for La Rochefoucauld,
we know, from the best authorities, that, in pri
vate life, he was a conspicuous example of all
those moral qualities of which he seemed to deny
the existence; and that be exhibited, in this
respect, a striking contrast to the Cardinal de
Retz, who has presumed to censure him for his
want of faith in the reality of virtue.
In reading La Rochefoucauld, it should ne
ver be forgotten, that it was within the vortex
of a court he enjoyed his chief opportunities of
studying the world; and that the narrow and
exclusive circle in which he moved was not
likely to afl'ord him the most favourable speci
mens of human nature in general. Of the
Court of Lewis XIV. in particular, we are told
by a very nice and reflecting observer (Madame
de la Fayette), that “ ambition and gallantry
were the soul, actuating alike both men and wo
men. So many contending interests, so many
difl'erent cabals were constantly at work, and in
all of these, women bore so important a part,
that love was always mingled with business, and
business with love. Nobody was tranquil or in
different. Every one studied to advance him
self by pleasing, serving, or ruining others. Idle
ness and languor were unknown, and nothing
was thought of but intrigues or pleasures.” '
In the passage already quoted from Voltaire,
he takes notice of the effect of La Rochefou
eauld’s Maxims, in improving the style of French
composition. We may add to this remark, that
their effect has not been less sensible in vitiating
the tone and character of French philosophy, by
bringing into vogue those false and degrading
representations of human nature and of human
life, which have prevailed in that country, more
or less, for a century past. Mr Addison, in
one of the papers of the Taller, expresses his in
dignation at this general bias among the French
writers of his age. “ It is impossible,” he ob
serves, “ to read a passage in Plato or Tully,
and a thousand other ancient moralists, without
being a greater and better man for it. On the
contrary, I could never read any of our modish
' Taller, No. 103. The last paper of the Taller was published in 171] z and, consequently, the above passage must be
understood as referring to the modish tone of French philosophy prior to the death ofLouis XIV.
55
French authors, or those of our own country, '
who are the imitators and admirers of that nation,
without being, for some time, out of humour
with myself, and at every thing about me. Their
business is to depreciate human nature, and to
consider it under the worst appearances; they
give mean interpretations and base motives to
the worthiest actions. In short, they endeavour
to make no distinction between man and man,
or between the species of man and that of the
brutes.”1
It is very remarkable, that the censure here
bestowed by Addison on the fashionable French
wits of his time should be so strictly applicable
to Helvetius, and to many others of the most
admired authors whom France has produced in
our own day. It is still more remarkable to find
the same depressing spirit shedding its malig
nant influence on French literature, as early as
the time of La Rochefoucauld, and even of Mon
taigne; and to observe how very little has been
done by the successors of these old writers, but
to expand into grave philosophical systems their
loose and lively paradoxes; disguising and for
tifying them by the aid of those logical princi
ples, to which the name and authority of Locke
have given so wide a circulation in Europe.
In tracing the origin of that false philosophy
on which the excesses of the French revolu
tionists have entailed such merited disgrace, it is
usual to remount no higher than to the profli
gate period of the Regency; but the seeds of its
most exceptionable doctrines had been sown in
that country at an earlier era, and were indebt
ed for the luxuriancy of their harvest, much
more to the political and religious soil where
they struck their roots, than to the skill or fore
sight of the individuals by whose hands they
were scattered. '
I have united the names of Montaigne and of
La Rochefoucauld, because I consider their
writings as rather addressed to the world at
large, than to the small and select class of spe
culative students. Neither of them can be said
to have enriched the stock of human knowledge
by the addition of any one important general
56 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

conclusion; but the maxim of both have ope
rated very extensively and powerfully on the
taste ‘and‘prinoipies of the higher orders all over
'Europe,‘ and predispoaed them to give a welcome
reception to the same ideas, when afterwards
reproduced with the imposing appendage of lo
gical method, and of a technical phraseology.
The foregoing reflections, therefore, are, not so
foreign as might at first be apprehended, to the
subsequent history of ethical and of. metaphysi
cal speculation. It is time, however, now to
turn our attention to a subject far more inti
mately connected with thesgeneral progress of
human reason,-—the philosophy of Descartes.
I i “(.1

|.. -| l
DESCARTES-GASSENDI-MALEBRANCHF, ' ‘"
. , .
According to a late writer,1 whose literary multitude of followers, encouraged by the bold
decisions (excepting where he touches on reli ness, and fascinated by the enthusiasm of their
gion or politics) are justly entitled to the high leader.”
est deference, Descartes has a better claim than In these observations, the ingenious author has
any other individual, to be regarded as the fa rashly generalised a conclusion deduced from
ther of that spirit of free inquiry, which in mo the literary history of his own country. That
dern Europe has so remarkably displayed itself the works of Bacon were but little read there till
.in all the various departments of knowledge. after the publication ofD’Alembert’s Preliminary
Of Bacon, he observes, “ that though he pos Discourse, is, I believe, an unquestionable fact;'
sessed, in a mosteminent degree, the genius of not that it necessarily follows from this, that, even
philosophy, he did not unite with it the genius in France, no previous efl'ect had been produced
of the sciences; and that the methods proposed by the labours of Boyle, of Newton, and of the
by him for the investigation of truth, consisting other English experimentalists, trained in Bacon’s
entirely of precepts which he was unable to ex school. With respect to England, it is a fact not
emplify, had little or no effect in accelerating less certain, that at no perioddid the philosophy of
the rate of discovery.” As for Galileo, he re Descartes produce such an impression on public
marks, on the other hand, “ that his exclu opinion, either in Physics or in Ethics, as to
sive taste for mathematical and physical re give the slightest colour to the supposition, that it
searcbe, disqualified him for communicating to contributed, in the most distant degree, to the
the general mind that impulse of which it stood subsequent advances made by our countrymen
in need.” in these sciences. In Logic and Metaphysics,
“ This honour,” he adds, “ was reserved for indeed, the case was different. Here the writings
Descartes, who combined in himself the cha of Descartes did much ; and if they had been
racteristical endowments of both his predecessors. studied with proper attention, they might have
If, in the physical sciences, his march be less done much more. But of this part of their me
sure than that of Galileo—if his logic be less rits, Condorcet seems to have had no idea. His
cautious than that of Bacon—yet the very te eulogy, therefore,-is rather misplaced than ex
merity of his errors was instrumental to the cessive. He has extolled Descartes as thé father
progress of the human race. He gave activity of Experimental Physics: He would have been
to minds which the circumspection of his rivals nearer the truth, if he had pointed him out as
could not awake from their lethargy. He call the father of the Experimental Philosophy of
ed upon men to throw off the yoke of authority, the Human Mind. J
acknowledging no influence but what reason In bestowing this title on Descartes, I am far
should avow: And his call was obeyed by a from being inclined to compare him, in the num

1 Condorcet.
’ One reason for this is well pointed out by D‘Alernberb. “Il n'ya que les chefs do secte en tout genre, dont les
ouvrages puissent avoir un certain éclat: Bacon n'a pas été du nombre, et la forme de sa philosophic s‘y opposoit : elle
étoit trop sage pour étonner personne.”-.Di|c. Prel.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 57
her or importance of the facts which he has re were indeed to be wished, that he had perceiv
marked concerning our intellectual powers, to ed still more clearly and steadily the essential
various other writers of an earlier date. I al importance of keeping this distinction constant
lude merely to his clear and precise conception ly in view; but he had at least the merit of il
of that operation of the understanding (distin lustrating, by his own example, in a far greater
guished afterwards in Locke’s Essay by the name degree than any of his predecessors, the possi
of Reflection), through the medium of which all bility of studying the mental phenomena, with
our knowledge of Mind is exclusively to be ob out reference to any facts but those which rest
tained. Of the essential subserviency of this on the evidence of consciousne. The meta
power to every satisfactory conclusion that can physical question about the nature of mind he
be formed with respect to the mental phenome seems to have considered as a problem, the so
na, and of the futility of every theory which lution of which was an easy corollary from these
would attempt to explain them by metaphors facts, if distinctly apprehended; but still as a
borrowed from the material world, no other phi problem, whereof it was possible that different
losopher prior to Locke seems to have been ful views might be taken by those who agreed in
ly aware ; and from the moment that these truths opinion, as far as facts alone were concerned.
were recognised as logical principles in the study Of this a very remarkable example has since oc
of mind, a new era commences in the history of curred in the case of Mr Locke, who, although
that branch of science. It will be necessary, he has been at great pains to show, that the
therefore, to allot to the illustration of this part power of reflection bears the same relation to the
of the Cartesian philosophy a larger space than study of the mental phenomena, which the power
the limits of my undertaking will permit me of observation bears to the study of the material
to afford to the researches of some succeeding world, appears, nevertheless, to have been far
inquirers, who may, at first sight, appear more less decided than Descartes with respect to the
worthy of attention in the present times. essential distinction between Mind and Matter;
It has been repeatedly asserted by the Ma and has even gone so far as to hazard the un
terialists of the last century, that Descartes was guarded proposition, that there is no absurdity
the first Metaphysician by whom the pure im in supposing the Deity to have superadded to
materiality of the human soul was taught; and the other qualities of matter the power ofthinking.
that the ancient philosophers, as well as the His scepticism, however, on this point, did not
schoolmen, went no farther than to consider prevent his good sense from perceiving, with the
mind as the result of a material organisation, in most complete conviction, the indispensable ne
which the constituent elements approached to cessity of abstracting from the analogy of mat
evanescence in point of subtlety. Both of ter, in studying the laws of our intellectual frame.
these propositions I conceive to be totally un The question about the nature or essence of
founded. That many of the schoolmen, and the soul, has been, in all ages, a favourite sub
that the wisest of the ancient philosophers, when ject of discussion among Metaphysicians, from
they described the mind as a spirit, or as a spark its supposed connection with the argument in
Qf celestial fire, employed these expressions, not proof of its immortality. In this light it has
with any intention tomatcrialise its essence, but plainly been considered by both parties in the
merely from want of more unexeeptionable lan dispute; the one conceiving, that if Mind could
guage, might be shown with demonstrative evi be shown to have no quality in common with
dence, if this were the proper place for entering Matter, its dissolution was physically impossible;
into the discussion. But what is of more im the other, that if this assumption could be dis
portance to be attended to, on the present oe proved, it would necessarily follow, that the whole
casion, is the effect of Descartes’ writings in dis man must perish at death. For the last of these
entangling the logical principle above mentioned, opinions Dr Priestley and many other specula
from the scholastic question about the nature of tive theologians have of late very zealously con
mind, as contradistinguished from matter. It tended; flattering themselves, no doubt, with
mss. 1. PART. I. H
58 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the idea, that they were thus preparing a triumph vious and necessary effect of the dissolution of
for their own peculiar schemes of Christianity.the body.1
Neglecting, accordingly, all the presumptions I thought it proper to state this consideration
for a future state, afforded by a comparion of pretty fully, lest it should be supposed that the
the course of human affairs with the moral judglogical method recommended by Descartes for
ments and moral feelings of the human heart; studying the phenomena of mind, has any ne-‘
and overlooking, with the same disdain, the cessary dependence on his metaphysical opinion
presumptions arising from the narrow sphere of concerning its being and properties, as a separate
human knowledge, when compared with the in substance.I Between these two parts of his
definite improvement of which our intellectual system, however, there is, if not a demonstrative
powers seem to be susceptible, this acute but connection, at least a natural and manifest af
superficial writer attached himself exclusively finity; inasmuch as a steady adherence to his
to the old and hackneyed pueumatological argu logical method (or, in other words, the habitual
ment; tacitly assuming as a principle, that the exercise of patient reflection), by accustoming
future prospects of man depend entirely on the us to break asunder the obstinate associations
determination of a physical problem, analogous to which materialism is indebted for the early
to that which was then dividing chemists about hold it is apt to take of the fancy, gradually and
the existence or non-existence of Phlogiston. insensibly predisposes us in favour of his me
In the actual state of science, these speculations taphysical conclusion. It is to be regretted,
might well have been spared. Where is the that, in stating this conclusion, his commentators
sober metaphysician to be found, who now should so frequently make use of the word spiri
speaks of the immortality of the soul as a logi tuality; for which I do not recollect that his
cal consequence of its immateriality ; instead of own works afford any authority. The proper
considering it as depending on the will of that expression is immateriality, conveying merely a
Being by whom it was at first called into exist negative idea; and, of consequence, implying
ence ? And, on the other hand, is it not uni nothing more than a rejection of that hypothesis
versally admitted by the best philosophers, that concerning the nature of Mind, which the scheme
whatever hopes the light of nature encourages of materialism so gratuitously, yet so dogmati
beyond the present scene, rest solely (like all cally assumes.s
our other anticipations of future events) on the The power of Reflection, it is well known, is
general tenor and analogy of the laws by which the last of our intellectual faculties that unfolds
we perceive the universe to be governed ? The itself; and, in by far the greater number of in
proper use of the argument concerning the im dividuals, it never unfolds itself in any consider
materiality of mind, is not to establish any posi able degree. It is a fact equally certain, that,
tive conclusion as to its destiny hereafter; but long before the period of life when this power
to repel the reasonings alleged by materialists, begins to exercise its appropriate functions, the
as proofs that its annihilation must be the 0b understanding is already preoccupied with a

' “ W'e shall here be content,” says the learned John Smith of Cambrid , “ with that sober thesis of Plato, in his
Timmu, who attributes the perpetuation of all substances to the benignity an liberality of the Creator; whom be there
fore brings in thus speaking, (mi; is in: u‘hivmu will iaimi, 3.1-. a. You are not Q,“ yourlcli'c: immortal nor indiuolublc, but would
relapse and slide back from that being which I have given you, should I withdraw the influence qf my own power from you;
but ynt you shall hold your immortality by a patent from mynl/Z"-_(Select Discourses, Cambridge, 1660.) I quote this pas
sag; from one of the oldest partisans of Descartes among the English philoso hers.
escortes himself is said to have been of a different opinion. “ On a ét étonné,” says Thomas, “ que dens ses Medi
tuliom Mélaphym'qum, Descartes n'eit point parlé de l‘immortalité de l'alme. Mais il nous apprend lui-méme par une de ses
lettres, qu'ayant e'tabli clairement, dsns cet ouvr , ls distinction de l'fime et de la matiere, il suivoit nécessairement de
eette distinction, que l'xlme par sa nature ne pouvoit périr avec le corps.“-Eloge dc Dnmrtu. Note 21.
* I em loy the scholastic word mluluncz, in conformity to the phraseology of Descartes: but I am fully aware of the
strong ob_]ections to which it is liable, not only as a wide deviation from opular use, which has appropriated it to thin
material and tangible, but as implying a greater degree of sitive knowl ge concerning the nature of nu'sd, than our
culties arise filttig to attaina-For some further remarks on is point, See Note I.
° See ote .
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 59
chaos of opinions, notions, impressions, and as began with doubting of every thing, and ended
sociations, bearing on the most important ob in believing that he had leftnothing unexplained.”
jects of human inquiry; not to mention the in Among the various articles of common belief
numerable sources of‘ illusion and error con which Descartes proposed to subject to a severe
nected with the use of a vernacular language, scrutiny, he enumerates particularly, the con
,learned in infancy by rote, and identified with clusiveness of mathematical demonstration ; the
the first processes of thought and perception. existence of God; the existence of the material
The consequence is, that when man begins to world; and even the existence of his own body.
reflect, he finds himself (if I may borrow an The only thing that appeared to him certain and
allusion of M. Turgot’s) lost in a labyrinth, in incontrovertible, was his own existence; by
to which he had been led blindfold} To the which he repeatedly reminds us, we are to un
same purpose, it was long ago complained of by derstand merely the existence of his mind, ab
Bacon, “ that no one has yet been found of so stracted from all consideration of the material
constant and severe a mind, as to have de organs connected with it. About every other
termined and tasked himself utterly to abolish proposition, be conceived, that doubts might
theories and common notions, and to apply hi reasonably be entertained ; but to suppose the
intellect, altogether smooth and even, to par non-existence of that which thinks, at the very
ticulars anew. Accordingly, that human reason moment it is conscious of thinking, appeared to
which we have, is a kind of medley and unsorted him a contradiction in terms. From this single
collection, from much trust and much accident, postulatum, accordingly, he took his departure ;
and the childish notions which we first drapk resolved to admit nothing as a philosophical
in. Whereas, if one of ripe age and sound truth, which could notbe deduced from it by a
senses, and a mind thoroughly cleared, should chain of logical reasoning.”
apply himself freshly to experiment and par Having first satisfied himself of his own ex
ticulars, of him were better things to be hoped." istence, his next step was to inquire, how far
What Bacon has here recommended, Des his perceptive and intellectual faculties were en
cartes attempted to execute; and so exact is the titled to credit. For this purpose, he begins
coincidence of his views on this fundamental with offering a proof of the existence and at
point with those of his predecessor, that it is with tributes of God ;——truths which he conceived to
difficulty I can persuade myself that he had be necessarily involved in the idea he was able
never read Bacon’s works.‘ In the prosecution to form of a perfect, self-existent, and eternal
of this undertaking, the first steps of Descartes being. His rcasonings on this point it would
are peculiarly interesting and instructive; and be useless to state. It is sufficient to' observe,
it is these alone which merit our attention at that they led him to conclude, that God cannot
present. As for the details of his system, they possibly be supposed to deceive his creatures;
are now curious only as exhibiting an amusing and therefore, that the intimations of our senses,
contrast to the extreme rigour of the principle and the decisions of our reason, are to be trusted
from which the author sets out; a contrast so to with entire confidence, wherever they afford
very striking, as fully to justify the epigram
us clear and distinct ideas of their respective ob
matic saying of D’Alembert, that “ Descartes jects.‘

I “ Quand l‘homme a voulu se replier sur lui-rnéme, i1 a'est trcuvé dans un labyrinthe, oh il ételt entré les yeux
hlndés.“-(Eu~uru dc Target, Tom. II. p. 261.
' See Note L
' “ Sic autem rejicientes ills omnia, dc quibus alique mode possumus dubitare, ac etiam falm ease fingentes, facile quidcm
lupponimus nullum ease Deurn, nullum cmlum, nulln corpora; nosque etiam ipsos, non habcrc menus, nec pedes, ncc
demque ullum corpus : non sutem idec nos qui talia cogitamus nihil esse: repugnst enim, ut putemus id quod cogitlat‘, e0
ipso tempere quo cogitat,.nen existere. Ac proinde bzec cognitio, ego mgito, ergo tum, est omnium prune ct certtssnua,
qua! cuilibet ordine p ilosophanti occurnt."_Princip. J’Irilm. Pars I. § 7.
‘ The substance of Descartes' argument on these fundamental points, is thus briefly rccapitulated by himself in the
conclusion of his third Meditation :_“ Dum in meipsum mentis aciem converto, ncn mode intelligo me one rem in.
completam, et ab alio dependentcm, remque ad majors ct meliors indefinite aspirantem, sed simul etiam intelligo illum, a
60 PRELIMINARY nrsssa'rarloss.
As Descartes conceived the existence of God phenomena of thought; and to train him to
(next to the existence of his own mind) to be those habits of abstraction from external .objects,
tlie most indisputable of all truths, and rested which, to the bulk of mankind, are next to‘ ign-v
his confidence in the conclusions of human reaé possible. In this way he was led to perceive,
son entirely oii his faith in the divine veracity, with the evidence of consciousness, that the at
it is not surprising that he should have rejected tributes of' Mind were still more clearly and
the argument from final causes, as superfluous distinctly knowable than those of Matter; and.
and unsatisfactory. To have availed himself of that, in studying the former, so fai: from at
its assistance would not only have betrayed a tempting to‘ explain them by analogies borrowed
want of'confidence in what he professed to re from the latter, our chief aim ought to be, to
banish asnm'uch as possible from the fancy every
gard as much more certain than any mathema
tical theorem; but would obviously have ex analogy, and even every analogical exPression,
posed him to the charge of first appealing to which, by inviting the attention abroad, might
the divine attributes in proof of the authority divert' it from its proper business at home. In
of his faculties; and afterwards, of appealing one word, that the only right method of philo
to these faculties, in proof of the existence of sophising on this subject was comprised in the
God. old stoical precept (understood in a sense some
It is wonderful that it should have escaped what difl'erent from that originally annexed to
the penetration of this most acute thinker, that it) nec te 'qmrsiveris extra. A just conception of
a vicious circle of the same description is involved this rule, and a steady adherence to its spirit,
in every appeal to the intellectual powers, in constitutes the ground-work of what is properly
proof of their own credibility; and that unless called the Experimental Philosophy of the Hu
this credibility be assumed as unquestionable, the man Mind. It is thus that all our facts relating
farther exercise of human reason is altogether to Mind must be ascertained; and it is only
nugatory. The evidence for the existence of upon facts thus attested by our own conscious
God seems to have appeared to Descartes too ness, that any just theory of Mind can be
irresitible and overwhelming, to be subjected reared.
to those logical canons which apply to all the Agrceably to these views, Descartes was, I
other conclusions of the understanding.‘ think, the first who clearly saw that our idea of
Extravagant and hopeless as these prelimi Mind is not direct, but relative ;——relative to the
nary steps must now appear, they had never various operations of which we are conscious.
theless an obvious tendency to direct the atten What am I? he asks, in his second Meditation:
tion of the author, in a singular degree, to the A thinking being,—that is, a being doubting,

quo pendeo, majors ista omnia non indefinite et potentia tantum, sed reiinn infinite in se habere, atque ita Deum cssc;
totaque vis ar menti in 20 est, quod agnoscam fieri non posse ut existam talis natures qualis sum, nempe ideam Dei in
me habens, msi revera Deus etiam existeret, Deus, inquum, ille idem cujus idea in me est, hoc est, habens omnes illas
perfectiones quas ego non comprehendere, sed quocunquc modo attingere cogitntione possum, ct nullis‘plane defectibus
obnoxius. Ex his latis patet, illum fallacem esse non posse : omnem enim t'raudem ct deceptioncm a de ectu aliquo pen
dere lumine naturali manit'estum est."
The above argument for the existence of God (very improperly called by some foreigners an argument a priori), was
long considered by the most eminent men in Europe as quite demonstrative. For my own part. although I do not think
that it is by any means so level to the apprehension of common inquirers, as the argument from the marks of den‘gn every.
where manifested in the universe, I am still less inclined to reject it u altogether unworthy of attention. It is far from
being so metaphysically abstruse as the reasonings of Newton and Clarke, founded on our conceptions of space and of that;
nor would it appear, perhaps, less logical and conclusive than that celebrated demonstration, it' it were properly unfolded,
and stated in more simple and popular terms. The two arguments, however, are in no res exclusive of each other;
and I have always thou ht, that, by combining them together, a proof of the point in question might be formed, more im
pressive and luminous t an is to be obtained trom either, when stated apart.
' How painful is it to recollect, that the philosopher who had represented his faith in the veracity of God, as the sole
foundation of his confidence in the demonstrations of mathematics, was accused and persecuted by his contemporaries as an
atheist ; and that, too, in the same country (Holland), where, for more than half a century other his death, his doctrines
were to be taught in all the universities with a blind idolatry I A zeal without knowledge, and the influence of those earth
ly passions, from which even Protestant divines are not always exempted, may, it is to be hoped, go far to account for this
inconsistency and injustice, without adopting the uncharitable insinuation of D‘Alemhert : “ Malgré toute la sagacité qu‘il
avoit employee pour prouver l'existence de Dieu, il fut accuse de la nier par on flu'nietrn, qui pent-(Ire ne Ia croyoiml pal."
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 61
knowing, affirming, denying, consenting, refu at the very same ,how 0%”; bays
sing, susceptible of pleasure and painil _‘ Of they been since lost sight of; notwithstanding
all these things I might have had}. complete ex andthe clearest
importance,
speculative
by Locke
conviction ofapdnby the,
perience, Without any ' revious acquaintance
with the“ ‘qualities and awe ‘ matter; and greatest part of professed followers lMHsd
therefore it is impossible tliat'the study of mat they
Hornebeen
Tooke,with akeysrwlvmgihcowolpsgsas“,
duly they
studied
would,
andhave ful
ter av'ail me 'au'ghtin the study of my
self. Thisfacco'rdingly, Descartes laid down
as a first' principle, that nothing comprehensible which, althoughmistalren, by ineny'ofi cone,
by no imagination caii‘ be all subservient to the temporefies for Prefeund. rhilqsvnhinl, [We
knowledge qf'lt’find ,' and that the sensible images from derive,
ries, the strong biaspf “shallowjeasonemdqge-H
in fact, Whole of
involved in all our common forms of speaking
concerning its operations, are to be guarded lapse—into the same scholasticerrors, from ,_
against the most anxious care, as tending Descartes, Locke, Berkeley,v Humehland, Reid,
to confound, in our apprehensions, two classes have so successfully laboured teemancipate the,
of phenomena, which it is of the last importance mind. a ,
to distinguish accurately from each other.I ,If any thing can add to our admiration vofia
To those who are familiarly acquainted with train of thought manifesting in its author ,89 11m,
the writings of Locke, and of the very few ‘ exampled a triumph over the strongest prejudices
among his successors who have thoroughly en of sense, it is the extraordinary circumstance of
tered into the spirit of his philosophy, the fore its having first occurred to a young man, who
going observations may not appear to possess had spent the years commonly devoted to. aca
much either of originality or of importance; but demical study, amid the dissipation and , tunzulltv
when first given to the world, they formed the of camps,‘ Nothing could make this conceiv
greatest step ever made in the science of Mind, by able, but the very liberal education which he
a single individual. What a contrast do they ex had previously received under the Jesuits, at the
hibit, not only to the discussions of the school college of La Fléclie ,4 where, we are told, that
men, but to the analogical theories of Hobbes while yet a boy, he was so distinguished by

‘ “ Non sum compages illa membrorum, quse corpus humanum appellatur : non sum etism tenuil aliquis ne'r istis mom;
bris infusus; non ventus, non ignis, non vapor, non halitus_Quid igitur sum ? res cogitans; quid est hoc P nempe du
bitsns, intelligens, aflirmnns, negans, volens, nolens," tie—Med. Ser
' “ ltaque cognosco, nihil eorum qune possum Imagination comprehendere, ad hanc quum de me haheo notitilm perti
nere; mentemquc ab illis diligentissime esse avocandam, ut suam ipsa naturam quam distinctissime percipiat._lbid. A
few sentences before, Descartes explains with precision in what sense Imagination is here to be understood. “ Nihil aliud
cst imnginari qunm rei corporea: figuram seu imagincm contemplnri."
The followin extracts from a book published at Cambridge in [660 (precisely ten years after the death of Descartes),
while they furnish a useful comment on some of the above remarks, may serve to show, how completely the spirit of the
Cartesian philosophy of Mind had been seized even then, by some of the members of that university.
“ The souls of men exercising themselves first of all limo retain-us, as the Greek philosopher expresscth himself, merely
by a progressive kind of molion, spending themselves about bodily and material acts, and conversing only with sensible things;
they are apt to acquire such deep stamps of material phantnsms to themselves, that they cannot imagine their own Being
to be any other than matrrial and diviriblr, though ol'a fine ethereal nature. It is not possible for us well to know what our
souls are, but only by their limo.- svnizm. their circular or rrfler moIioM, and converse with themselves, which can only
steal from them their own secrets.“_Sm'rn‘s Select DiII‘IHH'I'I'I, p. 65, 66.
“ If we reflect but upon our own souls, how manifestly do the notions of rmmn, freedom, perception, and the like, offer
themselves to us, whereby we may know a thousand times more dittim'tly what our souls are than what our bodies are. For
the former, we know by an immediate converse with ourselves, and a distinct sense of their operations; whereas all our
knowledge of the body is little better than merely historical, which we gather up by scraps and piecemeal, ft'om more
doubtful and uncertain experiments which we make of them ; but the notions which we have of a mind, I. a. something
within us that thinks, apprehends, reasons, and discourses, are so clear and distinct from all those notions which we can
fasten upon a body, that we can easily conceive that if all body-being in the world were destroyed, yet we might then as
well subsist as now we do."-lbid. p. 98.
' “ Descartes porta lcs armes, d'abord on llollnnde, sous le célebre Maurice de Nassau : de-lh en Allemngne, sous Maxi
milien de Bavii're, au commencement do is guerre dc trente ans. Il passe ensuile on service do l'l'lmpereur Ferdinand ll.
pour voir de plus pres les troubles de la Hon ie. On croit aussi, qu‘au siege de la Rochelle, il combsttlt, comme volon
taire, dens unc bataille contre la tlotte Anglmse.“_TuouAs. Elagc dz Drrrnrlrr, Note 8.
When Descartes quitted the profession ofarms, he had arrived at the age of twenty-five.
‘ It is a curious coincidence, that it was in the same village of La Fléc/w that Mr Hume fixed his residence, while com
62 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

habits of deep meditation, that he went among The greater part of these observations, if not
his companions by the name of the Philosopher. the whole, had been previously hinted at by
Indeed, it is only at that early age, that such Bacon ; but they are expressed by Descartes
habits are to be cultivated with complete suc with greater precision and simplicity, and in a
ease. style better adapted to the taste of the present
The glory, however, of having pointed out to age.
his successors the true method of .studying the 8. The paramount and indisputable authority
theory of Mind, is almost all that can be claimed which, in all our reasonings concerning the hu
by Descartes in logical and metaphysical science. man mind, he ascribes to the evidence of con
Many important hints, indeed, may be gleaned sciousness. Of this logical principle he has
from his works ; but, on the whole, he has added availed himself, with irresistible force, in refu
very little to our knowledge of human nature. ting the scholastic sophisms against the liberty
Nor will this appear surprising, when it is re of human actions, drawn from the prescience of
collected, that he aspired to accomplish a simi the Deity, and other considerations of a theolo
lar revolution in all the various departments of gical nature.
physical knowledge ;—not to mention the time 4. The most important, however, of all his
and thought he must have employed in those improvements in metaphysics, is the distinction
mathematical researches, which, however lightly which he has so clearly andso strongly drawn
esteemed by himself, have been long regarded, between the primary and the secondary qualities
as the most solid basis of his fame.1 of matter. This distinction was not unknown
Among the principal articles of the Cartesian to some of the ancient schools of philosophy in
philosophy, which are now incorporated with Greece ; but it was afterwards rejected by Aris
our prevailing and most accredited doctrines, totle, and by the schoolmen; and it was reserv
thenotice
following
to : w seem to me to .be chiefly entitled ed for Descartes to place it in such a light, as
(with the exception of a very few sceptical or
1. His luminous exposition of the common rather paradoxical theorists) to unite the opi
logical error of attempting to define words nions of all succeeding inquirers. For this step,
which express notions too simple to admit of so apparently easy, but so momentous in its con
analysis. Mr Locke claims this improvement sequences, Descartes was not indebted to any
as entirely his own; but the merit of it un long or difficult processes of reasoning; but to
questionably belongs to Descartes, although it those habits of accurate and patient attention to
must be owned that he has not always suflicient the operations of his own mind, which, from his
ly attended to it in his own researches.“ early years, it was the great business of his life
2. His observations on the different classes of to cultivate. It may be proper to add, that the
our prejudices—particularly on the errors to epithetsprimary and secondary, now universally
which we are liable in consequence of a careless employed to mark the distinction in question,
use of language as the instrument of thought. were first introduced by Locke ; a circumstance

posing his Treatise of Human Nature. Is it not probable, that he was ly attracted to it, by associations similar to
those which presented themselves to the fancy of Cicero, when he visited t e walks of the Academy ?
In the beginning of Descartes’ dissertation upon Method, he has given a very interesting account of the ursuits which
occupied his youth, and of the considerations which suggested to him the bold undertaking)“ reforming hi osophy.
1 Such too is the judgment pronounced by D‘Alembert. “ Les Mathélnatiques, dont escartes semb e uvoir fait assez
peu de cas, font neanmoms aujourd'hui la partie la plus solide et la moins conteste'e de sa gloire." To this he adds a very in
genious reflection on the comparative ments of Descartes, considered as a geometer and as a philosopher. “ Commc philo
sophe, il a peut-C-tre été aussi grand, mais il n'a pas été si heureux. La Geometric,» qui par la nature de son objet doit
toujours gagner sans perdre, ne pouvoit manquer, étant maniée par un aussi grand génie de faire des p be trés-sensibles
et apparens pour tout le monde. La Philosophie se trouvoit dans un état bien difi‘érent, tout y étoit t commencer;
d qua m: cmitcnt point 10: premier: pa: cn tout genre 1 le méritc dc Infairc dispense de celui d’cn fairs dc grands."_.Dirc. Prélim.
' “ The names of sim le ideas are not capable of any definitions; the names of all complex ideas are. It has not, that I
know, been yet observe by any body, what words are, and what are not capable of defined."-(Locxa's Enay,
Book iii. chap. iv. § iv.)__Compare this with the Principia of Descartes, 1-10.; and with Lot Stair’s Philologia Nova Espe
rimenlalil, pp. 9 and 79, printed at Leyden in 1686.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 63
which may have contributed to throw into the Malehranche) since the time of Descartes, that
shade the merits of those inquirers who had pre to those confused and indeterminate questions,
viously struck into the saine path. whether fire is hot, grass green, and sugar sweet,
philosophers are in use to reply, by distinguish
As this last article of the Cartesian system ing the equivocal meaning of the words express
has a close connection with several of the most ing sensible qualities. If by heat, cold, and
refined conclusions yet formed concerning the savour, you understand such and such a dispo
intellectual phenomena, I feel it due to the me sition of parts, or some unknown motion of
mory of the author, to pause for a few moments, sensible qualities, then fire is hot, grass green,
in order to vindicate his claim to some leading and sugar sweet. But if by heat and other
ideas, commonly supposed by the present race. qualities you understand what I feel by fire,
of metaphysicians to be of much later origin. In what I see in grass, 8m. fire is not hot, nor grass
doing so, I shall have an opportunity, at the green ;.for the heat I feel, and the colours I see,
same time, of introducing one or two remarks, are only in the soul.” It is surprising howthis,
which, I trust, will be useful in clearing up the
and other passages to the same purpose in Male
obscurity, which is allowed by some of the ablest
branche, should have escaped the notice of Dr
followers of Descartes and Locke, still to hang Reid; for nothing more precise on the ambigui
over this curious discussion. ty in the names of secondary qualities is to be
I have elsewhere observed, that Descartes has found in his own works. It is still more sur-v
been very generally charged by the writers of prising that Buflier, who might have been ex
the last century, with a sophistical play upon pected to have studied with care the speculations
words in his doctrine concerning the non-exist of his illustrious countryman, should have di
ence of secondary qualities; while, in fact, he rectly charged, not only Descartes, but Male
was the first person by whom the fallacy of this branche, with maintaining a paradox, which
scholastic paralogism was exposed to the world. i they were at so much pains to banish from the
In proof of this, it might be suflicient to refer to schools of philosophy.‘
his own statement, in the first part of the Prin The important observations of Descartes upon
cipia ;’ but, for a reason which will immediate this subject, made their way into England very
ly appear, I think it more advisable, on this occa- soon after his death. They are illustrated at
sion, to borrow the words of one of his earliest and considerable length, and with great ingenuity,
ablest commentators. “ It is only (says Father by Glanvillc, in his Scqrsis Scimug‘fica, published

' “Descartes, Malebranche, and Locke, revived the distinction between rimary and secondary qualities. But they
made the secondary qualities mere sensations, and the primary ones resemb nose of our sensations. 'l'hey maintained
that colour, sound, and beat, are not any thin in bodies, but sensations of the mind. The paradoxes of these philo
sophers were only an abuse of words- For w en they maintain, as an imlmrtant modcrn discm't'ry, that there is no heat in
the fire, they mean no more than that the fire does not feel best, which every one knew before."-Rsln's Inquiry, chap.
v. sect. viii.
' See sections lxix. lxx. lxxi. The whole of these three paragraphs is highly interesting; but I shall only uote two
sentences, which are fully sufficient to show, that, in the above observations, 1 have done Descartes no more 11 strict
J'ustice.
“ Patet itaque in re idem ease, cum dicimus nos percipcre colores in ohjectis, ac si diceremus no: percipere aliquid in
objectis, quod quidexn quid sit ignoramus, sed a quo etiicitur in nobis ipsis sensus quidaln valde manifestus et perspicuus,
qui vocatur sensus colorum.—_Cum vero putamus nos perciperc colores in objcctis, ctsi revera nesciamus quidnam
sit quod tunc nomine cnloris appellsmus, nec ullam similitullinem intclligcre possimus, inter colorcm quem supponimus
ease in objectis, et illum quem experimur ease in sensu, quia tamen hoc ipsum non advertimus, ct multa alia aunt, ut mag
nitude, figura, numerus, 81c. qua: clare percipimus not nlitcr a nobis sentiri vel intelligi, quam ut aunt, aut saltem esse
possunt in objectis, facile, in eum errorem delabimur, ut juiliccmus id, quod in objectis vocamus mlorcm, esse quid omnino
simile colori quem sentimus, atque ita ut id quod nullo modo percipimus, a nobis clare percipi arbitraremur."
' Rechcrclw dc la Vérité, Livre vi. Chap. ii.
‘ “ J'si admiré souvent que d‘sussi rands hornmes que Descartes et Malebranche, avec leurs scctateurs, fissent valoir,
comme une rare découverte de leur phi osophie, que la chalcur étoi! don: nous-mime“: ct nullcmcn! dam Ic fcu ,- nu lieu que le
commun des hommcs trouvoient que la chalmr c’toit dam- lcji‘u auui him qm' dam nous. -_-Mais en ce fameux debut, de
quoi s'agit-il P Uniqucment de l‘imperfection du lung-age, qui causoit une idée confuse par le mot de rho/cur, cc mot cxpri
mant egalement deux choses, qui s is vérité ont que que rapaport ou analogie, et pourtant qui sont trés difii‘rcntes; savoir,
1. le sentiment de chaleur qui nous éprouvons en nous; 2. disposition qui est dans le feu a produ'u'e en nous ce senti
ment de chaleur.”-_Coun dc Scimca, par le Pere Butfier, p. 819. A Paris, 1732. '
6-1 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

about thirteen years before Malebranche’s Search tain properties or powers in external objects,
after Truth. So slow, however, is the progress which fit them to produce certain sensations in
of good sense, when it has to struggle against his mind; and, accordingly, nobody ever hesitat
the prejudices of the learned, that, as lately as ed a moment about the truth of this part of the
1713, the paradox so clearly explained and re Cartesian philosophy, in so far as these qualities
futed by Descartes, appears to have kept some alone are concerned. But, in the application of
footing in the English universities. In a paper the same doctrine to colour, I have conversed
of the Guardian, giving an account of a visit with many, with whom I found it quite in vain
paid by Jack Lizard to his mother and sisters, to argue; and this, not from any defect in their
after a year and half’s residence at Oxford, the reasoning powers, but from their incapacity to
following précis is given of his logical attain reflect steadily on the subjects of their conscious—
ments. “ For the first week (it is said) Jack ness ; or rather, perhaps, from their incapacity
dealt wholly in paradoxes. It was a common to separate, as objects of the understanding, two
jest with him to pinch one of his sister’s lap things indissolubly combined by early and con
dogs, and afterwards prove he could not feel it. stant habit, as objects of the imagination. The
When the girls were sorting a set of knots, he silence of modern metaphysicians on this head
would demonstrate to them that all the ribbons is the more surprising, as D’Alembert long ago
were of the same colour; or rather, says Jack, invited their attention to it as one of the most
of no colour at all. My Lady Lizard herself, wonderful phenomena in the history of the hu
though she was not a little pleased with her son’s man mind. “ The bias we acquire,” I quote
improvements, was one day almost angry with his own words, “ in consequence of habits con
him; for having accidentally burnt her fingers tracted in infancy, to refer to a substance ma
as she was lighting the lamp for her tea-pot, in terial and divisible, what really belongs to a sub
the midst of her anguish, Jack laid hold of the stance spiritual and simple, is a thing well
opportunity to instruct her, that there was no worthy of the attention of metaphysicians. No
such thing as heat in the fire.” thing,” he adds, “ is perhaps more extraordi
This miserable quibble about the non-exist nary, in the operations of the mind, than to see
ence of secondary qualities, never could have it transport its sensations out of itself, and to
attracted the notice of so many profound think spread them, as it were, over a substance to
ers, had it not been for a peculiar difliculty con which they cannot possibly belong.”—It would
nected with our notions of colour, of which I do be difiicult to state the fact in question in terms
not know any one English philosopher who seems more brief, precise, and perspicuous.
to have been sufficiently aware. That this qua That the illusion, so well described in the
lity belongs to the same class with sounds, smells, above quotation, was not overlooked by Des
tastes, heat and cold, is equally mated by the cartes and Malebranche, appears unquestionable,
partisans of Descartes and of Locke ; and must, from their extreme solicitude to reconcile it with
indeed, appear an indisputable fact to all' who that implicit faith, which, from religious con
are capable of reflecting accurately on the sub sideration, they conceived to be due to the testi
ject. But still, between colour and the other mony of those faculties with which our Maker
qualities now mentioned, a very important dis has endowed us. Malebranche, in particular, is
tinction must be allowed to exist. In the case at pains to distinguish between the sensation, and
of smells, tastes, sounds, beat and cold, every the judgment combined with it. “ The sensa
person must immediately perceive, that his senses tion never deceives us; it differs in no respect
give him only a relative idea of the external from what we conceive it to be. The judgment,
quality; in other words, that they only convey too, is natural, or rather (says Malebranche),
to him the knowledge of the existence of cer it is only a sort of compound sensation ,4 but this

" He would have expressed himself more accurately, if he had said, that the judgment is indissolubly combined with the
sensation ; but his meaning is sufficiently obvious.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 65
judgment leads us into no error with respect to it would have been superfluous for us to know
philosophical truth. The moment we exercise that they are painted on the retina. On the
our reason, we see the fact in its true light, and contrary, as they are only useful to us, from the
can account completely for that illusive appear information they convey with respect to things
ance which it presents to the imagination.” external, it was essential that we should be so
Not satisfied, however, with this solution of formed-as to attach them to the corresponding
the ditiiculty, or rather perhaps apprehensive objects on which they depend.”g
that it might not appear quite satisfactory to The two following remarks, which I shall state
some others, he has called in to his assistance with all possible brevity, appear to me to go far
the doctrine of original sin ;' asserting, that all towards a solution of the problem proposed by
the mistaken judgments which our constitution D’Alembert.
leads us to form concerning external objects and 1. According to the new theory of vision com
their qualities, are the consequences of the fall monly (but, as I shall afterwards show, not alto
of our first parents; since which adventure (as it getherjustly) ascribed to Dr Berkeley, lineal dis
is somewhat irreverently called by Dr Beattie), tance from the eye is not an original perception of
it requires the constant vigilance of reason to sight. In the meantime, from the first moment
guard against the numberless tricks and im that the eye opens, the most intimate connection
postnres practised upon us by our external must necessarily be established between the notion
senses.l In another passage, Malebranche ob of colour and those ofvisible extension and figure.
serves very beautifully (though not very con At first, it is not improbable that all of them
sistently with his theological argument on the may be conceived to be merely of
same point), that our senses being given us for the mind; but, however this may be, the mani
the preservation of our bodies, it was requisite fest consequence is, that when a comparison
for our well-being, that we should judge as we between the senses of Sight and of Touch has
do of sensible qualities. “ In the case of the taught us to refer to a distance the objects of
sensations of pain and of heat, it was much the one, the indissolubly associated sensations
more advantageous that we should seem to feel of the other must of course accompany them,
them in those parts of the body which are im how far soever that distance may extend.5
mediately afl‘ected by them, than that we should 2. It is well known to be a general law of our
associate them with the external objects by which constitution, when one thing is destined, either
they are occasioned; because pain and heat, by nature or by convention, to be the sign of
having the power to injure our members, it was another, that the mind has a disposition to pass
necessary that we should be warned in what on, as rapidly as possible, to the thing signified,
place to apply the remedy; whereas colours not without dwelling on the sign as an object worthy
being likely, in ordinary cases, to hurt the eye, of its attention. The most remarkable of all ex

! “ We are informed by Father Malebranche, that the senses were at first as honest faculties as one could desire to be
endued with, till after they were debauched by 0ri inal sin; an adwnlure from which they contracted such an invincible
propensity to cheating. that they are now continuafiy lyin in wait to deceive us"-Emzy on Truth, p. 24], second edition.
' Recherche dc to Vén'te’, Liv. i. chap. xiii. § 6. In Dr lleid‘s strictures on Descartes and Locke there are two remarks
which I am at a loss how to reconcile. “ Colour," says he, “ ditfera from other secondary qualities in this, that whereas
the name of the quality is sometimes given to the sensation which indicates it. and is occasioned by it, we never, as far as
I can jud , give the name of colour to the sensation, but to the quality only." A flaw sentences before, he had observed,
“ That w tell we think or speak of any particular colour, however simple the notion may seem to be which is presented to
the imagination, it is really in some sort compounded. It involves an unknown cause, and a known effect. The name of
colour belongs indeed to the cause only, and not to the effect. But as the cause is unknown, we can form no distinct con
ception of it, but by its relation to the known effect. And, therefore, both go together in the imagination, and are so close
ly united. that they are mistaken for one simple object of thought."-_Jnqulry, chap. vi. sect. 4.
These twu passages seem quite inconsistent with each other. If in the rce lieu of colour, the sensation and the qua
lity “ be so closely united as to be mistaken for one single object of thong it," t cos it not obviously follow, that it is to
this compounded notion the name of colour must, in general, be given ? On the other hand, when it is said that the name of
colour 6: never given to the mimic", but to the quality only, does not this imply, that every time the word is pronounced, the
quality ll separated from the sensation, even in the imaginations of the vulgar P
' See Note M.
DISS. 1. PART 1. I
66 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

amples of this occurs in the acquired perceptions veying a library of books. We speak of the
of sight, where our estimates of distance are volumes piled up on its shelves, as treasures or
frequently the result of an intellectual process, magazines of the knowledge of past ages; and
comparing a variety of different signs together, contemplate them with gratitude and reverence,
without a possibility on our part, the moment as inexhaustible sources of instruction and delight
afterwards, of recalling one single step of the to the mind. Even in looking at a page of print
process to our recollection. Our inattention to or of manuscript, we are apt to say, that the ideas
the sensations of colour, considered as affections we acquire are received by the sense of sight;
of the Mind, or as modifications of our own and we are scarcely conscious of a metaphor,
being, appears to me to be a fact of precisely when we employ this language. On such oc
the same description; for all these sensations casions we seldom recollect, that nothing is per
were plainly intended by nature to perform the ceived by the eye but a multitude of black strokes
office of signs, indicating to us the figures and drazsm upon white paper, and that it is our own
distances of things external. Of their essential acquired habits which communicate to these
importance in this point of view, an idea may strokes the whole of that significancy whereby
be formed, by supposing for a moment the whole they are distinguished from the unmeaning
face of nature to exhibit only one uniform colour, scrawling of an infant or a changeling. The
without the slightest variety even of light and knowledge which we conceive to be preserved in
shade. Is it not self-evident that, on this sup books, like the fragrance of a rose, or the gild
position, the organ of sight would be entirely ing of the clouds, depends, for its existence, on
useless, inasmuch as it is by the varieties of the relation between the object and the percipient
colour alone that the outlines or visible figures mind; and the only difference between the two
of bodies are so defined, as to be distinguishable cases is, that in the one, this relation is the local
one from another ? Nor could the eye, in this and temporary effect of conventional habits; in
case, give us any information concerning diver the other, it is the universal and the unchange
sities of distmwe ; for all the various signs of it, able work of nature. The art of printing, it is
enumerated by optical writers, pre-suppose the to be hoped, will in future render the former
antecedent recognition of the bodies around us, relation, as well as the latter, coeval with our
as separate objects of perception. Itis not there species; but, in the past history of mankind, it
fore surprising, that signs so indispensably sub is impossible to say how often it may have been
servient to the exercise of our noblest sense, dissolved. What vestiges can now be traced of
should cease, in early infancy, to attract notice those scientific attainments which, in early times,
as the subjects of our consciousness; and that drew to Egypt, from every part of the civilised
afterwards they should present themselves to the world, all those who were anxious to be initia—
imagination rather as qualities of Matter, than ted in the mysteries of philosophy? The sym
as attributes of Mind.1 bols which still remain in that celebrated coun
To this reference of the sensation of colour ‘ try, inscribed on eternal monuments, have long
to the external object, I can think of nothing so lost theoorrespondent minds which reflected upon
analogous as the feelings we experience in sur them their own intellectual attributes. To us

‘ In Dr Reid's Inquiry, he has introduced a discussion concerning the perception of visible figure, which has puzzled me
since the first time (more than forty years ago) that I read his worlr. The discussion relates to this question, “ Whether
there be any sensation proper to visible figu re, by which it is suggested in vision ?" The result of the argument is, that
“ our eye might have been so framed as to suggest the figure of the object, without suggesting colour, or any other quality ;
and, of consequence, there seems to be no sensation appropriated to visible figure; this quality being suggested immediately
by the material impression upon the organ, of which impression we are not conscious.”-Inquiry, &c. chap. vi. sect. 8. To
my apprehension, nothing can appear more manifest than this, that, if there had been no variety in our sensations of colour,
and still more, if we had had no sensation of colour whatsoever, the or n of night could have given us no information,
either with respect to figure: or to distance: ,- and, of consequence, wou d have been as useless to us, as if we had been at"
flicted, from the moment of our birth, with a gutta arena.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 67
they are useless and silent, and serve only to at istence on the latter. To the same cause it is
test the existence of arts, of which it is impos owing, that we find it so difficult (if it be at all
sible to unriddle the nature and the objects. practicable) to form an idea of any of our intel
___.__. Variis nunc sculpts figuris lectual operations, abstracted from the images
Marmarav trunca tamen visuntur mntaque nobis; suggested by their metaphorical names. It was
Signs repertornm tuimur, cecidere reperta.
objected to Descartes by some of his contempo
What has now been remarked with respect to raries, that the impossibility of accomplishing
written characters, may be extended very nearly the abstractions which he recommended, fur
to oral langzage. When we listen to the dis nished of itself a strong argument against the
course of a public speaker, eloquence and per soundness of his doctrines.1 The proper an
suasion seem to issue from his lips; and we are swer to this objection does not. seem to have oc
little aware, that we ourselves infuse the soul curred to him, nor, so far as I know, to any
into every word that he utters. The case is of his successors ;<-—that the abstractions of the
exactly the same when we enjoy the conversa understanding are totally ditferent from the ab
tion of a friend. We ascribe the charm entirely stractions of the imagination ; and that we may
to his voice and accents ; but without our co reason with most logical correctness about things
operation, its potency would vanish. How very considered apart, which it is impossible, even in
small the comparative proportion is, which, in thought, to conceive as separated from each
such cases, the words spoken contribute to the other. His own speculations concerning the
intellectual and moral effect, I have elsewhere indissolubility of the union established in the
endeavoured to show.. mind between the sensations of colour and the
I have enlarged on this part of the Cartesian primary qualities of extension and figure, might
system, not certainly on account of its intrinsic have furnished him, on this occasion, with a tri
value, as connected with the theory of our ex umphant reply to his adversaries; not to men
ternal perceptions (although even in this respect tion that the variety of metaphors, equally fitted
of the deepest interest to every philosophical in to denote the same intellectual powers and ope
quirer), but because it affords the most palpable rations, might have been urged as a demonstra
and striking example I know of, to illustrate the tive proof, that none of thwe metaphors have
indissoluble associations established during the any connection with the general laws to which
period of infancy between the intellectual and it is the business of the philosopher to trace the
the material worlds. It was plainly the inten mental phenomena.
tion of nature, that our thoughts should be ha When Descartes established it as a general
bitually directed to things external; and accord principle, that nothing conceivable by the power of
ingly the bulk of mankind are not only indis imagination could throw any light on the operations
poscd to study the intellectual phenomena, but qf thought (a principle which I consider as ex
are incapable of that degree of reflection which clusively his own), he laid the foundation-stone
is necessary for their examination. Hence it is, of the Experimental Philosophy of the Human
that when we begin to analyse our own internal Mind. That the same truth had been previous
constitution, we find the facts it presents to us ly perceived, more or less distinctly, by Bacon
so very intimately combined in our conceptions and others, appears probable from the general
with the qualities of matter, that it is impossible complexion of their speculations; but which of
for us to draw distinctly and steadily the line them has expressed it with equal precision, or
between them; and that, when Mind and Mat laid it down as a fundamental maxim in their
logic?
ter are concerned in the same result, the former to date It
theis origin
for this of
reason, that Philosophy
the true I am of
is either entirely overlooked, or is regarded only
as an necessary principle, dependent for its ex Mind from the Prinptfiia of Descartes rather

' See. in particular, Gama 0pm, Tom. 111. pp. 300, 301. Lugduni, was.
68 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

than from the Orgamm of Bacon, _or the Essay nent (for I must content myself with barely
of Locke; without, however, meaning to com mentioning a few of essential importance) were
pare the French author with our two country his obstinate rejection of all speculations about
men, either as a contributor to our stock offacts final causes ;' his hypothesis concerning the
relating to the intellectual phenomena, or as the lower animals, which he considered as more ma
author of any important conclusion concerning chines? his doctrine of innate ideas, as wider
the general laws to which they may be referred. stood and expormded by himsélffl his noted para
It is mortifying to reflect on the inconceivably dox of placing the essence of mind in thinking,
small number of subsequent inquirers by whom and of matter in extension ;‘ and his new modi
the spirit of this cardinal maxim has been fully fication of the ideal theory of perception, adopt
seized; and that, even in our own times, the ed afterwards, with some very slight changes,
old and inveterate prejudice 'to which it is 0p by Malebranche, Locke, Berkeley, and Hume.“
posed, should not only have ‘been revived with To some of these errors I shall have occasion to
success, but should have been very generally re refer in the sequel of this Discourse. The fore
garded as an original and profound discovery going slight enumeration is suflicient for my
in metaphysical science. These circumstances present purpose.
must plead my apology for the space I have as In what I have hitherto said of Descartes, I
signed to the Cartesian Metaphysics in the have taken no notice of his metaphysico-physio
crowded historical picture which I am at present logical theories relative to the connection be
attempting to sketch. The fulness of illustra tween soul and body. Of these theories, how
tion which I have bestowed on the works of the ever, groundless and puerile as they are, it is
master, will enable me to pass over those of his necessary for me, before I proceed farther, to
disciples, and even of his antagonists, with a say a few words, on account of their extensive
correspondent brevity. 1 and lasting influence on the subsequent history
After having said so much of the singular of the science of Mind, not only upon the Con
merits-of Descartes as the father of genuine me tinent, but in our own island.
taphysics, it is incumbent on me to add, that his The hypothesis of Descartes, which assigns to
errors in this science were on a scale of propor the soul for its principal seat the pineal gland or
tionate magnitude. Of these the most promi corzarimi, is known to every one who has perused

' The Cartesian doctrine concemin the secondary qualities of matter, is susceptible of various other important applica
tions. Might it not be employed, at east as an nrgumcnlum ml lmmim‘m against M r Hume and others, who, admitting I/u'r
part of the Cartesian system, seem nevertheless to have a secret leaning to the scheme of materialism? Mr Hume has
somewhere spoken of Unit lit/I: ngilaliou oft/1e brain u-c ml! lining/ll. If it he unphilosophicul to confound our nutrition: of co
lour, of heat, and of cold, with such qualities as extension, figure, and solidity, is it not, if possible, still more so, to con
found wilh these qualities the phenomena ol'thought, of volition, and of moral emotion ?
'-' It is not unworthy of notice, that, in spite of his own logical rules, Descartes sometimes seems insensibly to adopt,
on this subject, the common ideas and feelings of mankind. Several instances of this occur in his treatise on the Passions,
where he offers various conjectures concerning the me: to which they are subservient. The following sentence is more
peculiarly remarkable: “ Milli persundcre nequeo, naturam indedisse hominibus ullum atl'ectum qui semper vitiosus sit,
nullumque usuln bonum et laudabilem habeat.“-Art. clxxv.
~" This ofscience,
branches hypothesishasnever . ined much that,
ilainiji'qintimated ground
in hisin opinion,
I'In landthe
: and yet ofa probabilities
balance late writer ofinclined
distinguished eminence“ inI omit
in its favour. mnu:
mentioning other nnima 5 here,“ says Mr Kirwan in his lllclaphyrical Essays, “ a: it i: at 1cm! doublful whether they are not
mere nutomalom."_lllrl. Essays, p. 4]. Lond. 1809.
‘ I have added the clause in Ila/in, because, in Descartes‘ reasonings on this question, there is no inconsiderable portion
of most important truth, debased by a large and manifest alloy of error.
‘ To this paradox may be traced many ofthe conclusions of the author, both on physical and on metaphysical subjects.
One of the most ('llaracleristical features, indeed, of his genius, is the mathematical concatenation of his opinions, even on
questions which, at first sight, seem the most remote from each other; a circumstance which, when combined with the ex
traordinary perspicuity of his style, completely accounts for the strong hold his philosophy look of every mind, thoroughly
initiated, at an early period of life, in its principles and doctrines. In consequence of conceiving the essence of matter to
consist in extension, he was necessarily oh iged to maintain the doctrine of a universal plrnum ,- upon which doctrine the
theory of the Vortices came to he grafted by a very short and easy process. The same idea forced him, at the very outset
of his lllL‘lap/lyxir‘ul lllcllilnlinm, to assert, much more dogmatically than his premises seem to warrant, the non-crlcnsion of
Mind; and led him on many occasions to blend, very illogically, this cmnparalivclg disputable dogma, with the lhcts he has to
state concerning the mental phenomena.
' See Note N.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 69
the Alma of Prior. It is not, perhaps, equally his intellectual faculties till he had once proved
known, that the circumstance which determined to his satisfaction, from the necessary veracity I
him to fix on this particular spot, was the very of God, that these faculties were to be regarded
plausible consideration, that, among the different as divine oracles, prepared him, in all the sub
parts,.of,tbe hrain,_this was the only one he sequent steps of his progress, to listen to the
could find, which, single and central, suggestions of his own fallible judgment, with
was for the‘habitation of a being, of which more than common credulity and confidence.
he unityland indivisibility to be essen-y I The ideas of Descartes, respecting the com
tial and obvious attributes.l In what manner imunication between soul and body, are now so
the animal spirits, by their motions forwards and universally rejected, that I should not have al
backwards in the nervous tubes, keep up the luded to them here, had it not been for their
communication between this gland and the dill-, manifest influence in producing, at the distance '
fereut parts of, the body, so as to produce the of a century, the rival hypothesis of Dr Hartley.
phenomena of perception, memory, imagination, I The first traces of this hypothesis occur in some
and muscular motion, he has attempted parti queries of Sir Isaac Newton, which he was pro
cularly to explain; describing the processes by bably induced to propose, less from the convic
which these various effects are accomplished, tion of his own mind, than from a wish to turn
with as decisive a tone of authority, as if he had the attention of philosophers to an examination
been demonstrating experimentally the circula of the correspondent part of the Cartesian sys
tion of the blood. How curious to meet with tem. Not that I would be understood to deny
such speculations in the works of the same phi that this great man seems, on more than one oc
losopher, who had so clearly perceived the ne v casion, to have been so far misled by the ex
cessity, in studying the laws of Mind, of ab; ample of his predecessor, as to indulge himself
stracting entirely from the analogies of Matter ; in speculating on questions altogether unsuscep
and who, at the outset of his inquiries, had car-'tible of solution. In the present instance, how
ried his scepticism so far, as to require a proof ever, there cannot, I apprehend, be a doubt,
even of the existence of his own body I To that it was the application made by Descartes of
those, however, who reflect with attention on the old theory of animal spirits, to explain the
the method adopted by Descartes, this inconsist mental phenomena, which led Newton into that
ency will not appear so inexplicable as at first train of tlinking which served as the ground
sight may be imagined; inasmuch as the same work of Hartley’s Theory of Vibrafions.’
scepticism which led him to suspend his faith in It would be useless to dwell longer on_ the re

' See in particular, the treatise D: Pauiom'blu, Art. til. 32. See also Note 0.
’ The physiological theory of Descartes, concerning the connection between soul and body, was adopted, together with
some of his sounder opinions, by a contemporary English philosopher, Mr Smith of Cambridge, whom I had occasion to
mention in a former note: and that, for some time after the beginning of the eighteenth century, it continued to afford
one of the chief subjects of controversy between the two English universities, the Alma of Prior affords incontestable evi
dence. From the same poem it appears, how much the reveries of Descartes about the m! qfthe soul, contributed to wean
the wit: of Cambridge from their former attachment to the still more incomprehensible pueumatology of the schoolmen.
Ilere Matthew said,
Alma in verse, in prose the mind
By Aristotle‘s pen defin‘d,
Throughout the body squat or tall,
ls, bonafidt, all in all,
And yet, slap-dash, is all 'n
In every sinew, nerve. an vein ;
Runs here and there like Hamlet‘s Ghost,
iVhilc everywhere she rules the roast.
This system, Richard, we are told,
The men of Oxford firmly hold ;
The Cambridge wits. you know, deny
“'ith ipn diri! to comply.
Thev say, (for in good truth they speak
\Vith small res ct of that old Greclr)
That puttin a 1 his words together,
’Tis three b uc beans in one blue bladder.
70 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

veries of a philosopher, much better known to have been at its height in his own lifetime ; that
the learned of the present. age by the boldness of Descartes made but little progress, till a con
of his exploded errors, than by the profound and siderable time after his death.
important truths contained in his works. At The comparative justness of Gassendi’s views
the period when he appeared, it may perhaps be in natural philosophy may be partly, perhaps
questioned, whether the truths which he taught, chiefly, ascribed to his diligent study of Bacon’s
or the errors into which he fell, Were most in works ; which Descartes (if he ever read them),
structive to the world. The controversies pro has nowhere alluded to in his This
voked by the latter had certainly a more imme extraordinary circumstance in the character of
diate and palpable effect in awakening a general Descartes is the more unaccountable, that not
spirit of free inquiry. To this consideration only Gassendi, but some of his other corre
may be added an ingenious and not altogether spondents, repeatedly speak of Bacon in terms
unsound remark of D’Alembert, that “ when which one should think could scarcely have fail
absurd opinions are become inveterate, it is ed to induce him to satisfy his own mind whe
sometimes necessary to replace them by other ther their encomiums were well or ill founded.
errors, if nothing better can be done. Such (he One of these, while he contents himself, from
continues) are the uncertainty and the vanity of very obvious feelings of delicacy, with mention
the human mind, that it has always need of an ing the Chancellor of England as the person
opinion on which it may lean; it is a child to who, before the time of Descartes, had entertained
whom a play-thing must occasionally be present the justest notions about the method of prose
ed, in order to get out of its hands a mischie cuting physical inquiries, takes occasion, in the
vous weapon ; the play-thing will soon be aban— same letter, to present him, in the form of a
doned, when the light of reason begins to dawn. 1 friendly admonition from himself, with the fol
lowing admirable summary of the instauratio
Among the opponents of Descartes, Gassendi magna. “ To all this it must be added, that no
was one of the earliest, and by far the most for architect, however skilful, can raise an edifice,
midable.‘ No two philosophers were ever more unless he be provided with proper materials. In
strongly contrasted, both in point of talents and like manner, your method, supposing it to be
of temper; the former as far superior to the' perfect, can never advance you a single step in
latter in originality of genius—in powers of con the explanation of natural causes, unless you are
centrated attention to the phenomena of the in in possession of the facts necessary for determin
ternalyzorld—in classical taste—in moral sensi ing their effects. They who, without stirring
bility, and in all the rarer gifts of the mind, as from their libraries, attempt to discourse con
he fell short of him in erudition—in industry as cerning the works of nature, may indeed tell us
a book-maker—in the justness of his logical what sort of world they would have made, if
views, so far as the phenomena of the material God had committed that task to their ingenuity;
universe are concerned—and, in general, in but, without a wisdom truly divine, it is impos
those literary qualities and attainments, of which sible for them to form an idea of the universe,
the bulk of mankind either are, or think them at all approaching to that in the mind of its
selves best qualified to form an etimate. The Creator. And, although your method promises
reputation of Gassendi, accordingly, seems to everything that can be expected from human

Alma they strenuously maintain,

Sits cock~horse on her throne the brain,
And from that seat of thought dispenses
Her sovereign pleasure to e senses, &.c. &,c.
The whole poem, from beginning to end, is one continued piece of ridicule upon, the various hypotheses of physiologists
concerning the nature of the communication between soul and body. The amusing contrast between the solemn absurdity
of these disputes, and the light pleasantry of the excursions to which they lend the fancy of the poet, constitutes the prin
cipal charm of this performance ;_ by far the most original and characteristical of all Prior's ‘Vorks.
' See Note P
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 71

genius, it does not, therefore, lay any claim to sics and of Ethics, this very learned theologian
the art of divination; but only boasts of dedu (one of the most orthodox, prqfessedly, of whom
cing from the assumed data, all the truths ' the Catholic. church has to boast), carried his
which follow from them as legitimate conse veneration for the authority of Epicurus to a de
quences; which data can, in physics, be nothing gree bordering on weakness and servility; and
else but principles previously established by ex although, on such occasions, he is at the utmost
perimen't.”1 In Gassendi’s controversies with pains to guard his readers against the dangerous
Descartes, the name of Bacon seems to be studi conclusions commonly ascribed to his master, he
ously introduced on various occasions, in a man has nevertheless retained more than enough of
ner still better calculated to excite the curiosity his system, to give a plausible colour to a very
of hi antagonist; and in his historical review general suspicion, that he secretly adopted more
of logical systems, the heroical attempt which of it than he chose to avow.
gave birth to the Novum Orgamm is made the sub As Gassendi’s attachment to the physical doc-.
ject of a separate chapter, immediately preced trines of Epicurus, predisposed him to give an
ing that which relates to the Metaphysical Medi easier reception than he might otherwise have
tations of Descartes. done to his opinions in Metaphysics and in
The partiality of Gassendi for the Epicurean Ethics, so his unqualified contempt for the hy
physics, if not originally imbibed from Bacon, pothesis of the Vortices seems to have created
must have been powerfully encouraged by the in his mind an undue prejudice against the spe
favourable terms in which he always mentions culations of Descartes on all other subjects. His
the Atomic or Corpuscular theory. In its con objections to the argument by which Descartes
formity to that luminous simplicity which every has so triumphantly established the distinction
where characterises the operations of nature, between Mind and Matter, as separate and he
this theory certainly possesses a decided superio terogeneous objects of human knowledge, must
rity over all the other conjectures of the ancient now appear, to every person capable of forming
philosophers concerning the material universe; a judgment upon the question, altogether frivo
and it reflects no small honour on the sagacity lous and puerile; amounting to nothing more
both of Bacon and of Gassendi, to have perceiv than this, that all our knowledge is received by
ed so clearly the strong analogical presumption the channel of the external senses,——insomuch,
which this conformity afi'ordod in its favour, that there is not a single object of the under
prior to the unexpected lustre thrown upon it by standing which may not be ultimately analysed
the researches of the Newtonian school. \Vith into sensible images; and, of consequence, that
all his admiration, however, of the Epicurean when Dehcartes proposed to abstract from these
physics, Bacon nowhere shows the slightest images in studying the mind, he rejected the
leaning towards the metaphysical or ethical doc only materials out of which it is possible for our
trines of the same sect ; but, on the contrary, faculties to rear any superstructure. The sum
considered (and, l apprehend, rightly consider of the whole matter is (to use his own language),
ed) the atomic theory as incomparably more hos that “ there is no real distinction between ima
tile to atheism, than the hypothesis of four gination and intellection; meaning, by the former
mutable elements, and of one immutable fifth of these words, the power which the mind pos
essence. In this last opinion, there is every sesses of rep'esenting to itself the material ob
reason to believe that Gassendi fully concurred; jects and qualities it has previously perceived.
more especially, as he was a zealous advocate for It is evident, that this conclusion coincides ex
the investigation offinal causes, even in inquiries actly with the tenets inculcated in England at
strictly physical. At the same time, it cannot be the same period by his friend Hobbes,’ as well
denied, that, on many questions, both of Metaphy as with those revived at a later period by Dide

' See the first Epistle to Descartes, prefixed to his Tmm'm (m the Prun'oru. Amstel. 1664.
' The affection of Gassendi for Hobbes, and his esteem for his writings, are mentioned in very strong terms by Sor
72 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rot, Horne Tooke, and many other writers, both
French and English, who, while they were only
repeating the exploded dogmas of Epicurus,
fancied they were pursuing, with miraculous
success, the new path struck out by the genius
of Locke.
It is worthy of remark, that the argument em
ployed by Gassendi against Descartes, is copied
almost verbatim from his own Version of the ac
count given by Diogenes Laertius of the sources
of our knowledge, according to the principles of
the Epicurean philosophy :1—so very little is
there of novelty in the consequences deduced
by modern materialiats from the scholastic pro
position, Niliil est in intellectu quad non fuit prius
in smsu. The same doctrine is very concisely
and explicitly stated in a maxim formerly quot
ed from Montaigne, that “ the senses are the
beginning and end of all our knowledge ;”—a
maxim which Montaigne learned from his oracle
Raymond de Sebonde; which, by the present
race of French philosophers, is almost univer
sally supposed to be sanctioned by the authority
of Locke; and which, if true, would at once
cut up by the roots, not only all metaphysics,
but all ethics, and all religion, both natural and
revealed. ' It is accordingly with this very maxim
that Madame du Defl'and (in a letter which ri
vals anything that the fancy of Moliere has con
ceived in his Femmes Savantes) assails Voltaire
for his imbecility in attempting a reply to an
atheistical book then recently published. In
justice to this celebrated lady, I shall transcribe errors grafted on it in the comments of some of
part of it in her own words, as a precious and
authentic document of the philosophical tone af
fected by the higher orders in France, during
the reign of Louis XV.
“ J’entends parler d’une refutation d’un cer
tain livre (Syste‘me de la Nature Je voudrois
l’avoir. Jc m’en tiens a connoitre ce livre par
vous. Toutes réfutations de systems doivent
étre bonnes, surtout quand c’est vous qui les
faites. Mais, mon cher Voltaire, ne vous en
.nuyez-vous pas de tous les raisonnemens méta
physiques sur les matieres inintelligibles. Peut
on dunner des idées, ou pent-on en admetire d’autres
que cclles que nous repevons par nos sens ?”—If
the Senses be the beginning and end of all our
knowledge, the inference here pointed at is
quite irresistible.‘
A learned and profound writer has lately
complained of the injustice done by the present
age to Gassendi; in whose works, he asserts,
may be found the whole of the doctrine com
monly ascribed to Locke concerning the origin
of our knowledge'.‘ The remark is certainly
just, if restricted to Locke’s doctrine as inter
preted by the greater part of philosophers on
the Continent; but it is very wide of the truth,
if applied to it as now explained and modified
by the most intelligent of his disciples in this
country. The main scope, indeed, of Gassendi’s
argument against Descartes, is to materialise
that class of our ideas which the Lockists as
well as the Cartesians consider as the exclusive
objects of the power of reflection ; and to show
that these ideas are all ultimately resolvable into
images or conceptions borrowed from things ex
ternal. It is not, therefore, what is sound and
valuable in this part of Locke’s system, but the
his followers, that can justly be said to have
been borrowed from Gassendi. Nor has Gassendi
the merit of originality, even in these errors;
for scarcely a remark on the subject occurs in
his works, but what is copied from the accounts

biere. “ Thomas Hobbius Gassendo charissimus, cujus libellum Dc Corporc paucis ante obitum mensibus accipiens, oscu
latus est, subjun ns, mole quidcm par-mu cu inc liber, vcrum lotus, at opirwr, medulla min-t !"-_(Sonnr.mr Pnji) Gassendi’s
admiration of obbes' Treatise De Civc, was equally warm ; as we learn from a letter of his to Sorbiere, prefixed to that
work.
' Compare Gsssssnr Opera, Tom. III. p. 300, 301 z and Tom. V, p. 12.
' Notwithstanding the evidence (according to my judgment) of this conclusion, I trust it will not be supposed that I im
pute the slightest bias in its favour to the nerality of those who have adopted the premises. 1f an author is to be held
chargeable with all the consequences logic ly deducible from his opinions, who can hope to escape censure? And, in the
resent instance, how few are there among Montaigne‘s disciples, who have ever reflected for a moment on the real mean
ing and import of the proverbial maxim in question !
' Gassendi fut le premier auteur de la nouvelle philosophie de l‘esprit humain ; car il est terns de lui rendre, a cet égnrd,
une justice qu’il n'a resque jamais obtenue de ses propres compatriotes. Il est tres singulier en efi'et, qu'en arlant de
la nouvelle philosophie de l‘esprit humain, nous disions toujours, Ia philosophic dc Locke. D’Alembert et Condil ac ont au
torisé cettc expression, en rapportant l’un et l'autre a Locke exclusivement la gloire de cette invention, &c. etc-Dace
ammo, Hist. Comp. dc: System“, Tome I. p. 30L
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 73
transmitted to us of the Epicurean metaphy to that obscurity in which they ever did, and
sics. ever will remain.“ When the justness of this
Unfortunatelyfor Descartes, while he so clear remark shall be as universally acknowledged in
ly perceived that the origin of those ideas which the science of Mind as it now is in Natural Phi
are the most interesting to human happiness, losophy, we may reasonably expect that an end
will be put to those idle controversies which
could not be traced to our external senses, he
had the Weakness, instead of stating this funda— have so long diverted the attention of metaphy—
mental proposition in plain and precise terms, sicians from the proper objects of their studies.
to attempt an explanation of it by the extrava The text of Scripture, prefixed by Dr Reid as
gant hypothesis of ham ideas. This hypothesis a motto to his Inquiry, conveys, in a few words,
gave Gassendi great advantages over him, in the the result of his own modest and truly philoso
management of their controversy; while the phical speculations on the origin of our know
subsequent adoption of Gassendi’s reasonings ledge, and expresses this result in terms strictly
against it by Locke, has led to a very general analogous to those in which Newton speaks of
but ill-founded belief, that the latter, as well as the law of gravitation :—“ The inspiration ofthe
the former, rejected, along with the doctrine of Almighty hath given‘them understanding.” Let
innate ideas, the various important and well our researches concerning the developement
ascertained truths combined with it in the Car of Mind, and the occasions on which its various
tesian system.1 > notions are first formed, be carried back ever so
The hypothetical language afterwards intro far towards the commencement of its history, in
duced by Leibnitz concerning the human soul this humble confession of human ignorance they
(which he sometimes calls a lit'ing mirror of the _ must terminate at last.
universe, and sometimes supposes to contain I have dwelt thus long on the writings of
within itself the seeds of that knowledge which Gassendi, much less from my own idea of their
is gradually unfolded in the progressiva exercise merits, than out of respect to an author, in
of its faculties), is another impotent attempt to whose footsteps Locke has frequently conde—
explain a mystery unfathomable by human rea scended to tread. The epigrammatic encomium
son. The same remark may be extended to bestowed on him by Gibbon, who calls him,
some of Plato’s reveries on this question, more “ le meilleur philosophc des littératcurs, et le
particularly to his supposition, that those ideas meilleur littérateur des philosophes,” appears to
which cannot be traced to any of our external me quite extravagant.’ His learning, indeed,
senses, were acquired by the soul in its state of was at once vast and accurate; and, as a philo
pre-existence. In all of these theories, as well sopher he is justly entitled to the praise of being
as in that of Descartes, the cardinal truth is as one of the first who entered thoroughly into the
sumed as indisputable, that the Senses are not spirit of the Baconian logic. But his inventive
the only sources of human knowledge; nor is powers, which were probably not of the highest
any thing wanting to render them correctly 10 order, seem to have been either dissipated amidst
gical, but the statement of this truth as an ulti the multiplicity of his literary pursuits, or laid
mate fact (or at least as a fact hitherto unex asleep by his indefatigable labours as a com
plained) in our intellectual frame. mentator and a compiler. From a writer of
It is very justly observed by Mr Hume, with this class, new lights were not to be expected
respect to Sir Isaac Newton, that “ while he in the study of the human Mind; and accord
seemed to draw oil' the veil from some of the ingly, here he has done little or nothing, but to
mysteries of nature, he showed, at the same revive and to repeat over the doctrines of the
time, the imperfections of the mechanical philo old Epicureans. His works amount to six
sophy, and thereby restored her ultimate secrets large volumes in folio; but the substance of

‘ See Note Q ' 11mm qfGrcat Britain, chap. lxxi. ' Enai mr I'Etude de la Lumiere.
D188. 1- PART I. K
74 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

them might be compressed into a much smaller when he published The Search afler Truth ; a
compass, Without any diminution of their value. work which, whatever judgment may now be
In one respect Gassendi had certainly a great passed on its philosophical merits, will always
advantage over his antagonist,—the good humour form an interesting study to readers of taste, and
which never forsook him in the heat of a philoso a useful one to students of human nature. Few
phical argument. The comparative indifference books can be mentioned, combining, in so great
with which he regarded most of the points at a degree, the utmost depth and abstraction of
issue between them, was perhaps the chief cause thought, with the most pleasing sallies of imagi
of that command of temper so uniformly dis nation and eloquence; and none, where they
played in all his controversies, and so remarkably who delight in the observation of intellectual
contrasted with the constitutional irritability of character may find more ample illustrations,
Descartes. Even the faith of Gassendi in his both of the strength and weakness of the human
own favourite master, Epicurus, does not seem understanding. It is a singular feature in the
to have been very strong or dogmatical, if it be history of Malebranche, that, notwithstanding the
true that he was accustomed to allege, as the poetical colouring which adds so much animation
chief ground of his preferring the Epicurean and grace to his style, he never could read,
physics to the theory of the Vortices, “ that without disgust, a page of the finest verses ;‘
chimera for chimera, he could not help feeling and that, although Imagination was manifestly
some partiality for that which was two thousand the predominant ingredient in the composition
years older than the other.”1 of his own genius, the most elaborate passages
in his works are those where he inveighs against
About twenty years after the death of Gassendi this treacherous faculty, as the prolific parent of
(who did not long survive Descartes), Male our most fatal delusions.a
branche entered upon his philosophical career. In addition to the errors, more or less incident
The earlier part of his life had, by the advice of to all men, from the unresisted sway of imagina
some of his preceptors, been devoted to the tion during the infancy of reason, Malebranche
study of ecclesiastical history, and of the learn had, in his own case, to struggle with all the
ed languagcs ; for neither of which pursuits does prejudices connected with the peculiar dogmas
he seem to have felt that marked predilection of the Roman Catholic faith. Unfortunately,
which afforded any promise of future eminence. too, he everywhere discovers a strong disposi
At length, in the twenty-fifth year of his age, tion to blend his theology and his metaphysics
he accidentally met with Descartes’ Weatise on together ; availing himself of the one as an auxi
Man, which opened to him at once a new world, liary to the other, wherever in either science
and awakened him to a consciousness of powers, his ingenuity fails him in establishing a favourite
till then unsuspected either by himself or by conclusion. To this cause is chiefly to be as
others. Fontenelle has given a lively picture of cribed the little attention now paid to a writer
the enthusiastic ardour with which Malebranche formerly so universally admired, and, in point
first read this performance; and describes its of fact, the indisputable author of some of the
effects on his nervous system as sometimes so most refined speculations claimed by the theo
great, that ho was forced to lay aside the book rists of the eighteenth century. As for those
till the palpitatiou of his heart had subsided. mystical controversies about Grace with An
It was only ten years after this occurrence thony Arnauld, on which he wasted so much of

I See Note R.
' Bayle-a-Fontenclle—D‘Alembert.
' In one of his arguments on this head, Malebranche refers to the remarks reviously made on the same subject by an
English philosopher, who, like himself, has more than once taken occasion, wh' e warning his readers against the undue in.
fluence of imagination over the judgment, to exemplify the boundless fertility and originality of his own. The following
allusion of Bacon‘s, quoted by Malebranche, is eminently apposite and happy :--“ Omnes pcrceptiones tam sensus quam
mentis sunt ex analogin hominis, non ex analogia universi : Estque intellectus hummus instar speculi intequalis ad radios
rerum, qui suam naturam nature: rerum immiscet, eamque distorquet et inficit
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 75
his genius, they have long sunk into utter obli traite comme des fous, et l’on verra qu’avec le
vion; nor should I have here revived the recol terns ils ne seront plus sorciers; parce que ceux
lection of them, were it not for the authentic qui ne le sont que par imagination, qui font
record they furnish of the passive bondage in certainement le plus grand nombre, deviendront
which, little more than a hundred years ago, comme les autres hommes.
two of the most powerful minds of that memor “ C’est done avec raison que plusieurs Parle
able period were held by a creed, renounced at mens no punissent point les sorciers: ils s’en
the Reformation by all the Protestant countries trouve beaucoup moins dans les terres de leur
of Europe, and the fruitful source, wherever it ressort : Et l’envie, et la malice des méchans ne
has been retained, of other prejudices, not less peuvent se servir de ce prétexte pour accabler
to be lamented, of an opposite description.1 les innocens."
When Malebranche touches on questions not How strikingly has the sagacity of these an
positively decided by the church, he exhibits a ticipations and reflections been verified, by the
remarkable boldness and freedom of inquiry; subsequent history of this popular superstition
setting at nought those human authorities which in our own country, and indeed in every other
have so much weight with men of unenlighten instance where the experiment recommended by
ed erudition; and sturdily opposing his own Malebranche has been tried! Of this sagacity
reason to the most inveterate prejudices of his much must, no doubt, be ascribed to the native
age. His disbelief in the reality of sorcery, vigour of a mind struggling against and control
which, although cautiously expressed, seems to ling early prejudices; but it must not be for
have been complete, affords a decisive proof of gotten, that, notwithstanding his retired and
the soundness of his judgment, where be con monastic life, Malebranche had breathed the
' ceived himself to have any latitude in exercising same air with the associates and friends of Des
it. The following sentences contain more good cartes and of Gassendi; and that no philosopher
sense on the subject, than I recollect in any seems ever to have been more deeply impressed
contemporary author. I shall quote them, as with the truth of that golden maxim of Mon
well as the other passages I may afterwards ex taigne—“ Il est bon de frotter et limer notre
tract from his writings, in his own words, to cervelle contre celle d’autrui.”
which it is seldom possible to do justice in an Another feature in the intellectual character
English version. of Malebranche, presenting an unexpected con
“ Les hommes meme les plus sages se con trast to his powers of abstract meditation, is the
duisent plut6t par l’imagination des autres, je attentive and discriminating eye with which he
veux dire par l’opinion et par la cofitume, que appears to have surveyed the habits and man
par les regles de la raison. Ainsi dans les lieux ners of the comparatively little circle around
ou l’on brule les sorciers, on ne voit autrc chose, him; and the delicate yet expressive touches
parce que dans les lieux ou l’on les condamne au with which he has marked and defined some of
feu, on croit veritablement qu’ils le sont, et cette the nicest shades and varieties of genius.‘ To
croyance se fortifie par les discours qu’on en this branch of the Philosophy of Mind, not cer
tient. Que l’on cesse de les punir, et qu’on les tainly the least important and interesting, he

' Of this disposition to blend theological dogmas with philosophical discussions, Malebranche was so little conscious in
himgelf, that he seriously warned his readers against it, by quoting an aphorism of Bacon‘s, peculiarly applicable to his own
writings :_Ex divinorum et humanorum malesana admixtione non solum educitur philosophic phantastica, sed etism reh
gio hmretica. Itaque salutare admodum est si mente sobria fidei tsntum dentur quae fidei sunt." In transcribing these
words, it is amusing to observe, that Malebranche has slily suppressed the name of the author from Whom they are bor
rowed: manifestly from an unwillingness to weaken their effect, by the suspicious authority of s philosopher not in com
munion with the Church of Rome—Racherrhc d1: la Vén'té, Liv. ii. chap. ix. _
Dr Reid, proceeding on the su position that Malebranche was a Jesuit, has ascribed to the antipathy between this order
and the J ansenists, the warmth ispiayed on both sides, in his dis utes with Arnsuld (Emlyn on the Inuit. I’ourn. P. I24.) :
but the fact is,-thut Malebranchc belonged to the Congregation ofpthe Oratory .- a society much more nearly allied to the
Jansenists than to the Jesuits; and honourably distinguished, since its first origin, by the moderation as Well as learning
of its members. '
' See, among other passages, Recherche de la Vén'té, Liv. ii. chap. ix.
'76 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

has contributed a greater number of original re who believed that he saw all things in God.
marks than Loitke himself ;1 since whose time, Who would suppose that the following para
with the single exception of Helvetius, hardly graph forms part of a profound argument on
any attention has been paid to it, either by the influence of the external senses over the hu
French or English metaphysicians. The same man intellect?
practical knowledge of the human understand “ Si, par exemple, celui qui parle s’énonce
ing, modified and diversified, as we everywhere avec facilité, s’il garde une mesure agréable dans
see it, by education and external circumstances, ses périodes, s’il a Pair d’un honnéte homme et
is occasionally discovered by his very able anta d’un homme d’esprit, si c’est une personne dc
gonist Arnauld; afi'ording, in both cases, a sa— qualité, s’il est suivi d’un grand train, s’il parle
tisfactory proof, that the narrowest field of ex avec autorité et avec gravité, si les autres
perience may disclose to a superior mind these l’écoutent avec respect et in silence, s’il a
refined and comprehensive results, which com quelque reputation, ct quelque commerce avec
mon observers are forced to collect from an ex les esprits du premier ordre, enfin, s’il est assez
tensive and varied commerce with the world. heureux pour plaire, ou pour étre estimé, il aura
In some of Malebranche’s incidental strictures raison dans tout ce qu’il avancera; et il n’y
on men and manners, there is a lightness of aura pas jusqu’i‘t on collet et a ses manchettes,
style and fineness of tact, which one would qui ne prouvent quclque chose.”n
scarcely have expected from the mystical divine, In his philosophical capacity, Malebranche is

' In one of Locke‘s most noted remarks of this sort, he has been anticipated by Malebranche, on whose clear
yet concise statement he does not seem to have thrown much new light by his very diffuse and wordy commentary.
“ If in having our ideas in the memory ready at hand, consists quickness of parts: in this of having them unconfused,
and being able nicely to distinguish one thing from another, where there is but the least difference, consists, in a great
measure, the eXactness of judgment and clearness of reason, which is to be observed in one man above another. And
hence, perhaps, may be given some reason of that common observation, that men who have a great deal ofwit, andprompt
memories, have not always the clearest judgment, or deepest reason. For Wit, lyin most in the assemblage 0 ideas,
and utting those together with quickness and variety, wherein can be found any resemb ance or congruity, thereby to make
up pleasant pictures, and agreeable visions in the fancy; Judgment, on the contrary, lies quite on the other side, in se
parating carefully, one from another, ideas wherein can be found the least difference, thereby to avoid being misled by simi
itude, and by affinity to take one thing for another."._Ei-my, giro. B. ii. c. xi. § 2.
“ 11 y a done des esprits de deux sortes. Les uns remarquent aisément les differences des chases, et_ce sont les bone
esprits. Les autres imagiuent ct supposent de la ressemblance entr‘elles, et ce sont les esprits superficiels.“-Rcch. de la
Vérité, Liv. ii. Seconds Panic, chap. ix.
am. a still earlier period, Bacon had pointed out the same cardinal distinction in the intellectual characters of
in ividu s.
“ Maximum ct velut radicale discrimen ingeniorum, quoad philosophiam ct scientias, illud est : quod alia ingenia sint
fortiora et aptiora ad notandas rerum diti'erentias; alia, ad notandas rerum similiturlines. Ingenia enim coustantia et acuta,
figere contemplationes, et morari, et hzerere in omni subtilitate ditferentiarum possunt. lngenia autem sublimia, et dis
cursiva, etiam tenuissimas et catholicas rerum similitudines et cognoscunt, et componunt. Utrumque autem ingenium
facile labitur in excessum, prensando aut gradus rerum, aut umbras."
That strain I heard was of a higher mood! It is evident, that Bacon has here seized, in its most general form, the very
important truth perceived by his two ingenious successors in particular cases. Mt, which Locke contrasts with judgment,
is only one of the various talents connected with what Bacon calls the diacunive gmius; and indeed, a talent very subor
dinate in dignity to most of the others.
' I shall indulge myself only in one other citat'mn from Malebranche, which I select partly on account of the curious
extract it contains from an English publication long. since forgotten in this country; and partly as a proof that this leam
ed and pious father was not altogether insensible to the ludicrous. a
“ Un illustre entre les Sqavans, qui a fondé des chaires de Géometrie et d‘Astronomie dans l’Université d‘Oxford,'
commence un livre, qu‘il s'est avisé de faire sur les huit premieres propositions d’Euclide, par ces paroles : Conrilium mrum m,
auditorer, :i viru et valotudo :ufl‘rccrint, crplicarc dqfinifionrz, peiitioner, communu romantics, at 0010 prior" preparitionu primi libn'
Elemenlorum, m’lrra port nu: vmicntibu: rrIinquerc :.et il le finit par celles-ci: Errolvi per Dci graliam, Domini auditor", pro.
mirmm, Iiberavi jidml mcam, crplicavi pro modulo mca drfinitionrr, petition”, communes scntcntia's, ct octo priort: propOJillMCI Ele
mentorum Euclidis. Hic anniaj'cuu: cycle: arremque repono. Succedrnl in hoc munu: alii fortam: magi: rcgz'fo corpore d rivido
ingenio. ll ne faut pas une heure a un esprit mediocre, our apprendre par lui-méme, ou par le secours du plus petit ge'o
metric qu‘il y alt, les definitions, demandes, axiomes, et es huit premieres propositions d‘Euclide : et voici un auteur qui
parle de cette entrepnse, comme de quelque chose de fort grand et de fort difiicile. Ila peur que les forces lui manquent :
Si vire: d valz’tudo slgfll‘cerint- Il laisse a ses successeurs a pousser ces chases : cwlem past me umicntibus rclinquere. ll remercie
Dieu de ce que, par une grace particuliere, il a executé ce qu'il avoit promis : arsolvi per Del graliampromissum, libvrnvifidem
meam, crplicavi pro modulo mca. Quoi ? 1a quadrature du cercle? la duplication du cube? Ce grande homme a expliqué
pro modulo :uo, les definitions, les demandcs, les axiomes, et les huit premieres propositions du premier livre des Elemcn:
' Sir Henry Savile. The work here referred to is a 4to volume, entitled, Preloctionc: in Principium Elementorum
Euyiidis, Oxom'a: habitw, anno 1620.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 77
to be considered in two points of view : 1. As a only mention, by way of examples, his com
commentator on Descartes; and, 2. As the ments on the Cartesian theory of Vision,-—more
author of some conclusions from the Cartesian especially on that part of it which relates to our
principles, not perceived or not avowed by his experimental estimates of the distances and
predecessors of the same school. magnitudes of objects; and his admirable illus
1. I have already taken notice of Malebranche’s tration of the errors to which we are liable from
comments on the Cartesian doctrine concerning the illusions of sense, of imagination, and of the
the sensible, or, as they are now more commonly passions. In his physiological reveries on the
called, the secondary qualities of matter. The union of soul and body, he wanders, like his
same fulness and happiness of illustration are master, in the dark, from the total want of facts
everywhere else to be found in his elucidations as a foundation for his reasonings; but even
of his master’s system ; to the popularity of which here his genius has had no inconsiderable in
he certainly contributed greatly by the liveliness fluence on the inquiries of later writers. The
of his fancy, and the charms of his composition. fundamental principle of Hartley is most explip
Even in this part of his writings, he always pre citly stated in The Search after Truth ," as well
serves the air of an original thinker; and, while as a hypothesis concerning the nature of habits,
pursuing the same path with Descartes, seems which, rash and unwarranted as it must now
rather to have accidentally struck into it from appear to every novice in science, was not
his own casual choice, than to have selected it thought unworthy of adoption in The Essay on
out of any deference for the judgment of another. Human Understanding.’
Perhaps it may be doubted, if it is not on such 2. Among the opinions which chiefly charac
occasions that the inventive powers of his genius, terise the system of Malcbranchc, the leading
by being somewhat restrained and guided in one is, that the causes which it is the aim of
their aim, are most vigorously and most useful philosophy to investigate are only occasional
ly displayed. causes; and that the Deity is himself the (fli
In confirmation of this last remark, I shall cient and immediate cause of every efi'ect in the

d‘Euclide. Peut-étre qu‘entre cenx qui lui succcderont, i1 s‘en trouvera qui nuront plus dc santé, et plus de force que lui
ur continuer ce bel ouvrage : Sueccdi'nt in km: munm ulii PORTASSE magi: Wge'to corpore rt vivido ingruio. Mais pour lui
ll est tems qu'il se repose; hie anniefi'niu cyclul artcmquc rrpono."
Alter reading the above passage, it is impossible to avoid reflecting, with satisfaction, on the effect which the pro east of
philosophy has since had, in removing those obstacles to the acquisition of useful knowledge, which were crcnt by the
pedantic taste prevalent two centuries o. What a contrast to a quarto commentary on the definitions, postulates, axioms,
and first eight. propositions of Euclid‘s 1' mt Iloolt, is presented by Condorcet's estimate of the time now sutlicient to con
duct a student to the highest branches of Mathematics ! “ Dans le siccle dernicr, il sutlisoit dc quclqucs nunécs d‘étude
ur savoir tout ce qu'Archimede et Ilipparquc avvient pu connoitre: et aujourd‘hui deux nnnécs dc l‘cnseignement
'un professeur vont an dela de ce que savoient Leibnitz ou Newton."_(Sur I‘lmrmrliou l’uln'iquc.) In this particular
science,'I am aware that much is to be ascribed to the subsequent invention of new and more general mrllmda; but,
Ifalpprehend, not a little also to the improvements gradually suggested by experience, in what Bacon calls the traditiz-e part
0 ‘OFToutcs
c. nos diti'érentcs perceptions sont attachées aux difi'érens changemens
' qui nrrivent dnns les fibres de la partie
principale du cerveau dans la uelle l‘ilme réside plus particulicrementy"_(Itrrh. de la I't‘rité, Liv. ii. chap. v.) These
things: in the fibres of the brain are commonly cal ed by Malebranche ébmnlvmcn: ;-a word which is frequently rendered
by his old English translator ('l‘aylor) vibrations. “ La seconde chose," says Mnlebmnchc, “ qui se trouvc drins chucune
des sensations, est I'Urranlrmcnt des fibres d.- nos nerfs, qui se communique jusqu'au cervcnu :" thus tmnslnted by Taylor:
“ The second thing that occurs in every sensation is the vibralion of the fibres of our nerves, which is communicated to the
brain."-_Liv. i. chap. xii.) Nor was the theory of avmcinlion overlooked by Malebmnche. See, in particular, the third
chapter of his second book, entitled, De la Iinium mutucllc da idéu de l‘upril, r! du trace: du cmcau ,- ct dc la Iiaimn muturlle
du truer: nrcc Ia traces, cl dc: idée: aver 1e: iiléu. ‘
ils ’doivent
“ Maiapasser
afin deassez
suivre notreetexplication,
ouvc-rts asscz librcsil : fnut rem-\rquer
et que cela thitque
qui les esprits
nous even:nedetrouvent pas toujours
la ditl‘iculté h remuer,leapar
chemins. o‘i
cxcmpllgles
doigts avec la vitesse qui est nécessaire )ourjoucr dos instrumens de musique.I ou les muscles qui aervcnt h In prononcintion,
pour prononcer les mots d‘une laugue etrangcrc: Maia que peu-a-peu In Crllrill animaux par lmr mun crmtirmrl ourmlr ct
app‘aniuent cu rlu'miru, en sorte qu'avec le tcms ils n‘y trouvent plus de resistance. Car c‘cst dans cette facilité que les
caprits animaux ont dc passer clan: lcs membrcs de notre corps que consistent lcs habitudes."_Rt-rh. de la Virité, Liv. ii.
c up. v. A
“ Habits seem to be but trains of motion in the animal spirits, which, once set a-going, continue in the same steps they
have been used to, which, by qften treading, are worn into a nnoolh Pat-Il.“—LOCXE, Book ii. chnp. xxxiii. §- 6.
‘78 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

universe. 1 From this single principle, the greater On the other hand, the objections to the
part of his distinguishing doctrines may be easily theory of occasional causes, chiefly insisted on by
deduced, as obvious corollaries. Malebrauche’s opponents, were far from satis
That we are completely ignorant of the man factory. By some it was alleged, that it ascribed
ner in which physical causes and qfi'ects are con every event to a miraculous interposition of the
nected, and that all our knowledge concerning Deity; as if this objection were not directly met
them amounts merely to a perception of constant by the general and constant laws everywhere
- conjunction, had been before remarked by Hobbes, manifested to our senses,—in a departure from
and more fully shown by Glanville in his Scepsis which laws, the very essence of a miracle con
Scienti ca. Malebranche, however, has treated sists. Nor was it more to the purpose to 001k
the same argument much more profoundly and tend, that the beauty and perfection of the uni
ably than any of his predecesors, and has, in verse were degraded by excluding the idea of
deed, anticipated Hume in some of the most in mechanism ; the whole of this argument turning,
genious reasonings contained in his Essay on as is manifest, upon an application to Omnipo
Necessary Connexiwz. From these data, it was tence of ideas borrowed from the limited sphere
not unnatural for his pious mind to conclude, of human power.“ As to the study of natural
that what are commonly called second causes have philosophy, it is plainly not at all afl'ected by the
no existence; and that the Divine power, inces hypothesis in question ; as the investigation and
santly and universally exerted, is, in truth, the generalisation of the laws of nature, which are
connecting link of all the phenomena of nature. its only proper objects, present exactly the same
It is obvious that, in this conclusion, he went field to our curiosity, whether we suppose these
farther than his premises warranted; for, al laws to be the immediate ell'ects of the Divine
though no necessary connections among physical agency, or the efl'ects of second causes, placed
events can be traced by our faculties, it does not beyond the reach of our faculties.’ _
therefore follow that such connections are im Such, however, were the chief reasonings 0p
possible. The only sound inferenee was, that posed to Malebranche by Leibnitz, in order to
the laws of nature are to be discovered, not, as prepare the way for the system of Pre-established
the ancients supposed, by a priori reasonings Harmony; a system more nearly allied to that
from causes to effects, but by experience and ob of occasional causes than its author seems to have
servation. It is but justice to Malebranche to suspected, and encumbered with every solid dif
own, that he was one of the first who placed in ficulty connected with the other.
a just and strong light this fundamental prin From the theory of occasional causes, it is easy
ciple of the inductive logic. to trace the process which led Malebranche to

' “ Afin qu‘on ne puisse plus douter de la fausseté de cette miserable hilosophie, il est nécessaire de prouver qu’il n'y a
qu’un vrai Dieu, parce qu'i n‘y a riu'une vraie cause; que la nature ou a force de chaque chose n‘est que la volonté de
Dieu : que toutes les causes nature les ne sont point des véritables causes, mais seulement des causes occasionelles.-.Dc Ia
Vérité, Liv‘re vi. 2de Partie, chap. iii.
' This objection, frivolous as it is, was strongly urged by hit Boyle (Inquiry into the Vulgar Idca concerning Nature), and
has been copied from him by Mr Hume, Lord Kaimes, and many other writers. Mr Hume‘s words are these:-“ It ar
gues more wisdom to contrive at first the fabric of the world with such perfect foresight, that, of itself, and by its proper
operation, it may serve all the purposes of Providence, than if the great Creator were obliged every moment to adjust its
parts, and animate by his breath all the wheels of that stupendous machine.”_Euay 0n the Idea Qf Necessary Connection.) An
observation somewhat similar occurs in the Treatise De Illumio, commonly ascribed to Aristotle.
‘ In speaking of the theory of occasional tauu's, Mr Hume has committed a historical mistake, which it may be proper to
rectify. “ Malebranche," he obseaves, and other Cartesians, made the doctrine of the universal and sole efficacy of the
Deity, the foundation of all their philosophy. It had, however, no authority in England. Locke, Clarke, and Cudworth,
never so much as take notice of it, but suppose all along that matter has a reel, though subordinate and derived power.”—
Ilumc‘: Essays, Vol. II. . 415. Edit. of 1784.
Mr Hume was probab y led to connect, in this last sentence, the name of Clarke with those of Locke and Cudwarth, by
taking for granted that his metaphysical opinions agreed exactly with those commonly ascribed to Sir Isaac Newton. In
fact, on the point now in question, his creed was the same with that of Malebranche. The following sentence is very
nearly a translation of a passage already quoted from the latter. “ The course of nature, truly and properly speaking, is
nothing but the will of God producing certain effects in a continued, regular, constant, and uniform manner."-Cl.snn:'s
Works, Vol. II. p. 698. Fol. Ed.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 79
conclude, that we see all things in God. The was demonstrably inconsistent with the prin
same arguments which convinced him, that the ciples then universally admitted by philosophers.
Deity carries into execution every volition of the
But this conclusion Malebranche rejects, as not
mind, in the movements of the body, could not reconcileable with the words of Scripture, that
fail to suggest, as a farther consequence, that “ in the beginning God created the heavens and
every perceptiml of the mind is the immediate the earth.” “ La foi m’apprend que Dieu a
efi'ect of the divine illumination. As to the créé le ciel et la terre. Elle m’apprend que
manner in which this illumination is accom l’Ecriture est un livre divin. Et ce livre on son
plished, the extraordinary hypothesis adopted apparence me dit nettement et positivemcnt,
by Malebranche was forced upon him, by the qu’il y a mille et mille creatures. Done voila
opinion then universally held, that the imme toutes mes apparences changées en rcalités. ll
diate objects of our perceptions ar'e not things y a des corps; cela est démontré en toute ri
external, but their ideas or images. The only gneur la foy supposée.“
possible expedient for reconciling these two ar In reflecting on the repeated reproduction of
ticles of his breed, was to transfer the seat of these, and other ancient paradoxes, by modern
our ideas from our own minds to that of the authors, whom it would be highly unjust to ac
Creator.1 cuse of plagiarism ;—-still more, in reflecting on
In this theory of Malebranche, there is un the afiinity' of some of our most refined theories
doubtedly, as Bayle has remarked, ' an approach to the popular belief in a remote quarter of the
to some speculations of the latter Platonists; globe, one is almost tempted to suppose, that
but there is a much closer coincidence between huinan invention is limited, like a barrel-organ,
it and the system of those Hindoo philosophers, to a specific number of tunes. But is it not a
who, according to Sir William Jones, “ believed fairer inference, that the province of pure Ima
that the whole creation was rather an energy‘ gination, unbounded as it may at first appear, is
than a work ,- by which the Infinite Mind, who narrow, when compared with the regions open
is present at all times, and in all places, exhibits ed by truth and nature to our powers of observa
to his creatures a set of perceptions, like 9. won tion and reasoning?5 Prior to the time of Bacon,
derful picture, or piece of music, always varied, the physical systems of the learned performed
yet always uniform.“ their periodical revolutions in orbits as small as
In some of Malebranche’s reasonings upon this the metaphysical hypotheses of their successors;
subject, he has struck into the same train of and yet, who would now set any bounds to our
thought which was afterwards pursued by Berke curiosity in the study of the material universe ?
ley, an author to whom he bore a very strong Is it reasonable to think, that the phenomena of
resemblance in some of the most characteristical the intellectual world are less various, or less
features of his genius; and, had he not been marked with the signatures of Divine wisdom ?
restrained by religious scruples, he would, in all It forms an interesting circumstance in the
probability, have asserted, not less confidently history of the two memorable persons who have
than his successor, that the existence of matter _ suggested these remarks, that they had (mew,

I We are indebted to La Harpe for the preservation of an epigrammatic line (un ntnfori plaimnl, as he justly calls it),
on this celebrated hypothesis: “ Lui, qni wit tout en Dieu, n‘g wit-51pm qu'il utfau !_.C‘étoit au moins," La liarpe adds,
“ uu fou ui avoit beaucoup d‘csprit."
' See his Dictionary, article Ameliiu.
I Introduction to :1 Translation of some Hindoo verses.
‘ Entrclimu mr la Métaphyriqur, p. 207.
The celebrated doubt of Descartes concerning all truths but. the existence of his own mind (it cannot betoo often re
peated), was the real source, not only of the inconsistency of Malebranche on this head, but of the chief meta hysical
puzzlu afterwards started by Berkeley and Hume. The illogical transition by which he attempted to pass from t is first
principle to other truths, was early remarked by some of his own followers, who were accordin ly led to conclude, that no
man can have full assurance ofany thing but ofhis own individual existence. lfthc fundamental (lbubt ofDcscartes be admit
ted as reasonable, the conclusion of these philosophers (who were distinguished by the name of Egoim), is unavoidable.
' The limited number of fables, of humorous tales, and even of jests, which, it should seem, we in circulation over the
face of the globe, might perhaps be alleged as an additional confirmation of this idea.
80 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and only once, the pleasure of a short interview. mated very nearly to his own refutatiou of this
“ The conversation,” we are told, “ turned on ancient and inveterate prejudice.3 A step so
the non-existence of matter. Malebranche, important would, of itself, be sufficient to esta
who had an inflammation in his lungs, and whom blish his claim to a place in literary histor ' ; but
Berkeley found preparing a medicine in his cell, what chiefly induces me again to bring forward
and cooking it in a small pipkin, exerted his his name, is the reputation be has so justly ac
voice so violently in' the heat of their dispute, quired by his treatise, entitled, The Art of
that he increased his disorder, which carried Thinking ,4 a treatise written by Arnauld, in
him off a few days after.”‘ It is impossible not conjunction with his friend Nicole, and of which
to regret, that of this interview there is no other
(considering the time when it appeared) it is
record ;—or rather, that Berkeley had not made hardly possible to estimate the merits too highly.
it the groundwork of one of his own dialogues. No publication, certainly, prior to Locke’s Essay,
Fine as his imagination was, it could scarcely can be named, containing so much good sense,
have added to the picturesque efi‘ect of the real and so little nonsense on the science of Logic;
scene.fl and very few have since appeared on the same
subject, which can be justly preferred to it, in
Anthony Arnauld, whom I have already men point of practical utility. If the author had
tioned as one of the theological antagonists of lived in the present age, or had been less fetter
Malebranche, is also entitled to a distinguished ed by a prudent regard to existing prejudices,
rank among the French philosophers of this the technical part would probably have been re
period. In his book on true andfaLse ideas, writ duced within a still narrower compass ; but even
ten- in opposition to Malebranche’s scheme of there, he has contrived to substitute for the
our seeing all things in God, he is acknowledg puerile and contemptible examples of common
ed by Dr Reid to have struck the first mortal logicians, several interesting illustrations from
blow at the ideal theory,- and to have approxi the physical discoveries of his immediate pre

' Biog. Brit. Vol. II. p. 251.

’ This interview happened in 1715, when Berkeley was in the thirty-first, and Malebranche 1n the seventy-seventh
year of his age. What a change in the state of the philosophical world (whether for the better or worse is a different.
question) has taken place in the course of the intervening century l -
Dr \Varburton, who, even when he thinks the most unsoundly, always possesses the rare merit of thinking for himself,
is one of the very few English authors who have spoken of Malebranche with the respect due to his extraordinary talents.
“ All you say of Malehranche," he observes in a letter to Dr Hurd, “ is strictly true ; he is an admirable writer. There
is somethin very different in the fortune of Malebmnche and Locke. \Vhen Malebranche first appeared, it was witha
eneral app ause and admiration; when Locke first published his Enny, he had hardly a single approver. Now Locke
is universal, and Malebranche sunk into obscurity. All this may be easily accounted for. The intrinsic merit of either
was out of the question. But Malebranche supported his first appearance on a philosophy in the highest vogue; that phi
losophy has been overturned by the Newtonian, and Malebranche has fallen with his master. It was to no purpose to
tell the world, that Malebranche could stand without him. The public never examines so narrowly. Not but that
there was another cause sutlicient to do the business a and that is, hlS dehaslng his noble work with his system of seeing all
things in God. \Vhen this happens to a great author, one half of his readers out of folly, the other out of malice, dwell
only on the unsound part, and forget the other, or use all their arts to have it forgotten.
“ But the sage Locke supported himself by no system on the one hand; nor, on the other, did he dishonour himself by
any whimsies. The consequence of which was, that, neither following the fashion, nor striking the imagination, he, at
first, had neither followers nor admirers ; but being everywhere clear, and everywhere solid, he at length worked his way,
and afterwards was subject to no reverses. He was not affected by the new fashions in hilosophy, who leaned upon none
of the old ; nor did he afi‘ord ground for the after-attacks of envy and folly by any fanciful. hypotheses, which, when grown
stale, are the most nauseous of all things."
The foregoing reflections on the opposite fates of these two philosophers, do honour on the whole to W'urburton's pene
tration; but the unqualified panegyric on Locke will be now very nerally allowed to furnish an additional example of
“ that national spirit, which," according to Hume, “ forms the great appiness of the English, and leads them to bestow
on all their eminent writers such praises and acclamations, as may often a pear partial and excessive."
' The following very concise and accurate summary of Arnauld’s doctrme concerning ideas, is given by Brucker. “ An
tonius Arnaldus, ut arguments Malebranchii e0 fortius evert.eret.I peculiarem sententiam defendit, asseruitque, ideas earum
que perceptiones esse unum idemque, et non nisi relationibus difierre. Ideam scilicet esse, quatenus ad objecturn refertur
quod mens considerat; perceptionem vero, quatenus ad ipsam mentcm qute percipit; duplicem tamen illam relutionem ad
unam rtinere mentis modificationem.“-Ili:t. Phil. dc Ideir, pp. 247. 248. Anthony Arnauld farther held, that “_Mate
rial things are perceived immediately by the mind, without the intervention of ideal."—(Hlat. dc Ideia, p. 26.) In this re
spect his doctrine coincided exactly with that of Reid.
' More commonly known by the name of the Port-Royal Logic.
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
decessors; and has indulged himself in-some
short excursions, which excite a lively regret
that he had not, more frequently and freely,
given scope to his original reflections. Among
these excursions, the most valuable, in my opi
nion, is the twentieth chapter of the third part,
which deserves the attention of every logical
student, as an important and instructive supple
ment to the enumeration of sophisms given by
Aristotle.‘
The soundness of judgment, so eminently
displayed in the Art qf Thinking, forms a curi
ous contrast to that passion for theological con
troversy, and that zeal for what he conceived
to be the purity of the Faith, which seems to
have been the ruling passions of the author’s
mind. He lived to the age of eighty-three, con
tinuing to write against Malebranche’s opinions
concerning Nature and Grace, to his last hour.
“ He died,” says his biographer, “ in an obscure
retreat at Brussels, in 1692, without fortune,
and even without the comfort of a servant; he,
whose nephew had been a Minister of State,
and who might himself have been a Cardinal.
The pleasure of being able to publish his senti
ments, was to him a suflicient recompense."
Nicole, his friend and companion in arms, worn
out at length with these incessant disputes, ex
pressed a wish to retire from the field, and to
enjoy repose. “ Repose !” replied Arnauld;
“ won’t you have the whole of eternity to re
pose in ?”
An anecdote which is told of his infancy,
when considered in connection with his subse
quent life, affords a good illustration of the force
81
of impressions received in the first dawn of
reason. He was amusing himself one day with
some childish sport, in the library of the Cardi
nal du Pcrron, when he requested of the Cardi
nal to give him a pen :—“ And for what pur
pose?” said the Cardinal.—“ To write books, like
you, against the Huguenots.” The Cardinal, it
is added, who was than old and infirm, could not
conceal his joy at the prospect of so hopeful a
successor; and, as he was putting the pen into
his hand, said, “ I give it to you, as the dying
shepherd Dammtas bequeathed his pipe to the
little Corydon.”
The name of Pascal (that prodigy of parts, as
Locke calls him) is more familiar to modern cars
than that of any of the other learned and polish
ed anchorites, who have rendered the sanctuary
of Port-Royal so illustrious; but his writings
furnish few materials for philosophical history.
Abstracting from his great merits in mathema
tics and in physics, his reputation rests chiefly
on the Provincial Letters; a work from which
Voltaire, notwithstanding his strong prejudices
against the author, dates the fixation of the
French language; and of which the same ex
cellent judge has said, that “ Moliére’s best
comedies do not excel them in wit, nor the com
positions of Bossuet in sublimity." The enthu
siastic admiration of Gibbon for this book, which
he was accustomed from his youth to read once
a year, is well known, and is sufiicient to ac
count for the rapture with which it never fails
to be spoken of by the erudite vulgar' in this
country. I cannot help, however, suspecting,

' According to Crousaz, The Art of Thinking contributed more than either the Orgamm of Bacon, or the Illethod of Des
cartes, to improve the established modes of academical education on the Continent-{See the Preface to his Logic,
printed at Geneva, 1724.) Leibnitz himself has mentioned it in the most flattering terms: coupling the name of the
author with that of Pascal, a still more illustrious ornament of the Port-Royal Society:-“ ln eniosissimus l’ascalius in
przeclara dissertatione de ingemo metrico, cujus fragmentum extat in e regio libro ccle rerrimi viri Antonii Ar
naldi de Arte bene Cogitandi,“ kc : but lest this eucomium from so high an authority should excite a curiosity somewhat
out of proportion to the real value of the two works here mentioned, I think it right to add, that the praises bestowed by
Leibnitz, whether on living or dead authors, are not always to be strictly and literally interpreted. “ No one," says
Hume, “ is so liable to an excess of admiration as a trulv great genius." Wherever Leibnitz ham occasion to refer to an
work of solid merit, this remark applies to him with peculiar force; partly, it is probable, from his quick and sympathetic
perception ofcongcnial execllence, and rtly from a generous anxiety to point it out to the notice of the world. It af
ords, on the other hand, a remarkable i lustration of the force of prejudice, that Buflier, a learned and most able Jesuit,
should have been so far influenced by the hatred of his order to the Junsenlsts, as to distinguish the Port-Royal Logic with
the cold approbation of being “ njudicious compikuinn from former works on the same subject,_particularly from a tres
tise by a Spanish Jesuit, Fouim."_Coun de Scidmt, p. 873. Paris, I132. Gibbon also has remarked how much “ the
learned Society of Port-Royal contributed to establish in France I taste forjust reasoning, simplicity of style, and philoso
phical method.“_Mi|c. Workr, Vol. II. p. 70.
' Brudilum Vulgm-Pux. Nat. [IM- Lib. ii.
0188. 1. PART 1. . L
82 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

that it is now more praised than read in Great which are false and puerile: the whole, how
Britain; so completely have those disputes, to ever, deeply tinctured with that ascetic and mor
which it owed its first celebrity, lost their in bid melancholy, which seems to have at last
terest. Many passages in it, indeed, will al produced a partial eclipse of his faculties. Vol
ways be perused with delight; but it may be taire has animadverted on this fragment with
questioned, if Gibbon himself would have read much levity and petulance; mingling, at the
it so often from beginning to end, had it not same time, with many very exceptionable stric
been for the strong hold which ecclesiastical con tures, several of which it is impossible to dispute
troversies, and the Roman Catholic faith, had the justness. The following reflection is worthy
early taken of his mind. of Addison, and bears a strong resemblance in
In one respect, the Provincial Letters are well its spirit to the amiable lessons inculcated in his
entitled to the attention of philosophers; inas papers on Cheerfulness ;1 “ To consider the
much as they present so faithful and lively a world as a dungeon, and the whole human race
picture of the influence of false religious views as so many criminals doomed to execution, is
in perverting the moral sentiments of mankind. the idea of an enthusiast; to suppose the world
The overwhelming ridicule lavished by Pascal on to be a seat of delight, where we are to expect
the whole system of jesuitical casuistry, and the nothing but pleasure, is the dream of a Sybarite ;
happy effects of his pleasantry in preparing, but to conclude that the Earth, Man, and the
from a distance, the fall of that formidable lower Animals, are, all of them, subservient to
order, might be quoted as proofs, that there are the purposes of an unerring Providence, is, in
at least some truths, in whose defence this weapon my opinion, the system of a wise and. good
may be safely employed ;-—perhaps with more man.”
advantage than the commanding voice of Reason
herself. The mischievous absurdities which it From the sad history of this great and excel
was his aim to correct, scarcely admitted of the lent person (on whose deep superstitious gloom
gravity of logical discussion; requiring only the it is the more painful to dwell, that, by an un
extirpation or the prevention of those early pre accountable, though not singular coincidence,
judices which choke the growth of common it was occasionally brightened by the inoffen
sense and of conscience : And for this purpose, sive play of a lively and sportive fancy) the eye
what so likely to succeed with the open and ge turns with pleasure to repose on the mitis sa
nerous minds of youth, as Ridicule, managed pientia, and the Elysian imagination of Fenelon.
with decency and taste; more especially when The interval between the deaths of these two
seconded, as in the Provincial Letters, by acute miters is indeed considerable; but that between
ness of argument, and by the powerful eloquence their births does not amount to thirty years;
of the heart? In this point of view, few practi and, in point of education, both enjoyed nearly
cal moralists can boast of having rendered a the same advantages.
more important service than Pascal to the gene ‘ The reputation of Pension as a philosopher
ral interests of humanity. Were it not, indeed, would probably have been higher and more uni
for his exquisite satire, we should already be versal than it is, if he had not added to the
tempted to doubt, if, at so recent a date, it were depth, comprehension, and soundness of his
possible for such extravagances to have main judgment, so rich a. variety of those more pleas
tained a dangerous ascendant over the human ing and attractive qualities, which are common
understanding. ly regarded rather as the flowers than the fruits
The unconnected fragment of Pascal, entitled of study. The same remark may be extended
Thoughts on Religion, contains various reflec to the Fenelou of England, whose ingenious and
tions which are equally just and ingenious; original essays on the Pleasures of Imagination
some which are truly sublime; and not a few would have been much more valued by modern

‘ Spectator, No. 381 and 387.

 DISSERTATION FIRST. 83
metaphysicians, had they been less beautifully tality; let them find convenience and liberty in
and happily written. The characteristical ex your ports; and be careful never to disgust
cellence, however, of the Archbishop of Cam them by avarice or pride: above all, never re
bray is, that moral wisdom, which (as Shaftes strain the freedom of commerce, by rendering
bury has well observed), “ comes more from it subservient to your own immediate gain. The
the heart than from the head ;” and which seems pecuniary advantages of commerce should be
to depend less on the reach of _our reasoning left wholly to those by whosc labour it subsists ;
powers, than on the absence of those narrow lest this labour, for want of a sufficient motive,
and malignant passions, which, on all questions should cease. There are more than equivalent
of ethics and politics (perhaps I might add of advantages of another kind, which must neces
religion also), are the chief source of our specu sarily result to the Prince from the wealth
lative errors. which a free commerce will bring into his state;
The Adventures qf Telemachus, when consider and commerce is a kind of spring, which to di
ed as a production of the seventeenth century, vert from its natural channel is to lose.”1 Had
and still more as the work of a Roman Catholic the same question been put to Smith or to
Bishop, is a sort of prodigy ; and it may, to this Franklin in the present age, what sounder ad
day, be confidently recommended, as the best vice could they have ofi'ered?
manual extant, for impressing on the minds of In one of Fenelon’s Dialogucsqfthe Dead, the
youth the leading truths, both of practical mo following remarkable words are put into the
rals and of political economy. Nor ought it to be mouth of Socrates: “ It is necessary that a
concluded, because these truths appear to lie so people should have written laws, always the
near the surface, and command so immediately same, and consecrated by the whole nation;
the cordial assent of the understanding, that that these laws should be paramount to every
they are therefore obvious or trite; for the case thing else; that those who govern should derive
is the same with all the truths most essential to their authority from them alone; possessing an
human happiness. The importance of agricul unbounded power to do all the good which the
ture and of religious toleration to the prosperity laws prescribe, and restrained from every act of
of states; the criminal impolicy of thwarting injustice which the laws prohibit.”
the kind arrangements of Providence, by re But it is chiefly in a work which did not ap
straints upon commerce; and the duty of legis pear till many years after his death, that we
lators to study the laws of the moral world as have an opportunity of tracing the enlargement
the groundwork and standard of their own, ap of Fenelon’s political views, and the extent of
pear, to minds unsophisticated by inveterate his Christian charity. It is entitled, Direction
prejudices, as approaching nearly to the class of pour la Conscience d’un Roi ; and abounds with
axioms ;—yet, how much ingenious and refined as liberal and enlightened maxims of govern
discussion has been employed, even in our own ment as, under the freest constitutions, have
times, to combat the prejudices which every ever been offered by a subject to a sovereign.
where continue to struggle against them; and Where the variety of excellence renders selec
how remote does the yet seem, when tion so diflicult, I must not venture upon any
there is any probability that these prejudices extracts; nor, indeed, would I willingly injure
shall be completely abandoned! the effect of the whole by quoting detached pas—
“ But how," said Telemachus to Narbal, sages. A few sentences on liberty of emwciencc
“ can such a commerce as this of Tyre be es (which I will not presume to translate) may
tablished at Ithaca ?” “ By the same means,” sullice to convey an idea of the general spirit
said Narbal, “ that have established it here. with which it is animated. “ Sur toute chose,
Receive all strangers with readiness and hospi ne forcez jamais vos sujets a changer de religion.

' IlAwxsswoa'rn‘s Translation.

84 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Nulle puissance humaine ne peut forcer le re quoted forewarn us, that we are fast approaching
tranchement impenetrable de la liberté du coeur. to a new era in the_history of the Human
La force ne peut jamais persuader les hommes ; Mind. The glow-worm ’gins to pale his inefl‘eetual
elle ne fait que des hypocrites. Quand les rois fire ,' and we scent the morning air of the coming
se mélent de religion, au lien de la protéger, ils day. This era I propose to date from the pub
la mettent en servitude. Accordez .1 tons la to lications of Locke and of Leibnitz: but the re
lerance civile, non en approuvant tout comme marks which I have to offer on their writings,
indifl'érent, mais en souifrant avec patience tout and on those of their most distinguished suc—
ce que Dieu soiifl're, et en tachant de ramener cessors, I reserve for the Second Part of this
les hommes par une douce persuasion.” Discourse, confining myself, at present, to a
very short retrospect of the state of philosophy,
AND so much for the French philosophy of during the preceding period, in some other
the seventeenth century. The extracts last countries of Europe.1

SECTION III.

Progress of Philosophy during the Seventeenth Century, in some parts of Europe, not included in the
preceding Review.

DURING the first half of the seventeenth cen Oue celebrated work alone, the treatise of
tury, the philosophical spirit which had arisen Grotius De Jure Belli et Paeis (first printed in
with such happy auspices in England and in 1625), arrests our attention among the crowd
France, has left behind it few or no traces of its of useless and forgotten volumes, which were
existence in the rest of Europe. On all ques then issuing from the presses of Holland, Ger
tions connected with the sciawe ofmind (a phrase many, and Italy. The influence of this treatise,
which I here use in its largest acceptation), au in giving a new direction to the studies of the
thority continued to be everywhere mistaken for learned, was so remarkable, and continued so
argument; nor can a single work be named, long to operate with undiminished efl'ect, that it
bearing, in its character, the most distant resem is necessary to allot to the author, and to his
blance to the Organon of Bacon; to the Medita successors, a. space considerably larger than may,
tions of Descartes; or to the bold theories of at first sight, seem due to their merits. Not
that sublime genius, who, soon after, was to shed withstanding the just neglect into which they
so dazzling allustre 0n the north of Germany. have lately f‘fillen in our universities, it will be
Kepler and Galileo still lived ;—the former lan found, on a close examination, that they form
guishing in poverty at Prague; the latter op an important link in the history of modern lite
pressed with blindness, and with ecclesiastical rature. It was from their school that most of
persecution, at Florence: but their pursuits our best writers on Ethics have proceeded, and
were of a nature altogether foreign to our pre many of our most original inquirers into the
sent subject. Human Mind; and it is to the same school (as

‘ I have classed Te’k’maque and the Direction pour la Conscience d‘nn Roi with the philosophy of the seventeenth century,
although the publication of the former was not permitted till after the death of Louis XIV. nor that of the latter till 1748.
The tardy appearance of both only shows how ar the author had shot a-head of the orthodox religion and politics of his
times.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 85
I shall endeavour to show in the Second Part of Chancellor Oxenstiern ; and of the Elector Par
this Discourse), that we are chiefly indebted for latine, Charles Lewis. The last of these was so
the modern science of Political Eoonomy.‘ struck with it, that he founded at Heidelberg a
For the information of those who have not Professorship for the express purpose of teach
read the treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis, it may ing the Law of Nature and Nations ;—an oflice
be proper to observe, that, under this title, Gro which he bestowed on Pufi'endorfl', the most
tius has aimed at a complete ystem of Natural noted, and, on the whole, the most eminent of
Law. Condillac says, that he chose the title, in those who have aspired to tread in the footsteps
order to excite a more general curiosity; add of Grotius.
ing (and, I believe, very justly), that many of The fundamental principles of Pufi‘endorfi'
the most prominent defects of his works may be possess little merit in point of originality, being
fairly ascribed to a compliance with the taste a. sort of medley of the doctrines of Grotius,
of his age. “ The author,” says Condillac, with some opinions of Hobbes; but his book is
“ was able to think for himself; but be con entitled to the praise of comparative conciseness,
stantly labours to support his conclusions by the order, and perspicuity; and accordingly came
authority of others; producing, on many oc very generally to supplant the treatise of Gro
casions, in support of the most obvious and in tius, as a manual or institute for students, not
disputable propositions, along string of quota withstanding its immense inferiority in genius,
tions from the Mosaic law; from the Gospels; in learning, and in classical composition.
from the Fathers of the Church; from the Ca The authors who, in different parts of the
suists; and, not unfrequently, in the very same Continent, have since employed themselves in
paragraph, from Ovid and Aristophanes.” In commenting onIGrotius and Pufl'endorfl'; or in
consequence of this cloud of witnesses, always abridging their systems; or in altering their ar
at hand to attest the truth of his axioms, not rangements, are innumerable: but notwithstand
only is the attention perpetually interrupted and ing all their industry and learning, it would be
distracted; but the author’s reasonings, even very difficult to name any class of writers whose
when perfectly solid and satisfactory, fail in labours have been of less utility to the world.
making a due impression on the reader’s mind; The same ideas are constantly recurring in an
while the very little that there probably was of eternal circle; the opinions of Grotius and of
systematical arrangement in the general plan of Putfendortf, where they are at all equivocal, are
the book, is totally kept out of view. anxiously investigated, and sometimes involved
In spite of these defects, or rather, perhaps, in additional obscurity; while, in the meantime,
in consequence of some of them, the impression the science of Natural Jurisprudence never ad
produced by the treatise in question, on its first vances one single step; but, notwithstanding its
publication, was singularly great. The stores recent birth, seems already sunk into a state of
of erudition displayed in it recommended it to dotage.’
the classical scholar; while the happy applica In perusing the systems now referred to, it is
tion of the author’s reading to the affairs of hu impossible not to feel a very painful dissatisfac
man life, drew the attention of such men as tion, from the ditliculty of ascertaining the pre
Gustavus Adolphus; of his Prime Minister, the cise object aimed at by the authors. So vague

' From a letter of Grotius, quoted by Gusendi, we learn, that the treatise De Jurc Bclli e! Pari: was undertaken at the
request of his learned friend Peireskius. “ Non otior, sod in illo de jure gentium opcre pergo, quod si tale futurum est, ut
lectures demereri possit, habebit quod tibi debeat posteritas, qui me ad hunc laborem et aunulio et hortatu tuo excitasti."_
Gnu-am: Opera, Tom. V. p. 294.
' I have borrowed, in this last paragraph, some expressions from Lampredi. “ Grotii ct I’uffendorfii interpretes, viri
quidem diligentissimi, sed qui vix t'ructum aliquem tot commentariis, adnotationibus, cumpendiis, tnbulis, cmterisque ejus
modi aridissimis laboribus attulerunt: perpetuo circulo eadem res circumagitur, quid uterqut senscrit quteritur, interdum
etium utriusque sententia: obscurantur; discipline nostra tamen ne lstum quidem unguem progreditur, et dum aliorum
sententiua disquiruntur et cxplanantur, Rerum Nutura quasi senio confects squalescit, neglectuque jsoet et inobservata
osmium-(Jeri: Publid Theoremata, p. 34.)
86 ' PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and indeterminate is the general scope of their
researches, that not only are different views of
the subject taken by different writers, but even
by the same writer in difl‘erent parts of his
work ;—a circumstance which, of itself, sufli
ciently accounts for the slender additions they
have made to the stock of useful knowledge;
and which is the real source of that chaos of
heterogeneous discussions, through which the
reader is perpetually forced to fight his way. A
distinct conception of these different views will
be found to throw more light than might at first
be expected on the subsequent history of Moral
and of Political Science; and I shall therefore
endeavour, as accurately as I can, to disen
tangle and separate them from each other, at
the risk perhaps of incurring, from some read
ers, the charge of prolixity. The most import
ant of them may, I apprehend, be referred to
one or other of the following heads :
1. Among the different ideas which have
been formed of Natural Jurisprudence, one of
the most common (particularly in the earlier
systems) supposes its object to be—to lay down
those rules of justice which would be binding on
men living in a social state, without any posi
tive institutions; or (as it is frequently called
by writers on this subject), living together in a
state of nature. This idea of the province of
Jurisprudence seems to have been uppermost in
the mind of Grotius, in various parts of his
treatise.
To this speculation about the state of nature,
Grotius was manifestly led by his laudable anxi
ety to counteract the attempts then recently
made to undermine the foundations of morality.
That moral distinctions are created entirely by
the arbitrary and revealed will of God, had, be
fore his time, been zealously maintained by some
theologians even of the reformed church ; while,
among the political theorists of the same period,
it was not unusual to refer these distinctions (as
was afterwards done by Hobbes) to the positive
institutions of the civil magistrate. In opposi
tion to both, it was contended by Grotius, that
there is a natural law coeval with the human
constitution, from which positive institutions
derive all their force; a truth which, how ob
vious and trite soever it may now appear, was
so opposite in its spirit to the illiberal systems
taught in the monkish establishments, that he
thought it necessary to exhaust in its support
all his stores of ancient learning. The older
writers on Jurisprudence must, I think, he al
lowed to have hadgreat merit in dwelling so
much on this fundamental principle; a principle
which renders “ Man a Law to him-sci ;” and
which, if it be once admitted, reduces the meta
physical question concerning the nature of the
moral faculty, to an object merely of speculative
curiosity.1 To this faculty the ancients fre
quently give the name of reason; as in that
noted passage of Cicero, where he observes, that
“ right reason is itself a law ,' congenial to the
feelings of nature; diffused among all men;
uniform ; eternal; calling us imperiously to our
duty, and peremptorily prohibiting every viola
tion of it. Nor does it speak,” continues the
same author, “ one language at Rome and ano
ther at Athens, varying from place to place, or
time to time; but it addresses itself to all na
tions and to all ages; deriving its authority
from the common sovereign of the universe, and
carrying home its sanctions to every breast, by
the inevitable punishment which it inflicts on
transgressors.”’ ,
The habit of considering morality under the
similitude of a law (a law engraved on the hu
man heart), led not unnaturally to an applica
tion to ethical subjects of the technical language
and arrangements of the Roman jurisprudence,
and this innovation was at once facilitated and

' “ Upon whatever we suppose that our moral faculties are fohnded, whether upon a certain modification of reason, upon
an original instinct, called a. moral sense, or upon some other principle of our nature, it cannot be doubted that they were
given us for the direction of our conduct in this life. They carry along with them the most evident badges of this autho
rity, which denote that they were set up within us to be the supreme arbiters of all our actions, to superintend all our
senses, passions, and appetites, and to judge how far each of them was either to be indulged or restrained. The rules,
therefore, which they prescribe, are to be regarded as the commands and law: of the Deity, promulgated by those vicege
rents which he has set u within us.”-Sm'rn's Theory ofMoral Sentimenta, Part iii. chap. v.)-See also Dr BUTLEB'S very
original and philosophies Dircoursca on Human Nature.
’ Frag. Lib. iii. d: Rep.
 ‘
DISSERTATION Fms'r. 87
encouraged, by certain peculiarities in the nature to men, before the establishment of government.
of the most important of all the virtues,—that The same state of society which diversifies the
of justice; peculiarities which, although first condition of individuals to so great a degree as
explained fully by Hume and Smith, were too to suggest problematical questions with respect
prominent toescape altogether the notice of pre to their rights and their duties, necessarily gives
ceding moralists. birth to certain conventional laws or customs,
The circumstances which distinguish justice by which the conduct of the different members
from the other virtues, are chiefly two. In the of the association is to be guided ; and agreeably
first place, its rules may be laid down with a to which' the disputes that may arise among them
degree of accuracy, whereof moral precepts do are to be adjusted. The imaginary state refer
not, in any other instance, admit. Secondly, red to under the title of the State of Nature,
its rules may be enforced, inasmuch as every though it certainly does not exclude the idea of
transgression of them implies a violation of the a moral right qf property arising from labour, yet
rights of others. For the illustration of both excludes all that variety of cases concerning its
propositions, I must refer to the eminent au alienation and transmission, and the mutual co
thors just mentioned. venants of parties, which the political union
As, in the case of justice, there is always a alone could create ;lan order of things, indeed,
right, on the one hand, corresponding toan obliga which is virtually supposed in almost all the spe
tion on the other, the various rules enjoined by culations about which the law of nature is com
it may be stated in two difl'erent forms; either monly employed.
as a system of duties, or as a system of rights. 2. It was probably in consequence of the very
The former view of the subject belongs properly narrow field of study which Jurisprudence, con~
to the moralist—the latter to the lawyer. It is sidered in this light, was found to open, that its
this last view that the writers on Natural Juris province was gradually enlarged, so as to com
prudence (most of whom were lawyers by pro prehend, not merely the rules of justice, but the
fession) have in general chosen to adopt; al rules enjoining all our other moral duties. Nor
though, in the same works, both views will be was it only the province of Jurisprudence which
found to be not unfrequently blended together. was thus enlarged. A corresponding extension
To some indistinct conception among the earlier was also given, by the help of arbitrary defini
writers on Natural Law, of these peculiarities tions, to its technical phraseology, till at length
in the nature of justice, we may probably ascribe the whole doctrines of practical ethics came to
the remarkable contrast pointed out by Mr be moulded into an artificial form, originally
Smith, between the ethical systems of ancient copied from the Roman code. Although justice
and of modern times. “ In none of the ancient is the only branch of virtue in which every mo
moralists,” he observes, “ do we find any at ral Obligation implies a corresponding Right,
tempt towards a particular enumeration of the the writers on Natural Law have contrived, by
rules of justice. On the contrary, Cicero in his fictions of imperfect rights, and of edema! rights,
tice in the
Oflices, andsame general
Aristotle manner
in his in treat
Ethics, whichofthey to treat indirectly of all our various duties, by
pointing out the rights which are supposed to be
treat of generosity or of charity.” 1 their correlates :—in other words, they have con
But although the rules of justice are in every trived to exhibit, in the form of a system of
case precise and indispensable; and although rights, a connected view of the whole duty of
their authority is altogether independent of that man. This idea of Jurisprudence, which iden
of the civil magistrate, it would obviously be tifies its object with that of Moral Philosophy,
absurd to spend much time in speculating about seems to coincide nearly with that of Pufl'en
the principles of this natural law, as applicable dorfl' ; and some vague notion of the same sort

' Theory qf Moral Sentinwnu, Part vii. sect. iv.

'88 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

has manifestly given birth to many of the di dark ages, till (soon after the commencement of
gressions of Grotius. the seventeenth century), the incomparable
Whatever judgment may now be pronounced treatise of Grotius de Jure Belli et Pacis restored
on the effects of this innovation, it is certain to more than its ancient plendour that part of
that they were considered, not only at the time, it which defines the relative duties of individu
but for many years afterwards, as highly favour als; and which, in consequence of the immense
able. A very learned aud respectable writer, variety of cases comprehended under it, is by
Mr Carmichael of Glasgow, compares them to far the most extensive of any. Since that period,
the improvements made in Natural Philosophy the most learned and polite scholars of Europe,
by the followers of Lord Bacon. “ No person,” as if suddenly roused by the alarm of a trumpet,
he observes, “ liberally educated, can be igno have vied with each other in the prosecution of
rant, that, within the recollection of ourselves this study,-—so strongly recommended to their
and of our fathers, philosophy has advanced to attention, not merely by its novelty, but by the
a state of progressive improvement hitherto un importance of its conclusions, and the dignity
exampled ; in consequence partly of the rejection of its object.”t
of scholastic absurdities, and partly of the ac I have selected this passage, in preference to
cession of new discoveries. Nor does this re- _ many others that might be quoted to the same
mark apply solely to Natural Philosophy, in purpose from writers of higher name; because,
which the improvements accomplished by the in the sequel of this historical sketch, it appears
united labours of the learned have forced them to me peculiarly interesting to mark the progress
selves on the notice even of the vulgar, by their of Ethical and Political speculation in that seat
palpable influence on the mechanical arts. The of learning, which, not many years afterwards,
other branches of philosophy also have been pro was to give birth to the Theory of Moral Senti
secuted during the last century with no less suc ments, and to the Inquiry into the Nature and Causes
cess; and none of them in a more remarkable of the W'ealth qf Nations. The powerful effect
degree than the science of Morals. which the last of these works has produced on
“ This science, so much esteemed, and so as the political opinions of the whole civilised world,
siduously cultivated by the sages of antiquity, renders it unnecessary, in a Discourse destined
lay, for a length of time, in common with all the to form part of a Scotish Encyclopedia, to offer
other useful arts, buried in the rubbish of the any apology for attempting to trace, with some

I The last sentence is thus expressed in the ori 'nal. “ Ex illo tempore, quasi classico dato, ab eruditissimis passim et
politissimis viris excoli certatim ccepit, utilissima oec nobilissimaque doctrine."_See the edition of Pufi'endorfi‘, Dc Oflclo
[Io-mini: e't Civir, by Professor Gerschom Carmichael of Glasgow, 1724 ; an author whom Dr Hutchison pronounces to be
“ by far the best commentator on l’ufl'endorfl"; and “ whose new,“ he adds, “ are of much more value than the text."—
See his short Introduction to Moral Philomphy.
Puffendorfi“s principal work, entitled Dc Jun: Nature ct Gentium, was first printed in 1672, and was afterwards abrid
by the author into the small volume referred to in the foregoing paragraph. The idea of Puffendorfl's aim, formed by r
Carmichael, coincides exactly with the account of it given in the text : “ Hoe demum tractatu edito, facile intellexerunt
:equiores harum rerum arbitri, non aliam esse enuinam Il'lormn Philowphiam, quam qua: ex evidentibus principiis, in ipsa
rerum natura fundatis, hominis atque civis 0 sin, in singulis vitae humnnne circumstantiis debita, eruit ac demonstrat;
atque adeo Juris Naturalis seientiam, quantumvis diversam ab Ethica quae in scholis dudurn obtinuerat, prse se ferret
faciem, non esse, quod ad scopum ct rem tractandam, vere aliam disciplinam, sed eandem rectius duntaxat ct solidius tra
ditam, its ut, ad quam prius male collineaverit, tandem reipsa feriret scopum."-See Caaurcnann‘s edition of the treatise
De Oficio Homim'r at Civil, p. 7.
To so late a period did this admiration of the treatise De Ojicio Homim': rt Civil, continue in our Scotch Universities,
that the very learned and respectable Sir John Pringle (afterwards President of the Royal Society of London), adopted it
as the text-book for his lectures, while he held the Professorship of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh. Nor does the case
seem to have been different in En land. “ I am goin ," says Gray, in a letter written while a student at Cambridge, “ to
attend a lecture on one Puffendorlii” And, much In tlie same spirit, Voltaire thus ex resses himself with respect to the
schools of the Continent :_“ On est partagé, dans les écoles, entre Grotius et Pufi'en orff. Croyez-moi, lisez lee Offices
de Ciceron." From the contemptuous tone of these two writers, it should seem that the old systems of Natural Jurispru
dence had entirely lost their credit among men of taste and of enlarged views, long before they ceased to form an essential
part of academics] instruction; thus affording an additional confirmation of Mr Smith's complaint, that the eater art of
universities have not been very forward to adopt improvements after they were made; and that several of those earned
societies have chosen to remain, for a long time, the sanctuaries in which exploded systems found shelter and protection,
after they had been hunted out of every other corner of the world." Considerin his own successful exertions in his aca
demical capacity, to remedy this evil, it is more than probable that Mr Smith ad Grotius and Puffendorfi' in his view
when he wrote the foregoing sentence.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 89
minuteness, the train of thought by which an more and more on those ethical disquisitions by
undertaking, so highly honourable to the lite which they were uggested. Of these depart
rary character of our country, seems to have ments, the one refers to the conduct of indivi
been suggested to the author. duals in those violent and critical moments when
The extravagance of the praise lavished on the bonds of political society are torn asunder;
Grotius and Pufl'endorfi', in the above citation the other, to the mutual relations of independ
from Carmichael, can be accounted for only by ent communities. The questions connected with
the degraded state into which Ethics had fallen the former article, lie indeed within a compara
in the hands of those who were led to the study tively narrow compass; but on the latter so
of it, either as a preparation for the casuistical much has been written, that what was formerly
discussions subservient to the practice ofan ricular called Natural Jurisprudence, has been, in later
confession, or to justify a scheme of morality times, not unfrequently distinguished by the
which recommended the useless austerities of an title of the Law of Nature and Nations. The
ascetic retirement, in preference to the manly train of thought by which both subjects came to
duties of social life. The practical doctrines be connected with the systems now under con
inculcated by the writers on Natural Law, were sideration, consists of a few very simple and
all of them favourable to active virtue; and, how obvious steps.
reprehensible socver in point of form, were not As an individual who is a member of a politi
only harmless, but highly beneficial in their cal body necessarily gives up his will to that of
tendency. They were at the same time so di the governors who are entrusted by the people
versified (particularly in the work of Grotius) with the supreme power, it is his duty to sub
with~beautiful quotations from the Greek and mit to those inconveniences which, in conse
Roman classics, that they could not fail to pre quence of the imperfection of all human esta
sent a striking contrast to the absurd and illibe blishments, may incidentally fall to his own lot.
ral systems which they supplanted; and per This duty is founded on the Law of Nature,
ha'ps to these passages, to which they thus gave from which, indeed, (as must appear evident on
a sort of systematical connection, the progress the slightest reflection) conventional law derives
which the science made in the course of the all its moral force and obligation. The great
eighteenth century may, in no inconsiderable end, however, of the political union being a
degree, be ascribed. Even now, when so very sense of general utility, if this end should be
difi'erent a taste prevails, the treatise de Jure manifestly frustrated, either by the injustice of
Belli et Pacis possesses many charms to a classi laws, or the tyranny of rulers, individuals must
cal reader; who, although he may not always have recourse to the principles of Natural Law,
set a very high value on the author’s reasonings, in order to determine how far it is competent
must at least be dazzled and delighted with the for them to withdraw themselves from their
splendid profusion of his learning. country, or to resist its governors by force. To
The field of Natural Jurisprudence, however, Jurisprudence, therefore, considered in this light,
was not long to remain circumscribed within the came with great propriety to be referred all
narrow limits commonly assigned to the province those practical discussions which relate to the
of Ethics. The contrast between natural law limits of allegiance, and the right of resistance.
and positive institution, which it constantly pre By a step equally simple, the province of the
sents to the mind, gradually and insensibly science was still farther extended. As inde
suggested the idea of comprehending under it pendent states acknowledge no superior, the
every question concerning right and wrong, on obvious inference was, that the disputes arising
which positiVc law is silent. Hence the origin among them must be determined by an appeal
of two different departments of Jurisprudence, to the Law of Nature ; and accordingly, this law,
little attended to by some of the first authors when applied to states, forms a separate part of
who treated of it, but afterwards, from their Jurisprudence, under the title of the Law of Na
practical importance, gradually encroaching tions. By some writers we are told, that, the
0188. I. PART. 1. M
90 PltELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
general principles of the Law of Nature, and of of Christendom, which, from their mutual con
the Law of Nations, the one and the same, and nections, may be considered as forming one great
that the distinction between them is merely ver republic. It is evident, that such a digest has
bal. To this opinion, which is very confidently no more connection with the Law of Nature,
stated by Hobbes, 1 Pufl'endorif has given his properly so called, than it has with the rules of
sanction ; and in conformity to it, contents him the Roman Law, or of any other municipal code.
self with laying down the general principles of The details contained in it are highly interesting
Natural Law, leaving it to the reader to apply it and useful in themselves; but they belong to a
as he may find necessary, to individuals or to science altogether different; a science, in which
societies.“ the ultimate appeal is made, not to abstract
The 'later writers on Jurisprudence have maxims of right and wrong, but to precedents,
thought it expedient to separate the law of na to established customs, and to the authority of
tions from that part of the science which treats the learned.
of the duties of individuals ;' but without being The intimate alliance, however, thus establish
at suflicient pains to form to themselves a definite ed between the Law of Nature and the conven
idea of the object of their studies. Whoever tional Law of Nations, has been on the whole
takes the trouble to look into their systems, will attended with fortunate effects. In consequence
immediately perceive, that their leading aim is of the discussions concerning questions of justice
not, as might have been expected, to ascertain and of expediency which came to be blended
the great principles of morality binding on all with the details of public law, more enlarged
nations in their intercourse with each other; or and philosophical views have gradually present
to point out with what limitations the ethical ed themselves to the minds of speculative states
rules recognised among individuals must be men ; and, -in the last result, have led, by easy
understood, when extended to political and un steps, to those liberal doctrines concerning com
connected bodies; but to exhibit a digest of mercial policy, and the other mutual relations
those laws and usages, which, partly from con of separate and independent states, which, if they
siderations of utility, partly from accidental cir should ever become the creed of the rulers of
cumstances, and partly from positive conven mankind, promise so large an accession to hu
tions, have gradually arisen among those states man happiness.

' “ Lex Naturalis dividi potest in naturalem hominum que sola obtinuit dici Lex Nature, et naturalem civitatum
qua: diei potest Lex Gentium, vulgo autem Jus Gentium appellatur. Praecepta utrius ue eadem sunt ; sed quia civitates
semel institute induunt proprietstes hominum personales, lex quam loquentes de hommum singulorum officio naturnlem
dicimus, applicata totis civitatibus, nationibus, sive gentibus, vocatur Jus Gentium."-_De Civc, cap. xiv. § 4.
In a late publication, from the title of which some attention to dates might have been expected, we are told, that
“ Hobbes's book De Cive appeared but a little time bejbre the treatise of Grotius ;" whereas, in point of fact, Hobbes's book
did not appear till twenty-two years aflcr it. A few copies were indeed printed at Paris, and privately circulated by Hobbes,
as early as 1642, but the book was not published till 1647. See “ An Inquiry into the Foundation and History of the Law qf
Nation: in Europe," &c. by Robert Ward of the Inner Temp e, Esq. London, 1796). This inaccuracy, however, is trifling,
when compared with those committed in the same work, in stating the distin uishing doctrines of the two systems.
As a writer on the Law of Nations, Hobbes is now altogether unworthy 0 notice. I shall therefore only remark on this
part of his philosophy, that its aim is precisely the reserve of that of Grotius; the latter labouring, through the whole of
is treatise, to extend, as far as ossible, among independent states, the same laws of justice and of humanity which are
universally recognised among in ividuals; while Hobbes, by invcrling the argument, exerts his ingenuity to shew, that
the moral repulsion which commonly exists between independent and neighbouring communities, is anexsct picture of that
which existed among individuals prior to the or" in of government. The inference, indeed, was most illogical, inasmuch
as it is the social attraction among individuals w ich is the source of the mutual repulsion among nations, and as this at
traction invariably operates with the greatcst force where the individual is the most completely independent of his
species, and where the advantages of the political union are the least sensibly felt. If, in any state of human nature, it be
in dnn r of becomin quite evanescent, it is in lar and civilised empires, where man becomes indispensahly necessary to
man, epending for t e gratification of his artificis wants on the co-operation of thousands of his fellow citizens.
Let me add, that the theory so fashionable at present, which resolves the whole of morality into the principle of utility,
is more nearly akin to Hobbism, than some of its partisans are aware of.
’ The credit of this improvement is ascribed by Vattel (one of the most esteemed writers on the subject), to the cele
brated German hilosopher ‘Volfius, whose labours in this department of study he estimates very high] ._(Quuliam dc
Droit Naturel. erne, 1762.) Of this great work I know nothing but the title, which is not calcula to excite much
curiosity in the present times; “ Christiani \Volfii Jiu Nntunz nwlhodo :cimti/ica pcflradalum, in 0 'l‘omos distributum."
grancof. 1740.) “ Non est," says Lampredi, himself a professor of public law, “ qui non dcterreatur tanta librorum
rragine, quasi vero Hereuleo lsbore opus esset ut quis honestatem et justitiam addiscat.”
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 91
Q that he has executed his design in a very desul
3. Another idea of Natural Jurisprudence,
essentially distinct from those hitherto mention tory manner, and that he often seems to have
ed, remains to be considered. According to lost sight of it altogether, in the midst of those
this, its object is to ascertain the general prin miscellaneous speculations on political, ethical,
ciples of justice which ought to be recognised in and historical subjects, which form so large a
every municipal code; and to which it ought to portion of his Treatise, and which so frequently
be the aim of every legislator to accommodate succeed each other without any apparent con
his institutions. It is to this idea of Jurispru nection or common aim.1
dence that Mr Smith has given his sanction in Nor dothe views of Grotius appear always
the conclusion of his Theory of Moral Senti enlarged or just, even when he is pointing at
ments ; and this he seems to have conceived to the object described by Mr Smith. The Roman
have been likewise the idea of Grotius, in the system of Jurisprudence seems to have warped,
treatise a'e Jure Belli et Pacis. in no inconsiderable degree, his notions on all
“ It might have been expected,” says Mr questions connected with the theory of legisla
Smith, “ that the reasoning's of lawyers upon tion, and to have diverted his attention from
the difi'erent imperfections and improvements that philosophical idea of law, so well expressed
of the laws of difl'erent countries, should have by Cicero,—“ Non a praetoris edicto, neque a
given occasion to an inquiry into what were duodecim tabulis, sed penitus ex intima philo
the natural rules of justice, independent of all sophia, hauriendam juris disciplinam.” In this
positive institution. It might have been ex idolatry, indeed, of the Roman law, he has not
pected, that these reasonings should have led gone so far as some of his commentators, who
them to aim at establishing a system of what have aflirmed, that it is only a difl'erent name
might properly be called Natural Jurisprudence, for the Law of Nature; but that his partiality
or a theory of the principles which ought to run for his professional pursuits has often led him to
through, and to be thefinmdation of the laws of all overlook the immense difl'erence between the
nations. But, though the reasonings of lawyers state of society in ancient and modern Europe,
did produce something of this kind, and though will not, I believe, he now disputed. ' It must,
no man has treated systematically of the laws of at the same time, be mentioned to his praise,
any particular country, without intermixing in that no writer appears to have been, in theory,
his work many observations of this sort, it was more completely aware of the essential distinc
very late in the world before any such general tion between Natural and Municipal laws. In
system was thought of, or before the philosophy one of the paragraphs of his Bulegamena, he
of laws was treated of by itself, and without mentions itasa part of his general plan, to illus~
regard to the particular institutions of any na trate the Roman code, and to systematise those
tion. Grotius seems to have been“ the first who parts of it which have their origin in the Law
attempted to give the world any thing like a of Nature. “ The task,” says he, “ of mould
system of those principles which ought to run ing it into the form of a system, has been pro
through, and be the foundation of the laws of jected by many, but hitherto accomplished by
all nations; and his Treatise of the Laws of none. Nor indeed was the thing possible, while
Peace and War, with all its imperfections, is per so little attention was paid to the distinction
haps, at this day, the most complete work that between natural and positive institutions; for
has yet been given on the subject.” 1 the former being everywhere the same, may be
Whether this was, or was not, the leading easily traced to a few general principles, while
object of Grotius, it is not material to decide; the latter, exhibiting different appearances at
but if this was his object, it will not be disputed difl'erent times, and in difl’erent places, elude

' “ Of what stamp,“ says a most ingenious and original thinker, “ are the works of Grotius, Pufl'endorfl', and Burla
maqui? Are they political or ethical, historical or juridical, expository or censorial P-Sometimes one thmg, sometimes
another: they seem hardly to have settled the matter with themselves'L-Bsxnnan's Introduction to the Principlu qfMo
ml: and Legiolation, p. 327.
92 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

every attempt towards methodical arrangement, sible, from mere intrinsic evidence, to distin
no less than the insulated facts which indi guish a demonstration of Euclid’s from one of
vidual objects present to our external senses.” Archimedes or of Appollonius (the style of all
This passage of Grotius has given great of of them appearing no less uniform than if rea
fence to two of the most eminent of his com son herself were speaking through their organs),
mentators, Henry and Samuel de Cocceii, who so also the Roman lawyers all resemble each
have laboured much to vindicate the Roman le other like twin-brothers; inasmuch that, from
gislators against that indirect censure which the the style alone of any particular opinion or ar
words of Grotius appear to convey. “ My chief gument, hardly any conjecture could be formed
object,” says the latter of those writers, “ was, about its author. Nor are the traces of a re
by deducing the Roman Law from its source in fined and deeply meditated system of Natural Ju
the nature of things, to reconcile Natural Juris risprudence anywhere to be found more visible,
prudence with the civil code; and, at the same or in greater abundance. And even in those
time, to correct the supposition implied in the cases where its principles are departed from,
foregoing passage of Grotius, which is indeed one either in compliance with the language conse
of the most exceptionable to be found in his work. crated by technical forms, or in consequence of
The remarks on this subject, scattered over the new statutes, or of ancient traditions, the con
following commentary, the reader will find ar clusions which the assumed hypothesis renders
ranged in due order in my twelfth Preliminary it necessary to incorporate with the eternal dic
Dissertation, the chief design of which is to sys tates of right reason, are deduced with the
tematise the whole Roman Law, and to demon soundest logic, and with an ingenuity that ex
strate its beautiful coincidence with the Law of cites admiration. Nor are these deviations from
Nature.” In the execution of this design, Coc the Law of Nature :0 frequent as is commonly
ceii must, I think, he allowed to have contri apprehende .”
buted a very useful supplement to the jurispru In the last sentence of this passage, Leibnitz
dential labours of Grotius, the Dissertation in had probably an eye to the works of Grotius and
question being eminently distinguished by that his followers; which, however narrow and ti
distinct and luminous method, the want of mid in their views they may now appear, were,
which renders the study of the treatise de Jure for a long time, regarded among civilians as
Belli et Pacis so peculiarly irksome and unsatis savouring somewhat of theoretical innovation,
factory. and of political heresy.
The superstitious veneration for the Roman To all this may be added, as a defect still
code expressed by such writers as the Cocceii, more important and radical in the systems of
will appear less wonderful, when we attend to Natural Jurisprudence considered as models of
the influence of the same prejudice on the libe universal legislation, that their authors reason
ral and philosophical mind of Leibnitz; an au concerning laws too abstractedly, without spe
thor who has not only gone so far as'to com cifying the particular circumstances of the so
pare the civil law (considered as a monument ciety to which they mean that their conclusions
of human genius) with the remains of the an should be applied. It is very justly observed
cient Greek geometry; but has strongly inti by Mr Bentham, that “ if there are any books
mated his dissent from the opinions of those who of universal Jurisprudence, they must he look
have represented its principles as being fre ed for within very narrow limits.” He cer
quently at variance with the Law of Nature. tainly, however, carries this idea too far, when
In one very powerful paragraph, he expresses he asserts, that “to be susceptible of an uni
himself thus :——“ I have often said, that, after versal application, all that a book of the expo
the writings of geometricians, there exists no sitory kind can have to treat of is the import
thing which, in point of strength, subtlety, and Qf words ; and that, to be strictly speaking
depth, can be compared to the works of the R0 universal, it must confine itself to terminology;
man lawyers. And as it would be scarcely pos that is, to an explanation of such words con
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 93
nected with law, as power, rigid, obligation, lipal regulations in this part of the world: and
berty, to which are words pretty exactly cor the study of this language, as well as of the
respondent in all languages.”1 His expres— other technical parts of Jurisprudence (so re
sions, too, are somewhat unguarded, when he volting to the taste when considered as the ar
calls the Law of Nature “ an obscure phantom, bitrary jargon of a philosophical theory), would
which in the imaginations of those who go in possess sufficient attractions to excite the curio
chase of it, points sometimes to manners, some sity, when considered as a necessary passport to
times to laws, sometimes to what law is, some a knowledge of that system which so long de
times to what it ought to be.“ Nothing, indeed, termined the rights of the greatest and most
can be more exact and judicious than this de celebrated of nations.
scription, when restricted to the Law qf Nature, “ Universal grammar,” says Dr Lowth,
as commonly treated of by writers on Jurispru “ cannot be taught abstractedly; it must be
dence ; but if extended to the Law of Nature, as done with reference to some language already
originally understood among ethical write-rs, it known, in which the terms are to be explained
is impossible to assent ‘to it, without abandon and the rules exemplified."s The same obser
ing all the principles on which the science of vation may be applied (and for reasons strik
morals ultimately rests. With these obvious, ingly analogous) to the science of Natural or
but, in my opinion, very essential limitations, I Universal Jurisprudence.
perfectly agree with Mr Bentham, in consider Of the truth of this last proposition Bacon
ing an abstract code of laws as a thing equally seems to have been fully aware; and it was
unphilosophical in the design, and useless in the manifestly some ideas of the same kind which
execution. gave birth to Montesquieu’s historical specula
In stating these observations, I would not be tions with respect to the origin of laws, and the
understood to dispute the utility of turning the reference which they may be expected to bear,
attention of students to a comparative view of in difl'erent parts of the world, to the physical
the municipal institutions of different nations; and moral circumstances of the nations among
but only to express my doubts whether this can whom they have sprung up. During this long
be done with advantage, by referring these in interval, it would be diflicult to name any in
stitutions to that abstract theory called the Law termediate writer, by whom the important con
qfNature, as to a common standard. The code siderations just stated were duly attended to.
of some particular country must be fixed on as
a groundwork for our speculations; and its laws In touching formerly on some of Bacon’s
studied, not as consequences of any abstract ideas concerning the philosophy of law, I quoted
principles of justice, but 'in their connection a few of the most prominent of those fortunate
with the circumstances of the people among anticipations, so profusely scattered over his
whom they originated. A comparison of these works, which, outstripping the ordinary march
laws with the corresponding laws of other no of human' reason, assbciate his mind with the
tions, considered also in their connection with luminaries of the eighteenth century, rather
the circumstances whence they arose, would than with his own contemporaries. These nn
form a branch of study equally interesting and ticipations, as well as many others of a similar
useful, not merely to those who have in view description, hazarded by his bold yet prophetic
the profession of law, but to all who receive the imagination, have often struck me as resembling
advantages of a liberal education. In fixing on the pier-res d’atlenle jutting out from the corners
such a standard, the preference must undoubt of an ancient building, and inviting the fancy
edly be given to the Roman Law, if for no other to complete what was left unfinished of the
reason than this, that its technical language is architect’s design ;—-or the slight and broken
more or less incorporated with all our munici sketches traced on the skirts _of an American

‘ Introduction to the Principle: qf Moral: and Legialulfon, p. 323. ' Ibid. p. 327. I Prefce to his English Grammar.
94 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

map, to connect its chains of hills and'braneh'es any fixed plan, and without thinking either of
of rivers with some future survey of the con rules or exceptions. I have found the truth
tiguous wilderness. Yielding to such impres only to lose it again.”
sions, and eager to pursue the rapid flight of But whatever opinion we may form on this
his genius, let me abandon for a moment the point, Montesquieu enjoys an unquestionable
order of time, while I pass from the Fontes Ju claim to the grand idea of connecting Juris
ris to the Spirit of Laws. To have a just con prudence with History and Philosophy, in such
ception of the comparatively limited views of a manner as to render them all subservient to
Grotius, it is necessary to attend to what was their mutual illustration. Some occasional dis
planned by his immediate predecessor, and first quisitions of the same kind may, it is true, be
executed (or rather first begun to be executed) traced in earlier writers, particularly in the
by one of his remote successors. works of Bodinus ; but they are of a nature too
The main object of the Spirit of Lauis (it is trifling to detract from the glory of Montesquieu.
necessary here to premise) is to show, not, as When we compare the jurisprudential researches
has been frequently supposed, what laws ought of the latter with the systems previously in pos
to be, but how the diversities in the physical session of the schools, the step which he made
and moral circumstances of the human race appears to have been so vast as almost to justify
have contributed'to produce diversities in their the somewhat too ostentatious motto prefixed to
political establishments, and in their municipal them by the author; Prolem sine Matre creatam.
regulations.‘ On this point, indeed, an appeal Instead of confining himself, after the example of
may be made to the author himself. “ I Write his predecessors, to an interpretation of one part
not,” says he, “ to censure any thing establish of the Roman code by another, he studied the
ed in any country whatsoever; every nation SPIRIT of these laws in the political views of
will here find the reasons on which its maxims their authors, and in the peculiar circumstances
are founded.” This plan, however, which, of that extraordinary race. He combined the
when understood with proper limitations, is science of law with the history of political
highly philosophical, and which raises Juris society, employing the latter to account for the
prudence, from the uninteresting and useless varying aims of the legislator; and the former,
state in which we find it in Grotius and Pufl‘en in its turn, to explain the nature of the govern
dorff, to be one of the most agreeable and im - ment, and the manners of the people. Nor did
portant branches of useful knowledge (although he limit his inquiries to the Roman Law, and to
the execution of it occupies by far the greater Roman History ; but, convinced that the general
part of his work), is prosecuted by Montesquicu principles of human nature are everywhere the
in so very desultory a manner, that I am in same, be searched for new lights among the ub
clined to think be rather fell into it insensibly, jects of every government, and the inhabitants
in consequence of the occasional impulse of ac of every climate; and, while he thus opened
cidental curiosity, than from any regular de inexhaustible and unthought of resources to the
sign he had formed to himself when he began student of Jurisprudence, he indirectly marked
to collect materials for that celebrated perform out to the legislator the extent and the limits of
ance. He seems, indeed, to confess this in the .his power, and recalled the attention of the
following passage of his preface : “ Often have philosopher from abstract and useless theories,
I begun, and as often laid aside, this undertak to the only authentic monuments of the history
ing. I have followed my observations without of mankind.“

‘ This, though somewhat ambiguously expressed, mud, I think, have been the idea of D‘Alembert in the following sen
tence; “ Dans cet ouvrage, M. de Montesquieu s‘orcupe moins des loix qu‘on a faites, que de celles qu‘on a du mire.“—
(Elogc dc Ill. dc Montesquieu.) Accordin to the most obvious interpretation of his words, they convey a meaning
which I conceive to be the very reverse of t e truth.
_ ’ As examples of ItIontesquieu‘s peculiar and characteristical style of thinking in The Spirit of Laws, may be mentioned
lus Obxcrvatiom on flu: Origin and Revolution; of the Roman Laws- on Succession: ; and what he has written on the Ilirlory of the
Civil Law in his own Country ,- above all, his Theory of the Feudal Law: among the Franks, considered in relation to the re

\
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 95
This view of law, which unites History and with a conviction that every thing they see
Philosophy with Jurisprudence, has been follow around them is the result of the legislative wis
ed out with remarkable success by various au dom of their ancestors, the very existence of a
thors since Montesquieu’s time ; and for a con legal principle, or of an established custom, be
siderable number of years after the publication comes an argument in its favour; and an argu—
of the Spirit ofLaws, became so very fashionable, ment to which no reply can be made, but by
particularly in this country, that many seem tracing it to some acknowledged prejudice, or to
to have considered it, not as a step towards a a form of society so different from that existing
farther end, but as exhausting the whole science at present, that the same considerations which
of Jurisprudence. For such a conclusion there serve to account for its first origin, demonstrate
is undoubtedly some foundation, so long as we indirectly the expediency of now accommodating
confine our attention to the ruder periods of so it to the actual circumstances of mankind.
ciety, in whichgovernments and laws may be According to this view of the subject, the
universally regarded as the gradual result of speculations of Montesquieu were ultimately
time and experience, of circumstances and emer directed to the same practical conclusion with
gencies. In enlightened ages, however, there that pointed out in the prophetic suggestions of
cannot be a doubt, that political wisdom comes Bacon; aiming, however, at this object, by a
in for its share in the administration of human process more circuitous; and, perhaps, on that
affairs ; and there is reasonable ground for hop account, the more likely to be efl'ectual. The
ing, that its influence will continue to increase, plans of both have been since combined with
in proportion as the principles of legislation are extraordinary sagacity, by some of the later
more - generally studied and understood. To writers on Political Economy;‘ but with their
suppose the contrary, would reduce us to be systems we have no concern in the present sec
more spectators of the progress and decline of so tion. I shall therefore only remark, in addition
ciety, and put an end to every species of pa to the foregoing observations, the peculiar utility
triotic exertion. of these researches concerning the history of laws,
Montesquieu’s own aim in his historical dis in repressing the folly of sudden and violent in
quisitions, was obviously much more deep and novation, by illustrating the reference which
refined. In various instances, one would almost laws must necessarily have to the actual circum
think he had in his mind the very shrewd stances of a people,—and the tendency which
aphorism of Lord Coke, that, “ to trace an natural causes have to improve gradually and
error to its fountain-head, is to refute it ;”—a progressively the condition of mankind, under
species of refutation, which, as Mr Bentham every government which allows them to enjoy
has well remarked, is, with many understand the blessings of peace and of liberty.
ings, the only one that has any weight.1 To The well-merited popularity of the Spirit of
men prepossessed with a blind veneration for the Laws, gave the first fatal blow to the study of
wisdom of antiquity, and strongly impressed Natural Juriqiruderwe ,' partly by the proofs

volutions of their monarchy. On many points connected with these researches, his conclusions have been since controverted ;
but all his successors have agreed in acknowledging him as their common master and guide.
‘ “ [four ancestor: havr been all along under a mistake, Imu- ramc they to here film" into it? is a question that naturally
occurs upon all such occasions- The case is, that, in matters oflaw more espcc'nlly, such is the dominion of authority over our
minds, and such the prejudice it creates in favour of whatever institution it has taken under its wing, that, after all
manner of reasons that an be thought of in favour of the institution have been shewn to be insufficient, we still can
not t'orbcar looking to some unassignable and latent reason for its efficient cause. But if, instead of any such reason, we
can find scenes for it in some notion, of the erroneousnesl of which we are already satisfied, then at last we are content
to give it up without farther st le : and then, and not till then, our satisfaction is complete."-Dzfmvc o I May, pp. 94, 95.
' Above all, by Mr Smith; w o, in his Wealth qfNalioru, has judiciously and skilfully combined wit the investigation
of general principles, the most luminous sketches of theoretical history relative to that form of political society which has
given birth to so many ofthe institutions and customs peculiar to modern Europe.---“ The strong ray of philosophic light
on this interesting subject," which, according to Gibbon, “ broke from Scotland in our times,“ was but a nymlion, though
with a far steadier and more concentrated force, from the scattered but brilliant sparks kindled by the genius of Montésquicu.
I shall afterwards have occasion to take notice of the mighty influence which his writings have had on the subsequent
history of Scottish literature
96 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
which, in every page, the work afl'orded, of the that whatever is unfit to stand the test of a literal
absurdity of all schemes of Universal Legisla version, is not worth the trouble of being studied
tion; and partly by the attractions which it in the original. The progress of the Mind in
possessed, in point of eloquence and taste, when Spain during the seventeenth century, we may
contrasted with the insupportable dulness of the therefore confidently pronounce, if not entirely
systems then in possession of the schools. It is suspended, to have been too inconsiderable to
remarkable, that Montesquieu has never once merit attention.
mentioned the name of Grotius;—in this, pro “ The only good book,” says Montesquieu,
bably, as in numberless other instances, con “ which the Spaniards have to boast of, is that
ceiving it to be less expedient to attack esta which exposes the absurdity of all the rest.” In
blished prejudices openly and in front, than this remark, I have little doubt that there is a
gradually to undermine the unsuspected errors considerable sacrifice of truth to the pointed
upon which they rest. v effect of an antithesis. The unqualified censure,
If the foregoing details should appear tedious at the same time, of this great man, is not un
to some of my readers, I must request them to worthy of notice, as a strong expression of his
recollect, that they relate to a science which, feelings with respect to the general insignificance
for much more than a hundred years, constitu of the Spanish writers.’
ted the whole of philosophy, both ethical and The inimitable work here referred to by
political, of the largest portion of civilised Eu Montesquieu, is itself entitled to a place in this
rope. lVith respect to Germany, in particu Discourse, not only as one of the happiest and
lar, it appears from the Count dc Hertzberg, most wonderful creations of human fancy, but
that this science continued to maintain its un as the record of a force of character, and an en
disputed ground, till it was supplanted by that largement of mind, which, when contrasted with
growing passion for Statistical details, which, the prejudices of the author’s age and nation,
of late, has given a direction so difl'erent, and seem almost miraculous. It is not merely
in some respects so opposite, to the studies of against Books of Chivalry that the satire of Cer
his countrymen.1 vantes is directed. Many other follies and ab
surdities of a less local and temporary nature
When from Germany we turn our eyes to have their share in his ridicule; while not a
the south of Europe, the prospect seems not single expression escapes his pen that can give
merely sterile, but afilicting and almost hope ofl'ence to the most fastidious moralist. Hence
less. Of Spanish literature I know nothing but those amusing and interesting contrasts by
through the medium of Translations; a very which Cervantes so powerfully_attaches us to
imperfect one, undoubtedly, when a judgment the hero of his story; chastising the wildest
is to be passed on compositions addressed to freaks of a disordered imagination, by a stateli
the powers of imagination and taste ; yet fully ness yet courtesy of virtue, and (on all subjects
sufficient to enable us to form an estimate of but one) by a superiority of good sense and of
works which treat of science and philosophy. philosophical refinement, which, even under the
On such subjects, it may be safely concluded, most ludicrous circumstances, never cease to

1 “ La connoissance des états qu‘on se plait aujourd‘hui d'uppeller Stalinique, est une dc ces sciences qui sont devenuel
a la mode, et qui ont pris une vogue générale depuis quel ues années: elle a presque depossédé celle (lu Droit Public,
ui régnoit au commencement et jusques vers le milieu u siécle present."_Re_flc.z.-tom mr la Force dc: Etatr. Par M. le
‘omte dc Hertzberg. Berlin, l782.
1 “ Lord Bolingbroke told Mr Spence, as he informs us in his Anecdotes, that Dryden assured him, he was more in
debted to the Spanish critics, than to the writers of any other nation-‘L-(MALONE, in a Not: on Drydcn': Essay on
Dramatic Pony.
The same anecdote is told, thou h with a considerable difference in the circumstances, by “’arton, in his Essay on
the writings of Pope. “ Lord Bohngbroke assured Pope, that Dryden often declared to him, that he got more from the
Spanish critics. than from the Italian, French. and all other critics put together.“
I suspect that there is some mistake in this story. A Spanish gentleman, equally well acquainted with the literature
of his own country and with that of England, assures me, that he cannot recollect a single Spanish critic from whom
Dryden can reasonably be supposed to have derived any important lights.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 97
command our respect, and to keep alive' our lowed in the arrangement of particular facts, it
sympathy may be proper, once for all, to observe, that
In Italy, notwithstanding the persecution much must necessarily be left to the discretion
' undergone by Galileo, Physics and Astronomy ary, though not to the arbitrary decision of the
continued to be cultivated with success by Ter author’s udgment ;—that the dates which sepa
ricelli, Borelli, Cassini, and others; and in pure rate from each other the difl'erent stages in the
Geometry, Viviani rose to the very first emi progress of Human Reason, do not, like those"
nence, as the Restorer, or rather as the Diviner which occur in the history of the exact sciences,
of ancient discoveries ; but, in all those studies admit of being fixed with chronological and in
which require the animating spirit of civil and disputable precision; while, in adjusting the
religious liberty, this once renowned country perplexed rights of the innumerable claimants
exhibited the most melancholy symptoms of in this intellectual and shadowy region, a task
mental decrepitude. “Rome,” says a. French is imposed on the writer, resembling not unfre
historian, “ was too much interested in main quently the labour of him, who should have
taining her principles, not to raise every ima attempted to circumscribe, by mathematical
ginable barrier against what might destroy them. lines, the melting and intermingling colours of
Hence that Index of prohibited books, into which Arachne’s web;
were put the history of the President de Thou ; In quo diversi niteant cum mille colores,
the works on the liberties of the Gallican church; Transitus ipse tamen spectantia lumina fallit;
and (who could have believed it P) the transla Usque adeo quod tangit idem est, tamen ultima distant.
tions of the Holy Scriptures. Meanwhile, this But I will not add to the number (already
tribunal, though always ready to condemn ju too great) of the foregoing pages, by anticipat
dicious authors upon frivolous suspicions of ing, and attempting to obviate, the criticisms to
heresy, approved those seditious and fanatical which they may be liable. Nor will I dissem
theologists, whose writings tended to the en ble the confidence with which, amid a variety
couragement of regicide, and the destruction of of doubts and misgivings, I look forward to the
government. The approbation and censure of candid indulgence of those who are best fitted
books (it is justly added) deserves a place in the to appreciate the difliculties of my undertaking.
history of the human mind.” I am certainly not prepared to say with John
The great glory of the Continent towards the son, that “ I dismiss my work with frigid in
end of the seventeenth century (I except only the difference, and that to me success and miscar
philosophers of France) was Leibnitz. He was riage are empty sounds.” My feelings are more
born as early as 1646, and distinguished him in unison with those expressed by the same
self, while still a very young man, by a display writer in the conclusion of the admirable pre
of those talents which were afterwards to con face to his edition of Shakspeare. One of his
tend with the united powers of Clarke and of reflections, more particularly, falls in so com
Newton. I have already introduced his name pletely with the train of my own thoughts, that
among the writers on Natural Law; but, in I cannot forbear, before laying down the pen,
every other respect, he ranks more fitly with to offer it to the consideration of my readers.
the contemporaries of his old age than with “ Perhaps I may not be more censured for
those of his youth. My reasons for thinking so doing wrong, than for doing little; for raising
will appear in the sequel. In the meantime, it in the public, expectations which at last I have
may suffice to remark, that Leibnitz, the Jurist, not answered. The expectation of ignorance is
belongs to one century, and Leibnitz, the Phi indefinite, and that of knowledge is often tyran
losopher, to another. nical. It is hard to satisfy those who know not
In this, and other analogous distributions of what to demand, or those who demand by de
my materials, as well as in the order I have fol sign what they think impossible to be done."

DISS. I. PART. I.
"\
 DISSERTATION FIRST.

PART SECOND.

IN the farther prosecution of the plan of a stronger and more concentrated light, what
which I traced the outline in the Preface to the ever general conclusions may occur in the course
First Part of this Dissertation, I find it neces of this survey.
sary to depart considerably from the arrange The foregoing considerations, combined with
ment which I adopted in treating of the Phi the narrow limits assigned to the sequel of my
losophy of the seventeenth century. During work, will sufficiently account for the contract
that period, the literary intercourse between the ed scale of some of the following sketches, when
difl'erent nations of Europe was comparatively compared with the magnitude of the questions
so slight, that it seemed advisable to consider, to which they relate, and the peculiar interest
separately and successively, the progress of the which they derive from their immediatejnfiu
mind in England, in France, and in Germany. ence on the opinions of our own times.
But from the era at which we are now arrived, In the case of Locke and Leibnitz, with whom
the Republic of Letters may be justly understood the metaphysical history of the eighteenth cen
to comprehend, not only these and other coun tury opens, I mean to allow myself agreatcr de
tries in their neighbourhood, but every region gree of latitude. The rank which I have as
of the civilised earth. Disregarding, according signed to both in my general plan seems to re
ly, all diversities of language and of geographi quire, of course, a more ample space for their
cal situation, I shall direct my attention to the leading doctrines, as well as for those of some
intellectual progress of the species in general; of their contemporaries and immediate succes
enlarging, however, chiefly on the Philosophy sors, than I can spare for metaphysical systems
of those parts of Europe, from whence the rays of a more modern date; and as the rudiments
of science have, in modern times, diverged to of the most important of these are to be found
the other quarters of the globe. I propose also, in the speculations either of one or of the other,
in consequence of the thickening crowd of useful I shall endeavour, by connecting with my re
authors, keeping pace in their numbers with the view of their works, those longer and more ab—
difl'usion of knowledge and of liberality, to allot stract discussions which are necessary for the
separate discourses to the history of Metaphysics, illustration of fundamental principles, to avoid,
of Ethics, and of Politics; a distribution which, as far as possible, in the remaining part of my
while it promises a more distinct and connected discourse, any tedious digressions into the thorny
view of these difi'erent subjects, will furnish con paths of scholastic controversy. The critical
venient resting-places, both to the writer and remarks, accordingly, which lam now to offer
to the reader, and can scarcely fail to place, in on their philosophical writings, will, I trust,
100 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS;

enable me to execute the very slight sketches
which are to follow, in a manner at once more
easy to myself, and more satisfactory to the bulk
of my readers.
But what I have chiefly in view in these pre
liminary observations, is to correct certain mis
apprehensions concerning the opinions of Locke
and of Leibnitz, which have misled (with very
few exceptions) all the later historians who
have treated of the literature of the eighteenth
century. I have felt a more particular solici
tude to vindicate the fame of Locke, not only
against the censures of his opponents, but against
the mistaken comments and eulogies of his ad
mirers, both in England and on the Continent.
Appeals to his authority are so frequent in the
reasonings of all who have since canvassed the
same subjects, that, without a precise idea of
his distinguishing tenets, it is impossible to form
a just estimate, either of the merits or demerits
of his successors. In order to assist my readers
in this previous study, I shall endeavour, as far
as I can, to make Locke his own commentator;
earnestly entreating them, before they proceed
to the sequel of this dissertation, to collate care
fully those scattered extracts from his works,
which, in the following section, they will find
brought into contact with each other, with a
view to their mutual illustration. My own con
viction, I confess, is, that the Essay on Human
Understanding has been much more generally
applauded than read ; and if I could only flatter
myself with the hope of drawing the atten
tion of the public from the glosses of commen
tators to the author’s text, I should think that
I had made a considerable step towards the
correction of some radical and prevailing
errors, which the supposed sanction of his
name has hitherto sheltered from a free exami
nation.

PROGRESS OI" METAPHYSICS DURING THE EIGH'I‘EENTH CENTURY.

SECTION I.

Historical and Critical Review of the Philosophical Works of Locke and Leibnitz.

LOCKE.

Barons entering on the subject of this sec concerning the general principles, both intel
tion, it is proper to premise, that, although my lectual and active, of the human frame. The
design is to treat separately of Metaphysics, inseparable affinity, however, between the dif
Ethics, and Politics, it will be impossible to ferent branches of the Philosophy of the Mind,
keep these sciences wholly unmixed in the course does not afl'ord any argument against the arrange
of my reflections. They all run into each other ment which I have adopted. It only shows,
by insensible gradations; and they have all been that it cannot, in every instance, be rigorously
happily united in the comprehensive speculations adhered to. It shall be my aim to deviate from
of some of the most distinguished writers of the it as seldom, and as slightly, as the miscellaneous
eighteenth century. The connection between nature of my materials will permit.
Metaphysics and Ethics is more peculiarly close ; J01m LOCKE, from the publication of whose
the theory of Morals having furnished, ever Essay on Human Understanding a new era is to
be dated in the History of Philosophy, was born
since the time of Cudworth, several of the most
abstruse questions which have been agitated at \Vrington in Somersetshire, in 1632. Of
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 101
his father nothing remarkable is recorded, but of Physics, strictly so called; resembling, in
that he was a captain in the Parliament’s army this respect, much more nearly, the phenomena
during the civil wars; a circumstance which, it about which Metaphysics, Ethics, and Politics,
may be presumed from the son’s political opi are conversant.
nions, would not be regarded by him as a stain I have said, that the studyof Medicine forms
on the memory of his parent. one of the best preparations for the study of
In the earlier part of Mr Locke’s life, he pro Mind, to suchan understanding as Locke’s. To
secuted for some years, with great ardour, the an understanding less comprehensive, and less
study of medicine; an art, however, which he cultivated by a liberal education, the efl'ect of
never actually exercised as a profession. Ac this study is likely to be similar to what we
cording to-his friend Le Clerc, the delicacy of may trace in the works of Hartley, Darwin, and
his constitution rendered this impossible. But, Cabanis; to all of whom we may more or less
that his proficiency in the study was not in apply the sarcasm of Cicero on Aristoxenus, the
considerable, we have good evidence in the de Musician, who attempted to explain the nature
dication prefixed to Dr Sydenham’s Observations of the soul by comparing it to a Harmony ; HIC
ant/1e Historyand Cure ofAcute Diseases ; 1 where an ARTIFICIO suo NON ancnssl'r.’ In Locke’s
he boasts of the approbation bestowed on his Essay, not a single passage occurs,'savouring of
Mn'ruon by Mr John Locke, who (to borrow the Anatomical Theatre, or of the Chemical
Sydenham’s own words) “ examined it to the Laboratory.
bottom; and who, if we consider his genius and In 1666, Mr Locke, then in his thirty-fifth
penetrating and exact judgment, has scarce any year, formed an intimate acquaintance with
superior, and few equals, now living.” The Lord Ashley, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury;
merit of this METHOD, therefore, which still from which period a complete change took place,
continues to be regarded as a model by the most both in the direction of his studies, and in his
competent judges, may be presumed to have be habits of life. His attention appears to have been
longed in part to Mr Locke,'—-a circumstance then turned, for the first time, topolitical subjectS'
which deserves to be noticed, as an additional and his place of residence transferred from the
confirmation of what Bacon has so sagaciously university to the metropolis. From London (a
taught, concerning the dependence of all the scene which gave him access to a society very
sciences relating to the phenomena, either of different from what he had previously lived in)‘
Matter or of Mind, on principles and rules de he occasionally passed over to the Continent,
rived from the resources of a higher philosophy. where he had an opportunity of profiting by the
On the other hand, no science could have been conversation of some of the most distinguished
chosen, more happily calculated than Medicine, persons of his age. In the course of his fo
to prepare such a mind as that of Locke for the reign excursions, he visited France, Germany,
prosecution of those speculations which have and Holland; but the last of these countries
immortalised his name ; the complicated, and seems to have been his favourite place of resi
fugitive, and often equivocal phenomena of dis dence; the blessings which the people there en
ease, requiring in the observer a far greater joyed, under a government peculiarly favourable
portion of discriminating sagacity, than those to civil and religious liberty, amply compensat

' Published in the veer [676.

' It is remarked of Sydenham, by the late Dr John Gregory, “ That though full of hypothetical reasoning, it had not the
usual efl'ect of making him less attentive to observation ; and that his hypotheses seem to have sat so loosely about him.
that either they did not influence his practice at all, or he could easily abandon them, whenever they would not bend to
his'I'hiismiiil
ex 'ence." precisely the idea of Locke concerning the true use of hypotheses. “ Hypotheses, if they are well made, are at
least great helps to the memory, and otten direct us to new discoveries."-Locxa‘s "'Orks, Vol. III. . 8]. See also some
remarks on the same subject in one of his letters to Mr Molyneux. (The edition of Locke to which uniformly refer, is
that printed at London in 18l2, in Ten Volumes 8vo.) ,
' Tusc. Qumst. Lih. l.
‘ Villiers Duke of Buckingham, and the Lord Halifax. are particularly mentioned among those who were delighted with
his conversation.
 102 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ing, in his view, for what their uninviting ter Mr Locke afterwards informs us, that “ when
ritory wanted in point of scenery and of climate. he first put pen to paper, he thought all he
In this respect, the coincidence between the taste should have to say on this matter would have
of Locke and that of Descartes throws a pleasing been contained in one sheet, but that the far
light on the characters of both. ther he went the larger prospect he had ;—new
The plan of the Essay on Human Understanding discoveries still leading him on, till his book
is said to have been formed as early as 1670; grew insensibly to the bulk it now appears in.”
but the various employments and avocations of On comparing the Essay on Human Under
the Author prevented him from finishing it till standing with the foregoing account of its origin
1687, when he fortunately availed himself of the and progress, it is curious to observe, that it is
leisure which his exile in Holland afforded him, the fourth and last book alone which bears di
to complete his long meditated design. He re rectly on the author’s principal object. In this
turned to England soon after the Revolution, book, it is further remarkable, that there are
and published the first edition of his work in few, if any references to the preceding parts of
1690; the busy and diversified scenes through the Essay; insomueh that it might have been
which he had passed during its progress, having published separately, without being less intel
probably contributed, not less than the acade ligible than it is. Hence, it seems not unreason
mical retirement in which he had spent his able to conjecture, that it was the first part
youth, to enhance its peculiar and characte of the work in the order of composition, and
ristical merits. that it contains those leading and fundamental
Of the circumstances which gave occasion to thoughts which offered themselves to the au
this great and memorable undertaking, the fol thor’s mind, when he first began to reflect on
lowing interesting account is given in the Pre the friendly conversation which gave rise to his
fatory Epistle to the Reader. “ Five or six philosophical researches. The inquiries in the
friends, meeting at my chamber, and discoursing first and second books, which are of a. much
on a subject very remote from this, found them more abstract, as well as scholastic nature, than
selves quickly at a stand, by the ditliculties the sequel of the work, probably opened gradu
that rose on every side. After we had a while ally on the author’s mind in proportion as he
puzzled ourselves, without coming any nearer a studied his subject with a closer and more con~
resolution of those doubts which perplexed us, tinued attention. They relate chiefly to the
it came into my thoughts that we took a wrong origin and to the technical classification of our
course, and that, before we set ourselves upon ideas, frequently branching out into collateral,
inquiries of that nature, it was necessary to ex and sometimes into digressire discussions, with
amine our own abilities, and see what objects out much regard to method or connection. The
our understandings were, or were not, fitted to third book (by far the most important of the
deal with. This I proposed to the company, whole), where the nature, the use, and the abuse
who all readily assented, and thereupon it was of language are so clearly and happily illustrated,
agreed, that this should be our first inquiry. seems, from Locke’s own account, to have been
Some hasty and undigested thoughts on a sub a sort of afler-tlwught ; and the two excellent
ject I had never before considered, which I set chapters on the Association of Ideas and on En
down against our next meeting, gave the first thusiasm (the former of which has contributed,
entrance into this discourse, which having been as much as any thing else in Locke’s writings,
thus begun by chance, was continued by en to the subsequent progress of Metaphysical Phi
treaty; written by incoherent parcels, and, after losophy, were printed, for the first time, in the
long intervals of neglect, resumed as myfourth edition of the Essay.
humour or occasions permitted; and at last in I would not be understood, by these remarks,
retirement, where an attendance on my health to undervalue the two first books. All that I
gave me leisure, it was brought into that order have said amounts to this, that the subjects which
thou now seest it.” they treat of are seldom susceptible of any prac
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 103
tical application to the conduct of the under lies chiefly in the unqualified manner in which
standing; and that the author has adopted a new the truth is stated; proper allowances not being
phraseology of his own, where, in some in made, during the fervour of composition, for
stances, he might have much more clearly con the partial survey taken of the objects from a
veyed his meaning without any departure from particular point of view. Perhaps it would not
the ordinary forms of speech. But although be going too far to assert, that most of the seem
these considerations render the two first books ing contradictions which occur in authors ani
inferior in point of general utility to the two mated with a sincere love of truth, might be
last, they do not materially detract from their fairly accounted for by the different aspects
merit, as a precious accession to the theory of which the same object presented to them upon
the Human Mind. On the contrary, I do not different occasions. In reading such authors,
hesitate to consider them as the richest con accordingly, when we meet with discordant ex
tribution of well-observed and well-described pressions, instead of indulging ourselves in the
facts, which was ever bequeathed to this branch captiousness of verbal criticism, it would better
of science by a single individual, and as the become us carefully and candidly to collate the
indisputable, though not always acknowledged, questionable passages; and to study so to re
source of some of the most refined conclusions, concile them by judicious modifications and cor
with respect to the intellectual phenomena, which rections, as to render the oversights and mis
have been since brought to light by succeeding takes of our illustrious guides subservient to the
inquirers. ‘ precision and soundness of our own conclusions.
After the details given by Locke himself, of In the case of Locke, it must be owned, that this
the circumstances in which his Essay was be is not always an easy task, as the limitations of
gun and completed; more especially, after what some of his most exceptionable propositions are
he has stated of the “ discontinued way of writ to be collected, not from the context, but from
ing,” imposed on him by the avocations of a different and widely separated parts of his
busy and unsettled life, it cannot be thought Essay.l
surprising, that so very little of method should In a work thus composed by snatches (to bor
appear in the disposition of his materials; or that row a phrase of the author’s), it was not to be
the opinions which, on different occasions, he expected, that he should be able accurately to
has pronounced on the same subject, should not draw the line between his own ideas, and the
always seem perfectly steady and consistent. hints for which he was indebted to others. To
In these last cases, however, I am inclined to those who are well acquainted with his specula
‘ think that the inconsistencies, if duly reflected tions, it must appear evident, that he had studied
on, would be found rather apparent than real. diligently the metaphysical writings both of
It is but seldom that a writer possessed of the Hobbes and of Gassendi; and that he was no
powerful and upright mind of Locke, can rea stranger to the Essays of Montaigne, to the phi
sonably be suspected of stating propositions in losophical works of Bacon, or to Malebranche’s
direct contradiction to each other. The pre Inquiry nflcr Truth.1a That he was familiarly
sumption is, that, in each of these propositions, conversant with the Cartesian system may be
there is a mixture of truth, and that the error presumed from what we are told by his bio

‘ That Locke himself was sensible that some of his expressions required explanation, and was anxious that his opi
nions should be judged of rather from the general tone am spirit of his work, than from detached and isolated proposi
tions, may be inferred from a passage in one of his notes, where he replies to the nnimadversions of one of his antagonists
Elbe Reverend Mr Lowde), who had accused him of calling in question the immutnbility of moral distinctions “ But
says Locke) the good man does well, and as becomes his calling, to be watchful in such points, and to take the alarm, even
at expressions which, standing alone by themselves, might sound ill, and be suspected."-(Locxi:'s Works, VoL II. p. 93.
Note.
' Mr Addison has remarked, that Malebranche had the start of Locke, by several years, in his notions on the subject of
Durauon.__-(Spcctator, No. 94.) Some other coincidences, not less remarkable, might be easily pointed out in the opinions
of the English and of the French philosopher.
104 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

grapher, that it was this which first inspired him men for business and the world, as for the sciences
with a disgust at the jargon of the schools, and and a university. No one has done more to
led him into that train ofthinking which be after wards the recalling of philosophy from barbarity,
wards proseeuted so successfully. I do not, into use and practice of the world, and into the
however, recollect that he has anywhere in his company of the better and politer sort, who
Essay mentioned the name of any one of these might well be ashamed of it in its other dress.
authors.1 It is probable, that, when he sat No one has opened a better and clearer way to
down to write, he found the result of his youth reasoning.“ I
ful reading so completely identified with the In a passage of one of Warburtou’s letters to
fruits of his subsequent reflections, that it was Hurd, which I had occasion to quote in the first
impossible for him to attempt a separation of part of this Dissertation, it is stated as a fact,
the one from the other; and that he was thus that, “ when Locke first published his Essay, he
occasionally led to mistake the treasures of me had neither followers nor admirers, and hardly a
mory for those of invention. That this was single approver.” I cannot help suspecting very
really the case, may be farther presumed from strongly the correctness of this assertion, not
the peculiar and original cast of his phraseo only from the flattering terms in which the Essay
logy, which, though in general careless and un is mentioned by Shaftesbury in the foregoing
polished, has always the merit of that charac quotation, and from the frequent allusions to its
teristical unity and raciness of style, which de doctrines by Addison and other popular writers
monstrate, that, while he was writing, he con of the same period, but from the unexampled
ceived himself to be drawing only from his own sale of the book, during the fourteen years
resources. which elapsed between its publication and Locke's
With respect to his style, it may be further ob death. Four editions were printed in the space
served, that it resembles that of a well educated of ten years, and three others must have ap
and well informed man of the world, rather than peared in the space of the next four; a refer
of a recluse student who had made an object of ence being made to the sixth edition by the au
the art of composition. It everywhere abounds thor himself, in the epistle to the reader, prefix
with colloquial expressions, which he had pro ed to all the subsequent impressions. A copy
bably caught by the ear from those whom he of the thirteenth edition, printed as early as
considered as models of good conversation; and 1748, is now lying before me. So rapid and so
hence, though it now seems somewhat antiqua extensive a circulation of a work, on a subject
ted, and not altogether suited to the dignity of so little within the reach of common readers, is
the subject, it may be presumed to have contri the best proof of the established popularity of -
buted its share towards his great object of turn the author’s name, and of the respect generally
ing the thoughts of his contemporaries to logi— entertained for his talents and his opinions.
caland metaphysical inquiries. The author of That the Essayon Human Understamiing should
the Characteristics, who will not be accused of have excited some alarm in the University of
an undue partiality for Locke, acknowledges, in Oxford, was no more than the author had rea
strong terms, the favourable reception which his son -to expect from his boldness as a philosophi
book had met with among the higher classes. cal reformer; from his avowed zeal in the cause
“ I am not sorry, however,” says Shaftesbury, of liberty, both civil and religious; from the
to one of his correspondents, “ that I lent you suspected orthodoxy of his Theological Creed;
Locke’s Essay, 2. book that may as well qualify and (it is but candid to add) from the apparent

‘ The name of Hobbes occurs in Mr Locke's Reply to the Bishop 0 Worcutcr. See the Notes on his Essay, B. iv. e. 3.
It is curious that he classes Hobbes and Spinoza together, as writerso the same stamp ; and that he disclaims any intimate
acquaintance with the works of either. “ I am not so well read in Habbu and Spinoza as to be able to say what were their
opinions in this matter, but possibly there be those who will think your Lordship's authority of more use than those just
ly decried names," But. fire.
' See Shattesbury’s First Letter to a Student at the University.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 105
coincidence of his ethical doctrines with those of very early to have struck its roots, deeply and
Hobbes.1 It is more difiicult to account for the permanently, into a kindly and congenial soil.
long continuance, in that illustrious seat of learn Nor were the errors of this great man implicit
ing, of the prejudice against the logic of Locke ly adopted from a blind reverence for his name.
(by far the most valuable part of his work), and The works of Descartes still continued to be
of that partiality for the logic of Aristotle, of studied and admired; and the combined systems
which Locke has so fully exposed the futility. of the English and the French metaphysicians
In the University of Cambridge, on the other served, in many respects, to correct what was
hand, the Essay on Human Understanding was, faulty, and to supply what was deficient, in
for many years, regarded with a reverence ap each. As to the ethical principles of Locke,
proaching to idolatry; and to the authority of where they appear to lean towards Hobbism,
some distinguished persons connected with that apowerful antidote against them was already
learned body may be traced (as will afterwards prepared in the Treatise De Jure Belli et Pacis,
appear) the origin of the greater part of the ex which was then universally and deservedly re
travagancies which, towards the close of the last garded in this country as the best introduction
century, were grafted on Locke’s errors, by the that had yet appeared to the study of moral
disciples of Hartley, of Law, of Priestley, of science. If Scotland, at this period, produced
Tooke, and of Darwin.” no eminent authors in these branches of learn
To a person who now reads with attention ing, it was not from want of erudition or of ta
and candour the work in question, itis much more lents ; nor yet from the narrowness of mind in
easy to enter into the prejudices which at first cident to the inhabitants of remote and insula
opposed themselves to its complete success, than ted regions; but from the almost insuperable
to conceive how it should so soon have acquired difliculty of writing in a dialect, which imposed
its ust celebrity. Something, I suspect, must upon an author the double task of at once ac
be ascribed to the political importance which Mr quiring a new language, and of unlearning his
Locke had previously acquired as the champion own.3
of religious toleration ; as the great apostle of The success of Locke’s Essay, in some parts
the Revolution ; and as the intrepid opposer of of the Continent, was equally remarkable;
a tyranny which had been recently overthrown, owing, no doubt, in the first instance, to the
In Scotland, where the liberal constitution of very accurate translation of it into the French
the universities has been always peculiarly fa language by Coste, and to the eagerness with
vourable to the diffusion of a free and eclectic which every thing proceeding from the author of
spirit of inquiry, the philosophy of Locke seems the Letters on Toleration4 may be presumed to

‘ “ It was proposed at a meetin of the heads of houses of the University of Oxford, to censure and discou the
reading of Locke's Essay; and, a r various debates among themselves, it was concluded, that each head of mouse
should endeavour to prevent its being read in his college, without coming to any public censure.“-(See Des M aizuux's
note on a letter from Locke to Collins-Locns's Works, Vol. X. . 284.
’ I have taken notice, with due praise, in the former part of is discourse, of the metaphysical speculations of John
Smith, Henry More, and Ralph Cudworth; all of them members and ornaments of the University of Cambridge about
the middle of the seventeeth century. They were deeply conversant in the l'latonic Philosophy, and applied it with great
success in combating the Materialists and Necessitarians of their times. They carried, indeed, some of their Platonic no
tions to an excess bordering on mysticism, and may, perhaps, have contributed to give a bias to some of their academics]
successors towards the opposite extreme. A very p easing and interesting account of the characters of these amiable and
ingenious men, and of the spirit of their philosophy, is 'ven by Burnet in the Hinory qf his Own Timu.
Po the credit of Smith and of More it may be ed, that they were among the first in England to perceive and to
sclrnowled
' Notei'tl the merits of the
' Cartesian Metaphysics.
‘ The principle of religious tolemtion was at that time very imperfectly admitted, even by those philosophers who
were the most zealously attached to thc cause of civil liberty. The great Scottish lawyer and statesman, Lord Stair,
himself no mean philosopher, and, like Locke, a warm partizan of the Revolution, seems evidently to have regretted the
impunity which S inoza had experienced in Holland, and Hobbes in England. “ Execrabilis ille Atheus Spinosa adeo
impudens est. ut met omnia ease absolute necessaria, et nihil quod est, t‘uit, nut erit, aliter tieri potuisse, in quo omnes
superiores Atheos excessit, aperte negans omnem Deitntem, nihilque prazter potentins natura! ngnoscens.
“ Vaninus Deitatem non apertc negavit, sed causam illius prodidit, in tractatu uem edidit, arguments pro Dei existen
tia tanquam futilia et vsna rejiciens, adferendo contrarias omues rationes per um ohjectionum, easquc prosequendo ut
DISS- 1- PART ll. 0
 106 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

have been read by the multitude of learned and to as the great oracle in every branch of learn
enlightened refugees, whom the revocation of ing and of science. If I am not mistaken, it
the edict of Nantz forced to seek an asylum in was in Switzerland, where (as Gibbon observes)
Protestant countries. In Holland, where Locke “ the intermixture of sects had rendered the
was personally known to the most distinguish clergy acute and learned on controversial topics,"
ed characters, both literary and political, his that Locke’s real merits were first appreciated
work was read and praised by a discerning few, on the Continent with a discriminating impartia
with all the partiality of friendship ;1 but it does lity. In Crousaz’s Treatise of Logic (a book
not seem to have made its way into the schools which, if not distinguished by originality of ge
till a period considerably later. The doctrines nius, is at least strongly marked with the sound
of Descartes, at first so vehemently opposed in and unprejudiced judgment of the author), we
that country, were now so completely triumph everywhere trace the influence of Locke’s doc
ant, both among philosophers and divines,‘ that trines; and, at the same time, the efl'ects of the
it was difficult for a new reformer to obtain a. Cartesian Metaphysics, in limiting those hasty
hearing. The case was very nearly similar in expressions of Locke, which have been so often
Germany, where Leibnitz (who always speaks misinterpreted by his followers.‘ Nor do Crou
coldly of Locke’s Essay)s was then looked up saz’s academical labours appear to have been less

indissolubiles videantur; postea tamen larvam exuit, et atheismum clare professus est, ET Jus'rrssurr: IN INCLYTA van:
THOLOSA nunu'rns EST 21' cnsnxrus.
‘ “ Horrendus Hobbesius tertius erat ntheismi promoter, qui omnia principia moralia et politics snbvertit, corumque
loco naturalem vim et humana pacta, ut prime principia moralitatis, societntrs, et politici regiminis substituit : x120 TA
MEN Srmosa .w'r Honarns, QUAMVIS 1N nnoronrsus asronmvrrs vrxsam'r 3r moarur snr'r, nsnun sxnnrra
rscrr snnr m ATHEOBUM 'rsaaoanrr, or as vsr. ULLsu PlNAM ssnssnrsr."_(PhyaioL Nova Experimtnlir. Lugd.
Batav. 1666, pp. 16, 17.)
' Among those whose society Locke chiefly cultivated while in Holland, was the celebrated Le Clerc, the author of the
Bibliathe‘que Univnrellc, and the Bibliothéque C/IOiJlC, besides many other learned and ingenious publications. He appears to
have been warmly attached to Locke, and embraced the fundamental doctrines of his Essay without any slavish deference
for his authority. Though be fixed his residence at Amsterdam, where he taught Philosophy and the Belles Lettres, he
was a native of Geneva, where he also received his academical education. He is, therefore, to be numbered with Locke‘s
Swiu disciples. vI shall have occasion to speak of him more at length afterwards, when I come to mention his controvers
with Bayle. At present, I shall only observe, that his Eloge on Locke was published in the Bibliothéquc Choin'e (Ann e
1705,) Tom. VI. : and that some important remarks on the Euay on Human Understanding, particularly on the chapter on
Power, are to be found in the 12th Vol. of the same work (Anne'e 1707.)
' Qusmvis huic sects: (Cartesianve) initio ucriter se opponcrent 'l‘heologi et Philosophi Belgrc, in Academiis tamen
eorum hvdie (1727,) vix alia, quam Cartesiana principia inculcantur._(Hr:rsscc1r Elem. Hid. l’liilusoph.) In Gravesande‘s
Introductio ad Philosophiam. published in 1736, the name of Locke is not once mentioned. It is probable that this last an
thor was partly influenced by his admiration for Leibnitz, whom he servilely followed even in his phyrical errors.
1 In Lockio sunt quaedam particularia non male exposita, sed in summa longe aberravit a janua, nec naturam mentis
veritatisque intellexit.-(Laran1'rz. Op. Tom. V. p. 355. ed. Dutens.)
( M. Locke avoit de la subtilité et de l'addresse, et quelque espece de métaphysique superficielle qu‘il savoit relever.-
Ibid. . u, 12.)
Heiiigccius, a native of Saxnny, in a Sketch of the History of Philosophy, printed in 1728, omits altogether the name of
Locke in his enumeration of the logical and metaphysical writers of modern Europe. In a passage of his logic, where
the same author treats of clear and obscure, adequate and inadequate ideas (a subject on which little or nothing of any value
had been advanced before Locke), he observes, in a note, “ Debcmus hanc Doctrinam Leibnitio, earnque deinde sequutus
est illust. \Volfius."
‘ ()l' the Essay on Human Undrntanding Crousaz speaks in the following terms : “ Clarissimi, et merito celebratissimi
Lockii de Intellectu Humano eximium opus, ct auctore suo dignissimum, logici: \nilissimis semper annumerabitur."__
(Prrzfah) If Pope had ever looked into this Treatise, he could not have committed so gross a mistake, as to introduce
the author into the Dunciad, among Locke‘s Aristotelian opponents; a distinction for whic Crousaz was probably indebted
to his acute strictures on those passages in the Essay on Illa", which seem favourable to fatalism.
Prompt at the call, around the goddess roll
Broad hats, and hoods, and co s, a sable shoal ;
Thick and more thick the blue blockade extends,
A hundred head of Aristotle‘s friends.
Nor wert thou, Isis ! wantin to the day
(Though Christ-church long kept prudishly away).
Each staunch Polemic, stubborn as a rock,
Each fierce L0 ician, still expelling Locke,
Came whip an spur, and dash'd through thin and thick
On German Crousaz, and Dutch Burgersdyck.
W'arburton, with his usual scurrility towards all Pope‘s adversaries as well as his own, has called Cream 0 blunder-ing
Swim ; but a very different estimate of his merits has been ,formed by Gibbon, who seems to have studied his works much
more carefully than the Right Reverend Commentator on the Dunciad.
“ M. de Crousaz, the adversary of Bayle and Pope, is not distinguished by lively fancy or profound reflection; and
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
useful than his writings; if a judgment on this
point may be formed from the sound philosophi
cal principles which he diffused among a nume
rous race of pupils. One of these (M. Alla
mand), the friend and correspondent of Gibbon,
deserves particularly to be noticed here, on ac
count of two letters published in the posthumous
works of that historian, containing a criticism
on Locke's argument against innate ideas, so very
able and judicious, that it may still be read with
advantage by many logicians of no small note
in the learned world. Had these letters hap
pened to have sooner attracted my attention, I
should not have delayed so long to do this tardy
justice to their merits. '
I am not able to speak with confidence of the
period at which Locke’s Essay began to attract
107
public notice in France. Voltaire, in a letter to
Horace'Walpole, asserts, that he was the first
person who made the name of Locke known to
his countrymen ;' but I suspect that this asser
tion must be received with considerable quali
fications. The striking coincidence between
some of Locke’s most celebrated doctrines and
those of Gassendi, can scarcely be supposed to
have been altogether overlooked by the followers
and admirers of the latter; considering the im
mediate and very general circulation given on the
Continent to the Essayon Human Understanding,
by Coste’s French version. The Gassendists, too,
it must be remembered, formed, even before
the death of their master, a party formidable in
talents as well as in numbers ; including, among
other distinguished names, those of Moliére,‘

even in his own country, at the end of a few years, his name and writings are almost obliterated. But his Philosophy had
been formed in the school of Locke, his Divinity in that of I.imborch and Le Clerc; in a ion and laborious life, several
generations of upils were tau ht to think, and even to write; his lessons rescued the Aca emy of Lausanne from Cal
vinistic prejudices ; and he ha the rare merit of diii‘using a more liberal spirit among the people of the Pay: de Vanni.”—
(Grnnoir‘s Memoirs.) .
In a subsequent passage Gibbon says, “ the logic of Crousaz had prepared me to engage with his master Locke, and his
antagonist Dayle; of whom the former may be used as a bridle, and the latter applied as a spur to the curiosity of a young
philosopher."-(Ibid. )
The following details, inde ndently of their reference to Crousaz, are so interesting in themselves, and afford so strong
I testimony to the utility of ogicnl studies, when rationally conducted, that I am tempted to transcribe them.
“ December 1755- In finishing this year, I must remark how favourable it was to my studies. In the space of eight
months, I learned the principles of drawing; made myself completely master of the French and Latin languages, with
which I was very superficially acquainted before, and wrote and translated a great deal in both: read Cicero‘s Epistles ad
Familiares, his Brutus, all his Orations, his Dialo es de Amicitia et de Sencctute; Terence twice, and Pliny’s E istles.
In French, Giannoni‘s History of Naples, l‘Abbé Igrihier's Mythology, and M. ltochat‘s Mcmoires sur la Suisse, an wrote
a very ample relation of my tour. I likewise began to study Greek, and went through the grammar. I began to make
very large collections of what I read. But what I esteem most of alL-from the perusal and meditation of De Crousaz's
logic, I not only understood the principles of that science, but formed my mind to a habit of thinking and reasoning, I had
no idea of before." ,
After all, I very readily grant, that Crousaz‘s logic is chiefly to be regarded as the work of a sagacious and enlightened
compiler; but even this (due allowance being made for the state of philosophy when it appeared) is no mean praise.
“ Good sense (as Gibbon has very truly observed) is a quality of mind hardly less rare than genius."
' For some remarks of M. Allamand, which approach very near to Reid's Objections to the Ideal Theo , See Note T.
Of this extraordinary man Gibbon gives the following account in his Jmu-nal; “ C'est un ministrc dans e Pays de Vaud,
et un des plus beaux génies que je connoissc. II a voulu embrasser tous les genres; mais c‘est la Philosophie qu'il a le
plus approfondi. Sur toutes les questions il s'est fait des systémes, ou du moins des argumens toujours originuux et tou_
Jours mgénieux. Ses idées cont tines ct lumineuses, son expression heureuso et facile. On lui reproche nvec rnison
trop dc refinement et dc subtilité dans l‘csprit ; trop de fierté, trop d‘ambition, et trop de violence dans la camctcre. (let
homme, qui auroit pu éclaircr ou troubler une nation, vit et mourra dans l'obseurité."
It is of the same person that Gibbon snceringly says, in the words of Vossius, “ Eu maiflculm in page, ct mticol
dccipil."
' “ Jc pour vous assurer qu‘avant moi pcrsonne en France ne connoissoit ls pocsie Angloise; h peine avoit on entendu
parlor de Lockc- J ‘ai été pcrsecuté pendant trente ans par une nuée de fnnatiques pour uvoir dit que Locke est l’Her
cule de la Métaphysique, qui a posé les bornes de l'Esprit Humain."-(Ferne_v, 1768.)
In the following passage of the Age of Louis XIV. the same celebrated Writer is so lavish and undistinguishing in his
praise of Locke, as almost to justify a doubt whether he had ever read the book which he estols so highly. “ Locke soul
a développé I'micndanent humin, dans un livre oh il n‘y aque des vérités: et ce qui rend l‘ouvrage parihit, toutes ces
vérités sont claires."
' Moliére was in his outh so strongly attached to the Epicurean theories, that be had projected n translation of Lu
cretius into French. e is even said to have made some progress in executing his design, when a trifling accident de—
termined him, in a moment ofill humour, to throw his manuscript into the fire. The plan on which he was to proceed in
this bold undertaking does honour to his ood sense and good taste, and seems to me the only one on which a successful
version of Lucretius can ever be execu The didactic passages of the poem were to be translated into prose, and the
descri tive pang: into verse. Both parts would have gained rcntly by this compromise: for, where Lucretius wishes
to up old the ph' ophy of his master, he is not less admirable tor the rspicuity and precision of his expressions, than
he is on other occasions, where his object is to detain and delight the rma inntions of his readers, for the charms of his
figurative diction, and for the bold relief of his images. In instances of t e former kind, no modern language can give
108 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Chapelle,1 and Bernier;I all of them eminent prevailing habits of thinking on philosophical
ly calculated to give the tone, on disputed que subjects. Not that it is to be supposed that the
tions of Metaphysics, to that numerous class of opinions of men, on particular articles of their
Parisians of both sexes, with whom the practical former creed, underwent a sudden alteration. I
lessons, vul‘garly imputed to Epicnrus, were not speak only of the general qfléct of Locke’s dis
likelyto operate to the prejudice of his specu cussions, in preparing the thinking part of his
lative principles. Of the three persons just men readers, to a degree till then unknown, for the
tioned, the two last died only a few years before unshackled use of their own reason. This has
Locke’s Essay was published; and may be pre always appeared to me the most characteristical
sumed to have left behind them many younger feature of Locke’s Essay ; and that to which it is
pupils of the same school. One thing is certain, chiefly indebted for its immense influence on the
that, long before the middle of the last century, philosophy of the eighteenth century. Few books
the Essay on Human Understanding was not only can be named, from which it is possible to ex
read by the learned, but had made its way into tract more exceptionable passages; but, such is
the circles of fashion at Paris.” In what man the liberal tone of the author; uch the man
liness with which he constantly appeals to reason,
ner this is to be accounted for, it is not easy
to say; but the fact will not be disputed by as the paramount authority which, even in re
those who are at all acquainted with the his ligious controversy, every candid disputant is
tory of French literature. bound to acknowledge; and such the sincerity
In consequence of this rapid and extensive and simplicity with which, on all occasions, he
circulation of the work in question, and the appears to inquire after truth, that the general
strong impression that it everywhere produced, eflixt of the whole work may be regarded as the
by the new and striking contrast which it ex best of all antidotes against the errors involved in
hibited to the doctrines of the schools, a very re some of its particular conclusions.‘
markable change soon manifested itself in the To attempt any general review of the doctrines

even the semblance of poetry to the theories of Epicurus ; while, at the same time, in the vain attempt to conquer this dif
ficulty, the rigorous precision and simplicity of the original are inevitably lost.
The influence of Gassendi‘s instructions may be traced in several of Moliere's comedies; particularly in the Forum
Savantcr, and in a little piece Le Illan'agc Forcé, where an Aristotelian and a Cartesian doctor are both held up to the same
sort of ridicule, which, in some other of his performances, he has so lavishly bestowed on the medical professors of his time.
1 The joint author, with Bachaumont, of the Voyage en Provence, which is still regarded as the most perfect model of
that light, easy, and graceful badinagc which seems to belong exclusively to French poetry. Gassendi, who was an in
timate friend of his father, was so charmed with his vivacity while a boy, that he condescended to be his instructor in hi
losophy; admitting, at the same time, to his lessons, two other illustrious pupils, Moliere and Bernier. The life of ha
elle, according to all his biographers, exhibited a complete contrast to the simple and ascetic manners of his master: but,
if the following account is to be credited, he missed no opportunity of ropagnting, as widely as he could, the speculative
principles in which he had been educated. “ Il étoit fort éloquent ans 1‘1vresse. ll restoit ordinairement 1e dernier a
table, et se mettoit a expliquer aux valets la philosophic d‘Epicure."-(Biog~rnphic Univtrlelle, article Chapclle, Paris,
1813.) He died in 1686.
* The well known author of one of our most interesting and instructive books of travels. After his return from the
East, where he resided twelve years at the court of the Great Mogul, he published at Lyons, an excellent Abridgment of
the Philosophy of Gaumdi, in 8 vols. 12mo; a second edition of which, corrected by himself“, afterwards appeared, in seven
volumes. To this second edition (which I have never met with) is annexed a Supplement, entitled Donn-s dc M. Bcmicr
mr quclquu mu dc: incipauJ: Chapitra de um Abrcgé de la Philosophic dc Gar-midi. It is to this work, I presume, that
Leibnitz alludes in t e following passage of a letter to John Bernouilli: and, from the manner in which he speaks of its
contents, it would seem to be an object of some curiosity. “ Frustra quacsivi apud typographos librum cui titulus;
Dante: de M. Berni” on Io Philomphtc, in Gallia ante annos aliquot editum et mihi Visum, sed nunc non repertum. Vel
lem autem ideo iterum legere, quia ille Gmmidiatorum fuit Princeps; sed paullo ante mortem, libello hoc edito ingenue
professus est, in quibus nec Gassendus nec Cartesius satisfaciant."-(Lsrsnrrn et Jo. Baasouxru Commerc. 5pm. 2 vol.
4to. Laussnnae et Genevae, 1745.)
Bernier died in 1688.
a A decisive proof of this is afforded by the allusions to Locke's doctrines in the dramatic pieces then in possession of
the French stage. See Note U.
‘ The maxim which he constantly inculcates is, that “ Reason must be our last judge and guide in every thin ."_.
(Locnn’s Works, VoL III. p. 145.) To the same purpose, be elsewhere observes, that “ he who makes use of the ight
and faculties God has given him, and seeks sincerely to discover truth by those helps and abilities he has, may have this
satisfaction in doing his duty as a rational creature; that, though he should miss truth, be will not miss the reward of it.
For he governs'his assent right, and places it as he should, who in any case or matter whatsoever, believes or disbelieves,
according as reason directs him. He that does otherwise, transgresses against his own light, and misuses those faculties
which were given him to no other end, but to search and follow the clearer evidence and greater probability.”--(Ibid. p. 125.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 109
sanctioned, or supposed to be sanctioned, by the the words of their Master, Gassendi. “ All our
name of Locke, would be obviously incompatible knowledge (he observes in a letter to Descartes)
with the design of this Discourse; but, among appears plainly to derive its origin from the
these doctrines, there are two, of fundamental senses ; and although you deny the maxim,
importance, which have misled so many of his ‘ Quiequid est in intellectu praecsse dcberc in
successors, that a few remarks on each form a sensu,’ yet this maxim appears, nevertheless, to
necessary preparation for some historical details be true; since our knowledge is all ultimately
which will afterwards occur. The first of these obtained by an influx or incursion from things
doctrines relates to the ORIGIN or con mass; external; which knowledge afterwards under
the second to was rowan or MORAL PERCEPTION, goes various modifications by means of analogy,
AND THE IMMUTABILITY or MORAL DISTINC composition, division, amplification, extenuatiou,
TIONS. On both questions, the real opinion of and other similar processes, which it is un
Locke has, if I am not widely mistaken, been necessary to enumerate.”'
very grossly misapprehended or misrepresented, This doctrine of Gassendi’s coincides exactly
by a large portion of his professed followers, as with that ascribed to Locke by Diderot and by
well as of his avowed antagonists. Horne Tooke; and it difl'ers only verbally from
the more concise statement of Condillac, that
l. The objections to which Locke’s doctrine “ our ideas are nothing more than transformed
concerning the origin of our ideas, or, in other sensations.” “ Every idea," says the first of
words, concerning the sources of our knowledge, these writers, “ must necessarily, when brought
are, in my judgment, liable, I have stated so to its state of ultimate decomposition, resolve it
fully in a former work,1 that I shall not touch self into a sensible representation or picture; and
on them here. It is quite suflicicnt, on the pre since every thing in our understanding has been
sent occasion, to remark, how very unjustly this introduced there by the channel of sensation,
doctrine (imperfect, on the most favourable con whatever proceeds out of the understanding is
struction, as it undoubtedly is) has been con either chimerical, or must be able, in returning
founded with those of Gassendi, 0f Condillac, of by the same road, to reattach itself to its sensible
Diderot, and of Home Tooke. The substance archetype. Hence an important rule in phi
of all that is common in the conclusions of these losophy,—that every expression which cannot
last writers, cannot be better expressed than in. find an external and a sensible object, to which

' Philosophical Enoyl.

’ “ Deinde omnis nostra notitia videtur plane ducere originem asensibus; et qusmvis tu neges quic uid est in intellectu
prmessc dcberc in sensu, videtur id esse nihilominus verum, cum nisi solo incursions “ii-b rleir'rnnv, ut oquuntur, fiat ; per
ticiatnr tamcn anulogia, compositions, divisions, nmpliatione, extenuatione, aliisquc similibus modis, quos commemorate nihil
est necesse."__( Objri-tionn in Mcdilaflonm Secundam)
This doctrine of Gussendi's is thus very clearly stated and illustrated, by the judicious authors of the Port Royal Logic .
“ Un philosophe qui est estimé dans le monde commence sa logique par cette proposition : Omni: Idea ormm ducit a nuibu.
Tour: ide': tire an: origin: der mu. ll avoue néanmoins que toutes nos idécs n‘ont pas été dans no! son: telles qu‘elles soot
dans notre esprit : mois il prétend qu‘elles out au moins été formécs de celles qui ont passé par nos sens, ou par composition,
comme lorsque des images separées de PM et d'une montagne, on s'en fait une montagne d‘or; ou par ampliolion ct diminu
tion, comme lorsque de l'image d'un homme d'une grandeur ordinaire on s’en forme un géant on no pigmée: ou par ac
wmmodation et proportion, commelorsque de l‘idée d‘une maison qu'on a vue, on s‘en forme l‘image d‘une maison qu‘on n‘a
pas vue. Er .ussi, dit il, nous coscsvons DIEU QUI in: rain rouasn sous LES sans, sous L'nnol: n‘us vans
nnna Hartman." “ Solon cette pensée, quoique toutes nos iilées ne fussent semblables a quelque corps particulier que
nous ayons vu, ou qui sit frsppe' nos sens, elles seroient néanmoins toutes corporelles, et ne vous representt-roient rien ui
ne fut entre dans nos sens, au moins r parties. Et ainsi nous ne concevons rien que par des images, semblables h cellel
qui se ferment dans les cervesu quan nous voyons, ou nous nous imaginons des corps."-_(L'Arl do Pram, l. l’nrtie. c. l.)
The reference made, in the fore ing quotation, to Gassendi's illustration drawn from theidea of God, affords me an
opportunity, of which I gladly avai myself, to contrast it with Locke‘s opinion on the same subject. “ How many amongst
us will be found, upon inquiry, to fancy God, in the shape of a man, sitting in heaven, and to have many other absurd and
unfit conceptions of him ? Christians, as well as Turks, have had whole sects owning, or contending earnestly for it, that
the Deity was corporeal and of human shape : And although we find few amongst us, who profess themselves Anthropomor
phi“: (though some I have met with that own it), yet, I believe. he that will make it. his business, may find amongst the
ignorant an uninstructed Christians, many of that. opinion." ‘-(Vol. I. p. 67.)

' In the judgment of u very learned and pious divine, the bias towards Anthropomorphbm, which Mr Locke has here so
severely reprehended, is not confined to “ignorant and uninstructed Christians." “ lt' Anthropomorphtrm (says Dr Machine)
was banished from theology, orthodoxy would be deprived of some of its most precious phrases, and our confessions of tiiith
110 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

it can thus establish its affinity, is destitute of language, that various detached passages may
signification.”-—(Oeuvres de Diderot, Tom. VI.) be quoted from his work, which seem, on a
Such is the exposition given by Diderot, of superficial view, to justify their comments, yet
what is regarded in France as Locke’s great of what weight, it may be asked, are these pas
and capital discovery ; and precisely to the same sages, when compared with the stress laid by
purpose we are told by Condorcet, that “ Locke the author on liq/lection, as an original source of
was the first who proved that all our ideas are our ideas, altogether different from Sensation .9
compounded Qfsmsations.”—-(Esquisse Historique, “ The otherfountain,” says Locke, “ from which
&c.) experience furnisheth the understanding with
If this were to be admitted as a fair account ideas, is the perception of the operations of our
of Locke’s opinion, it would follow, that he has own minds within us, as it is employed about
not advanced a single step beyond Gassendi and the ideas it has got; which operations, when the
Hobbes; both of whom have repeatedly expressed soul comes to rqflect on and consider, do furnish
themselves in nearly the same words with Di the understanding with another set of ideas,
derot and Condorcet. But although it must be which could not be had from things without;
granted, in favour of their interpretation of his and such are Perception, Thinking, Doubling, Be

“ Let the ideas of being and matter be strongly joined either by education or much thought, whilst these are still com
bined in the mind, what notions, what reasomn s will there be about separate spirits ? Let custom, from the very childhood,
have joined figure and shape to the idea of Go , and what absurdities will that mind be liable to about the Deity P"_(Vol.
II.Tilie
. I44.
authors of the Port Royal Logic have expressed themselves on this point to the very same purpose with Locke; and
have enlarged upon it still more fully and forcibly. (See the sequel of the passage above quoted.) Some of their remarks on
the subject, which are more particularly directed a inst Gassendi, have led Brucker to rank them among the advocates for
immlc idcar(Bnucrrr-:n, [fir/aria dc Idria, p. 271), all ough these remarks coincide exactly in substance with the foregoing quo
tation from Locke. Like many other modern metaphysicians, this learned and laborious, but not very acute historian,
could im ine no intermediate opinion between the theory of innate idem, as taught b the Cartesians, and the Epicurean
account 0 our knowledge, as revived by Gassendi and Hobbes; and accordingly thought himself entitled to conclude, that
whoever rejected the one must necessarily have ado ted the other. The doctrines of Locke and of his predecessor Arnsuld
will be found, on examination, essentially different rom both.
Persons little acquainted with the metaphysical speculations of the two last centuries are apt to imagine, that when “ all
knowledge is said to have its origin in the senses,” nothing more is to be understood than this, that it is by the impressions
of external objects on our organs of perception, that the dormant pea-tr: of the understanding are at first awakened. The
foregoing quotation from Gassendi, toget or with those which I am about to produce from Diderot and Condorcet, may, I
trust. be useful in correcting this very common mistake; all of these quotations explicitly asserting, that the external senses
furnish not only the vrmrions by which our intellectual powers are excited and developed, but all the matcrialr about which
our thou hts are conversant; or, in other words, that it is impossible for us to think of anything, which is not either a
sensible image, or the result of sensible imn res combined together, and lransmuted into new forms by a sort of logical che.
mistry. That the owers of the understanding would for ever continue dormant, were it not for the action of things ex
ternal on the bodi y frame, is a proposition now universally admitted by philosophers. Even Mr Harris and Lord Mon
boddo, the two most zealous, as well as most learned of Mr Locke‘s adversaries in England, have, in the most explicit man
ner, expressed their assent to the common doctrine. “ The first class of ideas (says Monboddo) is produced from ideas fur
nished by the senses; the second arises from the operations of the mind upon these materials: for I do not deny, that in
this our present state of existence, all our ideas, and all our knowledge, are ultimately to be derived from sense and matter.“
(Vol. I. p. 44. 2d Ed. Mr Harris, while he holds the same language, points out, with greater precision, the essential dif
ference between his p ilosophy and that of the Hobbists- “ Though sensible objects may be the destined medium to awa
ken the dormant energies of man‘s understanding, yet are those energies themselves no more contained in sense, than the
explosion of a cannon in the spark which gave it fire."-(HEnnr:s.) On this subject see Element: of the Philosophy qf thz
Human Mind, Vol. I. chap. i. sect. 4.
To this doctrine I have little doubt that Descartes himself would have assented, although the contrary opinion has been
generally sup sed by his adversaries to be virtually involved in his Theory of [male Ideas. M'y reasons for thinking so,
the reader wi find stated in Note X.

and systems of doctrine would be reduced within much narrower bounds."-(Note on Mosheim‘s Church Ilirtory, Vol. IV.
p. 550.)
On this point I do not presume to offer any opinion ; but one thing I consider as indisputable, that it is by means of
Ant/rropommphicm, and other idolatrous pictures of the invisible world, that superstition lays hold of the infant mind.
Such pictures operate not upon Reason, but upon the Imagination; producing that temporary belief with which I conceive
all the illusions of imagination to be accompanied.
In point of fact, the bias of which Locke speaks extends in s ater or less degree to all men of strong imaginations,
whose education has not been very carefully super-intended in ear y infancy.
-I have applied to Anthropomorphinn the epithet idolatrous, as it seems to be essentially the same thing to bow down and
worship at graven image of the Supreme Being, and to worship a supposed likeness of Him conceived by the Imagination.
In Bermer’s Abridgnwniqf Gaucndi’s Philosophy (Tom. III. p. 13 a lcq.) an attempt is made to reconcile with the F. i
curean account of the origin of our knowledge, that more pure and exalted idea of God to which the mind is gradually ed
by the exercise of its reasoning powers: But I am very doubtful, if Gassendi would have subscribed, in this instance, to
the comments of his ingenious disciple.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 111
lieving, Reasoning, Knowing, PVilling, and all the pretty late before most children get ideas of the
difi'erent actings of our own minds, which, we operations of their own minds; and some have
being conscious of, and observing in ourselves, not any very clear or perfect ideas of the great
do from these receive into our understandings est part of them all their lives. . . . . . Children,
ideas as distinct as we do from bodies afi'ecting when they first come into it, are surrounded
our senses. This source of ideas every man has with a world of new things, which, by a con
wholly in himself : And though it be not sense, stant solicitation of their senses, draw the mind
as having nothing to do with external objects, yet it constantly to them,—forward to take notice of
is very like it, and might properly enough he new, and apt to be delighted with the variety of
called internal sense. But as I call the other changing objects. Thus, the first years are
Ssnsarros, so I call this Rsrmcrron'; the ideas usually employed and directed in looking abroad.
it affords being such only as the mind gets by Men’s business in them is to acquaint themselves
reflecting on its own operations within itself.”1 with what is to be found without; and so grow
—(Locxs’s Works, Vol. I. p. 78.) ing up in a constant attention to outward sensa
“ The understanding seems to me not to have tions, seldom make any considerable reflection on
the least glimmering of any ideas which it doth what passes within them, till they come to be
not receive from one of these two. External of riper years; and some scarce ever at all.”—
oly'ects fume/i the mind with the ideas of sensible (Ibid. pp. 80. 81.)
qualities ; and the mind furnishes the understand I beg leave to request more particularly the
ing with ideas of its own operations."—(Ibid. attention of my readers to the following pa
p. '79.) ragraphs:
In another part of the same chapter, Locke “ If it he demanded, when a man begins to have
expresses himself thus : “ Men come to be fur any ideas? I think the true answer is, when
nished with fewer or more simple ideas from he first has any sensation. . . . . I conceive that
without, according as the objects they converse ideas in the understanding are coéval with sen
with afford greater or less variety; and from the sation ; which is such an impression or motion,
operations of their minds withiif, according as made in some part of the body, asproduces some
they more or less answer on them. For, perception in the understanding. It is about
though he that contemplates the operations of these imppessions made on our senses by out
his mind, cannot but have plain and clear ideas ward objects, that the mind seems first to em
of them; yet, unless he turn his thoughts that ploy itself in such operations as we call Percep
way, and consider them attentively, he will no tion, Remembering, Consideratilm, Reasoning, 8w.
more have clear and distinct ideas of all the 0pc “ In time, the mind comes to reflect on its
rations of his mind, and all that may be ob own operations, and about the ideas got by sen
served therein, than he will have all the parti sation, and thereby stores itself with a new set
cular ideas of any landscape, or of the parts and of ideas, which I call ideas of reflection. These
motions of a clock, who will not turn his eyes impressions that are made on our senses by ob
to it, and with attention heed all the parts of it. jects extrinsical to the mind; and its own opera
The picture, or clock, may be so placed, that tions, proceeding from powers intrinsical and pro
they may come in his way every day; but yet per to itself (which, when reflected on by itself,
he will have but a confused idea of all the parts become also objects of its contemplation), are,
they are made up of, till he applies himself with as I have said, the original of all knowledge.“—
attention to consider them in each particular. (Ibid. pp. 91. 92.)
“ And hence we see the reason why it is A few other scattered sentences, collected

‘ Note Y.
' The idea attached by Locke in the above passages to the word Reflection is clear and precise. But in the course of his
subsequent speculations, he does not always rigidly adhere to it, frequently employing it. in that more extensive and popu
lar sense in which it denotes the attentive and deliberate consideration of any object of thought, whether relating to the ex
 112 PRELIMINARY DISQERTATIONS.

from different parts of Locke’s Essay, may throw flection, that there are thinking ones: Expe
additional light on the point in question. rience assures us of the existence of such beings;
“ I know that people, whose thoughts are im and that the one hath a power to move body by
mersed in matter, and have so subjected their impulse, the other by thought; this we cannot
minds to their senses, that they seldom reflect on doubt of. But beyond these ideas, as received
anything beyond them, are apt to say, they can from their proper sources, our faculties will not
not comprehend a thinking thing, which perhaps reach. If we would inquire farther into their
is true: But I affirm, when they consider it nature, causes, and manner, we perceive not the
well, they can no more comprehend an attended nature of Extension clearer than we do of Think
thing. ing. If we would explain them any farther, one
“ If any one say, he knows not what ’tis is as easy as the other; and there is no more
thinks in him; he means he knows not what difliculty to conceive how a substance we know
the substance is of that thinking thing: No more, not should by thought set body into motion, than
say I, known he what the substance is of that how a substance we know not should, by im
solid thing. Farther, if he says, he knows not pulse, set body into motion.”—(Ibid. pp. 26. 27.)
how he thinks; I answer, Neither knows he how The passage in Locke which, on a superficial
he is extended; how the solid parts of body are view, appears the most favourable to the misin
united, or cohere together to make extension.” terpretation put on his account of the Sources of
-—(Vol. II. p. 22.) our Knowledge, by so many of his professed
“ I think we have as many and as clear ideas follower, is, in my opinion, the following:
belonging to mind, as we have belonging to body, “ It may also lead us a little towards the ori
the substance of each being equally unknown to ginal of all our notions and knowledge, if we re
us ; and the idea of thinking in mind as clear as mark, how great a dependence our words have
of extension in body; and the communication of on common sensible ideas; and how those which
motion by thought which we attribute to mind, are made use of to stand for actions and notions
is as evident as that by impulse, which we quite removed from sense, have their rise from
ascribe to body. Constant experience makes us thence, and hem obvious sensible ideas are
sensible of both of these, though our narrow un transferred to more abstruse significations, and
derstanding can comprehend neither.} made to stand for ideas that come not under the
“ To conclude; Sensation convinces us, that cognizance of our senses ; 11. g. to imagine, appre
there are solid extended substances; and Re hend, comprehend, adhere, conceive, instil, disgnst,

ternal or to the internal world. It is in this sense he uses it when he refers to Reflection our ideas of Cause and Effect,
of Identity and Diversity, and of all other relations. “ All of these (he observes) terminate in, and are concerned alxmf, those
simple ideas, either of Sensation or Reflection, which I think to be the whole materials of all our knowledge.”_(Book II.
c. xxv. sect. 9.) From this explanation it would appear that Locke conceived it sufiicient to justify his account of the ori
' of our or
glelilsation knowledge, if it
Reflection, could betoshown
according whichthat all our it
comment ideas
willlaminate
not be ain,diflicult
and aretask
concerned about,every
to obviate ideasobjection
derived to
either
whichfrom
his
fundamental principle concerning the two sources of our ideas may appear to be liable.
In this lax interpretation of a principle so completely interwoven with the whole of his philosophy, there is undoubtedly
a departure from logical accuracy ; and the same remar may be extended to the vague and indefinite use which he occasion
ally makes of the word Rqflcctton; a word which expresses the peculiar and characteristical doctrine, by which his system is
distinguished from that of the Gassendists and Hobbists. All this, however, serves only to prove still more clearly, how
widely remote his real opinion on this sub'ect was from that commonly ascribed to him by the French and German com
mentators. For my own part, I do not t ink, notwithstanding some casual expressions which may seem to favour the con
trary sup osition, that Locke would have hesitated for a moment to admit, with Cudworth and Price, that the UnderdamL
ing is itse f a source of new ideas. That it is by Rlficclion (which, according to his own definition, means merely the exercise
of the Under-minding on the internal phenomena) that we get our ideas of memory, imagination, reasoning, and of all other
intellectual powers, Mr Locke has again and again told us ; and from this princi le it is so obvious an inference, that all the
simple ideas which are necessarily implied in our intellectual operations, are u timately to be referred to the same source,
that we cannot reasonably suppose a philosopher of Locke‘s sagacity to admit the former proposition, and to withhold his
assent to the latter.
‘ In transcribin this paragraph, I have taken the liberty to substitute the word Mind instead of Spirit. The two words
were plainly consi ered by Locke, on the resent occasion, as quite synonymous; and the latter (which mm: to involve a
theory concerning the nature of the thin ing principle) is now almost universally rejected by English metaphysiciana
from their Philosophical Vocabulary.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 113
disturbmwe, tranquillity, 8w. are all words taken it figuratiwly expresses. Through the whole of
from the operations of sensible things, and ap his Essay, he uniformly represents sensation and
plied to certain modes of thinking. Spirit, in reflection as radically distinct sources of know
its primary signification, is breath ; angel, a mes ledge; and, of consequence, he must have con
senger : and I doubt not, but if we could trace them ceived it to be not less unphilosophical to attempt
to their sources, we shouldfind, in all languages, an explanation of the phenomena of mind by
the names which standfor things thatfall not under the analogy of matter, than to think of explain
oursenses, to have had theirfirst risefrom sensible ing the phenomena of matter by the analogy of
ideas. By' which we may give some kind of mind. To this fundamental principle concern
guess what kind of notions they were, and ing the origin of our ideas, he has added, in the
whence derived, which filled their minds, who passage now before us, That, as our knowledge
were the first beginners of languages; and how of mind is posterior in the order of time to that
nature, even in the naming of things, unawares of matter (the first years of our existence being
suggested to men the originals and principles of necessarily occupied about objects of sense), it
all their knowledge.” is not surprising, that “ when men wished to
So far the words of Locke coincide very near give names that might make known to others any
ly, if not exactly, with the doctrines of Hobbes operations they felt in themselves, or any other
and of Gassendi ; and I have not a doubt, that ideas that came not under their senses, they
a mistaken interpretation of the clause which I should have been fain to borrow words from
have distinguished by italics, furnished the germ ordinary known ideas of sensation, by that means
of all the mighty dlkwveries contained in the to make others the more easily to conceive those
Ema Hrsgmra. If Mr Tooke, however, had studied operations which make no outward sensible ap
with due attention the import of what immediate pearances.” According to this statement, the
ly'follows, he must have instantly perceived how purpose of these “ borrowed” or metaphorical
essentially difi'erent Locke’s real opinion on the words is not (as Mr Tooke concluded) to ea;plao'n
subject was from what be conceived it to be.— the nature of the operations, but to direct the
“ Whilst to give names, that might make known attention of the bearer to that internal world,
to others any operations they felt in themselves, the phenomena of which he can only learn to
or any other ideas that came not under their comprehend by the exercise of his own power
senses, they were fain to borrow words from of reflection. If Locke has nowhere afiirmed
ordinary known ideas of sensation, by that means so explicitly as his predecessor Descartes, that
to make others the more easily to conceive those “ nothing conceivable by the power of imagina
operations they experienced in themselves, which tion can throw any light on the operations of
made no outward sensible appearances; and thought,” it may be presumed that he consider
then, when they had got known and agreed ed this as unnecessary, after having dwelt so
names, to signify those internal operations of much on reflection as the exclusive source of all
their own minds, they were sufiiciently furnish our ideas relating to mind; and on the peculiar
ed to make known by words all their other ideas; difficulties attending the exercise of this power,
since they could consist of nothing but either of in consequence of the effect of early associations
outward sensible perceptions, or of the inward in confounding together our notions of mind and
operations of their minds about them.”—(Vol. of matter.
II. pp. 147, 148.) The misapprehensions so prevalent on the
From the sentences last quoted it is manifest, Continent, with respect to Locke’s doctrine on
that when Locke remarked the material etymo this most important of all metaphysical questions,
logy of all our language about mind, he had not began during his own life time, and were coun
the most distant intention to draw from it any tenanced by the authority of no less a writer than
inference which might tend to identify the Leibnitz, who always represents Locke as a par
sensible images which this language presents to tizan of the scholastic maxim, Nihil est in intel
the fancy, with the metaphysical notions which lectu quad non fuerit in sensu.—“ Nempe (says
mss. I. PART II. P
114 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Leibnitz, inréply to this maxim) nihil est in in- honour to the sentences of the critic; but it is
tellectu quod non fuerit in sensu, nisi ipse intel- not easy to conceive on what grounds it should
lentils.”1 The remark is excellent, and does have been urged as an objection to a writer, who

' Opera, Tom. V. pp. 358, 359.

That the same mistake still keeps its ground among many foreign writers of the highest class, the following passage afi'ords
a sufficient proof: “ Leibnitz a combattu svec une force de dialectique admirable le Systéme de Locke. qui attribue toutes
nos ide'es a nos sensations. On avoit mis en avant cet axiome si connu, qu‘il n'y avoit rien dans l‘intelligcnce qui n'eut été
d‘abord dans les sensations, et Leibnitz y ajouta cette sublime restriction, 0i cc n’ut l‘inirlligrncc elk-mime. De ce principe
derive toute la philosophic nouvelle qui exerce tant d‘influence sur les esprits en Allernagne.”-(Man. n: STAEL dc PAH“
magnc, Torn. III. p. 65.)
I observed in the First Part of this Dissertation (page 67), that this sublime restriction on which so much stress has been
laid by the partizans of the German school, is little more than a translation of the following words of Aristotle : Kai nim‘;
3i As
m7: to
vanrri; irrrn,the
Locke, J1me rd injustice
same van'rit' I‘l'l WhlChlIlQ
pi: 7 ra'iv a’mu JAM,
received 'rd al'rrd
from inn c5was
Leibnitz nahvery
Ill r5 woodman—(Dc
early Aninm,
done to him in his Lib.
own III. cap. V.)
country. In a

tract printed in 1697, by a mathematician of some note, the author of the Enay on Human Understanding is represented as
holding the same opinion with Gassendi concerning the origin of our ideas. “ Ida: nomine sensu utor; earum ori 'nem an
a sensibus solum, ut Gassendo et Lockio nostrati, caterisque plurimis visum est, an aliunde, hujns loci non est inquirere."_
(De Spatio Reah', ml Ente Infinite Conamcn Malhematico-Mctaphyritum. Auctore J osnruo Raruson, Reg. Soc. Socio. This
tract is annexed to the second edition of a work entitled Analysis Equation!!!) Univuralil. Lond. 1702.)

In order to enable my readers more easily to form a judgment on the argument in the text, I must beg leave once more
to remind them of the distinction already pointed out between the Gassendists and the Cartesisns; the former asserting,
that, as all our ideas are derived from the external senses, the intellectual phenomena can admit of no other explanation
than what is furnished by analogies drawn from the material world; the latter rejectin these anal 'es altogether, as de
lusive and treacherous lights in the study of mind; and contending, that the exercise 0 the power 0 reflection is the cal
medium through which any knowledge of its operations is to be obtained. To the one or the other of these two classes, ah
the metaphysicians of the last century may be referred; and even at the present day, the fundamental question which
formed the chief ground of controversy between Gassendi and Descartes (I mean the question concerning the proper logical
method of studying the mind) still continues the hinge on which the most important disputes relating to the internal world
will be found ultimately to turn.
Aceording to this distinction, Locke, notwithstanding some occasional slips of his Een, belongs indisputably to the class
of Cartesians; as well as the very small number of his followers who have entered t oroughly into the spirit of his philo_
sophy. To the class of Gassendists, on the other hand, belong all those French metaphysicians, who professin to tread
in Locke‘s footsteps, have derived all their knowlcd e of the Enay on Human Undentanriing from the works of gondillac;
together with most of the commentators on Locke w 0 have proceeded from the school of Bishop Law. To these may be
added (among the writers of later times) Priestley, Darwin, Beddoes, and, above all, Home Tech: with his numerous
isci
Tilieles.
doctrine of Hobbes on this cardinal question coincided entirel with that of Gassendi, and, accordingly, it is not
unusual in the present times, among Ilobbes‘s disciples, to ascribe to him the whole merit of that account of the origin of
our knowledge, which, from a stran misconception, has been supposed to have been claimed by Locke as his own dis
covery. But where, it may be sske , has Hobbes said anything about the origin of those ideas which Locke refers to the
power of reflection 9 and may not the numerous observations which Locke has made on thi: power as a source of ideas liar
to itself, be re rded as an indirect refutation of that theory which would resolve all the objects of our knowl ge into
munitions, as t eir ultimate elements ? This was not merely a step beyond Hobbes; but the correction of an error which lies
at the very root of Hobbes‘s system ;-an error under which (it may be added) the greater part of Hobbes‘l eulogista
have the misfortune still to labour.
It is with much regret I add, that a very large proportion of the English writers, who call themselves Lockiau, and
who, I have no doubt, believe themselves to be so in reality, are at bottom (at lcast in their metaphysical opinions)
Gmrendirt: or Hobbirtr. In what res ct do the following observations differ from the Epicurean theory concerning the
origin of our knowledge, as expoun ed by Gassendi? “ The ideas conveyed by sight, and by our other senses, having
entered the mind, intermingle, unite, separate, throw themselves into various combinations and postures, and thereby
generate new ideas of reflection, strictly so called; such as those of comparing, dividing, distinguishing,_of abstraction,
relation, with many others; all which remain with us as stock for our further use on future occasions." I do not recollect
any pa 0, either in Helvetius or Diderot, which contains a more explicit and decided avowal of that Epicurean system
of Metap ysics, which it was the great aim both of Descartes and of Locke to overthrow.
In the following conjectures concernin the nature of our ideas, the same author has ihr exceeded in extravagance any of
the hietaphysicians of the French schoo “ ‘Vhat those substance! are, whereoi'our ideas are the modifications, whet/wrpart:
of the mind as the member: are of our body, or contained in it like waflrn in a box, or enrz‘lupcd by if likcfirh in water, whether of a spiri
taal, corporeal, or middle nature between both, I need not now ascertain. All I mean to lay down at present is this, that,
in every exercise-of the understanding, that which discerns is numcrlcally and substantially distinct from that which isdis
corned; and that an act of the understanding is not so much our own proper act, as the act of something else operating
a PI nshould
us." scarcely have thought it worth while to take notice of these passages, had not. the doctrines contained in the
work from which they are taken, been sanctioned in the most unqualified terms by the high authority of Dr Paley. “ There
is one work (he observes) to which I owe so much, that it would be no ateful not to confess the obli tion: I mean the
writings of the late Abraham Tucker, Esq. part of which were ublisied by himself, and the remain er since his death,
under the title of the Light of Nature Formed, by Edward Searc , Esq." “Iham-jbund, tnthl: rz'n'lcr, more original thinking
and obleruation upon the reveralmly'cch that he hal taken in hand, than in any other, not to my than in all otlwrrput together. His talent
also for illustration is unrivalled But his thoughtsare difi'used through a long, various, and irregular work. I shallaccount
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 115
has insisted so explicitly and so frequently on re him hastily to conclude, that the opposition of
flection as the source of a class of ideas essential Locke to Descartes proceeded from views essen
ly different from those which are derived from tially the same with those of Gassendi, and of
sensation. To myself it appears, that the words his other Epicurean antagonists. How very
of Leibnitz only convey, in a more concise and widely he was mistaken in this conclusion, the
epigrammatic form, the substance of Locke’s numerous passages which I have quoted in
doctrine. Is any thing implied in them which Locke’s own words sufiiciently demonstrate.
Locke has not more fully and clearly stated in In what respects Locke’s account of the origin
the following sentence ? “ External objects of our ideas fallsshort of the truth, will appear,
furnish the mind with the ideas of sensible when the metaphysical discussions of later times
qualities; and the mind furnishes the under come under our review. Enough has been al
standing with ideas of its own operations.” ready said to show, how completely this account
(Locxn’s "hr/as, Vol. I. p. ’79.) has been misapprehended, not only by his oppo
The extraordinary zeal displayed by Locke, nents, but by the most devoted ofhis admirers ;—
at the very outset of his work, against the hy a misapprehension so very general, and at the
pothesis of innate ideas, goes far to account for same time so obviously at variance with the
the mistakes committed by his commentators, in whole spirit of his Essay, as to prove to a de
interpreting his account of the origin of our monstration that, in point of numbers, the in
knowledge. It ought, however, to be always telligent readers of this celebrated work have
kept in view, in reading his argument on the hitherto home but a small proportion to its
subject, that it is the Cartesian theory of innate purchasers and pauegyrists. \Vhat an illustra
ideas which he is here combating; according to tion of the folly of trusting, in matters of lite
which theory (as understood by Locke), an in rary history, to the traditionaryjudgments copied
by one commentator or critic from another, when
nate idea signifies something coeval in its existence
with the mind to which it belongs, and illuminat recourse may so easily be had to the original
ing the understanding before the external senses sources of information !1
to operate. The very close aflinity be II. Another misapprehension, not less pre
tween this theory, and some of the doctrines of valent than the former, with respect to Locke’s
the Platonic school, prevented Leibnitz, it is philosophical creed, relates to the power of mo
probable, from judging of Locke’s argument ral perception, and the immutability of moral
against it, with his usual candour; and disposed distinctions. The consideration of such ques

' In justice to Dr Hartley, I must here observe, that, although his account of the origin of our ideas is precisely the
some with that of Gasscndi, Hobbes, and Condillac_onc of his fundamental principles being, that the Mm; of sensation are
the elcmcnh of which all the 'rest are COlTIPOUntlt‘ll—(HARTLHY on Man, 4th Ed. p. 2. of the Introduction)_he has not availed
himself, like the other Gasseudists of later times, of the name of Locke to recommend this theory to the favour of his
readers. ()n the contrary, he has very clearly and candidly pointed out the wide and essential distinction between the
two opinions. “ It may not be amiss here to take notice how far the theory of these papers has led me to differ, in respect
of logic, from Mr Locke’s excellent Euny on the Human Undentandlng, to which the world is so much indebted for re
moving prejudices and encumbrances, and advancing real and useful knowledge.
“ First, then, it appears to me, that all the most complex ideas arise from sensation, and that "yumm- is no! a distinct
mrce, as Mr Locke makes it.“_( HARTLEY on Man, 4th Ed. p. 360 of the Introduction.)
This last proposition IIartlcy seems to have considered as an important and original improvement of his own on Locke’s

It no mean praise. if I have been sometimes able to dispose into method, to collect into heads and articles, or to exhibit In
more compact and tangible masses, what, in that excellent performance, is spread over too much surface."_( Principle: qf
Mom! and Political Philomphy, Preface, pp. 25, ‘26.)
Of an author whom Dr Paley has honoured with so very warm an eulogy, it would be equally absurd and presumptuous
to dispute the merits. Nor have I any wish to detract from the praise here bestowed on him as an original thinker and ob
server. I readily admit, also, his talent for illustration, althoug it sometimes leads him to soar into bombast, and more
frequently to sink into buti'oonery. As an honest inquirer after moral and reli 'ous truth, he is entitled to the most un
qualified approbation. But, I must be permitted to add, that, as a metaphysiclan, he seems to me much more fanciful than
solid : and, at the same time, to be so rambling, verbose, and excursive, as to be more likely to unsettle than to fix the
principles of his readers.
116 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

tions, it may at first sight be thought, belongs nature; and when combined with the premises
rather to the history of Ethics than of Meta from which it is deduced, afi'ords a good illus
physics; but it must be recollected, that, in in tration of the impossibility, in tracing the pro
troducing them here, I follow the example of gress of these two sciences, of separating com-,
Locke himself, who has enlarged upon them at pletely the history of the one from that of the
considerable length, in his Argument against other.
the Theory of Innate Ideas. An Ethical disqui In what sense Locke’s reasonings against In
sition of this sort formed, it must be owned, an nate Ideas have been commonly understood, may
aukward introduction to a work on the Human be collected from the following passage of an
Understanding; but the conclusion on which it author, who had certainly no wish to do injus
is meant to bear is purely of a. Metaphysical tice to Locke’s opinions.

logic; whereas, in fact, it is only a relapse into the old Epicurean hypothesis, which it was one of the main objects of Locke's
Essay to explode. '

I would not have enlarged so fully on Locke‘s account of the ori 'n of our ideas, had not a mistaken view of his argument
on this head, served as a ground-work for the whole M'etaphysica Philosophy of the French Encyclopédie. That all our
knowledge is derived from our external senses, is everywhere assumed by the conductors of that work as a demonstrated
rinciple; and the credit of this demonstration is uniformly ascribed to Locke, who, we are told, was the first that fully un
guided and established a truth, of which his predecessors had only an imperfect glimpse. I) Harpe, in his Lycü, has, on
this account, justly censured the metaphysical phraseology of the Encyclopédie, as tending to degrade the intellectual nature
of man; while, with a strange inconsistency, he bestows the most unqualified praise on the writings of Condillac. Little
did he suspect, when he wrote the following sentences, how much the reasonings of his favourite l ' inn had contributed to
pave the way for those conclusions which he reprobates with so much asperity m Diderot and D'izlgiiibert.
“ La gloire de Condillac est d‘avoir été le premier disciple de Locke ; mais si Condillsc eut un maître, il merita d'en ser.
vir à tous les autres; il repandit même une plus nde lumière sur les découvertes du philosophe Anglois; il les rendit
pour ainsi dire sensibles, et c‘est e t lui qu‘e es sont devenues communes et familières. En un mot, la saine Méta—
physique ne date en France, que es ouvrages de Condillac, et a ce titre il doit être compté dans le petit nombre d'hommes
qui ont avancé la science u‘ils ont cultivée.”__(Lyc(-c, Tome XV. pp. l36. 137.
La Harpe proceeds in t e same panegyrical strain through more than seventy pages, and concludes his eulogy of Con
dillac with these words : “ Le style de Condillac est clair et pur comme ses conceptions; c'est en general l’esprit le plus
juste et le plus lumineux qui ait contribué, dans ce siècle, aux progrès de la bonne philosophie."_(lbid. p. 214.
La Harpe‘s account of the power of Reflection will form an appropriate supplement to his comments on Condil “ L’im.
pression sentie des objets se nomme pan-(priori ,- l‘action de l'âme qui les considère, se nomme rqflerion. Ce mot, il est vrai,
exprime un mouvement physique, celui de se replier sur soi-même ou sur quelque chose : mais tout“ nos idées venant du sans,
nous sommes souvent obli es de nous servir de termes physiques pour exprimer les operations de l'âme.”_(1bid. . 158.)
In another passage, he de nes Reflection ns follows: “ La faculté de reflexion, c'est-a-dire, le pouvoir qu’a notre me, de
comparer, d'assembler, de combiner les perceptions."—(Ibîd. p. 183.) How widely do these definitions of rgflcciion differ
from that 'ven by Locke; and how exactly do they accord with the Philosophy of Gassendi, of Hobbes, and of Diderot!
In a late y published sketch Oftlie State qfFrench Literature during the Elghlt'mlh Century (a work, to which the Author’s
taste and powers as a writer have attracted a degree of public attention something beyond what was due to his philosophi
cal depth and discernment), there are some shrewd, and, in my opinion, sound remarks, on the moral tendency of that me.
taphysical system to which Condi‘llac gave so much circulation and celebrity. I shall quote some of his strictures which
hear more particularly on the foregoing argument.
“ Autrefois, negligeant d’examiner tout ce mécanisme des sens, tous ces rapports directs du corps avec les objets, les phi
losophes ne s'occupoient que de ce ui se passe au-dedans de l‘homme. La science de l‘âme, telle a été la noble e’tude de
Descartes, de Pascal, de Malebranc e, de Leibnitz. (Why omit in this list the name of Locke P) . . . . . . l’eut-être se per
doient-ils quelquefois dans les nuages des hautes régions où ils avoientgiris leur vol; peutAtre leurs travaux croient-ils
sans application directe ; mais du moins ils suivoient une direction élev e, leur doctrine étoit en rapport avec les pensées
qui nous agitent quand nous refléchissons profondément sur nous-mêmes. ' Cette route conduisoit nécessairement au plus
nobles des sciences, à la religion, et à la morale. Elle supposoit dans ceux qui la cultivoient un génie élevé et de vastes
meditations.
“ On se lassa de les suivre; on traits. de vaines subtilités, on flétrit du titre de réveries scholasti ues les travaux de ces
ndes esprits. On se jeta dans la science des sensations, espérant qu'elle seroit plus it la née de 'intelligence humaine.
8: s'occupa de plus en plus des rapports mécaniques de l‘homme avec les objets, et de l‘in uence de son organisation phy.
sique. De cette sorte, la métaphymque alla toujours se rabaissant, au point que maintenant, pour quelques rsonnes, elle
se confond pres ue avec la physiologie. . . . Le dix-huitième siècleavoulu faire de cette manière d'envisager 'homme unde
ses principaux titres de loire. . . . .
“ Condillac est le che de cette école. C’est dans ses ouvrages que cette métaphysique exerce toutes les seductions de la
méthode, et de la lucidité; d‘autant plus claire, qu'elle est moins profonde. Peu d‘écrivains ont obtenu plus de succès. Il
reduisit à la portée du vulgaire la science de la pensée, en retranchant tout ce qu'elle uvoit d‘élevé. Chacun fut surpris et
glorieux (le pouvoir philosopher si facilement; et l'on eut une grande reconnoissance pour celui àqui l'on devoit ce bienfait.
()n ne s'apperçut pas qu’il avoit rabaissé la science, au lieu de rendre ses disciples capable d’y atteindre."-(Tableau d: la
Litteralure Françoise pendant le dix-huitième Siècle, pp. 87. 88. 89. 92.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 117
“ The First Book (says Dr Beattie) of the them.” To the same purpose, he has elsewhere
Essay on Human Understanding, which, with sub said, that “ there is a Law of Nature, as intel—
mission, I think the worst, tends to establish ligible to a rational creature and studier of that
this dangerous doctrine, that the human mind, hw, as the positive laws of commonwealths.”
previous to education and habit, is as suscep Nay, he has himself, in the most explicit terms,
tible of any one impression as of any other :-—a anticipated and disclaimed those dangerous con
doctrine which, if true, would go near to prove, sequences which, it has been so often supposed,
that truth and virtue are no better than human it was the chief scope of this introductory chap
oontrivances; or at least, that they have nothing ter to establish. “ I would not be mistaken,
permanent in their nature, but may be as as if, because I deny an innate law, I thought
changeable as the inclinations and capacities of there were none but positive laws. There is a
men." Dr Beattie, however, candidly and judi great deal of difference between an innate law
ciously adds, “ Surely this is not the doctrine and a law of nature; between something im
that Locke meant to establish ; but his zeal printed on our minds in their very original, and
against innate ideas, and innate principles, put something that we, being ignorant of, may at
him off his guard, and made him allow too little tain to the knowledge of, by the use and due
to instinct, for fear of allowing too much.” application of our natural faculties. And I
In this last remark, I perfectly agree with Dr think they equally forsake the truth, who, run
Beattie; although I am well aware, that a con ning into the contrary extremes, either aflirm
siderable number of Locke’s English 'disciples an innate law, or deny that there is a law know
have not only chosen to interpret the first book able by the light of nature, without the help of
of his Essay in that very sense in which it ap~ a positive revelation.” (Vol. I. p. 44-.) Nor
peared to Dr Beattie to be of so mischievous a was Locke unaware of the influence on men’s
tendency, but have avowed Locke’s doctrine, lives of their speculative tenets concerning these
when thus interpreted, as their own ethical creed. metaphysical and ethical questions. On this
In this number, I am sorry to say, the respec point, which can alone render such discussions
table name of Paley must be included.1 interesting to human happiness, he has express
It is fortunate for Locke’s reputation, that, in ed himself thus: “ Let that principle of some
other parts of his Essay, he has disavowed, in of the philosophers, that all is matter, and that
the most unequivocal terms, those dangerous there is nothing else, be received for certain and
conclusions which, it must be owned, the gene indubitable, and it will be easy to be seen, by
ral strain of his first book has too much the ap the writings of some that have revived it again
pearance of favouring. “ He that hath the idea in our days, what consequences it will lead in—
(he observes on one occasion) of an intelligent, to.‘...Nothing can be so dangerous as principles
but frail and weak being, made by and depend thus taken up without due questioning or exami
ing on another, who is omnipotent, perfectly nation; especially if they be such as influence
wise, and good, will as certainly know, that man men’s lives, and give a bias to all their actions.
is to honour, fear, and obey God, as that the sun He that with Archekzus shall lay it down as a
shines when he sees it; nor can'he be surer, in principle, that right and wrong, honest and dis
a clear morning, that the sun is risen, if he will honest, are defined only by laws, and not by
but open his eyes, and turn them that way. nature, will have other measures of moral recti
But yet these truths being never so certain, never tude and pravity, than those who take it for
so clear, he may be ignorant of either, or all of granted, that we are under obligations antece
them, who will never take the pains to employ dent to all human constitutions.”—(Vol. III. p.
his faculties as he should to inform himself about '75.) Is not the whole of this passage evidently

' See Principles of Moral and Political Philomphy, Book 1. Chap. 6, where the author discusses the question concerning
a moral seen.
118 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

pointed at the Epicurean maxims of Hobbes and Innate is a word be poorly plays upon: the right
of Gassendi ? 1 word, though less used, is connatural. For what
Lord Shaftesbury was one of the first who has birth or progress of the foetus out of the
sounded the alarm against what be conceived to womb to do in this case ?—-the question is not
be the drift of that philosophy which denies the about the time the ideas entered, or the moment
existence of innateprinciples. Various strictures that one body came out of the other; but whe
on this subject occur in the Characteristics; par ther the constitution of man be such, that, being
ticularly in the treatise entitled Advice to an Au adult and grown up,’ at such a time, sooner or
thor ; but the most direct of all his attacks upon later (no matter when,) the idea and sense of
Locke is to be found in his 8th Letter, address order, administration, and a Goo, will not infal
ed to a Student at the University. In this let libly, inevitably, necessarily spring up in him.”
ter he observes, that “ all those called free wri In this last remark Shaftesbury appears to me
ters now-a-days have espoused those principles to place the question about innate ideas upon the
which Mr Hobbes set a foot in this last age.”— right and only philosophical footing; and to af
“ Mr Locke (he continues), as much as I ho ford a key to all the confusion running through
nour him on account of other writings (on Go Locke’s argument against their existence. The
vernment, Policy, Trade, Coin, Education, To sequel of the above quotation is not less just and
leration, 8m.) and as well as I knew him, and valuable—but I must not indulge myself in any
can answer for his sincerity as a most zealous farther extracts. It is suflicient to mention the
Christian and believer, did hOWever go in the perfect coincidence between the opinion of
self-same tract; and is followed by the Tindals, Shaftesbury, as here stated by himself, and that
and all the other free authors of our times ! formerly quoted in the words of Locke; and, of
“ ’Twas Mr Locke that struck the home blow: consequence, the injustice of concluding, from
for Mr Hobbes’s character, and base slavish some unguarded expressions of the latter, that
principles of government, took off the poison of there was, at bottom, any essential difl'erence
his philosophy. ’Twas Mr Locke that struck between their real sentiments.‘
at all fundamentals, threw all order and virtue Under the title of Locke’s Metaphysical (or,
out of the world, and made the very ideas of to speak with more strict precision, his Logical)
these (which are the same with those of Goo) writings, may also be classed his tracts on Edu
unnatural, and without foundation in our minds. cation, and on the Conduct of the Understand

‘ To the above quotations from Locke, the following deserves to be added: “ \Vhilst the parties of men cram their
tenets down all men’s throats, whom they can get into their power, without permitting them to examine their truth or
falsehood, and will not let truth have fair pla in the world, nor men the liberty to search after it ; what improvements
can be expected of this kind? What greater ' ht can be hoped for in the moral sciences ? The subject part of mankind
in most places might, instead thereof, with Egyptian bondage expect Egyptian darkness, were not the candle qfflw Lard set
up by himself in rm'n’s minds, which it is impouiblc for the breath or power qf man wholly to eatingui: "—Vol. II. pp. 343,
344
1 Lord Shaftesbury should have said, “ grown up to the possession and exercise of his reasonin powers."
’ I must, at the same time, again repeat, that the facts and reasonings contained in the intro uction to Locke's Euay
go very far to account for the severity of Shaftesbury’s censures on this port of his work. Sir Isaac Newton himself, an in
timate friend of Locke’s, appears, from a letter of his which I have read in his own handwriting, to have felt precisely in
the same manner with the author of the Characteristics. Such, at least, were hisfim impressions; although he afterwards
requested, with a humility and candour worthy of himself, the forgiveness of Locke, for this injustice done to his character.
“ be your pardon (says be) for representing that you struck at the root of morality in a principle you laid down in your
book 0 ideas, and designed to pursue in another book ; and that I took you for a Hohbist." In the same letter Newton
alludes to certain unfounded suspicions which he had been led to entertain of the propriety of Locke‘s conduct in some of
their private concerns; adding, with an ingenuous and almost infantine simplicity, " I was so much affected with this, that
when one told me you was sickly and would not live, I answered, ’twere better if you were dead. I desire you to forgive
me this uncharitubleness." The letter is subscribed, your man humble and most unfortunate :er-vant, Il- Newton..
The rough draft of Mr Locke's reply to these afflicting acknowledgments was kindly communicated to me by a friend
some years ago. It is written with the magnanimity of a philosopher, and with the good-humoured forbearance of a man
of the world; and it breathes throughout so tender and so unaffected a veneration for the good as well as great qualities of
the excellent person to whom it is addressed, as demonstrates at once the conscious integrity of the writer, and the su -
riority of his mind to the irritation of little passions. I know of nothing from Locke's pen which does more honour to his

' It is dated at the Bull in Shorcdilch, London, September 1693 ; and is addressed, For John Locke, Bay. at Sir Fm. filasham‘:
Bart. at Oates, in Euer.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 119
ing. These tracts are entirely of a practical of Locke. The candid and unreserved thoughts
nature, and were plainly intended for a wider of such a writer upon such subjects as Education,
circle of readers than his Essay; but they every and the culture of the intellectual powers, possess
where bear the strongest marks of the same zeal an intrinsic value, which is not diminished by
for extending the empire of Truth and of Reason, the consideration of their triteness. They not
and may be justly regarded as parts of the same only serve to illustrate the peculiarities of the
great design. 1_ It has been often remarked, that author’s own character and views, but, con
they display less originality than might have sidered in a practical light, come recommended
been expected from so bold and powerful a think to us by all the additional weight of his dis
er; and, accordingly, both of them have long criminating experience. In this point of view,
fallen into very general neglect. It ought, how the two tracts in question, but more especially
ever, to be remembered, that, on the most im that en the Conduct of the Understanding, will
portant points discussed in them, new suggestions always continue to be interesting manuals to
are not now to be looked for; and that the great such as are qualified to appreciate the mind from
object of the reader should be, not to learn some which they proceeded.I -
thing which he never heard of before, but to It must not, however, be concluded from the
learn, among the multiplicity of discordant pre-i apparent triteness of some of Locke’s remarks, to
cepts current in the world, which of them were the present generation of readers, that they were
sanctioned, and which reprobated by the udgment viewed in the same light by his own contempo

temper and character; and I introduce it with peculiar satisfaction, in connection with those strictures which truth has ex
torted from me on that part of his system which to the moralist stands most in need of explanation and apology.
ma Loon: To us snw‘rox.
u Sm, Oaks, 5!]: October 93
“ I have been ever since I first knew you so kindly and sincerely your friend, and thought you so much
mine, that I could not have believed what you tell me of yourself, had I had it from any body else. And though I cannot
but be mightily troubled that you should have had so many wrong and unjust thoughts of me, yet, next to the return of
ood ofiices, such as from a sincere good will I have ever done you. I receive your acknowledgment of the contrary as the
'ndest. thing you could have done me, since it gives me hopes I have not lost a friend I so much valued. After what your
letter expresses, I shall not need to say anything to justify myself to you : I shall always think your own reflection on my
carriage both to you and all mankind will sufficiently do that. Instead of that, give me leave to assure you, that I am more
ready to forgive you than you can be to desire it; and I do it so freely and fully that I wish for nothing more than the op
portunity to convince you that I truly love and esteem you; and that I have still the same good will for you as if nothing
of this had happened. To confirm this to you more fully, I should be glad to meet you anywhere, and the rather, because the
conclusion of your letter makes me up rehend it would not be wholly useless to you. I shall always be ready to serve you
to my utmost, in any way you shall 1i e, and shall only need your commands or permission to do it.
“ My book is going to press for a second edition; and, though I can answer for the design with which I writ it, yet,
since you have so opportunely given me notice of what you have said of it, I should take it as a favour if you would point
out to me the places that gave occasion to that censure, that, by explaining myself better, I may avoid being mistaken by
others, or unwillingly doing the least prejudice to truth or virtue. I am sure you are so much a friend to both, that, were
you none to me, I could ex t this from you. But. I cannot doubt but you would do a great deal more than this for my
sake, who, after all, have al the concern ofa friend for you, wish you extremely well, and am, without compliment," &c. &c.
(For the preservation of this precious memorial of Mr Locke, the public is indebted to the descendants of his friend and
relation the Lord Chancellor King, to whom his papers and libra were bequeathed. The original is still in the slea
sion of the present representative of that noble family : for whose uttering permission to enrich my Dissertation With the
above extracts, I feel the more grateful, as I have not the honour of being personally known to his LordshipgI
' Mr Locke, it would appear, had once intended to publish his thoughts on the Conduct of the Understan 'ng, as an ad
ditional chapter to his Essay. “ I have lately," says he, in a Letter to Mr Mol'yneux, “ got a little leisure to think of
some additions to my book against the next edition, and within these few days have fallen upon s subject that I know not
how far it will lead me. I have written several pages on it, but the matter, the farther I go, opens the more upon me,
and I cannot get sight of any end of it. The title of the chapter will be, 0f the Conduct qf the Undtrllnnding, which, if I
shall pursue as fin- as I imagine it will reach, and as it deserves, will, I conclude, make the largest chapter of my Essay."
(Locxs’s Works, Vol. IX. p. 407.)
' A similar remark may be extended to a letter from Locke to his friend Mr Samuel Bold, who had complained to him
of the disadvantages he laboured under from a weakness of memory. It contains nothing but what might have come from
Siren of one of Newberry's authors; but with what additional interest do we read it, when considered as a comment by
e on a su stion ofBacon‘s !_-(Locxn's Works, Vol. X. p. 3l7.)
It is a judicious reflection of Shenstone‘s, that “ every single observation published by a man of genius, be it ever so tri
vial, should heesteemed of importance, because he speaks from his own impressions; whereas common men publish common
things, which they have perhaps gleaned from frivolous writers. I know of few authors to whom this observation applies
more forcibly and happil than to Locke, when he touches on the culture of the intellectual powers. His precepts, indeed,
are not all equally soun ; but they, in general, contain a large proportion of truth, and may always furnish to a specula
tive mind matter of useful meditation.
 120 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

raries. On the contrary, Leibnitz speaks of the (he might have added) the difliculty of seizing
Treatise on Education as a work of still greater the former, and the facility of swelling the num
merit than the Essay on Human Umierstanding.l ber of the latter.’
Nor will this judgment be wondered at by those Having said so much in illustration of Locke’s
who, abstracting from the habits of thinking in philosophical merits, and in reply to the common
which they have been reared, transport them charge against his metaphysical and ethical prin
selves in imagination to the state of Europe a ciples, it now only remains for me to take notice
hundred years ago. How flat and nugatory of one or two defects in his intellectual character,
seem now the cautions to parents about watching which exhibit a strong contrast to the general
over those associations on which the dread of vigour of his mental powers.
spirits in the dark is founded ! But how different Among these defects, the most prominent is,
was the case (even in Protestant countries) till the facility with which he listens to historical
a Very recent period of the last century ! evidence, when it happens to favour his own con
I have, on a former occasion, taken notice of clusions. Many remarkable instances of this
the slow but (since the invention of printing) cer occur in his long and rambling argument (some
tain steps by which Truth makes its way in the what in the style of Montaigne) against the ex
world; “, the discoveries, which, in one age, are istence of innate practical principles; to which
confined to the studious and enlightened few, be may be added, the degree of credit he appears
coming, in the next, the established creed of the to have given to the popular tales about mer
learned; and, in the third, forming part of the maids, and to Sir William Temple’s idle story
elementary principles of education.” The har of Prince Maurice’s “ rational and intelligent
mony, in the meantime, which exists among truths parrot.” Strange! that the same person who,
ofall descriptions, tends perpetually, by blending in matters of reasoning, had divested himself,
them into one common mass, to increase the almost to a fault, of all reverence for the opinions
joint influence of the whole; the contributions of others, should have failed to perceive, that, of
of individuals to this mass (to borrow the fine all the various sources of error, one of the most
allusion of Middleton) “ resembling the drop of copious and fatal is an unreflecting faith in hu
rain, which, falling separately into the water, man testimony!
mingle at once with the stream, and strengthen The disrespect of Locke for the wisdom of
the general current.” Hence the ambition, so antiquity, is another prejudice which has fre
natural to weak minds, to distinguish themselves quently given a wrong bias to his judgment.
by paradoxical and extravagant opinions ; for The idolatry in which the Greek and Roman
these, having no chance to incorporate themselves writers were held by his immediate predecessors,
with the progressive reason of the species, are although it may help to account for this weak
the more likely to immortalise the eccentricity ness, cannot altogether excuse it in a man of so
of their authors, and to furnish subjects of won strong and enlarged an understanding. Locke
der to the common compilers of literary history. (as we are told by Dr Warton) “ aficted to de
This ambition is the more general, as so little preciate the ancients; which circumstance (he
expenee ofgenius is necessary for its gratification. adds), as I am informed from undoubted autho
“ Truth (as Mr Hume has well observed) isone rity, was the source of perpetual discontent and
thing, but errors are numberless ;” and hence dispute betwixt him and his pupil, Lord Shaftes

, 1 L313. Op. Tom. VI. . 226.

' Descartes has struck into nearly the same train of thinking with the above, but his remarks apply much better to the
writings of Locke than to his own.
“ L'expérience m‘apprit, que quoique mes opinions surprennent d‘abord, parce qu’elles sont fort difi‘érentes des vul
pires, cependant, apres qu‘on les a comprises on les trouve si simples et si conformes au sens commun, qu‘on cesse
entiérement de les admirer, at par la mC-me d'en faire cas: parceque tel est le natural des hommes qu’ils n‘estiment
que les chases qui leur laissent d'admiration et qu‘ils ne possedent pas tout-a-fait. C’est ainsi que quoique la santé soit
le plus grand de tous les biens qui concement le corps, c'est pourtant celui auquel nous faisons 1e moms de réflexion,
et que nous geutons 1e mcins. 0r, la connoissance de la vérité est comme la santé de l’flme; lorsque on la possede on
n‘y pense plus.”-Lettru, Tome I. Lettre xliii.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 121
bury; who, in many parts of the Characteristics, has suggested some of the maxims in his Tract
has ridiculed Locke’s philosophy, and endea on Education.‘ He had been treated, himself,
voured to represent him as a disciple of Hobbes.” it would appear, with very little indulgence by
To those who are aware of the direct opposition his parents; and probably was led by that filial
between the principles of Hobbes, of Montaigne, veneration which he always expressed for their
ot' Gassendi, and of the other minute philosophers memory, to ascribe to the early habits of self
with whom Locke sometimes seems unconsci denial imposed on him by their ascetic system
ously to unite his strength,—and the principles of ethics, the existence of those moral qualities
of Socrates, of Plato, of Cicero, and of all the which he owed to the regulating influence of his
soundest moralists, both of ancient and of mo own reason in fostering his natural dispositions;
dern times, the foregoing anecdote will serve at and which, under a gentler and more skilful cul
once to explain and to palliate the acrimony of ture, might have assumed a still more engaging
some of Shaftesbury’s strictures on Locke’s and amiable form. Hi father, who had served
Ethical paradoxes.1 in the Parliament’s army, seems to have retain
With this disposition of Locke to depreciate ed through life that austerity of manners which
the ancients, was intimately connected that con characterised his puritanical associates; and,
tempt which he everywhere expresses for the notwithstanding the comparative enlargement
study of Eloquence, and that perversion of taste and cultivation of Mr Locke’s mind, something
which led him to consider Blackmore as one of of this hereditary leaven, if I am not mistaken,
the first of our English poets." That his own continued to operate upon many of his opinions
imagination was neither sterile nor torpid, ap and habits of thinking. If, in the Conduct of
pears sufiiciently from the agreeable colouring the Understanding, he trusted (as many have
and animation which it has not unfrequently thought) too much to nature, and laid too little
imparted to his style : but this power'of the mind stress on logical rules, he certainly fell into the
he seems to have regarded with a peculiarly jea opposite extreme in everything connected with
lous and unfriendly eye; confining his view ex the culture of the heart; distrusting nature al
clusively to its occasional effects in misleading together, and placing his sole confidence in the
the judgment, and overlooking altogether the effects of a systematical and vigilant discipline.
important purposes to which it is subservient, That the great object of education is not to
both in our intellectual and moral frame. Hence, thwart and disturb, but to study the aim, and to
in all his writings, an inattention to those more facilitate the accomplishment of her beneficial
attractive aspects of the mind, the study of which arrangements, is a maxim, one should think,
(as Burke has well observed) “ while it com obvious to common sense; and yet it is only of
municates to the taste a sort of philosophical late years that it has begun to gain ground even
solidity, may be expected to reflect back on the among philosophers. It is but justice to Rous
severer sciences some of those graces and ele seau to acknowledge, that the zeal and elo
gancies, without which the greatest proficiency quence with which he has enforced it, go far
in these sciences will always have the appear to compensate the mischievous tendency of some
ance of something illiberal.” of his other doctrines.
To a certain hardness of character, not unfre To the same causes it was probably owing,
quently united with an insensibility to the charms that Locke has availed himself so little in his
of poetry and of eloquence, may partly be as Conduct of the Understanding, of hisown favou
cribed the severe and forbidding spirit which rite doctrine of the Association of Ideas. He

' Plebeii Philosophi (says Cicero) qui a Platone et Socrate, et ah en fimilia dissident.
' “ All our Eng 'sh poets, except Milton,” says Molyneux in a letter to Locke, “ have been more ballad-makers in
comparison to Sir Ric ard Blackmore." In reply to which Locke says, “ There is, I with pleasure find, a strange har
mony throu hout between your thoughts and mine."-( Locn-z's Works, Vol. IX. pp. 423, 426.)
' Such, or example, as this, that " a child should never he suffered to have w a t he craves, or :0 much a: speak: Jtr,
much less if he cries for it i" A maxim (as his correspondent Molyneux observes) “ which seems to bear hard on the
tender spirits of children, and the natural afl‘ections of parents-"Allocate Works, Vol. 1X. p. 319.)
D138. 1. PART H. 2
122 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

has been, indeed, at suflicient pains to warn pa A more convenient opportunity wiil after
rents and guardians of the mischievous conse wards occur for taking some notice of Locke’s
quences to be apprehended from this part of our writings on Money and Trade, and on the Prin
constitution, if not diligently watched over in ciples of Government. They appear to me to
our infant years. But he seems to have alto connect less naturally and closely with the li
gether overlooked the positive and immense re terary history of the times when they appeared,
sources which might be derived from it, in the than with the systematical views which were
culture and amelioration, both of our intellec opened on the same subjects about fifty years
tual and moral powers ;-—in strengthening (for afterwards, by some speculative politicians in
instance), by early habits of right thinking, the France and in England. I shall, therefore, de
authority of reason and of conscience ;—in blend lay any remarks on them which I have to offer,
ing with our best feelings the congenial and till we arrive at the period when the questions
ennobling sympathies of taste and of fancy ;— to which they relate began everywhere to at
and in identifying, with the first workings of tract the attention of the learned world, and to
the imagination, those pleasing views of the be discussed on those general principles of ex
order of the universe, which are so essentially pediency and equity, which form the basis of
necessary to human happiness. A law of our the modern science of Political Economy. With
nature, so mighty and so extensive in its influ respect to his merits as a logical and metaphysi
ence, was surely not given to man in vain; and cal reformer, enough has been already said for
the fatal purchase which it has, in all ages, af this introductory section: but I shall have oc
forded to Machiavellian statesmen, and to poli casion, more than once, to recur to them in the
tical religionists, in carrying into effect their following pages, when I come to review those
joint conspiracy against the improvement and later theories, of which the germs or rudiments
welfare of our species, is the most decisive proof may be distinctly traced in his works; and of
of the manifold uses to which it might be turn~ which he is, therefore, entitled to divide the
ed in the hands of instructors, well disposed and praise with such of his successors as have rear
well qualified humbly to co-operate with the ob ed to maturity the prolific seeds scattered by
vious and unerring purposes of Divine Wisdom. his hand.1

SECTION II.

Continuation of the Review of Locke and Leibnitz.

LEIBNITZ.

INDEPENDENTLY' of the pre-eminent rank, fixing the commencement of the period, on the
which the versatile talents and the universal history of which I am now to enter. The
learning of Leibnitz entitle him to hold among school of which he was the founder was strong
'the illustrious men who adorned the Continent ly discriminated from that of Locke, by the ge
of Europe during the eighteenth century, there neral spirit of its doctrines; and to this school
are other considerations which have determin a large proportion of the metaphysicians, and
ed me to unite his name with that of Locke, in also of the mathematicians of Germany, Hol

‘ And yet with what modesty does Locke speak of his own retensionsas a Philosopher! “ In an age thszdproduces such
masters as the great Huygenius and the incomparable Mr ewton, it is ambition enough to be employ men under
labourer in clearing the ground a little, and removing some of the rubbish that lies in the way to knowledge.”-(Euay on
Human Undernanding. Epistle to the Reader.) See Note Z.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 123
land, France, and Italy, haVe ever since his tails to more enlarged views of the globe which
time had a decided leaning. On the funda we inhabit. A striking change in this literary
mental question, indeed, concerning the Origin the
commerce
westernamong
parts nations
of Europe,
took before
place, at
theleast
death
of our Knmvledge, the philosophers of the Con
tinent (with the exception of the Germans, and of Leibnitz; but, during the remainder of the
a few eminent individuals in other countries) last century, it continucdto proceed with an
have, in general, sided with Locke, or rather accelerated rapidity over the whole face of the
with Gassendi; but, in most other instances, a civilised world. A multitude of causes, un
partiality for the opinions, and a deference for doubtedly, conspired to produce it; but I know
the authority of Leibnitz, may be traced in their of no individual whose name is better entitled
speculations, both on metaphysical and physical than that of Leibnitz, to mark the era of its
subjects. Hence a striking contrast between commencement. ‘
the characteristical features of the continental I have already, in treating of the philosophy
philosophy, and those of the contemporary sys of Locke, said enough, and perhaps more than
tems which have succeeded each other in our enough, of the opinion of Leibnitz concerning
own island; the great proportion of our most the origin of our knowledge. Although expressed
noted writers, notwithstanding the opposition in a different phraseology, it agrees in the most
of their sentiments on particular points, having
essential points with the innate ideas of the Car.
either attached themselves, or professed to attach
tesians; but it approaches still more nearly to
themselves, to the method of inquiry recom some of the mystical speculations of Plato. The
mended and exemplified by Locke. very exact coincidence between the language of
But the circumstance which chiefly induced Leibnitz on this question, and that of his con
me to assign to Leibnitz so prominent a place temporary Cudworth, whose mind, like his own,
in this historical sketch, is the extraordinary was deeply tinctured with the Platonic Meta
influence of his industry and zeal, in uniting, physics, is not unworthy of notice here, as an
by a mutual communication of intellectual lights historical fact; and it is the only remark on this
and of moral sympathies, the most powerful part of his system which I mean to add at pre
and leading minds scattered over Christendom. sent to those in the preceding history.
Some preliminary steps towards such an union “ The seeds of our acquired knowledge,” says
had been already taken by Wallis in England, Leibnitz, “ or, in other words, our ideas, and
and by Mersenne in France; but the literary the eternal truths which are derived from them,
commerce, of which they were the centres, was are contained in the mind itself; nor is this won
confined almost exclusively to Mathematics and derful, since we know by our own consciousness,
to Physics; while the comprehensive corre that we possess within ourselves the ideas of ex
spondence of Leibnitz extended alike to every islmce, of unity, of substance, of action, and other
pursuit interesting to man, either as a specu ideas of a similar nature.” To the same purpose,
lative or as an active being. From this time we are told by Cudworth, that “ the mind con
forward, accordingly, the history of philosophy tains in itself virtually (as' the future plant or
involves, in a far greater degree than at any tree is contained in the seed) general notions of
former period, the general history of the human all things which unfold and discoVer themselves
mind; and we shall find, in our attempts to as occasions invite, and proper circumstances
trace its farther progress, our attention more occur.”
and more irresistibly withdrawn from local de The metaphysical theories, to the establish

‘ The following maxims of Leibnitz dcscrvc the seriom attention of all who have at heart the improvement of mankind :
“ On trouve dans le mondc plusieurs pcrsnnncs hien intcntionnccs; mnis lo and cst, qu'cllcs ne s‘entendent point, ct nc
travaillent point de concert. S‘il y avoit moyen dc trouvcr unc cspc'cc dc glu pour lcs rcunir, on t'cruit quclquc chose.
[cmal est souvent que les gens de hicn ont quelques caprices ou opinions particulicrcs, qui font qu‘ils sunt contmircs
entr'eux .......... ..I.'esprit scctairc consistc proprcment dans cettc prétcntion dc vouloir que lcs antrcs Sc rcglent sur nos
maximes, nu lieu qu'on se devroit contenter de voir qu'on aille am but principal.“¢-(Lsm Op. Tom. I. p. 740.)

o
124 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ment of which Leibnitz chiefly directed the force details of my orders, remain, in every respect,
of his genius, are the doctrine of Pres-established in the same circumstances as before? And would
Harmony; and the scheme of Optimism, asnew mo not my machine-footman, in performing his dif
delled by himself. On neither of these heads will ferent movements, have the appearance of acting
it be necessary for me long to detain my readers. only in obedience to my commands?" The in
1. According to the system of Pie-established ference to be drawn from this comparison is,
Harmony, the human mind and human body that the movements of my body have no direct
are two independent but constantly correspond dependence whatever on the volitions of my
ent machines ;—adjusted to each other like two mind, any more than the actions of my machine
unconnected clocks, so constructed, that, at the footman would have on the words issuing from
same instant, the one should point the hour, and my lips. The same inference is to be extended
the other strike it. Of this system the follow to the relation which the impressions made on my
ing summary and illustration are given by Leib difi‘erent senses bear to the co-existent percep
nitz himself, in his Essay entitled Theodieaa . tions arising in my mind. The impressions and
“ I cannot help coming into this notion, that perceptions have no mutual connection, resembling
God created the soul in such manner at first, that of physical causes with their effects; but
that it should represent within itself all the the one series of events is made to correspond
simultaneous changes in the body; and that he invariably with the other, in consequence of an
has made the body also in such manner, as that eternal harmony between them pre-established by
it must of itself do what the soul wills :—So that their common Creator.
the laws which make the thoughts of the soul From this outline of the scheme ofPre-establisk—
follow each other in regular succession, must ed Harmony, it is manifest, that it took its rise
produce images which shall be coincident with from the very same train of thinking which
the impressions made by external objects upon produced Malebranche’s doctrine of Occasional
our organs of sense; while the laws by which Causes. The authors of both theories saw clearly
the motions of the body follow each other, are the impossibility of tracing the mode in which
likewise so coincident with the thoughts of the mind acts on body, or body on mind; and hence
soul, as to give to our volitims and actions the very were led rashly to conclude, that the connection or
same appearance, as if the latter were really the union which seems to exist between them is not
natural and the necessary consequences of the real, but apparent. The inferences, however,
former.”—(LEIB. Op. I. p. 163.) Upon another which they drew from this common principle
occasion he observes, that “ every thing goes on were directly opposite; Malebranehe maintain
in the soul as if it had no body, and that every ing, that the communication between mind and
thing goes on in the body as if it had no soul.” body was carried on by the immediate and in
(Ibid. II. p. 44.) cessant agency of the Deity; while Leibnitz con
To convey his meaning still more fully, Leib ceived, that the agency of God was employed
nitz borrows from Mr Jaquelot1 a comparison, only in the original contrivance and mutual ad
which, whatever may be thought of its ustness, justment ofthe two machines ;—all the subsequent
must be at least allowed some merit in point of phenomena of each being the necessary results
ingenuity. “ Suppose that an intelligent and of its own independent mechanism, and, at the
powerful being, who knew, beforehand, every same time, the progressive evolutions of a com
particular thing that I should order my footman prehensive design, harmonising the laws of the
to do to-morrow, should make a machine to re one with those of the other.
semble my footman exactly, and punctually to Of these two opposite hypotheses, that of Leib
perform, all day, whatever I directed. On this nitz is by far the more unphilosophical and un
supposition, would not my will in issuing all the tenable. The chief objection to the doctrine of

' Author of a Book entitled Conformite' dc la Foi avrc la Rab-on.

 DISSERTATION FIRST. 125
occasional comes is, that it presumes to decide the universe, when once put into motion by the
upon a question of which human reason is alto Deity. This idea Leibnitz carried so far as to
gether incompetent to judge ;—-our ignorance of exclude the supposition of any subsequent agency
the mode in which matter acts upon mind, or in the first contriver and mover, excepting in
mind upon matter, furnishing not the shadow of the case of a. miracle. But the falseness of the
a proof that the one may not act directly and analogy appears from this, that the moving force
immediately on the other, in some way incom in every machine is some natural power, such
prehensible by our faculties.I But the doctrine as gravity or elasticity; and, consequently, the
of I’m-established Harmony, besides being equally very idea of mechanism assumes the existence of
liable to this objection, labours under the ad those active powers, of which it is the professed
ditional disadvantage of involving a perplexed object of a mechanical theory of the universe to
and totally inconsistent conception of the nature give an explanation. Whether, therefore, with
of Mechanism ,'—an inconsistency, by the way, Malebranche, we resolve every efi'ect into the
with which all those philosophers arejustly charge immediate agency of God, or suppose, with the
able, who imagine that, by likening the universe great majority of Newtonians, that he employs
to a machine, they get rid of the necessity of the instrumentality of second causes to accom
admitting the constant agency of powers essen plish his purposes, we are equally forced to ad
tially different from the known qualities of mat mit with Bacon, the necessity not only of a first
ter. The word Mechanism properly expresses a contriver and mover, but of his constant and effi
combination of natural powers to produce a cer cient concurrence (either immediately or me
tain efl'ect. When such a combination is success diately) in carrying his design into execution :—
ful, a machine, once set a-going, will sometimes “ Opus (says Bacon) quod operatur Deus a pri
continue to perform its ofice for a considerable mordio usque adfinem.”
time, without requiring the interposition of the In what I have now said I have confined my
artist: And hence we are led to conclude, that self to the idea of lilechanism as it applies to the
the case may perhaps be similiar with respect to material universe; for, as to this word, when

‘ The mutual action, or (as it was called in the schools) the mutual influence (lllfllkl'lfl) of soul and body, was, till the
time of Descartes, the prevailing hypothesis, both among the learned and the vulgar. The reality of this influx, if not
positive 1 deniedrejected
was coniivdently by Descartes, wasand
as absurd at impossible.
least mentioned
(Seebytheir
him works
as a subject
pauim.)of doubt; but bywho
Gravesande, Mnlebranche
had a veryand Leibnitz
strong it
leaning
towards the doctrines of Leibnitz, had yet the sense to perceive the inconclusiveness of his reasoning in this particu
lar instance, and states in opposition to it the allowing sound and decisive remarks: “ Non concipio, quomodo mens in
corpus agere possit; non etiam video, quomodo ex motu nervi perceptio sequatur; non tamcn inde sequi mihi spparet,
omnem influmm ease rejicicndum.
“ Substantia: incognitae sunt. Jam videmus naturem mentis nos latere : scimus hanc csse aliquid, quod ideas habct, has
confert, 8w. sed ignoramus quid sit subjectum, cui has proprietstes convenient
“ Hoc idem de corpore dicimus ; est cxtensum, impenetrabile, Etc. sed quid est quod habet hascc proprietates P Nulla
nobis via uperts est, qua ad hsnc cognitionem pervenire possimus.
“ Inde concludimus, multa nos lstcrc, qua: proprietates mantis et corporis spectant.
“ Invicts demonstratione constat, non montcm in corpus, neque hoe in illam age-re, ut corpus in corpus agit; scd mihi
non videtur inde concludi posse, omncm influxnm esse impossibilem.
“ ltfotu suo corpus non agit in aliud corpus, sine resistente ; sed annon sctio, omnino diverse, et cujus ideam non habemus,
in aliam substantism dari possit, et ita tamcn, ut cause eli'ectui respondent, in re adeo obscurs, determinarc non ausim.
Diflicile certe est influxum negare, quando cxacte perpendimus, quomodo in minimis quse mens percisit, relutiu detnr cum
sgitationibus in corpore, et quomodo hqjus motus cum mentis determinationibus convenient. Atten 0 ad ills qua: Incdici,
ct anstomici, nos (is his decent.
“ Nihil, ergo, de systemate infiurlu determmo, raster hoc, mihi nondum hujus imposeibilitatem satis clare dcmonstrstsm
esse videri."-(Inlroducflo ad Phllomphiam.) See ote A A.
\Vith respect to the manner in which the intercourse between Mind and Mutter is carried on, a very rash assertion escaped
Mr Locke in the first edition of his Enag. “ The next thing to be considered is, how bodies produce ideas in us, and that
is manifestly by impairs, the only way which we can conceive bodies oprrale inf-(Essay, D. II. ch. viii. § ii.)
In the course of Locke's controversial discussions with the Bishop of \Vorcester, he sitcrwards became fully sensible of
this important oversight; and he had the camlour to acknowledge his error in the following terms : “ ’Tis true, I have
said, that bodies operate bivaim ulse, and nothing else. And so I thought when I writ it, and can yet conceive no other
may of their operations. u t use since convinced, by the judicious Mr Newton‘s incomparable book, that it is too bold a
presumption to limit God's power in this point by my narrow conceptions. And, therefore, in the next edi
tion of my book, I will take care to have that passage rectified."
It is a circumstance that can only be accounted for by the variety of Mr Locke's other pursuits, that in all the later edi
tions of the Euay which have fallen in my way, the propositionin question has been allowed to remain asit originally stood.
‘126 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

applied by Leibnitz to the mind, which he calls all things, and whom the heaVeu of heavens can
a Spiritual Automaton, I confess myself quite un not contain.”'—-(Vol. II. pp. 24-9, 250.)
able to annex a meaning to it : I shall not, there This contrast between the philosophical cha
fore, offer any remarks on this part of his sys racters of Locke and of Leibnitz is the more de—
tern.1 serving of notice, as something of the same sort
To these visionary speculations of Leibnitz, has ever since continued to mark and to discri
a strong and instructive contrast is exhibited in minate the metaphysical researches of the Eng
the philosophy of Locke ; a philosophy, the main lish and of the German schools. Various ex
object of which is less to enlarge our knowledge, ceptions to this remark may, no doubt, be men
than to make us sensible of our ignorance; or tioned; but these exceptions will be found of
(as the author himself expresses it) “ to prevail trifling moment, when compared with the indis
with the busy mind of man to be cautious in putable extent of its general application.
meddling with things exceeding its comprehen The theory of pro-established harmony led,
sion ; to stop when it is at the utmost extent of by a natural and obvious transition, to the scheme
its tether; and to sit down in a quiet ignorance of Optimism. As it represented all events, both
of those things, which, upon examination, are in the physical and moral worlds, as the neces
found to be beyond the reach of our capacities.” sary effects of a mechanism originally contrived
......“ My right hand writes,” says Locke, in and set a-going by the Deity, it reduced its au
another part of his Essay, “ whilst my left hand thor to the alternative of either'calling in ques
is still. \V hat causes rest in one, and motion in tion the Divine power, wisdom, and goodness,
the other 1’ Nothing but my will, a thought of or of asserting that the universe which he had
my mind; my thought only changing, my right called into being was the best of all possible
hand rests, and the left hand moves. This is systems. This last opinion, accordingly, was
matter Qffaot which cannot be denied. Explain eagerly embraced by Leibnitz; and forms the
this and make it intelligible, and then the next subject of a work entitled Theodicwa, in which
step will be to understand Creation......In the ~are combined together, in an extraordinary de
meantime, it is an overvaluing ourselves, to re gree, the acuteness of the logician, the imagina
duce all to the narrow measure of our capaci tion of the poet, and the impenetrable, yet sub
ties; and to conclude all things impossible to be lime darkness, of the metaphysical theologian.s
done, whose manner of doing exceeds our com The modification of Optimism, however, adopt
prehension......If you do not understand the ed by Leibnitz, was, in some essential respects,
operations of your own finite Mind, that think peculiar to himself. It differed from that of
ing thing within you, do not deem it strange Plato, and of some other sages of antiquity, in
that you cannot comprehend the operations of considering the human mind in the light of a
that eternal infinite lVIind, who made and governs spiritual machine, and, of consequence, in posi

‘Absurd as thchypothcsis of a Prc-csfablishcd Harmony may now appear, not many years have elapsed since it was the re
vailing, or rather universal creed, among the philosophers of Germany. “ Il fut un temps" (says the celebrated Eu er)
“ oii 10 systems de l‘harmonie pré-établie etoit tellement en vogue daus toute l‘Allemagne, que ceux qui en doutoient, pas
soient pour des iguomns, on (les esprits bornés."-(Lcures dc M. Euuzn 6 late Princess: d’Allemagnc, 83c Lettre.) It would
be amusing to reckon up the succession of metaphysical creeds which have been since swallowed with the same implicit thith
by this learned and speculative, and (in all those branches of knowledge where imagination has no influence over the judg
i-nent) profound and inventive nation.
=' That this is a fair representation of the scope of Locke's philosophy, according to the author‘s own view of it.isdemon
stroted by the two mottos prefixed to the Euny on Human Undrtrrtmzding. The one is a passage of the book of Ecclefium,
which, from theplace it occupies in the fromt of his work, may be presumed to express what he himself regarded as the most
important moral to be drawn from his speculations. “ As thou knowest not what is the way of the spirit, nor how the bones
do grow in the Womb of her that is with child; even so, thou knowest not the works of God, who maketh all things." The
other motto (from Cicero) strongly expresses a sentiment which every competentjudge must feel on comparing the above quo
tations from Locke, with the momd: and the prP-(sfuhli.-"h('d harmony of Leibnitz. “ Quam bellum est velle confiteri potius
nescire quod ncscias, qunm istn eti'utientem nunseare, atque ipsum sibi displicere !“ See Note B B.
’ “ La'l‘héodicée seule (says Fontenelle) sufiiroit pour representer M. Leibnitz. Une lecture immense, des anecdotes
curieuses sur les livres on les personnes, beaucoup d‘équite’ et meme de faveur pour tous les nuteurs cités, fut ce en les
combattant: des vnes sublimes et lnmineuses, des rsisonnemens an fond desquels on sent toujours l‘esprit géometrique, un
style oh la force domine, et oh cependant sont admis les agrémens d‘une imagination heureuse."-Eloge deLeibnitz. ;
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 127
tively denying the freedom of human actions. proposed by Leibnitz, is completely subversive
According to Plato, every thing is right, so far of these cardinal truths. It was, indeed, view
as it is the work of God ;—-thc creation of beings ed by the great and excellent author in a very
endowed with free will, and consequently liable different light; but in the judgment of the most
to moral delinquency—and the government of impartial and profound inquirers, it leads, by a
the world by general laws, from which oc short and demonstrative process, to the annihi
casional evils must result,—furnishing no ob lation of all moral distinctions.I ‘
jection to the perfection of the universe, to which It is of great importance to attend to the dis
a satisfactory reply may not be found in the tinction between these two systems ; because it
partial and narrow views of it, to which our fa has, of late, become customary among sceptical
culties are at present confined. But he held at writers, to confound them studiously together,
the same time, that, although the permission of in order to extend to both that ridicule to which
moral evil does not detract from the goodness of the latter is justly entitled. This, in particu
God, it is nevertheless imputable to man as a lar, was the case with Voltaire, who, in many
fault, and renders him justly obnoxious to parts of his later works, and more especially in
punishment. This system (under a variety of his Candide, has, under the pretence of expos:
forms) has been in all ages maintained by the ing the extravagancies of Leibnitz, indulged his
wisest and best philosophers, who, while they satirical raillery against the order of the uni
were anxious to vindicate the perfections of God, verse. The success of his attempt was much
saw the importance of stating their doctrine in aided by the confused and inaccurate manner
a manner not inconsistent with man’s free will in which the scheme of optimism had been re
and moral agency. cently stated by various writers, who, in their
The scheme of Optimism, on the contrary, as zeal to “ vindicate the ways of God,” had been

' It is observed by Dr Akenside, that “ the Theory of O timisrn has been delivered of late, especially abroad, in a man
ner which subverts the freedom of human actions; whereas lntoa pears very careful to preserve it, and has been in that re
spect imitated by the best of his followers."--(Notes on the 2d B008 of the Plcamrnqf the Imagination.)
I am perfectly aware, at the same time, that different opinions have been entertained of Plato's resl sentiments on this sub
ject; and I readily grant that pasuges with respect to Fate and Necessity may be collected from his works, which it would be
very difficultto reconcile with any one consistent scheme.-(See the Notes of liosheim on his Latin Version of Cudworth’s
Intellectual System, Tome. I. pp. 10. 3l0, rt :01]. Lugd. Batav. 1773.)
Without enteri st sllinto this question, Imay be permitted here to avail myself, for the sake of conciseness, of Plato‘s
name, to distingu’ that modification of optimism which I have opposed in the text to the optimism of Leibnitz. The follow
ing sentence, in the 10th Book De Republics, seems sufiicicnt of itself to authorise this liberty ain‘t"; It Bin-nu, i" inn;- "4‘
swig”, 1).“! Ill lure," sin-i; l'suvw; i'Eu. aim-z: “spire. Bu‘; aiml'rw. Virtm inviolabilh ac libcm quam pron! honerabit quit ant
negligct, ita pin: out minus a eapouidebit. Eligcuti: quldem culpa at omnis. Dclu vcro crtra mlpam.
A short abstract of the allegory with which Leibnitz concludes his Theodb-ma, will convey a clearer idea of the scope of that
work, than I could hope to do by any metaphysical comment. The groundwork of this allegory is taken from a dialogue
on Free-Will, written b Lsurentius Vslls, Ill opposition to Boethius;-in which dialogue, Sextus, the son of Tsrquin
the Proud, is introduce as consulting Apollo about his destiny. Apollo predicts to him that he is to violate Lucretia, and
afterwards, with his family, to be expelled from Rome. (Emu! inopaque cad" imla pulsm ub urlu'.) Scxtus com lains of the
prediction. Apollo replies, that the fault is not his; that he has only the gift of seeing into futurity ;' that ail things are
regulated by Jupiter; and that it is to him his complaint should be addressed. (Hm finish” 1hr rim-gory qf Valla, which
Lribm't: than continua, agreeably to Iii: own principle:.) In consequence of the advice of the Oracle, Scxtus goes to Dodonaw
complain to Jupiter of the crime which he is destined to perpetrate. “\Vhy (says be), oh Jupiter! have you made me
wicked and miserable? Either change my lot and my will, or admit that the thult is yours. not mine.” Jupiter replies to
him : “ ltenounce all thoughts of Rome and of the crown ; be wise, and you shall be happy. If you return to Rome you
are undone." Sextus, unwilling to submit to such a sacrifice, quits the Temple, and abandons himself to his fate.
Alter his departure, the high priest, Theodorus, asks Jupiter why he had not given another "’51! to Sextus. Jupiter
sends Theodorus to Athens to consult Minerva. The goddess shows him the Palace of the Destinies, where are represen
tations of all possible worlds,1- each of them containing a Sextus 'l‘srquinius with s dill'crent lVv'll, leading to a catastrophe
more or less happy. In the last and best of these worlds, forming the summit of the pyramid com by the others, the
highGoddess
the priest sees Sextus o“it
of \Visdonilz to Rome,
was notthrow everythat
my father thingmade
into confusion, and violate
Sextus wicked. He wasthewicked
wife offrom
his friend. “ Youand
all eternity, see"he(gays
was
always so in consequence of his own will-: Jupiter has only bestowed on him that existence which he could not refuse him
in the best of all possible worlds. He only transferred him from the region Ofpmxiblc to that ofnrnml beings. \Vhst great

' “Future nevi, non facio.“

1- World (it must be remembered) is here s 'nonymous with Uniiwsc.
'$ “Vides Sextum a l’atre mco non fuisse dictum improbum, talis quippe ab omni mternitate fuit, ct quidcm semper li
bere; existere tantum ei concessit Jupiter, quod ipsum profecto ejus sapientia mundo, in quo ille cuntinebatur, dcucgure
non potent : ergo Sextum c regione possibihum ad rerum existentium classem tmnstulit."
128 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

led to hazard principles more dangerous in their position, that no event in the universe could
consequences, than the prejudices and errors possibly have been different from what has actu
which it was their aim to correct.1 ally taken place.‘ The distinguishing feature of
The zeal of Leibnitz in propagating the dogma this article of the Leibnitzian creed is, that, while
of Necessity is not easily reconcileable with the the Hobbists and Spinozists were employing their
hostility which, as I have already remarked, he ingenuity in connecting together Materialism
uniformly displays against the congenial doctrine and Necessity, as branches springing from one
of Materialism. Such, however, is the fact, and common root, Leibnitz always speaks of the soul
I believe it to be quite unprecedented in the pre— as a machine purely spiritual, ‘—a machine, how
vious history of philosophy. Spinoza himself has ever, as necessarily regulated by pro-ordained
not pushed the argument for necessity further and immutable laws, as the movements of a clock
than Leibnitz,--the reasonings of both conclud or the revolutions of the planets. In consequence
ing not less forcibly against the free-will of God of holding this language, he seemed to represent
than against the free-will of man, and, of con Man in a less degrading light than other neces
sequence, terminating ultimately 'in this pro- Simian“ but, in as far 88 Well speculative te

events does the crime of Sextus draw alter it ? The liberty of Rome-the rise of a government fertile in civil and mili
tary virtues, and of an empire destined to conquer and to civilise the earth." Theodorus returns thanks to the goddess,
and acknowl s the justice of Jupiter.
l Among this number must be included the author of the Easy on Man, who, from a want of precisipn in his metaphy
sical ideas, has unconsciously fallen into various expressions, equally inconsistent with each other and With his own avowed
opmions: If plagues and earthquakes break not Heaven's design,
Why then a B0 in or n Catiline ?
Who knows but e whose hand the lightning forms,
Who heaves old Ocean, and who wings the storms,
Pours fierce ambition on a Cesar‘s mind,
Or turns young Ammon loose to scourge mankind L
. e I 0 I
_The general order since the whole began,
Is kept in Nature, and is kept in Man.
This approaches very nearly to the optimism of Leibnitz, and has certainly nothing in common with the optimism of Plato.
Nor is it possible to reconcile it with the sentiments inculcated by P0 in other parts of the same poem.
lVhnt makes all physical and moral il P
There deviates Nature, and here wanders W'ill.
In this last couplet he seems to admit, not only that Will may wander, but that Nature herself may deviate from the gem-ml
order,- whereas the doctrine of his universal prayer is, that, while the material world is subjected to established laws, man
is left to be the arbiter of his own destiny :
Yet gav'st me in this dark estate
To know
And, the ll‘lature
binding cod fromfastill,in fate,
Left free the human will.
In the Dunciad, too, the scheme of Necessity is coupled with that of Materialism, as one of the favourite doctrines of the sect
of tree-thinkers.
Of nought so certain as our Reason till,
Of nought so doubtful us of Soul and Will.
“ Two things" (says \Varburton, who professes to speak Pope‘s sentiments) “ the most self-evident, the existence of our
souls and the freedom of our will i”
' So completely, indeed, and so mathematically linked, did Leibnitz conceive all truths, both physical and moral, to be
with each other, that he represents the eternal geometrician as incessantly occupied in the solution of this problem,-_Thc
State of one blonad (or elementary atom) being given, to determine the state, past, present, andfuture, of the whole universe.
-‘ “ Cuncta itaque in homine certa sunt, et in antecessum determinate, uti in cateris rebus omnibus, et anima humans
est spiritualc quoddam automatum."_-LEIB. Op. Tom. I. p- 156.
In a note on this sentence, the editor quotes a passage from Bilfinger.I a learned German, in which an attempt is made to
vindicate the propriety of the phrase, by a reference to the etymology of the word automaton. This word, it is observed, when
traced to its source, literally expresses somethin which contains within itself its principle of motion, and, consequently, it a
plies still more literally to Mind than to a machine. The remark, considered in a philological point of view, is indisputably
just; but is it not evident, that it leads to a conclusion precisely contrary to what this author would deduce from it? \Vhat
ever may have been the rimitive meanin of the word, its common, or rather its universal meaning, even among scientific ‘
writers, is, a material mac inc, movin wit out any foreign impulse; and, that this was the idea annexed to it by Leibnitz,
appears from his distinguishing it by t e epithet :pifitrw10,_an epithet which would have been altogether superfluous had he
intended to convey the opinion ascribed to him by Bilfinger. In applying, therefore, this language to the mind, we may
conclude, with confidence, that Leibnitz had no intention to contrast together mind and body, in respect of their moving or
actuating principles, but only to contrast them in respect of the substance: of which they are composed. In aword, he con
ceived both of them to be equally machinu, made and wound up by the Supreme Being; but the machinery in the one use to
be material, and in the other spiritual.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 129
nets may be supposed to have any practical ef of the atheistic creed, with an air of Platonic
fect on human conduct, the tendency of his doc mysticism. The influence of his example appears
trines is not less dangerous than that of the most to me to have contributed much to corrupt the
obnoxious systems avowed by his predecessors.1 taste and to bewilder the speculations of his coun
The scheme of necessity was still farther adorn trymen; giving birth, in the last result, to that
ed and sublimed in the Tlwodiaea of Leibnitz, heterogeneous combination ofall that is pernicious
by an imagination nurtured and trained in the _ in Spinozism, with the transcendental eccentrici
school of Plato. “ May there not exist,” he asks ties of a heated and exalted fancy, which, for
on one occasion, “an immense space beyond the many years past, has so deeply tinctured both
region of the stars? and may not this empyreal their philosophy and their works of fiction.,
heaven be filled with happiness and glory? It In other parts of Europe, the efl'ects of the Theo
may be conceived to resemble an ocean, where dicwa have not been equally unfavourable. In
the rivers of all those created beings that are des France, more particularly, it has furnished to
tined for bliss shall finish their course, when the few who have cultivated with success the
arrived in the starry system, at the perfection of Philosophy of Mind, new weapons for combat
their respective natures.”—(Lr.1n. Op. Tom. I._ ing the materialism of the Gassendists and Hob.
p. 135.)" bists; and, in England, we are indebted to it for
In various other instances, he rises from the the irresistible reasonings by which Clarke sub
deep and seemingly hopeless abyss of Fatalism, verted the foundations on which the whole su
to the same lofty conceptions of the universe; perstructure of Fatalism rests.‘ ,
and has thus invested the most humiliating article It may be justly regarded as a proof of the

' The following remark in Madame de Stae'l‘s interesting and eloquent review of German philosophy bears marks of a
haste and precipitation with which her criticisms are seldom chargeable: “ Les opinions de Leibnitz tendent surtout nu
perfectionnement moral, s'il est vrai, comme les philosophes Allemands ont taché de le prouver, que le libre arbitre repose
sur la doctrine qui afi‘ranchit l'ame des objets exterieures, et que la vertu ne puisse exister sans la parfsite independance
du 'vouloir."
The celebrated Charla Bonnet, in his work entitled,
. Cmimplalionidt la Nature, has indulged his imagination so far, in

following out the above conjecture of Ireibnitz, as to rival some of the wildest flights of Jacob Behmen. “ blais l'échelle
de la création ne se termine point au plus élevés des mondes planétaires. La commence un autre univers, dont l'étendue
est peubétre a celle de l'univers dcs Fins, cc u'est l'espuce du systems solaire a la capacité d‘une noix
“ Lb, comme des As'rnss resplendissans, bri ent lea Ilinmcnins Cues-res.
“ Lb rayonnent de toutes parts les Axons, les Ancnaxons, les Ssannxss, les Cnzauams, les Taoxns, les Vsn-rns,
lea Parscrnurs's, les DOMTXA'I'IONB, les Pmssancss.
“ Au centre de ces Acousrss SPHEBIS, éclatc le Sonau. or. Jus'rxcs, L‘Orurx-r D'EIHAUT, dont tous les As'racs
empruntcnt leur lumiere et leur splendeur."
“ l a Theodice’c de Leibnitz," the same author tells us in another passage, “ est un dc mes livrcs de devotion: J‘ai intitulé
mon Exemplaire, Manuel de Philosophic C/irérimnt."
‘ “ The gross appetite of Love (says Gibbon) becomes most dangerous when it is elevated, or rather disguised, by sen
timental passion." The remark is strikingly applicable to some of the most popular novels and dramas of Germany ; and
something very similar to it will be found to hold with respect to those speculative extravagancies which, in the German
systems of philosophy, are devoted or dirguirtd by the imposin cant of moral enthusiasm.
In one ot'Leibnitz’s controversial discussions with Dr Clar e, there is a passage which throws some light on his taste, not
only in matters of science, but in jud 'ng of works of imagination. " Du temps de M. Boyle, et d‘autres cxmllens hommes
qui tieurissoient en Angleterre sous (gharles II. on n'auroit pas osé nous dehiter do: notion: n' crnuu. ( The notion: here al
luded to one than: qfNnvton {warning the law of grnvilnlion.) J ‘espérc que le beautemps reviendra sous un aussi bon gou
vernement que celui d‘h resent. Le capital de M. Iloyle ctoit d'inculquer que tout se faisoit méchnniqurmmt dans la phy.
sique. Mais c'est un ma hcur dcs hommes, de so dcgouter cnfin do in raison méme, et de s'ennuyer de la lumiére. In
chimeres commencent t revenlr, et plaisent parce qu‘cllcs ont quelgue chose de merveilleux. ll arrive dans he pays philo.
sophique ce qui est arrivé dans le pays octique. ()n s’est lassé es romans raisonnables, tel que In (7183: Francis: ou
I‘Aronmw Allemande ,- et on est revenu epuia quelque temps aux Conn-a (In Fén."_( Cinquiéme Ecrit de M. Laramrz, p. 266.)
From this passage it would seem, that Leibnitz looked forward to the period, when the dreams of the Newtonian philo
sophy would give way to some of the exploded mechanical theories of the universe ; and when the Fairy—ides then in fa
shion (among which number must have been included those of Count Anthony Hamilton) would be supplanted by the re
vival of such muonable Romance! as the Grand Cldia. In neither of these instances does there seem to be much probability,
at resent. that his prediction will be ever verified.
' he German writers, who, of late years, have made the greatest noise among the sciolists of this country, will be found
less indebted for their fame to the new lights which they have struck out, than to the unexpected and grotesque forms in
which they have combined together the materials supplied by the invention of former a. and of other nations. It is this
combination of truth and error in their philosophical systems, and of right and wrong in their works of fiction, which has
enabled them to perplex the understandings, and to unsettle the principles of so many, both in Metaphysics and Ethics.
In point of profound and extensive erudition, the scholars of Germany still continue to maintain their long established an.
periority over the rest of Europe.
‘ A very interesting account is given by Leibnitz, of the circumstances which gave occasion to his Thwdicau, in a letter
ms. 1. PART 11. R
I
 130 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

progress of reason and good sense among Mathematics is the principle of contradiction or
the Metaphysicians of this country since the identity ; that is, that a proposition cannot be
time of Leibnitz, that the two theories of which true and false at the same time. But, in order
I have been speaking, and which, not more than to proceed from Mathematics to Natural Philo
a century ago, were honoured by the opposition sophy, another principle is requisite (as I have
of such an antagonist as Clarke, are now re observed in my Theodicaa) ; I mean, the prin~
membered only as subjects of literary history.— ciple of the SqflicientReason ; or, in other words,
In the arguments, however, alleged in support of that nothing happens without a reason why it
these theories, there are some logical principles should be so, rather than otherwise : And, ac
involved, which still continue to have an ex cordingly, Archimedes was obliged, in his book
tensive influence over the reasonings of the De rEquililm'o, to take for granted, that if there
learned, on questions seemingly the most remote be a balance, in which every thing is alike on
from all metaphysical conclusions. The two both sides, and if equal weights are hung on ‘the
most prominent of these are, the principle of two ends of 'that balance, the whole will be at
the Saflicient Reason, and the Law of Continuity , rest. It is because no reason can be given why
both of them so intimately connected with some one side should weigh down rather than the
of the most celebrated disputes of the last cen other. Now, by this single principle of the
tury, as to require a more particular notice than Sqflicient Reason, may be demonstrated the being
may, at first sight, seem due to their importance. of a God, and all the other parts of Metaphysics
I. Of the principle of the Slgflicient Reason, or Natural Theology; and even, in some measure,
the following succinct account is given by Leib those physical truths that are independent of
nitz himself, in his controversial correspondence Mathematics, such as the Dynamical Principles,
with Dr Clarke: “ The great foundation of or the Principles of Forces.”

[.0 a Scotch ntleman, Mr Bumet of Kemney ; to whom he seems to have unbosomed himself on all subjects without any
reserve: “ on livre intitulé Euai: de Tlicodicév, sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberte' dc l‘homme, ct l’origine dc mal, sen
- bientbt achevé. La plus grande partie dc cet ouvrage avoit été faite parlambeaux, quand je me trouvois chez la feue Reine
de Prusse, oil ces matieres étoient souvent agitécs h l‘occasion du Dictionnaire et (les autres ouvrages de M. Bayle, qu'on
y lisoit beaucoup. Apr-es la mort de cette grande Princesse, j’ai rassemblé et auginenté ces iéces sur l’exhortation des
amis qui en étoient informés, et j'en ai fait l‘ouvrage dont je wens de parler. Comme j’ai me 'té sur cette matiere depuis
ma jeunesse, je pretends de l'ovoir discutée h fond."-_(Ln|nxrrz, Opera, Tom. V1. p. 284.)
In another letter to the same correspondent, he expresses himself thus:
“ La plupnrt de mes sentimens ont été enfin arrétés apres une deliberation de 20 ans: car j’ai commencé bien jeune h
méditer, at 'e n‘avois pas encore 15 ans, quand je me promenois des journées entieres dans un bois, pour prendrc parti entre
Aristotc et emocrite. Cependant j'ai changé et réchangé sur dos nouvelles lumiéres, et ce n‘est que depuis environ 12 ans
( ue je me trouve satisfait, et que je suis arrive a des demonstrations sur ces matieres qui n'en paroissent point capables :
Lependant de la maniére que Je m‘y prends, ces démonstrations pcuvent étre sensibles comme celles des nombres, quoique
le sujet passe l‘imagination."—(Ibid. p. 253.)
The letter from which this last paragraph is taken is dated in the year 1697.
My chief reason for introducing these extracts, was to do away an absurd suspicion, which has been countenanced by
some respectable writers (among others by Le Clerc), that the opinions maintained in the Thcodicéc of Leibnitz were not
his real sentiments, and that his own creed, on the most important questions there discussed, was not very different from
that of Bnyle. Gibbon has even gone so far as to say, that “ in his defence of the attributes and providence of the Deity,
he was suspected of a secret correspondence with his adversary."_(Aiitiquirie| of the Home of Brunswick.) In support of
this very improbable char , I do not know that any evidence has ever been produced, except the following passage, in a letter
of his, addressed to a Pro essor of Theology in the University of T ubingen (Pfafiius) :—“ Ita prorsus est, vir summe re
verende, uti scribis, dc Theodiczea mes. Item acu tetigisti; et miror, neminem hactcnus fuisse, qui sensum hunc meum
senserit. Neque enim Philosophorum est rem serio semper agere ; qui in fingendis hypothesibus, uti bene mones, in enii
sui vires experiuntur. Tu, qui Theologus, in refutandis erroribus 'l‘heologum agis.” In reply to this it is observ , by
the learned editor of Leibnitz’s works, that it is much more probable that Leibnitz should have expressed himself on this
particular occasion in jocular and ironical terms, than that he should have wasted so much ingenuity and learning in su -
port of an h pothesis to which he attached no faith whatever; an hypothesis, he might have added, with which the who a
principles 0 is philosophy are systematically, and, as he conceived, mathematically connected. It is difiicult to believe,
that among the innumerable correspondents of Leibnitz, he should have selected a Professor of Theology at Tubingen, as
the sole depository of a secret which he was anxious to conceal from all the rest of the world.
Surely a solitary document such as this weighs less than nothing, when opposed to the details quoted in the beginning of
this note; not to mention its complete inconsistency with the character of Leibnitz, and with the whole tenor of his
Forgrsny
writin . own part, I cannot help thinking, that the passage in question has far more the air of persiflagr provoked by

the vanity of Pfaflius, than of a serious compliment to his sagacity and penetration. No injunction to secrecy, it is to
be observed, is here given by Leibnitz to his correspondent.
 PISSERTATION FIRST. 131
Some of the inferences deduced by Leibnitz every existence, for every event, and for every
from this almost gratuitous assumption are so tmtla. This use of the word reason is so extreme
paradoxical, that one cannot help wondering he ly equivocal, that it is quite impossible to annex
was not a little staggered about its certainty. any precise idea to the proposition. Of this it
Not only was he led to conclude, that the mind is unnecessary to produce any other proof thap
is necessarily determined in all its elections by the application which is here made of it to things
the influence of motives, insomuch that it would so very different as existent-es, events, and truths;
be impossible for it to make a choice between two in all of which cases, it must of necessity have
things perfectly alike ; but he had the boldness difl'erent meanings. It would be a vain attempt,
to extend this conclusion to the Deity, and to therefore, to combat the maxim in the form in
assert, that two things perfectly alike could not which it is commonly appealed to: Nor, indeed,
have been produced even by Divine Power. It 'can we either adopt or reject it, without con
was upon this ground that he rejected a vacuum, sidering particularly how far it holds in the va
because all the parts of it would be perfectly rious instances to which it may be applied.
like to each other; and that he also rejected the The multifarious discussions, however, ofa phy
supposition of atoms, or similar particles of mat sical, a metaphysical, and a theological nature,‘s
ter, and ascribed to each particle a monad, or necessarily involved in so‘ detailed an examina
active principle, by which it is discriminated tion, would, in the present times (even if this
from every other particle.‘ The application of were a proper place for introducing them), be
his principle, however, on which he evidently equally useless and uninteresting; the peculiar
valued himself the most, was that to which I opinions of Leibnitz on most questions connect
have already alluded; the demonstrative evidence ed with these sciences having already fallen into
with which he conceived it to establish the complete neglect. But as the maxim still con
impossibility of free-agency, not only in man, tinues to be quoted by the latest advocates for
but in any other intelligent being :' a conclusion the scheme of necessity, it may not be altogether
which, under whatever form of words it may be superfluous to observe, that, when understood
disguised, is liable to every objection which can to refer to the changes that take place in the
be urged against the system of Spinoza. material universe, it coincides entirely with the
With respect to the principle from which these common maxim, that “ every change implies
important consequences were deduced, it is ob the operation of a cause ;” and that it is in con
servable, that it is stated by Leibnitz in terms sequence of its intuitive evidence in this particu
so general and vague, as to extend to all the lar case, that so many have been led to acquiesce
difl'erent departments of our knowledge ; for he in it, in the unlimited terms in which Leibnitz
tells us, that there must be a suficient reason for has announced it. One thing will be readily

' SeeNoteCC.
" The followin comment'on this part of the Leibnitzian system is from the n of one of his greatest admirers, Charles
Bormd: “ Cette filétsphysique tmnscendante deviendra un peu lus intelligi le, si l'on fait attention, qu‘en vertu du
principe de la ration nqflmnlr, tout est necessairement lié dans l'univers- Toutes les Actions des litres Simples sent. har
moniques, ou subotdonnées les unes aux autres. L‘exercice actuel de l'activité d‘une monade donnéc, est determiné par
l‘exercice actuel de l‘activité des monadeo auxquelles elle correspond immédiutement. Cette correspondence continue d'un
point quelconque de l'univers jusqu'a see extremités. Iteprésentez-vouz les ordres circulairee et concentriques qu‘unc
pierre excite ans une eau dormante : Elles vont toujours en s‘élazgisaant et en s‘nfl'oiblissant.
“ Mais, l'état actuel d‘une monade est néeesaairemcnt determin par son état antécédsnt: Celui-ci par un état qui a
. I I -
precédé, et ainsi en remontant ju u‘h l‘instant de la creation.
_ “ Ainsi lc passe, le present, et e futur ne ferment dans la méme monade qu‘une seul chaine. Notre philosophc dieoit
mgénieusement, que la prevent an toujoun gm: dc l‘uucnir.
“ Il disoit encore que l‘Eternel Geometre resolvoit sans cease ce Problems; l’état d’une monade étnnt donné, en deter
miner l’étut passe, present, at futur de tout I'univers.“_Bonnn'r, Tom. VIII. p. 303, 304, 305.)
' Since the time of Leibnitz, the principle of the We»: mm has been adopted by some mathematicians as n legiti.
mate mode of reasoning in plane geometry ;. in which case, the application made of it has been in neml 'ust and logical,
notwithstanding the vague and loose manner in which it is expressed. In this science, however, t is use 0 it can never be
attended with much advantage: except perhaps in demonstrating a few elementary truths (such as the 5th and 6th propo
sitions of Euclid’s first book), which are commonly established by a more circuitous process : and, even in these instances,
the spirit of the reasoning might easily be preserved under a dili‘erent form, much less exceptionable in point of phmcology.
 132 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

granted, that the maxim, when applied to the may be extended to that of the Law qfContinui
determinations of intelligent and moral agents, 133/. In both instances the phraseology is so in
is not quite so obvious and indisputable, as when determinate, that it may be interpreted in vari
applied to the changes that take place in things ous senses essentially different from each other;
altogether inanimate and passive. and, accordingly, it would be idle to argue
What then, it may be asked; induced Leibnitz, against either principle as a general theorem,
in the enunciation of his maxim, to depart from without attending separately to the sPecialties of
the form in which it has generally been stated, the manifold cases which it may be understood
and to substitute, instead of the word cause, the to comprehend. Where such a latitude is taken
word reason, which is certainly not only the more in. the enunciation of a proposition, which, so
unusual, but the more ambiguous expression of far as it is true, must have been inferred from
the two ? Was it not evidently a perception of an induction of particulars, it is at least possible
the impropriety of calling the motives from that, while it holds in some of its applications, it
which we act the causes of our actions; or, at may yet be far from possessing any claimto that
least of the inconsistency of this language with universality which seems necessarily to belong
the common ideas and feelings of mankind? to it, when considered in the light of a metaphy
The word reasonis here much less suspicious, sical axiom, resting on its own intrinsic evi
and much more likely to pass current without dence.
examination. It was therefore with no small Whether this vagueness of language was the
dexterity, that Leibnitz contrived to express his efi'ect of artifice, or of a real vagueness in the
general principle in such a manner, that the author’s notions, may perhaps be doubted; but
impropriety of his language should be most ap that it has contributed greatly to extend his re
parent in that case in which the proposition is putation among a very numerous class of readers,
instantaneously admitted by every reader as self may be confidently asserted. The possession
evident; and to adapt it, in its most precise and of a general maxim, sanctioned by the authori
definite shape, to the case in which it was in the ty of an illustrious name, and in which, as in
greatest danger of undergoing a severe scrutiny. those of the schoolmen, more seems to be meant
In this respect, he has managed his argument than meets the ear, afi‘ords of itself no slight
with more address tlian Collins, or Edwards, or gratification to the vanity of many; nor is it
' Hume, all of whom have applied the maxim to inconvenient for a disputant, that the maxi‘ms to
mind, in the very same words in which it is which he is to appeal should be statedlin so du
usually applied to inanimate matter. bious a shape, as to enable him, when pressed
But on this article of Leibnitz’s philosophy, in an argument, to shift his ground at pleasure,
which gave occasion to his celebrated controversy from one interpretation to another. The extra
with Clarke, I shall have a more convenient op ordinary popularity which, in our own times,
portunity to offer some strictures, when I come tothe philosophy of Kant enjoyed, for a few years,
take notice of another antagonist, more formi among the countrymen of Leibnitz, may, in like
dable still, whom Clarke had soon afterto contend manner, be in a great degree ascribed to the
with on the same ground. The person I allude to imposing aspect of his enigmatical oracles, and
is Anthony Collins; a writer certainly not once to the consequent facility of arguing without end,
to be compared with Leibnitz, in the grasp of in defence of a system so transmutable and so
his intellectual powers ; but who seems to have elusive in its forms.
studied this particular question with greater at The extension, however, given to the Law of
tention and accuracy, and who is universally al Continuity, in the later publications of Leibnitz,
lowed to have defended his opinions concerning and still more by some of his successors, has
it in a manner far more likely to mislead the opibeen far greater than there is any reason to
nions of the multitude. think was originally in the author’s contempla
II. The same remark which has been already tion. It first occurred to him in the course of one
made on the principle of the Szgfi‘icient- Reason of his physical controversies, and was probably
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 133
suggested by the beautiful exemplifications of it The facility with which this law has been adopt
which occur in pure geometry. At that time it ed by subsequent philosophers is not easily ex
does not appear that he had the slightest idea ofits plicable; more especially, as it has been main
being susceptible of any application to the ob tained by many who reject those physical errors,
jects of natural history ; far less to the succes in defence of which Leibnitz was first led to
sion of events in the intellectual and moral advance it.
worlds. The supposition of bodies perfectly One of the earliest, and certainly the most
hard, having been shown to be inconsistent with illustrious, of all the partizans and defenders of
two of his leading doctrines, thatof the constant this principle, was John Bernouilli, whose dis
maintenance of the same quantity of force in course on motion first appeared at Paris in 1727,
the Universe, and that of the proportionality of having been previously communicated to the
forces to the squares of the velocities,--he found Royal Academy of Sciences, in 1724 and 1726.1
himself reduced to the necessity of asserting, It was from this period it began to attract the
that all changes are produced by insensible gra general attention of the learned ; although many
dations, so as to render it impossible for a body years were yet to elapse, before it was to ac
to have its state changed from motion to rest, or quire that authority which it now possesses
from rest to motion, without passing through all among our most eminent mathematicians. '
the intermediate states of velocity. From this Mr Maclaurin, whose Memoir on the Percus
assumption he argued, with much ingenuity, sion of Bodies gained the prize from the Royal
that the existence of atoms, or of perfectly hard Academy of Sciences, in 1724, continued from
bodies, is impossible; because, if two of them that time, till his death, the steady opposer of '
should meet with equal and opposite motions, this new law. In his Treatise of Huxiorw, pub
they would necessarily stop at once, in violation lished in 1742, he observes, that “ the existence
of the law of continuity. It would, perhaps, of hard bodies void of elasticity has been reject
have been still more logical, had .he argued ed for the sake of what is called the Lawqf
against the universality of a law so gratuitously Continuity ; a law which has been supposed to be
assumed, from its incompatibility with an hypo general, without suflicient ground.“ And still
thesis, which, whether true or false, certainly more explicitly, in his Posthumous Account of
involves nothing either contradictory or impro Newton’s Philosophical Discm'm’ies, he complains
bable: but as this inversion of the argument of those who “ have rejected hard bodies as im
would have undermined some of the fundamental possible, from far-fetched and metaphysical con
principles of his physical system, he chose ra siderations ;” proposing to his adversaries this
ther to adopt the other alternative, and to an unanswerable question, “ Upon what grounds
nounce the law of continuity as a metaphysical is the law of continuity assumed as an universal
truth, which admitted of no exception whatever. law of nature '3’”

‘ “ En efi'et (says Bernouilli), un pareil principe de dureté (the supposition to wit of bodies rfectly hard) ne sqauroit
exister ; c‘est une chimere qui répugne a cette loi énérale que la nature observe constamment ( ans toutes see operations;
je parle de cet ordre immuable et perpétuel étsbli epuis la creation de l‘univers, qu‘on pent npprller L0! or: cox'rmur'ré,
en vertu de lnquelle tout ce qui s'exécute, s'exécute par des degrés infiniment petite. ll semhle que le hon sens dicte,
‘1 u'aucun chan 2° ment ne P9 ut se faire I’ or umt; natura mm oI"mlnr I’" saltum; rien ne W*ut P“ser d'une extremité h
l‘sutre, sans passer par tous les degrés du milieu," See. The continuation of this passage (which I have not room to quote)
is curious, as it suggests an argument, in proof of the law of continuity, from the rinciple ot' the :uficiml' mason.
It may be worth while to observe here, that though, in the above quotation, iernouilli speaks of the law q/‘mnllrmily as
an arbitrary arrangement of the Creator, he represents, in the preceding paragraph, the idea of perfectly bard bodies, as in
volvin a manifest contradiction.
' h aelaurin's Fluriom, Vol. II. p. 438.
‘ Nearly to the same pur ose Mr Robins, a mathematician and philosopher of~the highest eminence, expresses himself
thus : "‘ hi. Bernouilli (in l‘llS Diacoun an la Loi: de la Communication dn Monument), in order to prove that there are no
bodies perfectly hard and inflexible, lays it down as an immutable law of nature, that no body can pim from motion to nest
instantaneously, or without having its velocity gradually diminished. That this is a law of nature, M. Bernouilli thinks is
evident from that principle, Nature non operator per mltum, and from good sense. Bur now ooon sans: can. or ITBELF,
WITHOUT EXPERIMENT, DETERMINE ANY OF THE LAW! OI' NATURE, 1! 1'0 X): VERY ASTONIBIHNO Indeed, from any
thing M. Bernouilli has said, it would have been altogether us conclusive to have begun at the other end, and have disput
 134 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

In the speculations hitherto mentioned, the Charles Bonnet of Geneva, a man of unques
lawqf continuity is applied merely to such suc tionable talents and of most exemplary worth,
cessive events in the material world as are con was, as far as I know, the first who entered
nected together by the relation of cause and fully into the views of Leibnitz on this point;
efi'ect; and, indeed, chiefly to the changes which perceiving how inseparably the law of con
take place in the state of bodies with respect tinuity (as well as the principle of the sum
to motion and rest. But in the philosophy of cient reason) was interwoven with his scheme of
Leibnitz, we find the same law appealed to as universal concatenation and mechanism; and
an indisputable principle in all his Various re inferring from thence not' only all the paradoxi
searches, physical, metaphysical, and theologi cal corollaries deduced from it by its author,
cal. He extends it with the same confidence to but some equally bold conclusions of his own,
mind as to matter, urging it as a demonstrative which Leibnitz either did not foresee in their full
proof, in opposition to Locke, that the soul never extent, or to which the course of his inquiries
ceases to think even in sleep or in deliquium;1 nay, did not particularly attract his attention. The
inferring from it the impossibility that, in the most remarkable of these conclusions was, that
case of any animated being, there should be all the various beings which compose the uni
such' a thing as death, in the literal sense of verse, form a scale descending downwards with
that word.‘I It is by no means probable that out any chasm or saltus, from the Deity to the
the author was at all aware, when he first intro simplest forms of unorganised matter;3 apro
duced this principle into the theory of motion, position not altogether new in the history of
' how far it was to lead him in his researches con philosophy, but which I do not know that any
cerning other questions of greater moment; nor writer before Bonnet had ventured to assert as
does it appear that it attracted much notice from a metaphysical and necessary truth. With what
the learned, but as a new mechanical axiom, till important limitations and exceptions it must
a considerable time after his death. be received, even when confined to the compa

ed, that no body canlpzss instantaneously from motion to rest ; because it is an immutable law of nature that all‘bodies
shall be flexible."_( urns, Vol. II. p. 174. 175.) '
In quoting these passages, I would not wish to be understood as calling in question the universality of the Law qf Con
tinuity in the phenomena of movinghbodies; a point on which I am not led by the subject of this discourse to offer any
opinion: but on which I intend to azard some remarks in a Note at the end ot'it.-Sec Note D I). All that I would here
assert is, that it. is a law, the truth of which can be inferred only by an induction from the phenomena; and to which, ac
cordingly, we are not entitled to say that there cannot possibly exist any exceptions.
1 “ Je tiens que l‘fime, et meme le corps, n‘est jamais sans action, et que l‘ame n‘est jamais sans quelque perception ;
méme en dormant on a quelque sentiment confus et sombre du lieu oil l'on est, et d'autres choses. Mai: qmmd I'crpérimcc
ae 1c confirmcroit pas, je croi: qu‘il y en a démomtralion- C‘est a pen pres comme on us sqauroit prouvcr nbsolument par les
experiences, s‘il u‘y a point de vuide dans l'espace, et s'il n'y a point de re os dans la matiere. Et cependant ces questions
me paroissent decidées démonstrstivement, sussi bien qu’h M. Locke."-( ms. Op. Tome II. p. 220.)
,1 See Note E E.
' “ Leibnitz admettoit comme un principe fondamental de sa sublime philosophic, gu‘il n‘y a jamsis de sauts dans In
nature, et que tout est continu ou nuancé dans le physique et dans le more . C' toit sa fameuse Loi dc Continuité,
u‘il croyoit retrouver encore dans les mathémati ues, et q‘avoit été cette loi qui lui avoit inspire la singuliére pré
iction dont je leis.“ “ Tous les étres, disoit i , ne ferment qu'une seule chame, dans laquelle les ditfe'rentes classes,
comme autant ‘snneaux, tiennent si étroitement lea unes aux autres, qu’il est impossible aux sens et a l‘imagination de
fixer précisément le int oh quelqu'un commence on finit : toutes les especes qui bordent ou qui occupent, pour ainsi
dire, les regions d‘inflettion, et de rebroussement, devoit étre équivoques et douées de caracteres qui peuvent se rapporter
aux especes voisins égslement, Ainsi, l’existeuce des zoophytes ou Phat-Animus: n‘a rien de monstrueux; mars il est
meme convenable a l‘ordre de In nature qu’il y en ait. Et telle est la force du rincipe de continuité chez moi, que non
seulemeut je ne serois point étouné d'apprendre, qu’on eut trouvé des étres, qui par rap rt a plusieurs propriétés, par
example, celle de se nourrir ou de se multiplier, puissant passer pour des vé étaux aussi hon droit que pour des
snimaux, . . . J'en serois si peu étonné, dis-ye, que méme je suis convaincu qu" doit y en avoir de tels, que l‘Histoire
Naturelle parviendra peut-étre a connOitre un jour," &C- &c.-( Contemplation de la Nature, p 341. 342.)
Bonnet, in the sequel of this passage, speaks of the words of Leibnitz, as a prediction ot the discovery of the Polypur,
deduced from the Metaphyrical principle of the Law of Continuity. But would it not be more philosophical to regard
it as a query founded on the analogy of nature, as made known to us by experience and observation P1

‘ La prediction de la découverte des Polypes.

+ Ad eum modum summus opifex rerum seriem concatenavit a planta ad hominem, ut quasi sine ullo cohoereant
sntervallo; sic Zmows cum plantis brute conjungunt; sic cumhomine simia quadrviapedes. Itaque in homiuis quaque
ipecie invenimus divinos, humanos, feros-Scsmoss, (prefixed as a motto to Mr hite‘s Essay on the regular gradation
in Man. London, 1799.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 135
rative anatomy of animals, has been fully de natural powers, to combine together, and to
monstrated by Cuvier ;1 and it is of material turn to its own account, their accumulated la
consequence to remark, that these exceptions, hours. “ It is upon this mind,” he observes,
how few soever, to a metaphysical principle, are “ that the world is always ready to bestow the
not less fatal to its truth than if they exceeded in attribute of genius. From the tragedies of The
number the instances which are quoted in sup Passion, to the poets Hardy and Rotrou, and to
port of the general rule.’ the Mariamne of Tristan, the French theatre
At a period somewhat later, an attempt has was always acquiring successively an infinite
been made to connect the same law of continuity number of inconsiderable improvements. Cor
with the history of human improvement, and neille was born at a moment, when the addition
more particularly with the progress of invention he made to the art could not fail to form an
in the sciences and arts. Helvetius is the most epoch; and accordingly Corneille is universally
noted writer in whom I have observed this last regarded as a Genius. I am far from wishing,”
extension of the Leibnitzian principle; and I Helvetius adds, “ to detract from the glory of
have little doubt, from his known opinions, that, this great poet. I wish only to prove, that Na
when it occurred to him, he conceived it to af ture never proceeds PER SALTUM, and that the Law
ford a new illustration of the scheme of necessi of Continuity is always exactly observed. The re
ty, and of the mechanical concatenation of all marks, therefore, now made on the dramatic
the phenomena of human life. Arguing in sup art, may also be applied to the sciences which
port of his favOurite paradox concerning the ori rest on observation.”’—-(De fEsprit, Dis. IV.
ginal equality of all men in point of mental capa Chap. I.)
city, he represents the successive advances made With this last extension of the Law qf Con
by different individuals in the career of discovery, tinuity, as well as with that of Bonnet, a care
as so many imperceptible or infinitesimal steps, less reader is the more apt to be dazzled, as there
each individual surpassing his predecessor by a is a large mixture in both of unquestionable
trifle, till at length nothing is wanting but an truth. The mistake of the ingenious writers
additional mind, not superior to the others in lay in pushing to extreme cases a doctrine, which,

1 Lemur d'Anatomie Compan'e.

' While Bonnet was thus employing his ingenuity in generalising, still farther than his predecessors had done, the law
ofcontinuity, one of the most distin uished of his fellow citizens, with whom he a pears to have been connected in the
closest and most confidential friendship (the very ingenious M. Le Sage ), was led, in t e course ot'his researches concerning
the physical cause of vitation, to deny the existence of the law, even in the descent of heavy bodies. “ The action of
gravity (according to im) is not continuous." In other words, “ each of its im ressions is finite; and the interval of time
which separates it from the following im ression is of a finite duration." Of this proposition he offers a proof, which he
considers as demonstrative; and thence ( educes the following very paradoxical corollary, 'l‘hnt “ Projectiles do not move
in curvilinear paths, but in rectilinear polygons." '_-“ C‘cst ainsi (he adds) qu‘un pre's, qui vu de pres, se trouve couvert
de parties vertes réellement sepsrées, otfre cependant aux pcrsonnea qui le regardent de loin, la sensation d‘une verdure
continué : Et qu‘un corps poli, auquel 1e microscope decouvre mille solutions do continuité, paroit h l’oeil nu, posse'der une
continuité parfaite." .
“ Généralement, le simple bons sens, qui vent, qu'on suspends son jugement sur ce qu‘on ignore, ct que l‘on ne tranche
pas hardiment sur la non-existence de ce qui echappe 2. nos sens, auroit d0 empécher des gens qui s‘appclloient philosophes
de decider si dogmatiquemcnt, la continuité réelle, de ce qui avoit une continuité apparente ; et la non-existence des in
tervalles qu‘ils n‘apercevoicnt pas."_-(Enai dc Chymie lllécanique. Couronne' en 1758, par l‘Académie de Roucn: lmprimé
5 Geneva, 1761. pp. 94. 95. US.)
I It may, perhaps, be alleged, that the above allusion to the Law qf Continuity was introduced merely for the sake of ii
lustration, and that the author did not mean his words to be strictly interpreted; but this remark will not be made by those
who are acquainted with the philosophy of Helvetius.
Let me add, that, in selecting Corneille as the only exemplification of this theory, Hclvetius has been singularly unfor
tunate. It would have been ditiicult to have named any other modern t, in whose works, when compared with those of
his immediate predecessors, the Law of Continuity has been more remsrmly violated. “Corneille (says a most judicious
French critic) est, pour ainsi dire, de notre terns; mais ses contemporsins n‘en sont pas- Lc Cid, Iu llorarcr, Cinua. Po
k'escle, ferment le commencement de cette chaine brillante qui réunit notre litterature actuelle de celle du regne de Riche
lieu et de la minorité dc Louis XIV. ; mais autour de ces points lumineux e encore une nuit prot'onde ; leur éclat lea
rapproche en apparence de nos yeux; le reste, repoussé dans l‘ohscurité, semb e hien loin de nous. Pour nous Corneille
est modernc, et Rotrou ancien,” Etc. (For detailed illustrations and proofs of these positions, see a slight but masterly his
torical sketch of the French Theatre, by M. Suard.)

' “ Ullas vero curvas in rerum natura ease n vere multi. Nominabo tutum, qui nunc occurrunt : Lubimmi, Barman,
Rrgium, Bonarlem, ct quem parum abcst, quin dam Hobbaium."-(Lsmsirz, Op. Tom. I]. n. 47.)
136 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

when kept within certain limits, is not only so It would be improper to close these reflections
lid but important; a mode of reasoning, which, on the philosophical speculations of Leibnitz,
although it may be always safely followed out in without taking some notice of his very ingenious
pure Mathematics (where the principles on and original thoughts on the etymological study
which we proceed are mere definitions), is a of languages, considered as a guide to our con
never-failing source of error in all the other clusions concerning the origin and migrations of
sciences; and which, when practically applied different tribes of our species. These thoughts
to the concerns of life, may be regarded as an were published in 1710, in the Memoirs of the
infallible symptom of an understanding better Berlin Academy; and form the first article of
fitted for the subtle contentions of the schools, the first volume of that justly celebrated collec
than for those average estimates of what is ex tion. I do not recollect any author of an ear
pedient and practicable in the conduct of affairs, lier date, who seems to have been completely
which form the chief elements of political saga aware of the important consequences to which
city and of moral wisdom.1 the prosecution of this inquiry is likely to lead ;
If on these two celebrated principles of Leib nor', indeed, was much progress made in it by
nitz, I have enlarged at greater length than may any of Leibnitz’s successors, till towards the end
appear to some of my readers to be necessary, of the last century; when it became a favourite
I must remind them, lst, Of the illustration object of pursuit to some very learned and inge
they afford of what Locke has so forcibly urged nious men, both in France, Germany, and Eng
with respect to the danger of adopting, upon the land. Now, however, when our knowledge of
faith of reasonings a priori, metaphysical conclu the globe, and of its inhabitants, is so wonder
sions concerning the laws by which the universe fully enlarged by commerce, and by conquest;
is governed: 2dly, Of the proof they exhibit of and when so great advances have been made in
the strong bias of the human mind, even in the the acquisition of languages, the names of which,
present advanced stage of experimental know till very lately, were unheard of in this quarter
ledge, to grasp at general maxims, without a of the world ;—-there is every reason to hope for
careful examination of the grounds on which a series of farther discoveries, strengthening pro
they rest; and of that less frequent, but not less gressively, by the multiplication of their mutual
unfortunate bias, which has led some of our points of contact, the common evidence of their
most eminent mathematicians to transfer to joint results ; and tending more and more to
sciences, resting ultimately on an appeal tofacts, dissipate the darkness in which the primeval
those habits of thinking which have been formed history of our race is involved. It is a field, of
amidst the hypothetical abstractions of pure which only detached corners have hitherto been
geometry: Lastly, ()f the light they throw on explored; and in which, it may be confidently
the mighty influence which the name and autho presumed, ' that unthought of treasures still lie
rity of Leibnitz have, for more than a century hid, to reward sooner or later the researches of
our posterity. ' I.
past, exercised over the strongest and acutest
understandings in the most enlightened coun My present subject does not lead me to speak
tries of Europe. ‘ of the mathematical and physical researches,

1 Locke has fallen into a train of thought very similar to that of Bonnet, concerning the Scale of Beings,- but has ex
pressed himself with far greater caution :_stating it modestly as an inference deduced from an induction of particulars, not
as the result of any abstract or metaphysical principle—(See Locxn's Works, Vol. III. p. 101.) In one instance, indeed, he
avails himself of an allusion, which, at first sight, may appear to favour the extension of the mathematical Law of Continuity
to the works of creation ; but it is evident, from the context, that he meant this allusion merely as a popular illustration of
a fact in Natural History ; not as the rigorous enunciation of a theorem applicable alike to all truths, mathematical, physi
cal, and moral. “ It is a hard matter to say where sensible and rational begin, and where insensible and irrational end ;
and who is there quick-sighted enou h to determine precisely, which is the lowest species of living things, and which is the
first of those who have no life ? '1‘ ings, as far as we can observe, lesson and augment, as the quantity does in a rtgular
cone, where, though there be a manifest odds betwixt the bigness of the diameter at a remote distance, yet the difl‘erence
between the upper and'under, where they touch one another, is hardly discernible.”--(Ibid.)
See some Reflections on this speculation of Locke’s in the Spectator, No. 619.
’ See Note F F.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 137
which have associated so closelythe name of Leibwhose empire has been lost in the ambition of
nitz with that of Newton, in the history of modern
universal conquest.”'
science ; of the inexhaustible treasures of his From some expressions which Leibnitz has
erudition, both classical and scholastic ; of his occasionally dropped, I think it probable, that
vast and manifold contributions towards the he himself became sensible, as he advanced in
elucidation of German antiquities and of Roman life, that his time might have been more pro
jurisprudence ; or of those theological controver fitably employed, had his studies been more con
sies, in which, while he combated with one hand fined in their aim. “ If the whole earth (he has
the enemies of revelation, he defended, with the observed on one occasion) had continued to be
other, the orthodoxy of his own dogmas against of one language and of one speech, human life
the profoundest and most learned divines of Eu might be considered as extended beyond its pre
rope. Nor would I have digressed so far as to sent term, by the addition of all that part of it
allude here to these particulars, were it not for which is devoted to the acquisition of dead and
the unparalleled example they display, of what foreign tongues. Many other branches of know
a vigorous and versatile genius, seconded by ledge, too, may, in this respect, be classed with
habits of persevering industry, may accomplish, the languages; such as Positive Laws, Cere
within the short span of human life. Even the monies, the Styles of Courts, and a great pro
relaxations with which he was accustomed to fill portion of what is called critical erudition. The
up his moments of leisure, partook of the general utility of all these arises merely from opinion ;
character of his more serious engagements. By nor is there to be found, in the innumerable
early and long habit, he had acquired a singular volumes that have been written to illustrate
facility in the composition of Latin verses; and them, a, hundredth part, which contains any
he seems to have delighted in loading his muse thing subservient to the happiness or improve
with new fetters of his own contrivance, in ad ment of mankind.”
dition to those imposed by the laws of classical The most instructive lesson, however, to be
prosody.l The number, besides, of his literary drawn from the history of Leibnitz, is the in
correspondents was immense ; including all that competency of the most splendid gifts of the un
was most illustrious in Europe : and the rich derstanding, to advance essentially the interests
materials everywhere scattered over his letters either of Metaphysical or of Ethical Science, un
are sufficient of themselves to show, that his less accompanied with that rare devotion to truth,
amusements consisted rather in a change of ob which maybe regarded, if not as the basis, at least
jects, than in a suspension of his mental activi as one of the most indispensable elements, of mo
ty. Yet while we admire these stupendous mo ral genius. The chief attraction to the study
numents of his intellectual energy, we must not of philosophy, in his mind, seems to have been
forget (if I may borrow the language of Gibbon) (what many French critics have considered as a
that “ even the powers of Leibnitz were dissipat chief source of the charms of the imitative arts)
ed by the multiplicity of his pursuits. He at the pride of conquering dgfiiculties .- a feature of
tempted more than he could finish; he designed his character which he had probably in his own
more than he could execute ; his imagination eye, when he remarked (not without some de
was too easily satisfied with a. bold and rapid gree of conscious vanity), as a peculiarity in the
glance on the subject which he was impatient to turn or cast of his intellect, that to him “ all
leave; and he may be compared to those heroes. diflicult things were easy, and all easy things

' A remarkable instance of this is mentioned by himself in one of his letters. “ Annos natus tredecim uns die trecentos
versus hexametros efl'udi, sine elisione omnes, quod hoc ficri facile posse forte aflirmassem." (Lzln. 0p. Tom. V. p. 304.)
He also amused himself occasionally with writing verses in German and in French.
' May I presume to remark farther, that the native powers of Leibnitz’s mind, astonishing and preternatural as they
certainly were, seem sometimes oppressed and overlaid under the weight of his still more sstomshin erudition ? The in.
fluence of his scholastic reading is more uliarly apparent in warping his judgment, and clouding is reason, on all ques
tions connected with Metaphysical Theo ogy.
D185. 1. PART. H.
 138 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

difiicult.’u Hence the disregard manifested in alleged facts against the faith due to the testi
his writings to the 'simple and obvious conclu monies brought to attest them, and, even in
sions of experience and common sense ; and the some cases, against the apparent evidence of our
perpetual effort to unriddle mysteries over which own senses, enters largely and essentially into
an impenetrable veil is drawn. “ Scilicet su the composition of that philosophical spirit or
blime et erectum ingenium, pulchritudinem ac temper, which so strongly distinguishes the
speciem excelsa: magnazque gloriaa vehementius eighteenth century from all those which preced
quam caute appetebat.” It is to be regretted, ed it.‘ It is no small consolation to reflect,
that the sequel of this fine eulogy does not equal that some important maxims of good sense have
ly apply to him. “ Mox mitigavit ratio at aetas; been thus familiarised to the most ordinary un
retinuitgm, quod est dg'fliciaimum, et in sapientia derstandings, which, at so very recent a period,
modem.” 9 How happily does this last expression failed in producing their due efi'ect on two of
characterise the temperate wisdom of Locke, the most powerful minds in Europe.
when contrasted with that towering, but impo On reviewing the foregoing paragraphs, I am
tent ambition, which, in the Theories of Opti almost tempted to retract part of what I have
inism and of Pre-established Harmony, seemed written, when I reflect on the benefits which the
to realize the fabled revolt of the giants against world has derived even from the errors of Leib
the sovereignty of the gods ! nitz. It has been well and justly said, that
After all,~ a similarity may be traced between “ every a'esideratum is an imperfect discovery ;”
these two great men, in one intellectual weakness to which it may be added, that every new pro
common to both; a facility in the admission of blem which is started, and still more every at
facts, stamped sufliciently (as we should now tempt, however abortive, towards its solution,
think) by their own intrinsic evidence, with the strikes out a new path, which must sooner or
marks of incredibility. The observation has later lead to the truth. If the problem be sol
been often made with respect to Locke; but it vible, a solution will in due time be obtained:
would be difficult to find in Locke’s writings, if insolvible, it will soon be abandoned as hope
any thing so absurd as an account gravely trans less by general consent; and the legitimate field
mitted by Leibnitz to the Abbé de St Pierre, of scientific research will become more fertile,
and by him communicated to the Royal Acade in proportion as a more accurate survey of its
my of Sciences at Paris, of a dog who spoke.‘ boundaries adapts it better to the limited re
No person liberally educated could, I believe, sources of the cultivators.
be found at present in any Protestant country of In this point of view, what individual in mo
Christendom, capable of such credulity. By dern times can be compared to Leibnitz! To
what causes so extraordinary a revolution in the how many of those researches, which still use
minds of men has been effected, within the short fully employ the talents and industry of the
space of a hundred year, I must not here stop to learned, did he not point out and open the
inquire. Much, I apprehend, must be ascribed way! From how many more did he not warn
~ to our enlarged knowledge of nature, and more the wise to withhold their curiosity, by his bold
and fruitless attempts to‘burst the barriers of
particularly to those scientific voyages and tra
vels which have annihilated so many of the the invisible world!
prodigies which exercised the wonder and sub The best days of Leibnitz is furnished by the
dued the reason of our ancestors. But, in what 'literary history of the eighteenth century ;—a
ever manner the revolution is to be explained, history which, whoever takes the pains to com
there can be no doubt that this growing dispo pare with his works, and with hi epistolary
sition to weigh scrupulously the probability of correspondence, will find reason to doubt

'Q'

' “ Sentio paucos esse mei character-is, et omnia ficilia mihi difiicilia, omnia contra difiicilia mihi facilia esse."-Lr:1a.
0]. Tom. VI. p. 302.
' Tacitus, Agric. ' See Note G G. ‘ See Note H H.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 139
whether, at the singular era when he appeared, of his aims; and whether he does not afl'ord one
he could have more accelerated the advancement of the few instances to which the words of the
of knowledge by the concentration of his studies, poet may literally be applied :
than he has actually done by the universality “ Si non erraaset, fecerat ille minus!"

SECTION III.

0f the liletaphysical Speculations of Newton and Clarke. Digression with respect to the System of
Spinoza.—-Collins and Jonathan Edwards—Anxiety 0f both to reconcile the Scheme of Necessity
with Alan’s Moral Agency.—Departure of some later Necessimfiansfrom their views.“

Tun foregoing review of the philosophical ed world. The monads, and the plenum, and the
writings of Locke and of Leibnitz naturally pre-established harmony of Leibnitz, already rank,
leads our attention, in the next place, to those of in the public estimation, with the vortices of
our illustrious countrymen Newton and Clarke; Descartes, and the plastic nature of Cudworth;
the former of whom has exhibited, in his Prin while the theory of gravitation prevails every
cipia and Optics, the most perfect exemplifica where over all opposition; and (as Mr Smith
tions which have yet appeared, of the cautious remarks) “has advanced to the acquisition of
logic recommended by Bacon and Locke ; while the most universal empire that was ever esta
the other, in defending against the assaults'of blished in philosophy.” On these points, there
Leibnitz the metaphysical principles on which fore, I have only to refer my readers to the col
the' Newtonian philosophy proceeds, has been lection published by Dr Clarke, in 1717, of
led, at the same time, to vindicate the authority the controversial papers which passed between
of various other truths, of still higher impor him and Leibnitz during the two preceding
tance, and more general interest. years ;-—a correspondence equally curious and
The chief subjects of dispute between Leibnitz instructive; and which, it is to be lamented,
and Clarke, so far as the principles of the New that the death of Leibnit’z in 1716 prevented
tonian philosophy are concerned, have been long from being longer continued.’I
ago settled, to the entire satisfaction of the learn Although Newton does not appear to have de

' See Note I I.

' ln conformity to the plan announced in the preface to this Dinertetioa, I confine myselfto those authors whose opinions
have had a marked and neral influence on the subsequent history of philosophy; passing over a multitude of other names
well worthy to be recor cd in the annals of metaphysical science. Among these, I shall only mention the name of Boyle,
to whom the world is indebted, beside some very acute remarks and many fine illustrations of his own upon metaphysical
questions of the highest moment, for the philosophical ar ments in defence of religion, which have added so much lustre
to the names of Derham and Bentley ; and, far above but , to that. of Clarke.‘ The remark: and ilhulratiom, which I here
refer to, are to he found in his Inquiry into the Vulgar ZVotion qf Nature, and in his Buoy, inquiring wlictlarr, and how, 0 Nuts
mun should consider Final C'aluu. Both of these tracts display powers which might have placed their author on a level with
Descartes and Locke, had not his taste and inclination determined him more strongly to other pursuits. I am inclined to
think, that neither of them is so well known as were to be wished. I do not even recollect to have seen it anywhere no
ticed, that some of the most striking and beautiful instances of design in the order of the material world, which occur in the
Sermons reached at Boyle‘s Lrcture, are borrowed from the works of the founder. 1'
Notwithstanding, however, these great merits, he has written too little on such abstract sub'ects to entitle him to a lace
among English meta hysicisns; nor has he, like Newton, started any leading thoughts which iavc since given a new iroc
tion to the studies 0 metaphysical inquirers. From the slight specimens he has lett, there is reason to conclude, that his
mind was still more happily turned than that of Newton, for the prosecution of that branch of science to which their con
temporary Locke wss then beginning to invite the attention of the public
' From a letter of Leibnitz to M. Remond de Montmort, it appears that he considered Newton, and not Clarke, as his

' To the English reader it is unnecessary to observe, that I allude to the Sermons preached at the Lecture founded by
the Honourable Robert Boyle.
1- Those instances, more especialllly, which are drawn from the anatomical structure of animals, and the adaptation of their
perceptive organs to the habits of ' e for which they are destined.
 140 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

voted much of his time to Metaphysical re by his astonishing discoveries concerning the
searches, yet the general spirit of his physical more distant parts of the material universe, to
investigations has had a great, though indirect, argue from the known to the unknown parts of
influence on the metaphysical studies of his suc the moral world. So completely has the pre
cessors. It is justly and profoundly remarked diction been verified which he himself hazarded,
by Mr Hume, that “while Newton seemed to in the form of a query, at the end of his Optics,
draw of the veil from some of the mysteries of that “if natural philosophy should continue to
nature, he showed, at the same time, the imper be improved in its various branches, the bounds
fections of the mechanical philosophy, and there of moral philosophy would be enlarged also.”
by restored her ultimate secrets to that obscurity How far the peculiar cast of Newton’s genius
in which they ever did, and ever will remain.” qualified him for prosecuting successfully the
In this way, his discoveries have co-operated study of Mind, he has not afforded us suficient
powerfully with the reasonings of Locke in pro data for judging,- but such was the admiration
ducing a general conviction of the inadequacy of with which his transcendent powers as a Mathe
our faculties to unriddle those sublime enigmas matician and Natural Philosopher were univer
on which Descartes, Malebranchc, and Leib sally regarded, that the slightest of his hints on
nitz, had so recently wasted their strength, and other subjects have been eagerly seized upon as
which, in the ancient world, were regarded as indisputable axioms, though sometimes with
the only fit objects of philosophical curiosity. little other evidence in their favour but the sup
It is chiefly too since the time of Newton, that posed sanction of his authority.1 The part of
the ontology and pneumatology of the dark ages his works, however, which chiefly led me to con
have been abandoned for inquiries resting on the nect his name with that of Clarke, is a passage
solid basis of experience and analogy ; and that in the Scholium annexed to his Princzfla,‘ which
philosophers have felt themselves emboldened maybe considered as the germ of the celebrated

real antagonist in this controversy. “ M. Clarke, ou plutot M. Newton, dont M. Clarke soutient lead es, est en dispute
avec moi sur la philosophie."_(Lr-:|n. Op. Tom. V. p. 33.) From another letter to the same correspon ent we learn, that
Leibnitz aimed at nothing less than the complete overthrow of the Newtonian ‘philosophy; and that it was chiefiv to his
grand principle of the mflicient reason that he trusted for the accomplishment 0 this object. “J’ai reduit l'état de notre
ispute a ce grand axiome, ue rim n‘trislc on n‘arn've mm qu‘il y 05! une raimn mfimnle, pourquoi i] on at plutét aimi qu‘au.
trement. S‘il continue a me e nier, ou en sera sa sincerité ? S‘il me l'accorde, adieu le vuide, les atomes, ct route In philoso.
plu’e de M. Nmton."_(1bid.) See alsoa letter from Leibnitz to M. des Maizeaux in the same volume of his works, p. 39.
l \Vitness Hartley’s Phyliological Theory q/‘the Mimi, founded on a query in Newton's Optics,- and along list of theories
in medicine, grafted on a hint thrown out in the same query, in the form of a modest con'ecture.
' ’ This Sclwlium, it is to be observed, first appeared at the end of the second edition of t e Principia, printed at Cambridge
in l7l3. The former edition, published at London in 1687, has no Scholium annexed to it. From a passage, however, in a
letter of Newton‘s to Dr Bentley (dated 1692), it seems probable, that as far back, at least, as that period, he had thou hts
of attempting a proof a priori of the existence of God. After some new illustrations, drawn from his own discoveries, o the
common argument from final camu, he thus concludes : “ There is yet another argument for a Deity, which I take to be a
very strong one; but, till the principles on which it is grounded are better received, I think it more advisable to let it
sleep."_(Four Letter: from Sir 1. Newton (0 Dr Bentley, p. 11. London, Dodsley, 1756.) _
It appears from this passage, that Newton had no intention, like his predecessor Descartes, to supersede, by any new ar
gument of his own for the existence of God, the common one drawn from the consideration of final came: ,- and, therefore,
nothing could be more uncandid than the followin sarcasm pointed by Pope at the laudable attempts of his two country
men to add to the evidence of this conclusion, by educing it from other principles:
“ Let others creep by timid steps and slow,
On plain eXperience lay foundations low,
By common sense to common knowledge bred,
And last to Nature‘s cause thro' Nature led :
We nobly take the high pn'onlroad,
And reason downwards till we doubt of God."
That Pope had Clarke in his e e when he wrote these lines, will not be doubted by those who recollect the various other
occasions in which he has step out of his way, to vent an impotent spleen against this excellent person.
“ Let Clarke live half his life the poor‘s support,
But let him live the other half at court."
And again :
“ Even in an ornament its place remark;
Nor in a hermitage set Dr Clarke :“
in which last couplet there is a manifest allusion to the bust of Clarke, placed in a hermit by Queen Caroline, together
Kithtihose of Newton, Boyle, Locke, and \Vollaston- See some fine verses on these busts 1n a poem called the Grotto, by
at ew Green.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 141
argument a priori for the existence-of God, which conceptions are very intimately connected with
is commonly, though, Iapprehend, not justly, the fundamental principles of Natural Religion.
regarded as the most important of all Clarke’s For when once we have'established, from the
contributions to Metaphysical Philosophy. I evidences of design everywhere manifested
shall quote the passage in Newton’s own words, around us, the existence of an intelligent and
to the oracular conciseness of which no English powerful cause, we are unavoidably led _to apply
version can do justice. to this cause our conceptions of immensity and
“ ZEternus est et infinitus, omnipotens et om eternity, and to conceive Him as filling the infi
nisciens; id est, durat ab :eterno in aatemum, et nite extent of both with his presence and with
adest ab infinito in infinitum. . . . . Non est his power. Hence we associate with the idea of
aeternitas et infinitas, sed seternus et infinitus; God those awful impressions which are naturally
non est duratio et spatium, sed durat et adest. produced by the idea of infinite space, and per
Durat semper et adest ubique, et existendo sem haps still more by the idea of endless duration.
per et ubique durationem et spatium constituit.” 1 Nor is this all. It is from the immensity of
Proceeding on these principles, Dr Clarke argued, space that the notion of infinity is originally de
that, as immensity and eternity (which force rived; and it is hence that we transfer the ex
themselves irresistibly on our belief as necessary pression, by a sort of metaphor, to other subjects.
existences, or, in other words, as existences of -When we speak, therefore, of infinite power, wis
which the annihilation is impossible) are not 'dom, and goodness, our notions, if not wholly
substances, but attributes, the immense and eter borrowed from space, are at least greatly aided
nal Being, whose attributes they are, must exist by this analogy; so that the conceptions of Im
of necessity also. The existence of God, there mensity and Eternity, if they do not of them
fore, according to Clarke, is a truth that follows selves demonstrate the existence of God, yet ne
with demonstrative evidence from those concep cessarily enter into the ideas we form of his na
tions of space and time which are inseparable ture and attributes.
from the human mind. . . . . “ These (says Dr To these various considerations it may be
Reid) are the speculations of men of superior added that the notion of necessary existence which
genius; but whether they be as solid as they are we derive from the contemplation of Space and
sublime, or whether they be the wanderings of of Time, renders the same notion, when applied
imagination in a region beyond the limits of the to the Supreme Being, much more easy to be
human understanding, I am at a less to deter apprehended than it would otherwise be.
mine.” After this candid acknowledgment from It is not, therefore, surprising, that Newton
Dr Reid, I need not be ashamed to confess my and Clarke should have fallen into that train of
own doubts and difficulties on the same ques thought which encouraged them to attempt a
tion.’ demonstration of the being of God from our
But although the argument, as stated by conceptions of Immensity and Eternity; and
Clarke, does not carry complete satisfaction to till less is it to be wondered at, that, in pursu
my mind, I think it must be granted that there ing this lofty argument, they should have soar
is something peculiarly wonderful and over ed into regions where they were lost in the
whelming in those conceptions of immensity and clouds.
eternity, which it is not less impossible to banish I have said above, that Clarke’s demonstra
from our thoughts, than the consciousness of our tion seems to have been suggested to him by a
own existence. Nay, further, I think that these passage in Newton’s Scholium. It is, however,

' Thus translated by Dr Clarke: “ God is eternal and infinite, omnipotent and omniscient: that is, he endures from
everlasting to everlasting, and is present from infinity to infinity. He is not eternity or infinity, but eternal and infinite.
He is not duration or space, but he endures and is present. He endures always, and is present everywhere, and by exist
ing always and everywhere, constitutes duration and space."_(See Cunnz's Fourth Rrply to Ltibnilz.)
' An argument substantially the same with this for the existence of God, is hinted at very distinctly by Cndworth,
Intellect. Sydcm, Chap. V. sect. 3. 4. Also by Dr Henry More, Enchir. Metaph- Csp. 8. sect. 8. See Mosunn's Tmul. qf
Cudvorfll, Tom. II. p. 358.
 142 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

more than probable that he had himself struck one thing which God couldnotdo;—that he could
into a path very nearly approaching to it, at a not annihilate that space which was in the room
much earlier period of his life. The following where they were.”1
anecdote of his childhood, related, upon his own With this early and deep impression on his
authority, by his learned and authentic, though, mind, it is easy to conceive how Newton’s
in many respects, weak and viionary biogra Scholium should have encouraged him to resume
pher (Whiston), exhibits an interesting example the musings of his boyish days, concerning the
of an anomalous development of the powers of necessary existence of space; and to trace, as
reflection and abstraction, at an age when, in far as he could, its connection with the prin
ordinary cases, the attention is wholly engross ciples of Natural Theology. But the above anec
ed with sensible objects. Such an inversion of dote affords a-proof how strongly his habits of
the common process of nature in unfolding our thought had long before predisposed him for the
difl‘erent faculties, is perhaps one of the rarest prosecution of a metaphysical idea, precisely the
phenomena in the intellectual world; and, same with that on which this Scholium proceeds.
wherever it occurs, may be regarded as strongly It would be superfluous to dwell longer on
symptomatic of something peculiar and decided the history of these speculations, which, what
in the philosophical character of the individual. ever value thcy may possess in the opinion of
“ One of his parents,” says Whiston, “ ask persons accustomed to dmp and abstract rea
ed him when he was very young, Whether God soning, are certainly not well adapted to ordi
could do every thing? He answered, Yes! He nary or to uncultivated understandings. This
was asked again, Whether God could tell a lie ? consideration furnishes, of itself, no slight pre—
He answered, No ! And he understood the ques sumption, that they were not intended to be the
tion to suppose, that this was the only thing media by which the bulk of mankind were to be
that God could not do; nor durst he say, so led to the knowledge of truths so essential to
young was he then, that he thought there was human happiness; and, accordingly, it was on
any thing else which God could not do; while this very ground, that Bishop Butler, and Dr
yet, well he remembered, that he had, even then, Francis Hutcheson, were induced to strike into
a clear convidion in his own mind, that there was a difl'erent and more popular path for establish

' The question concerning the necessary existence of Space and of Time formed one of the princi subjects of discus
sion between Clarke and Leibnitz. According to the former, space and time are, hpth of them, in nite, immutable, and
indestructible. According to his antagonist, “ space is nothing but the prder of things co-existing,” and “ time nothing
but the order of things successive !” The notion of N11 absolute Space, in particular, he pronounces to be a mere chimera
and superficial imagination ,- classing it with those pre‘udices which Bacon called idola mam-(See his 4th Paper. § 14.)
It has always appeared to me a thing iiite inexp icable, that the great majority of philosophers, both in Germany and
in France, have, on the above question, ecided in favour of Leibnitz. Even P‘Alembert himself, who, on most metaphy.
sieal points, reasons so justly and so profoundly, has, in this instance, been carriedalong by the prevailing opinion (or, per.
he s, it would be more correct to say, by the fashionable phraseology) amopg his countrymen. “ Y suroit-il un espnce,
s'irn’y
temps etavoit point de
a l‘espnce co s,réalité
plusldie et unequ'ils
duréen’en
s‘il n’y
ont avoit
. . . . rien
. LesP enfants,
Ces questions yiennent,
qui disent que ce me semble,
le vuide n'est de ce qu'on
rien, suppose
ont raison su
parce
u‘ils s'en tiennent au simples notions du sens commun :‘ ct les philosophes qui veulent réahser 1e vuide se perdent
s leurs speculations: le vuide a été enfanté par les abstractions, et vOilh l‘abus d'une méthode si utile h bien des e'gards.
S‘il n‘y avoit point do corps ct dc succession, l'npace ct lc temps :erm'cnt possibltt,‘ mais i-ls n'cn'deroimt pa:."-(M(-langn, ac.
T. V. § xvi.) Bailly, a writer by no means partial to D'Alembcrt, quotes, With entire approbation, the foregoing observa
tions; subjoining to them, in the following terms, his own judgment on the ments of this branch of the controversy be.
tween Clarke and Leibnitz. “ La notion du temps et de l‘espace, est un des points sur les uels Leibnitz a combsttu con.
tre Clarke ; mais il nous semble que l‘Anglois n’a rien opposé dc satisfaisant aux misons de ibnitz.”-(Eloge dcLeibnits.)
As for the point here in dis ute, I must own, that it does not seem to me a fit subject for argument; inasmuch as I can
not even form a conception o the proposition contended for by Leibnitz. The light in which the question struck Clarke
in his childhood, is the same in which i am still disposed to view it; or rather, I should say, is the light in which I must
ever view it, while the frame of my understanding continues unaltered. Of what data is human reason possessed, from
which it is entitled to argue in opposition to truths, the contrary of which it is impossible not only to prove, but to express
in terms comprehensible by our faculties ? _
For some remarks on the scholastic controversies concerning space and time, see the Fu'st Part of this Dissertation, Note I.
See also Locke‘s Essay, Book ii. Chap. 13. §§ l6, 17, 18.

’ I note the sequel of this passage on the authority of Bailly (see his Eloge on Leibnitz), for it is not to be found in the
copy 0 the llh’langcs before me printed at Amsterdam in 1767.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 143
ing the fundamental principles of religion and tually saved him from those rash concessions
morality. Both of these writers appear to have into which Locke was frequently betrayed by
communicated, in very early youth, their doubts the greater warmth of his temperament, and vi
and objections to Dr Clarke; and to have had, vacity of his fancy. This logical foresight (the
even then, a glimpse of those inquiries by which natural result of his habits of mathematical
they were afterwards to give so new and so for study) rendered him peculiarly fit to contend
tunate a direction to the ethical studies of their with adversaries, eager and qualified to take ad
countrymen. It is sufficient here to remark vantage of every vulnerable point in his doc
this circumstance as an important step in the trines; but it gave, at the same time, to his
progress of Moral Philosophy. The farther il style a tameness, and monotony, and want of
lustration of it properly belongs to another part colouring, which never appear in the easy and
of this discourse. spirited, though often unfinished and unequal,
The chief glory of Clarke, as a metaphysical sketches of Locke. Voltaire has somewhere
author, is due to the boldness and ability with said of him, that he was a mere reasoning ma—
which he placed himself in the breach against chine (un moulin d raisonnement), and the ex
the Necessitarians and Fatalists of his times. pression (though doubtless much too unquali
With a mind far inferior to that of Locke, in fied) possesses a merit, in point of just discri
comprehensiveness, in originality, and in ferti mination, of which Voltaire was probably not
lity of invention, be was nevertheless the more fully aware. 1
wary and skilful disputant of the two, possess I have already taken notice of Clarke’s de
ing, in a singular degree, that reach of thought fence of moral liberty in opposition to Leibnitz;
in grasping remote consequences, which efl'ec but soon after this controversy was brought to a

' In the extent of his learning, the correctness of his taste, and the depth of his scientific acquirements, Clarke possess
ed indisputable advantages over Locke; with which advantages be combined another not less important, the systematical
steadiness with which his easy fortune and unbroken leisure enabled him to pursue his favourite speculations through the
whole course of his life.
On the subject of Free-will, Locke is more indistinct, undecided, and inconsistent, than might have been expected from
his powerful mind, when directed to so important a question. This was probably owing to his own strong feelin in fa
vonr of man‘s moral liberty, stru ling with the deep impression left on his philosophical creed h the wnti of
Hobbes, and with his deference for t e talents of his own intimate friend, Anthony Collins.‘ That Loc 'e conceived im.
self to be an advocate for fn'c-n'ill, appears indisputably from many expressions in his Chapter on Power,- and yet, in that
very chapter, he has made various concessions to his adversaries, in which he seems to yield all that was contended for by
Hobbes and Collins: And, accordingly, he is ranked, with some appearance of truth, by Priestley, with those who, while
they opposed verbally the scheme 0 necessity, have adopted it substantially, without being aware of their mistake.
In one of Locke‘s letters to Mr Molyneux, he has stated, in the strongest possible terms, his conviction of man's free
agency ; resting this conviction entirely on our indisputable consciousness of the/im. This declaration of Locke I consi
der as well worthy of attention in the argument about Free “'ill: for, although in questions of pure speculation, the au
thority of great names is entitled to no weight, excepting in so far as it is supported by solid reasonings, the case is other
wise with fact: relating to the phenomena 0 the human mind. The patient attention with which Mr Locke had studied
these very nice phenomena during the course of a long life, gives to the results of his metaphysical experience a value of
the some sort, but much renter in degree, with that which we attach to a delicate experiment in chemistry, when vouched
by a Black or a Davy. The ultimate appeal, after all, must be made by every rson to his own consciousness; but
when we have the ex rience of Locke on the one hand. and that of Priestley an Belshum on the other, the contrast is
surely sufficient to in uce every cautious inquirer to re-examine his feelings before he allows himself to listen to the
statements of the latter in preference to that of the former.
For the information of some of m readers, it may be proper to mention that it has of l'ste become fashionable among a
fiftein class of metaphysicians, bol y to assert, that the evidence of their consciousness is decidedly in favour of the scheme
necessity.
But to return to Mr Locke. The only consideration on this subject which seems to have staggered him, was the diflicul
ty of reconcil' this opinion with the prescience of God. As to this theological difiiculty, I have nothing to say at resent
The only uestion which I consider as of any conse uence, is the matter of fact ; and, on this oint, nothing can more
explicit an satisfactory than the words of Locke. (in examinin these, the attentive reader wi i be satisfied. that Locke’s
declaration is not (as Priestley asserts) in favour of the Libertv ofSpontaneity, but in favour of the Liberty of Indifference;
for as to the former, there seems to be no difficulty in reconciling it with the prescience of God. “ I own (says Mr Locke)
freely to you the weakness of my understanding, that though it be unquestionable that there is omnipotence and omnisci.
ence in God our Maker, and though I cannot have a clearer perception q/anythinglhan that I amfrce; yet I cannot make free
dom in man consistent with omnipotence and omniscience in God, though I am as fully persuaded of both as of any truth
I most firmly assent to ; and therefore I have long since given off the consideration of that question ; resolving all into
this short conclusion, that, if it bcpom'blejbr God to nuke nfra agent, then man hji-ec, though I m not the way qf it."

'SeeNoteKK.
144 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
conclusion by the death of his antagonist, he who perceived distinctly the logical accuracy of
had to resume the same argument, in reply to his reasoning; and that, if the principles were
his countryman, Anthony Collins; who, follow admitted, it was impossible to resist the conclu
ing the footsteps of Hobbes, with logical talents sions deduced from them.9 It seems to have
not inferior to those of his master, and with a been the object both of Leibnitz and of Collins,
weight of personal character in his favour, to to obviate the force of this indirect argument
which his master had no pretensions,1 gave to against the scheme of necessity, by attempting
the cause which he so warmly espoused, a de to reconcile it with the moral agency of man;
gree of credit among sober and serious inquir a task which, I think, it must be allowed, was
ers, which it had never before possessed in Eng much less ably and plausibly executed by the
land. I have reserved, therefore, for this place, former than by the latter. Convinced, on the
the few general reflections which I have to offer other hand, that Spinoza had reasoned from his
on this endless subject of controversy. In stat~ premises much more rigorously than either Col
ing these, I shall be the less anxious to con lins or Leibnitz, Clarke bent the whole force of
dense my thoughts, as I do not mean to return his mind to demonstrate that these premises
to the discussion in the sequel of this historical were false; and, at the same time, to put in
sketch. Indeed, I do not know of anything cautious reasoners on their guard against the
that has been advanced by later writers, in seducing sophistry of his antagonists, by show
support of the scheme of necessity, of which ing, that there was no medium between admit
the gem is not to be found in the inquiry of ting the free-agency of man, and of acquiescing
Collins. in all the monstrous absurdities which the creed
In order to enter completely into the motives of Spinoza involves.
which induced Clarke to take so zealous and so Spinoza,’ it may be proper to mention, was an
prominent a part in the dispute about Free Amsterdam Jew of Portuguese extraction, who
Will, it is necessary to look back to the sys (with a view probably to gain a more favourable
tem of Spinoza; an author, with whose pecu reception to his philosophical dogmas) withdrew
liar opinions I have hitherto avoided to dis himself from the sect in which he had been edu—
tract my readers’ attention. At the time when cated, and afterwards appears to have lived
he wrote, he does not appear to have made chiefly in the society of Christians;‘ without,
many proselytes ; the extravagant and alarming however, making any public profession of the
consequence in which his system terminated, Christian faith, or even submitting to the cere
serving with most persons as a sufiicient anti mony of baptism. In his philosophical creed,
dote against it. Clarke was probably the first he at first embraced the system of Descartes,

‘ In speaking dimepectfully of the[personal character of Hobbes, I allude to the base servility of his political princi les,
and to the su p eness with which he a apted them to the opposite interests ofthe three successive governments under WI] ich
his literary ' e was spent. To his private virtues the most honourable testimony has been borne, both by his friends and
by his enemies.
’ Dr Reid’s opinion on this point coincides exactly with that of Clarke. See his Essays on the Active Power: ofMrm,
(p. 289, 4to. Edition), where he pronounces the system of Spinoza to be “ the genuine, and the most tenable system of ne
cessity.”
' Born 1632, died 1677. It is observed by Bayle, that “ althou h Spinoza was the first who reduced Atheism to a sys
tem, and formed it into a body of doctrine, connected according to t e method of geometricians, yet, in other respects, his
opinion is not new, the substance of it being the same with that of several other philosophers, both ancient and modern,
Euro can and Eastern."-See his Diet. art. Spinoza, and the authorities in Note S.
It is asserted by a late German writer, that “ Spinoza has been little heard of in England, and not at all in France, and
that he has been zealously defended and attacked by Germans alone." The same writer informs us, that “ the philosophy
of Leibnitz has been little studied in France, and not at all in England."_(Lecturu on the History qf Literature, by FRED.
Scnnsonr. En lish Transl. published at Edin. lBlB. Vol. II. p. 243.)
Is it possible that an author who pronounces so dogmatically upon the philosophy of England, should never have heard
the name of Dr Clarke ?
‘ The Synzig‘qgue were so indignant at his apostacy, that they pronounced against him their highest sentence of excom
munication ca Schammam. The form of the sentence may be found in the Treatise of Selden, De Jurc Nature ct Gcntium,
Lib. IV. c. 7. It is a document of some curiosity, and will scarcely sufi‘er by a comparison with the Popish form of ex
communication recorded by Sterne. For some farther particulars with respect to Spinoza see Note LL.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 145
and began his literary career with a work en himself an atheist; but it will not be disputed,
titled, Renati Descartes Pfincipiorum Philoso by those who comprehend the drift of his rea
phice, Pars Prima et Secunda, More Geometrico sonings, that, in point of practical tendency,
Demtmstrake, 1663. It was, however, in little Atheism and Spinozism are one and the same.
else than his physical principles that he agreed In this respect, we may apply to Spinoza (and
with Descartes; for no two philosophers ever I may add to Vanini also) what Cicero has said
difi'ered more widely in their metaphysical and of Epicurus, Verbis reliquit Deos, re sustulit ,--—
theological tenets. Fontenelle characterises his a remark which coincides exactly with an ex
system as a “ Cartesianism pushed to extra pression of Newton’s in the Scholium at the end
vagance” (unc Cartésianisvne outrée) ; an expres of the Principia .- “ Dee's sine dominio, provi
sion which, although far from conveying a just dentia, et causis finalibus, nihil aliud est quam
or adequate idea of the whole spirit of his FATUM et NATURA."'
doctrines, applies very happily to his boldness Among other doctrines of natural and reveal
and pertinacity in following out his avowed ed religion, which Spinoza affected to embrace,
principles to the most paradoxical consequences was that of the Divine Omnipresence; a doc
which he conceived them to involve. The re trine which, combined with the Plenum of Des
putation of his writings, accordingly, has fallen cartes, led him, by a short and plausible process
entirely (excepting perhaps in Germany and in of reasoning, to the revival of the old theory
Holland) with the philosophy on which they which represented God as the soul of the world;
were grafted; although some of the most ob or rather to that identification of God and of
noxious opinions contained in them are still, the material universe, which I take to be still
from time to time, obtruded on the world, un more agreeable to the idea of Spinoza.‘ I am
der the disguise of a new form, and of a phra particularly anxious to direct the attention of
seology less revolting to modern taste.1 my readers to this part of his system, as I con
In no part of Spinoza’s works has he avowed ceive it to be at present very generally misrepre

' “ On vient de proposer 2: l‘Académie de Berlin, pour sujet de ooncours: “ Quels sont les points de contact du Car
tésianisme et du systeme de Spinoza ?"—(R&lierchn P/iilomphiqim, plin- M. m: RONALD, I818.)
’ One of the most elaborate and acute refutatinns of Spinozism w ich has yet BP)032‘6(I is to be found in Bayle‘s Die.
tionary, where it is described as “ the most monstrous scheme imaginable, and t e most diametrically opposite to the
clearest notions of the mind.“-_The same author atiirms, that “ it has been fully overthrown even by the weakest of its
adversaries."-“ It does not, indeed, appear possible“ (as Mr Maclaurin has observed) “ to invent another system equally
absurd; amounting (as it does in fact) to this proposition, that. there is but one substance in the universe, endowed with
infinite attributes (particularly infinite extension and cogitatiun), which produces all other things necessarily as its own
modifications, and which alone is, in all events, both physical and moral, at once cause and efi'ect, agent and patient—View
of Nmton': Din-overt”, Book I. Chap. 4.
' Spinoza supposes that there are in God two eternal properties, thought and extension; and as he held, with Descartes,
that extension is the essence of matter, he must necessarily have conceived matrriixlily to be an essential attribute of God.
“ Per Corpus intelligo modum, qui Dei essentiam quatenus ut res extensa consideratur, certo ct determinate modo ex ri
mit.“—(Ethica ordim.‘ Ucomtlrico Demonstrate, Par: 2. Defin. I. See also Ethic. Pan; 1. Prop. I4.) With respect to the ot er
attributes of God, he held, that God is the court of all things ; but that he acts, not from choice, but from necessity; and of
consequence, that he is the involuntary author of all the good and evil, virtue and vice, which are exhibited in human life.
“ Res nullo alio modo, neque alio ordinc a Dco produci putuerunt, quam productm sunt."_lln'd. Pars 1. Prop. 33.) In one
of his letters to Mr Oldenburgh (Letter 2]), he acknowledges, that his ideas of God and of nature were very different
from those entertained by nu-drm Christians; addin by way of explanation, “ Deum rcrum omninm causam immanentem,
non vero tmnseuntem statuo ;“_an expression to w ich I can annex no other meaning but this, that God is inseparably
and essentially united with his works, and that they form together but one being.
The diversity of opinions entertained concernini the nature of Spinozism has been chictl owing to this, that some have
formed their notions of it from the books which ‘pinozn published during his life, and others from his posthumous re
mains. It is in the last alone (particularly in his Ethics) that his system is to be seen completely unveiled and undisguis
ed. In the former, and also in the letters addressed to his friends, he occasionally accommodates himself, with a very tem
porising spirit, to what he considered as the prejudices of the world. In proof of this, see his Traclatu: Theolqcim-Politicua,
and his epistolary correspondence, panim ,- above all, his letter to a young friend who had apostatiscd from Protestantism
to the Catholic Church. The letter is addressed, “ Nobilissimo Juveni, Alberto Burgh.“_(SP|u. 0]). T. H. p. 695.)
The edition of Spinoza‘s works to which my references are made, is the complete and very accurate one published at
Jena in 1802, by Ilenr. Eberh. Gottlob Paulus, who styles himself Doctor and Professor of Theology.
This learned divine is at no pains to conceal his admiration of the character as well as talents oi'his author; nor does he
seem to have much to object to the system of Spinozism, as explained in his posthumous work upon Ethics ;-a work which,
the editor admits,
est.“_(Przrj2 contains
[ftmfll‘ the only
Editioflis, p. use nuine exposition
In what mannerol'Spinoza's
all this was creed. " Scdes
reconciled in his systematis
theological nod sibi with
ecturcs condidit in ethics
the doctrines
either of natural or of revealed religion, it is not very easy to imagine. Perhaps he only alfords a new example of what
D185. 1. PART II. T
146 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS. , ‘_

seated, or, at least, very generally misunder taut affinity to the absurd creed with which
stood ; a thing not to be wondered at, consider they have been confounded. I am afraid that
ing the total neglect into which his works have Pope, in the following lines of the Dunciad,
long fallen. It is only in this way I can ac suffered himself so far to be misled by the ma—
count for the frequent use which has most un lignity of Warburton, as to aim a secret stab
fairly been made of the term Spinozism to stig at Newton and Clarke, by associating their figu
matise and discredit some doctrines, or rather rative, and not altogether unexceptionable lan
some modes of speaking, which have been sanc guage, concerning space (when they called it
tioned, not only by the wisest of the ancients, the sensorium of the Deity), with the opinion of
but by the highest names in English philosophy Spinoza, as I have just explained it.1
and literature; and which, whether right or “ Thrust some Mechanic Cause into His place,
wrong, will be found, on a careful examina 0r bind in matter, or diiim: in iron."
tion and comparison, not to have the most dis

Dr Clarke long ago remarked, that “ Believing too much and too little have commonly the luck to meet together, like two
thin moving contrary ways in the same circle."-.( Third Letter to Dodzeell.) _ -
A ate German writer, who, in his own opinions, has certainly no leaning towards Spmomsm, has yet spoken of the mo
ral tendency of Spinoza‘s writin , in terms of the warmest praise. “ The morality of Spinoza (says M. Fred. Schlegel)
is not indeed that of the Bible, or he himself was no Christian, but it is still a pure and noble morality, resembling that of
the ancient Stoics, perhaps pessessing considerable advantag‘es over that system. That which makes him strong wheni1gp
posed to adversaries who do not understand or feel his dept , or who unconsciously‘have fallen into errors not much (1 e
rent from his, is not merely the scientific clearness and decision of his intellect, but ins much higher degree the openhearted
ness, strong feeling, and conviction, with which all that he says seenis to gush from his heart and soul."--(Lcd. qflfaxn.
SCHLEGEL, Eng. 'l‘rnnsL Vol. II. p. 244.) The rest of the passage, which contains asort oi apology for the system of Spinoza,
is still more curious.
Although it is with the metaphysical tenets of Spinoza alone that we are immediately concerned at present, it is not al
together foreign to my purpose to observe, that he had also speculated much about the principles of government ; and that
the coincidence of his opinions with those of Hobbes, on this last subject, was not less remarkable than the similarity of
their views on the most iin rtant questions of meta hysics and ethics- Unconnccted as these different branches of know
ledge may at first appear, the theories of Spinoza and1 of Hobbes concerning all of them, formed parts of one and the same
system; the whole terminating ultimately in the maxim with which, according to Plutarch, Anaxarchus consoled Alex
ander after the murder of Clytus: 115v w‘ ireéxdn imi rib item's-airs: 34"!" ‘um. Even in discussin the question about Liber
ty and Necessity, Hobbes cannot help glancin at this olitical corollary. “ The power of God one isa sufficient jutQ/icu
tion of any action he doth.". .. .“ 'lhat whic he dot i is made just by his doing it.". . ..“ Power irresistible justifies
all actions really and properly, in whomsoever it be found-"—(Of Liberty and Necruilyi addrflsed ‘0 the Lord Marquis 0‘
Newcastle.) S inoza has expressed himself exactlyto the same purpose—(See his Tracmim Politic“), Cap. 2. § 3, 4.) So
steadily, indeed: is this practical application of their abstract principles kept in view by both these writers, t at not one
n'erous feeling is ever suffered to escape the pen of either in favour of t e rights, the liberties, or the improvement of
en species.
The close afiinity between those abstract thories which tend to de de human nature, and that accommodatin morality
which prepares the minds of men for receiving passively the yoke of slavery, although too little attended to by t e writers
of literary history, has not been overlooked by those deeper politicians who are disposed (as has been alleged of the first of
the Caesars) to consider their fellow-creatures “ but as rubbish in the way of their ambition, or tools to be employed in re
moving it.” This practical tendency of the Epicurean philosophy is remarked by one of the wisest of the Roman states
men; and we learn from the same high authority, how fashionable this philosophy was in the higher circles of his country
men, at that disastrous period which immediately receded the ruin of the Republic. “ N unquam audivi in E icuri scho a,
Lycurgum, Solonem, Miltiadem, Themistoclem, Zpamiuoiidam, nominari; qui in ore aunt caeterorum omiiium philoso
phorum."_(De Fin. Lib. i. c. 2].) “ Nee tamen Epicuri licet oblirisci, si eupiam ; ciijus imaginem non mode in tabulis
nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis, et annulis habent."-(Ibid. Lib. v. c. l.
The prevalence of Hobbism at the court of Charles II. (a fact acknowledged by Clarendon himself) is but one of the
many instances which might be quoted from modern times in confirmation of these remarks.
The practical tendency of such doctrines as would ave the wa to universal scepticism, by holding up to ridicule the
extravagancies and inconsistencies of the learned, is precisely similar. \Ve are told by Tacitus (Amial. Lib. 14), that
Nero was accustomed, at the close of a banquet, to summon a party of philosophers, that he might amuse himself With lis
tening to the endless diversity and discordancy of their respective systems : nor were there wanting philosophers at
Rome, the same historian adds, who were flattered to be thus exhibited as a spectacle at the table of the Em ror. \Vhat a
deep and instructive moral is conveyed by this anecdote! and what a contrast does it afi'ord to the sentiment of one of
Nero’s successors, who was himselfa philosopher in the best sense of the word, and whose reign furnishes some of the
fairest pages in the annals of the human race ! “ I search for truth (says Marcus Antoninus), by which no person has
ever been injured." Zifl; ydie fir ikvillizr, io‘ 975 Incl: I'A’oin'h “15,891.

' Warburton, indeed, always prqfi-im eat respect for Newton : but of his hostility to Clarke it is unnecessary to produce
any other proof than his note on the fol owing line of the Dunciad:
“ Where Tindal dictates, and Silenus snores."--B. iv. 1. 492.
IMay I venture to add, that the noted line of the Essay on Man,
“ And showed a Newton as we show an ape,”
could not possibly have been written by any person impressed with a due veneration for this glory of his species P
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 147
How little was it suspected by the poet, when On a subject so infinitely disproportioned to
this sarcasm escaped him, that the charge of our faculties, it is vain to expect language which
Spinozism and Pantheism was afterwards to be will hear a logical and captions examination.
brought against himself, for the sublimest pas Even the Sacred \Vriters themselves are forced
sage to be found in his writings ! to adapt their phraseology to the comprehension
“ All are but parts of one stupendous whole, of those to whom it is addressed, and frequently
-\Vhose body Nature is, and God the soul. borrow the figurative diction of poetry to convey
0 ‘ O O I

Live! through all Life, extend: through all me, ideas which must be interpreted, not according
Spreads undivided, operates unspent)" to the letter, but the spirit of the passage. It is
Bayle was, I think, the writer who first led the thus that thunder is called the voice of God;
way to this misapplication of the term Spinozism , the wind, His breath ; and the tempest, the blast
and his object in doing so was plainly to destroy of His nostrils. Not attending to this circum
the effect of the most refined and philosophical stance, or rather not choosing to direct to it the
conceptions of the Deity which were ever formed attention of his readers, Spinoza has laid hold
by the unassisted power of human reason. of the well known expression of St Paul, that
“ Estne Dei sedes nisi term, et pontus, et ae'r, “ in God we live, and move, and have our being,”
Et cmlum, et virtus P Superos quid quzerimus ultra P as a proof that the ideas of the apostle, concern
Jupiter est quodcumque vides, quocumque moveris."
ing the Divine Nature, were pretty much the
“ Is there a place that God would choose to love same with his own ; a consideration which, if
Beyond this earth, the seas, yon Heaven above,
And virtuous minds, the noblest throne for Jove; duly weighed, might have protected some of the
\Vhy seek we farther then ? Behold around,
How all thou seest does with the God abound,
passages above quoted from the uncharitable cri
Jove is alike to all, and always to be found.” ticisms to which they have frequently been ex
Rown's Lucan. posed.II
Who hut Bayle, could have thought of extract To return, however, to Collins, from whose
ing anything like Spinozism from such verses as controversy with Clarke I was insensibly led
these ! aside into this short digression about Spinoza;

‘ This passage, a War-ton has remarked, bears a very striking analogy to a noble one in the old Orphic verses quoted in
the treatise met sir/u, ascribed to Aristotle; and it is not a little curious, that the same ideas occur in some specimens of
Hindoo poetry, translated by Sir \V. Jones ; more particularly in the Hymn to Narraymr, or the Spirit of God, taken, as
he informs us, from the writings of their ancient authors :
Omrriscicnt S irit, whose all-ruling power
Bids from eac sense bright emanations beam;
Glows in the rainbow, sparkles in the stream,
8w. litc.
' Mr Gibbon, in commenting upon the celebrated lines of Virgil,
“ Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus,
“ Mens 0 itat molem, et magno se corpore miscet,"
observes, that “the mind which is rurussn into the difl'erent parts of matter, and which MIIGLIS rrsttr with the mighty
mass, scarcely retains any pro rty of a spiritual substance, and bears too near an afiinit to the principles which the im
pious Spinoza revived rather t an invented." He adds, however, that “ the poverty of uman language, and the ohscu~
rity of human ideas, make it difficult to speak worthily of the oars-r rrasr canal; and that our most religious poets
Sparticularly Pope and Thomson), in striving to express the presence and energy of the Deity in every part of the universe,
eviate unwarily into images which re uire a favourable construction. But these writers (he candidly remarks) descrvethat
favour, by the sublime manner in which they celebrate the Great Father of the universe, and by those efl‘usions of love
and titude which are inconsistent with the materialist's system."-(dliac. Works, VoL II. pp. 509, 610.)
It ay I be permitted here to remark, that it is not only diflr‘cull but impouiblc to speak of the omnipresence and omnipo
tence of God, without deviating into such images P
“With the doctrine of the Anima Mandi, some philosophers, both ancient and modern, have connected another theory,
according to which the souls of men are portions of the Supreme Being, with whom they are re-unitcd at death, and In
whom they are finally absorbed and lost. To assist the imagination in conceiving this theorv, death has been compared to
the breaking ofa hial of water, immersed in the ocean. It is needless to so , that this incom rehensible jar on has no
neceuary connection with the doctrine which represents God as the soul 0 the world, and t at it would rave been
loudly disclaimed, not only by Pope and Thomson, but by Epictetus, Antoninus, and all the wisest and soberest of the
Stoical school. “'hatever objections, therefore, may be made to this doctrine, let not its supposed cmurqumrc: be char d
upon any but those who may expressly avow them. On such a subject,as Gibbonhas wcll remarked, “ we should he s w
to su ct, and still slower to condemn."_(lbid. p. 510.)
Sir illiam Jones mentions a very curious modification of this theory of abrorption, as one of the doctrines of the Vedanta
school. “ The Vedanta school represent Elysian happiness as a total absorption, though not auch a: to datroy comcioumu,
in the Divine Essence."-(Dimrtstion 0n the God: qf Greece, Italy, and India.)
148 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

I have already said, that it seems to have been In this view of the subject, and, indeed, in the
the aim of Collins to vindicate the doctrine of very selection of his premises, it is remarkable
Necessity from the reproach brought on it by its how completely Collins has anticipated Dr Jona
supposed alliance with Spinozism; and to retort than Edwards, the most celebrated and indis
upon the partizans of free-will the charges of putably the ablest champion of the scheme of
favouring atheism and immorality. In proof of Necessity who has since appeared. The coinci—
this I have only to quote the account given by dence is so perfect, that the outline given by the
the author himself, of the plan of his work: former, of the plan of his work, might have
“ Too much care cannot be taken to prevent served with equal propriety as a preface to that
being misunderstood and prejudged, in handling of the latter.
questions of such nice speculation as those of From the above summary, and still more from
Liberty and Necessity; and, therefore, though I the whole tenor of the Philosophical Inquiry, it is
might in justice expect to be read before any evident, that Collins (one of the most obnoxious
judgment be passed on me, I think it proper to writers of his day to divines of all denomina
premise the following observations: tions) was not less solicitous than his successor
“ 1. First, Though I deny liberty in a certain Edwards to reconcile his metaphysical notions
meaning of that word, yet I contend for liberty, with man’s accountableness and moral agency.
as it signifies apower in man to do as he wills or The remarks, accordingly, of Clarke upon Col
pleases. lins’s work, are equally applicable to that of Ed
“ 2. Secondly, When I afiirm necessity, I con wards. It is to be regretted that they seem
tend only for moral necessity ; meaning thereby, never to have fallen into the hands of this very
that man, who is an intelligent and sensible acute and honest reasoner. As for Collins, it is
being, is determined by his reason and his senses ; a remarkable circumstance, that he attempted
and I deny man to be subject to such necessity no reply to this tract of Clarke’s, although he
as is in clocks, watches, and such other beings, lived twelve years after its publication. The
which, for want of sensation and intelligence, reasonings contained in it, together with those
are subject to an absolute, physical, or mecha on the same subject in his correspondence with
nical necessity. Leibnitz, and in his Demonstration of the Being
“ 3. Thirdly, I have undertaken to show, that and Attributes of God, form, in my humble opi
the notions I advance are so far from being in nion, the most important as well as powerful
consistent with, that they are the sole founda of all his metaphysical arguments.‘ The ad
tions of morality and laws, and of rewards and versaries with whom he had to contend were,
punishments in society; and that the notions I both of them, eminently distinguished by inge
explode are subversive of them.”1 nuity and subtlety, and he seems to have put
In the prosecution of his argument on this forth to the utmost his logical strength, in con
question, Collins endeavours to show, that man tending with such antagonists. “ The liber
is a necessary agent, I. From our experience. ty or moral agency of man (says his friend
(By experience he means our own consciousness Bishop Hoadly) was a darling point to him. He
that we are necessary agents.) 2. From the excelled always, and showed a superiority to all,
impossibility of liberty.’ 3. From the conside— whenever it came into private discourse or pub
ration of the Divine prescience. 4. From the lic debate. But he never more excelled than
nature and use of rewards and punishments; when he was pressed with the strength Leibnitz
and 5. From the nature of morality.5 was master of; which made him exert all his

I A Philosophical Inquiry concerning Iiuman Liberty, ad’edit. Lond. 1735.

’ See Note M M.
' See Note N N.
‘ Voltaire, who, in all probability, never read either Clarke or Collins, has said that the former replied to the latter only
by Theological reasonings: “ Clarke n‘a répondu d Collins qu'cn TI|{ologicn.“._-(Que:t. rur I'Encyclopédic, Art. Libcn‘é.) Nothing
can be more remote from the truth. The argument of Clarke is wholly JVL’ttlllhyfl'cal; whereas, his antagonist, in various
instances, has attempted to wrest to his own purposes the words of Scripture.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 149
talents to set it once in a clear light, to parts of one whole, which could not but exist.
guard it against the evil of metaphysical obscu Shall God then be angry at the sight of the iron
rities, and to give the finishing stroke to a sub link? What absurdity l God esteems this
ject which must ever be the foundation of mo link at its proper value: He sees it in its cause,
rality in man, and is the ground of the account and he approves this cause, for it is good. God
ableness of intelligent creatures for all their beholds moral inonsters as he beholds physical
actions.”1 monsters. Happy is the link of gold ! Still more
It is needless to say, that neither Leibnitz nor happy if he know that he is onlyfortunate.s He
Collins admitted the fairness of the inferences has attained the highest degree of moral perfec
which Clarke conceived to follow from the tion, and is nevertheless without pride, knowing
scheme of necessity : But almost every page in that what he is, is the necessary result of the
the subsequent history of this controversy may place which he must occupy in the chain.”
be regarded as an additional illustration of the “ The gospel is the allegorical exposition of
soundness of Clarke’s reasonings, and of the sa this system; the simile of the potter is its sum
gacity with which he anticipated the fatal er mary.“ (BONNET, T. VIII. pp. 237, 238.)
rors likely to issue from the system which he In what essential respect does this system
opposed. difl'er from that of Spinoza? Is it not even
“ Thus (says a very learned disciple of Leib more dangerous in its practical tendency, in
nitz, who made his first appearance as an author consequence of the high strain of mystical devo
about thirty years after the death of his mas tion by which it is exalted?‘
ter)‘—thus, the same chain embraces the phy This objection, however, does not apply to
sical and moral worlds, binds the past to the the quotations which follow. They exhibit,
present, the present to the future, the future to without any colourings of imagination or of en
eternity.” thusiasm, the scheme of necessity pushed to the
“ That wisdom which has ordained the ex remotest and most alarming conclusions which
istence of this chain, has doubtless willed that it appeared to Clarke to involve; and as they
of every link of which it is composed. A CA express the serious and avowed creed of two of ~
LIGULA is one of those links, and this link is our contemporaries (both of them men of dis
of iron : A MARCUS AURELIUS is another link, tinguished talents), may be regarded as a proof,
and this link is of gold. Both are necessary that the zeal displayed by Clarke against the

‘ Preface to the folio ed. of Clarke’s Works—The vital importance which Clarke attached to this question, has given
tothe concluding paragraphs ofhis remarks on Collins, an earnestness and a solemnity of which there are not many instances
in his writings. These aragraphs cannot be too strongly recommended to the attention of those well-meanin persons,
who, in our own times, ave come forward as the apostles of Dr Priestley's “ great and glorious Doctrine of l’ ' osophical
Necessity."
' Charles Bonnet, born 1720, died 1793.
' The words in the original are, “ Heureux le chainon d'er! plus hcurflu: encore, s'il sail. qu’il n'cst qu' hcumu'.” The
double meaning of heureu, if it render the expression less logically precise, gives it at least an epigramniatic turn, which
cannot
t SeebeNote
preserved
0 0. in our language .
‘ Among the various forms which religious enthusiasm assumes, there is a certain prostration of the mind, which, under
the specious disguise of a deep humility, aims at exalting the Divine pcrfcctions, by annihilatin all the powers which
belong to Human Nature. “ Nothing is more usual for fervent devotion (says Sir James Mac intosh, in s aking of
some theories current amen the llindoos), than to dwell so Ian and so warmly on the meanness and worth essness of
created things, and on the sufficiency of the Sn reme Being, t at it slides insensibly from comparative to absolute lan'
guage, and in the eagerness of its zeal to magni y the Deity seems to annihilate everything else."-(See I’hilomphy of
the Human Illind, VoL II. p. 529, 2d ed.)
This excellent observation may serve to account for the zeal displayed by Bonnet, and many other devout men, in fa,
vour of the Scheme of Necessity. “ We have nothing (they frequently and justly remind us) but what we have re
ceived."--But the question here is simply a matter of fact, whether we have or have not rrrcircd from God the of
Free Will; and the only argument, it must be remembered, which they have yet been able to advance for the neg..
tive proposition, is, that this pit! was impouibh', even for the ower of God; nay, the same argument which ann i
lltes the war of Man, anni iilatcs that of God also, and suhJocts him, as well as all his creatures, to the control of
causes which he is unable to resist. So completely does this scheme defeat the pious vicwa in which it has sometimes
0 ' ' ted.-I say namelimu; for the very same argument against the liberty of the Will is employed by Spinoza, ac
co ing to whom the free- ency of man involves the absurd supposition of an imperium in impm'o in the universe.
(Trectat. Polit. Cap. 11. § 6.
150 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

metaphysical principles which led ultimately to have so often praised and blamed others, that
such results, was not so unfounded as some we contract an inveterate prejudice of believing
worthy and able inquirers have supposed. that We and they will and act freely. But if there
May I be permitted to observe farther on is no liberty, there is no action that merits either
this head, that, as one of these writers spent his praise or blame;_ neither vice nor virtue, no
life in the pay of a German prince, and as the thing that ought either to be rewarded or punish
other was the favourite philosopher of another ed. What then is the distinction among men?
sovereign, still more illustrious, the sentiments The doing of good and the doing of ill! The
which they were so anxious to proclaim to the deer of ill is one who must be destroyed, not
world, may be presumed to have been not very punished. The deer of good is lucky, not vir
offensive, in their judgments, to the ears of their tuous. But though neither the doer of good or
protectors ? of ill be free, man is nevertheless a being to
“ All that is must he (says the Baron de be modified ; it is for this reason the doer of ill
Grimm, addressing himself to the Duke of Sue should be destroyed upon the scatfold. From
Gotha)——all that is must be, even because it thence the good effects of education, of plea
is; this is the only sound philosophy; as long sure, of grief, of grandeur, of poverty, &c.;
as we do not know this universe a priori (as from thence a philosophy full of pity, strongly
they say in the schools), ALL IS NECESSITY.1 attached to the good, nor more angry with the
Liberty is a word without meaning, as you wicked, than with the whirlwind which fills
shall see in the letter of M. Diderot.” one’s eyes with dust. Strictly speaking, there
The following passage is extracted from Di is but one sort of causes, that is, physical
derot’s letter here referred to 2 causes. There is but one sort of necessity,
“ I am now, my dear friend, going to quit which is the same for all beings. This is what
the tone of a preacher, to take, if I can, that of reconciles me to humankind: it is for this rea
a philosopher. Examine it narrowly, and you sbn I exhorted you to philanthropy. Adopt
will see that the word Liberty is a word devoid these principles if you think them good, or show
of meaning ;’ that there are not, and that there me that they are bad. If you adopt them,
cannot be free beings; that we are only what they will reconcile you too with others and
accords with th general order, with our organi with yourself: you will neither be pleased nor
zation, our education, and the chain of events. angry with yourself for being what you are.
These dispose of ds invincibly. We can no Reproach others for nothing, and repent of
more conceive a being acting without a motive, nothing; this is the first step to wisdom. Be
than we can one of the arms of a balance acting sides this, all is prejudice and false philosophy.”8
without a weight. The motive is always exte The prevalence of the principles here so earnest
rior and foreign, fastened upon us by some ly inculcated among the higher orders in France,
cause distinct from ourselves. What deceivcs at a period somewhat later in the history of the
us, is the prodigious variety of our actions, monarchy, may be judged of from the occasion
joined to the habit which we catch at our birth, al allusions to them in the dramatic pieces then
of confounding the voluntary and the free. We chiefly in request at Paris. In the Mariage dz
have been so often praised and blamed, and Figaro (the popularity of which was quite un

' The logical inference ou ht undoubtedly to have been, “ as long as we know nothing of the universe a we
are not entitled to say of anyt ing that it either is, or is not, necessa .”
' Does not this remark of Di erot apply with infinitely greater force to the word serenity, as employed in this con
troversy ?
' Nearly to the same purpose, we are told by Mr Belsham, that “ thefizllacz'au; feeling of remorse is superseded by the doc
trine of necessity.”_(Elem. p. 284.) And again, “ Remorse supposes free will. It is of little or no use in moral disci
pline. In a degree, it is even pernicious."-(Ibid. p. 406.)
Nor does the opinion of Hartle seem to have been different “ The doctrine of Necessity has a tendency to abate all
resentment against men. Sincea they do against us is by the appointment of God, it is rebellion against him to be offend
ed with them.”
For the originals of the quotations from Grimm and Diderot, see Note P P.
 DISSERTATION FIRST, 151
exampled), the hero of the piece, an intriguing sophical jargon at that time afl'ected by courtiers
valet in the service of a Spanish courtier, is in and men of the world, will not be doubted by
troduced as thus moralising, in a soliloquy on those who have attended to the importance of
his own free-agency and personal identity. Such the rolles commonly assigned to confidential valets
an exhibition upon the English stage would have in French comedies, and t0 the habits of fami
been universally censuredas out of character and liarity in which they are always represented as
extravagant, or rather, would have been com living with their masters. The sentiments which
pletely unintelligible to the crowds by which our they are made to utter may, accordingly, be
theatres are filled. safely considered as but an echo of the lessons
“ Oh bisarre suite d’evenemens ! Comment which they have learned from their superiors.1
cela m’aI-t-il arrive? Pourquoi ces choses et non My anxiety to state, without any interruption,
pas d'autres ? Qui les a fixées sur ma téte? my remarks on some of the most important
Forcé de parcourir la route on je suis entré sans questions to which the attention of the public
le savoir, comme j’en sortirai sans le vouloir, je was called by the speculation of Locke, of
l’ai jonchée d’autaut de fleurs que ma gaieté me Leibnitz, of Newton, and of Clarke, has led me,
la permit: encore je dis ma gaieté, sans savoir in various instances, to depart from the strict
si elle est a. moi plus que le reste, ni meme qui order of Chronology. It- is time for me, how
est ce moi dont je m’eccupe.” ever, now to pause, and, before I proceed far
That this soliloquy, though put into the mouth ther, to supply a few chasms in the foregoing
of Figaro, was meant as a picture of the philo sketch.

SECTION IV.

Of some Authors who have contributed, by their Critical or Historical Writings, to dg'fl‘use a Taste for
Metaphysical Studies—Bayle—Fontemlle—Addison. Metaphysical mm of Berkeley.

AMONG the many eminent persons who were a greater mass of accurate and curious informa
either driven from France, or who went into tion, accompanied by a more splendid display of
voluntary exile, in consequence of the revoca acute and lively criticism, than had ever before
tion of the edict of Nantz, the most illustrious by come from the pen of a single individual.‘
far was Bayle ;' who, fixing his residence in Happy! if he had been able to restrain within
Holland, and availing himself, to the utmost ex due bounds his passion for sceptical. and licenti
tent, of the religious toleration then enjoyed in ous discussion, and to respect the feelings of the
that country, difl'used from thence, over Europe, wise and good, on topics connected with religion

‘ A reflection of Voltaire's on the writings of Spinoza may, I think, be here quoted without impropriety. “ Vous étel
tree confus, Baruc Spinoza, mais étes vous aussi dangereux qu'on le dit P Je soutienl ue non,.et ma raison c'est que vom
étes confus, que vous avez écrit en mauvais Latin, ct u'il n‘y a pas dix personnes en ‘urope qui vous lisent d'un bout a
l‘autrc. Quel est l'auteur dangereux? C‘est celui qui est In par les Ouifs de la Cour, et par lcs l):uncs."-( Qum. m1
PEnq/clopu Art. Dian.)
Had Voltaire he I. this last remark steadily in view in his own writings, how many of those pages would he have cancel
led which he has given to the world !
' Born in 1647, died I705.
' The erudition of Bayle is greatly undervalued by his antagonist Le Clerc. “ Toutes les lumieres philosophiqucs de
M. Bayle consistoient en quelque peu de Péripatétisme, qu’il avoit appris des Jésuites de Toulouse, et un pcu de Cartesia
nisme, qu’il n‘avoit jamais approfondi."-(Bib. Chm'oic, Ton. XII. p. 106.)
In the judgment of Gibbon, “ Bayle's learnin was chiefly confined to the Latin authors ; and he had more of a certain
multifarious reading than of real erudition. Le lerc, his great antagonist, wuss superior to him in that respect as inferior
in every other."-(E:tr¢iu Raimnmia de ma Lcduru, p. 62.)
 152 PRELIMINARY DISSERTA TIONS.

and morality. But, in the peculiar circum mind, is not very obvious. There is certainly
stances in which he was educated, combined no heathen philosopher or historian whose mo
with the seducing profession of aliterary ad rality is more pure or elevated; and none who
venturer, to which his hard fortune condemned has drawn the line between superstition and re
him, such a spirit of moderation was rather to ligion with a nicer hand.1 Pope has with per
he wished than expected. fect truth said of him, that “ he abounds more
When Bayle first appeared as an author, the in strokes of good nature than any other au
opinions of the learned still continued to be di thor;” to which it may be added, that he abounds
vided between Aristotle and Descartes. A con also in touches of simple and exquisite pathos,
siderable number leaned, in secret, to the meta seldom to be met with among the greatest paint
physical creed of Spinoza and of Hobbes; while ers of antiquity. In all these respects what a
the clergy of the Roman Catholic and the Pro contrast does Bayle present to Plutarch !
testant churches, instead of uniting their efforts Considering the share which Bayle ascribes
in defence of those truths which they professed to Montaigne’s Essays in forming his literary
in common, wasted their strength against each taste, it is curious, that there is no separate
other in fruitless disputes and recriminations. article allotted to Montaigne in the Historical
In the midst of these controversies, Bayle, and Critical Dictionary. What is still more
keeping aloof as far as possible from all the curious, there is more than one reference to
parties, indulged his sceptical and ironical hu this article, as if it actually existed; without
mour at the common expence of the various any explanation of the omission (as far as I recol
combatants. Unattached himself to any sys lect) from the author or the publisher of the work.
tem, or, to speak more correctly, unfixed in his Some very interesting particulars, however, con
opinions on the most fundamental questions, he cerning Montaigne’s life and writings, are scat
did not prosecute any particular study with tered over the Dictionary, in the notices of other
sufficient perseverance to add materially to the persons, with whom his name appeared to Bayle
stock of useful knowledge. The influence, how to have a sufficient connection to furnish an
ever, of his writings on the taste and views of apology for a short episode. ’
speculative men of all persuasions, has been so It does not seem to me a very improbable
great, as to mark him out as one of the most conjecture, that Baylc had intended, and per
conspicuous characters of his age; and I shall haps attempted, to write an account of Mon
accordingly devote to him a larger space than taigne; and that he had experienced greater
may, at first sight, appear due to an author who difficulties than he was aware of, in the execu
has distinguished himself only by the extent of tion of his design. Notwithstanding their com
his historical researches, and by the sagacity and mon tendency to scepticism, no two characters
subtlety of his critical disquisitions. were ever more strongly discriminated in their
We are informed by Bayle himself, that his most prominent features; the doubts 0f the one
favourite authors, during his youth, were Plu resulting from the singular coldness of his mo
tarch and Montaigne; and from them, it has ral temperament, combined with a subtlety and
been alleged by some of his biographers, he im over-refinement in his habits of thinking, which
bibed his first lessons of scepticism. In what rendered his ingenuity, acuteness, and erudition,
manner the first of these writers should have more than a match for his good sense and sa
contributed to inspire him with this temper of gacity;—the indecision of the other partaking

‘ See, in particular, his account of the effects produced on the character of Pericles by the sublime lessons of Anaxagcras.
Plutarch, itis true, had said before Boyle, that atheism is less pernicious than superstition; but how wide the difference
between this paradox. as explained and qualified by the Greek philosopher, and as interpreted and applied in the Rq/lectiom
on the Comet! Mr Addison himself seems to give his sanction to Plutarch‘s maxim in one of his papers on Cheerfulness
“ An eminent Pagan writer has made a discourse to show, that the atheist, who denies a God, does im less dishonour than
the man who owns his being, but, at the same time, believes him to be cruel, hard to please, and terrible to human nature.
For my own part, says he, I would rather it should be said of me, that there was never any such man as Plutarch, than
that Plutarch was ill-natured, capricious, and inhuman."_-(Spcclator, No. 494.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 153
more of the shrewd and soldier-like étourderic of curring any danger from the lea: tablonis.” 1 It is
Henry IV. when he exclaimed, after hearing amusing to think, that the Pyrrhonism which
two lawyers plead on opposite sides of the same Bayle himself has here so ingeniously accounted
question, “ Ventre St Gris! il me semble que tous for, from motives of conveniency and of literary
les deua: on! raison.” cowardice, should have been mistaken by so
Independently of Bayle’s constitutional bias many of his disciples for the sportive triumph
towards scepticism, some other motives, it is of a superior intellect over the weaknesses and
probable, conspired to induce him, in the com errors of human reason.’
position of his Dictionary, to cOpy the spirit and The profession of Bayle, which made it an
tone of the old Academic school. On these col object to him to turn to account even the sweep.
lateral motives a strong and not very favourable ings of his study, affords an additional explana
light is thrown by his own candid avowal in tion of the indigested mass of heterogeneous and
one of his letters.
correspondent “ In truth
Minutoli), (says not
I it ought he to
to his
be inconsistent materials contained in his Dictio
nary. Had he adopted any one system exclusive
thought strange, that so many persons should ly, his work would have shrunk in its dimen
have inclined to Pyrrhonism; for of all things sibns into a comparatively narrow compass.s
in the world it is the most convenient. You
When these difl‘erent considerations are ma
may dispute with impunity against every body turely weighed, the omission by Bayle of the
you meet, without any dread of that vexatious article Montaigne will not be much regretted by
argument which is addressedadlwminem. You the admirers of the Essays. It is extremely
are never afraid of a retort ; for as you announce doubtful if Bayle would have been able to seize
no opinion of your own, you are always ready the true spirit of Montaigne’s character; and,
to abandon those of others to the attacks of so at any rate, it is not in the delineation of charac
phists of every description. In a word, you ter that Bayle excels. His critical acumen,
may dispute and jest on all subjects without in indeed, in the examination of opinions and

' “ En verité, il ne fuut pas trouver étrange que tant des gens aient donne' dans le Pyrrhonisme. Car c‘est la chose du
monde le plus commode. Vous pouvez impunément disputcr contre tous venzms, et sans craindre ces argumens (1d Imminem,
qui font quelquefois tant de peine. Vous ne craignez point In rétorsion; puisque ne soutenant rien, vous abandonnez de
hon cmur a tous les sophismes et 2. tous les raisonnemens de la terre quelque opinion que ce soit. Vuus n'étes jamaisobli é
d'en venir a la defensive. En un mot, vous eontestez ct vous dauhez sur toutes choses tout votre saoul, sans craindre
peine du talion."—( Oeuv. Div. dc Boyle, IV. p. 537.)
' The estimate formed by \Varburton of Bayle‘s character, both intellectual and moral, is candid and temperate. “ A
writer whose strength and clearness of reasoning can only be equalled by the gaiety, eusiness, and delicacy, of his wit: who,
pervadin r human nature with a glance, struck into the province of paradox, as an exercise for the restless vigour of his
mind: w o, with a soul superior to the shar st attacks of fortune, and a heart practised to the best philosophy, had not
yet enough of real greatness, to overcome t at last foible of superior geniuses, the temptation of honour, which the acade
mical exercise of Wit is supposed to bring to its professors-(Divine Lrgalion.)
If there be anything objectionable in this panegyric, it is the unqualified praise bestowed on Bayle's mil, which,
though it seldom fails in copiousness, in poignancy, or in that grave argumentative irony, by which it is still more characte
ristically marked, is commonly as deficient in gaiety and delicacy as that of \Varburton himself.
Leibnitz seems perfectly to have entered into the peculiar temper of his adversary Bayle, when he said of him, that
“ the only way to make Bayle write usefully, would be to attack him when he advances propositions that are sound and
true: and to abstain from attacking him, when he sa s anything false or pernicious.“
“ Le vrai moyen de faire écrire utilement M. Bay e, ce seroit de l‘attaquer, lorsqu'il écrit des bonnes chosen et vraies,
car ce seroit le moyen de le piquer pour continuer. Au lieu qu'il ne faudroit point l'attnquer qunnd il en dit de mauvaises,
car cela l'engagera h en dire d'autres aussi mauvaises pour soutenir les premieres."_(Tom. V1. p. 273.)
Leibnitz elsewhere sa s of him : Ubi bone, ncmo Indian-(Tom. I. p. 257.)
‘ “ The inequality 0 Boyle‘s voluminous works (says Gibbon) is explained by his alternately writing for himself, for
the bookseller, and for posterity; and if a severe critic would reduce him to a single folio, that relic, like the books of the
Sybils, Would become still more valuable."_(G|nsos's Mom. p. 50.)
Mr Gibbon observes in another place, that, “ if Bayle wrote his Dictionary to empty the various collections he had made,
without any particular design, he could not have chosen a better than. It permitted him everything, and obliged him to
nothing. By the double freedom of a Dictionary and of Notes, e could pitch on what articles be pleased, and say what
he pleased on those articles.“_(E.t-lmiu Raimnéa dc ma Let-turn, p. 64.)
“ How could such a genius as Boyle," says the same author, “ employ three or four pages, and a great apparatus of
learning, to examine whether Achilles was fed with marrow only; whether it was the marrow of lions and ltags, or that
of lions only ?" &.c.—(1bid. p. 66.)
For along and interesting passage with respect to Blyle‘s history and character, see Ginnos‘s Mmoin, 81c. Vol. X.
pp. 49, 50, 51. .
mss. 1. PART. 11. - _ U
154 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

arguments, is unrivalled; but his portraits of during the course of his education in a college
persons commonly exhibit only the coarser linea of Jesuits he was converted to the Roman Ca
ments which obtrude themselves on the senses tholic persuasion ;'1 and that finally he went to
of ordinary observers ; and seldom, if ever, Geneva, where, if he was not recalled to the
evince that discriminating and divining eye, or Protestant faith, he was at least most thorough
that sympathetic penetration into the retire ly reclaimed from the errors of Popery.‘
ments of the heart, which lend to every touch To these early fluctuations in his religious
of a master artist, the never-to-be-mistaken ex creed, may be ascribed his singularly accurate
pression of truth and nature. knowledge of controversial theology, and of the
It furnishes some apology for the unsettled lives and tenets of the most distinguished divines
state of Bayle’s opinions, that his habits of of both churches ;-—a knowledge much more
thinking were formed prior to the discoveries of minute than a. person of his talents could well be
the Newtonian School. Neither the vortices of supposed to accumulate from the mere impulse
Descartes, nor the monads and pre-established of literary curiosity. In these respects he ex
harmony of Leibnitz, were well calculated to hibits a striking resemblance to the historian of
inspire him with confidence in the powers of the the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire .- Nor
human understanding; nor does he seem to have is the parallel between them less exact in the
been led, either by taste or by genius, to the study similar effects produced on their minds, by the
of those exacter sciences in which Kepler, Galileo, polemical cast of their juvenile studies. Their
and others, had, in the preceding age, made such common propensity to indulge in indecency is
splendid advances. In Geometry he never pro not so easily explicable. In neither does it seem
ceeded beyond a few of the elementary proposi to have originated in the habits of a dissolute
tions; and it is even said (although I apprehend youth; but. in the wantonness of a polluted and
with little probability) that his farther progress distempered imagination. Bayle, it is well
was stopped by some defect in his intellectual known, led the life of an anchoret ;3 and the li
powers, which disqualified him for the successful centiousness of his pen is, on that very account,
prosecution of the study. . the more reprehensible. But, everything con
It is not unworthy of notice, that Bayle was sidered, the grossness of Gibbon is certainly the
the son of a Calvinist minister, and was destin more unaccountable, and perhaps the more un
ed by his father for his own profession; that pardonable of the tWo.‘

' “ For the benefit of education, the Protestants were tempted to risk their children in the Catholic Universities; and
in the 22d year of his age young Bayle was seduced by the arts and arguments of the Jesuits of Thoulouse. llc remained
about seventeen months in their hands a voluntary captive.”-_-(Gmnos's Misc. Works, Vol. I. p. 49.)
2 According to Gibbon, “ the piety of Bayle was offended by the excessive worshi of creatures; and 1/10 study ofphylicc
convinced him of the impossibility of transubstantiation, which is abundantly refute by the testimony of our senses"...
(1m. p. 49.) .
“ aThe same author,
handsome share” speakin of his own
of the onour), conversion
“ that it was from P0 ry,effected
principniley observes
by (after
his allowing to his Precsptor Mr Pavillard
rivate reflections :" ding the following
very curious acknowledgment : “ I still remember my so itary transport at the iscovery of a philosophical argumt‘ésfiinst
the doctrine of Transubdantiation ,- that the text of Scripture, which seems to inculcate the real presence, is attes only
by a single sense-our sight ; while the real presence itself is dis roved by three of our senses—the si ht, the touch, and
the taste."-_(1bid. p. 68. That this “ philosophical argument" s ould have had any influence on the mind of Gibbon, even
at the early period of life when he made “ the discovery,” would ap ar highly improbable, if the fact were not attested
by himself; but as for Dayle, whose logical acumen was of a far har er and keener edge, it seems quite impossible to con
ceive, “ that the study of physics” was at all necessary to open his eyes to the absurdity of the real presence ,- or that he
would not at once have perceived the futility of appealing to our senses or to our reason, against an article of faith which
professedly disclaims the authority of both.
1 “ Chaste dans ses discours, grave dans ses discours, sobre dans ses alimens, austere dens son genre de vie.”-(Portrait
de Bayle par M. SAURXN, dnns son Sermon sur l’accord de la Religion avec la Politique.)
‘ In justice to Bayle, and also to Gibbon, it should be remembered, that over the most offensive passages in their works
they have drawn the veil of the learned languages. It was reserved for the translators of the Historical and Critical Dic
tionary to tear this veil asunder, and to expose the indelicacy of their author to every curious c e. It is impossible to ob
serve the patient industry and fidelity with which they have executed this rt of their task wit out feelings of indignation
and disgust. For such an outra on taste and decorum, their tedious and cable attacks on the Manicheism of Dayle offer
but a poor com ensation. Of al Bayle‘s suspected heresies, it was perhaps that which stood the least in need of a serious
refutation; an , if the case had been otherwise, their incompetency to contend with such an adversary would have only
injured the cause which they professed to defend.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 155
On the mischievous tendency of Bayle’s work and so ably' exerted his talents; but it is easy
to unsettle the principles of superficial readers, to perceive, that, when he does so, it is not from
' and, what is worse, to damp the moral enthusi any serious faith which he attaches to it (per
asm of youth, by shaking their faith in the re haps the contrary supposition would be nearer
ality of virtue, it Would be superfluous to enlarge. the truth), but from the peculiarly ample field
The fact is indisputable, and is admitted even by which it opened for the display of his contro
his most partial admirers. It may not be equally versial subtlety, and of his inexhaustible stores
useless to remark the benefits which (whether of miscellaneous information.‘ In one passage
foreseen or not by the author, is of little conse he has pronounced with a tone of decision which
quence) have actually resulted to literature from he seldom assumes, that “it is absurd, indefen
his indefatigable labours. One thing will, I ap sible, and inconsistent with the regularity and
prehend, be very generally granted in his favour, order of the universe; that the arguments in
that, if he has taught men to suspend their judg favour of it are liable to be retorted; and that,
ment, he has taught them also to think and to granting it to be true, it would afford no solu
reason for themselves; a lesson which appeared tion of the difliculties in question.’“ The ap
to a late philosophical divine of so great impor parent zeal with which, on various occasions, he
tance, as to suggest to him a doubt, whether it has taken up its defence, may, I think, be reason
Would not be better for authors to state nothing ably accounted for, by the favourable opportu
but premises, and to leave to their readers the nity it afl'orded him of measuring his logical
task of forming their own conclusions.‘ Nor powers with those of Leibnitz.5
can Bayle be candidly accused of often discover To these considerations it may be added, that,
ing a partiality for any particular sect of philo in consequence of the progress of the sciences
sophers. He opposes Spinoza and Hobbes with since Bayle’s time, the unlimited scepticism
the same spirit and ability, and apparently with commonly, and perhaps justly imputed to him,
the same good faith, with which he controverts is much less likely to mislead than it was a cen
the doctrines of Anaxagoras and of Plato. tury ago ; while the value of his researches, and
Even the ancient sceptics, for whose mode of of his critical reflections, becomes every day
philosophising he might be supposed to have felt more conspicuous, in proportion as more en
some degree of tenderness, are treated with as larged views of nature, and of human affairs,
little ceremony as the most extravagant of the enable us to combine together that mass of
dogmatists. He has been often accused of a rich but indigested materials, in the compilation
leaning to the most absurd of all systems, that of which his own opinions and principles seem
of the Manicheans; and it must be owned, that to have been totally lost. Neither comprehen
there is none in defence of which he has so often sion, indeed, nor generalisation, nor metaphysical

' See the pretiice to Bishop Butler's Sermons.

' Particularly in the article entitled Pundit-tau.
' One of the earliest as well as the ablest of those who undertook a reply to the passages in Bayle which seem to favour
Manichelsm, candidly acquits him of any serious design to recommend that system to his readers. “ En ré ondsnt aux
objections Manichéennes, je ne pretends faire aucun tort a M. Bayle : que jc ne soupqonne nullement de les voriser. Je
suis persuade qu‘il n'a pris la liberté philosophique de dire, en bien des rencontres, le pour et le centre, sans rien dissimu
ler, que pour donner de l'exercice h ceux qui entendent les matieres qu‘il traite, et non pour favoriser ceux dont il explique
les raisons."_.(l’orrlmiana, on Pcmén Diverm, p. 802,3)“ M. Li: (Isaac. Amsterdam, 1699.)
‘ See the illustration upon the Sceptics at the end 0 the Dictionary.
‘ This supposition may be thought inconsistent with the Well known fact, that the Theodicée of Leibnitz was not pub
lished till after the death of Bayle. But it must be recollected. that Bayle had previously entered the lists with Leibnitz
in the article Homn‘m, where he had urged some very acute and forcible objections against the scheme ofprt-flfabl'uhrd lun
numy ,- a scheme which leads so naturally and obviously to that of optimism, that it was not diflicult to foresee what ground
Leibnitz was likely to take in defending his principles. The great aim of Bayle seems to hue been to provoke Leibnitz
to unfold the whole of his system and of its necessary consequences; well knowing what advantages in the management of
such a controversy would be on the side of the assailant.
The tribute paid b Leibnitz to the memory of his illustrious antagonist deserves to be quoted. “ Spenndum est.
:élium luminibus i ' nunc circumdari, quod terris negutum est : cum credibile sit, bonsm voluntltem ei nequsqusm
time."
“ Candidus insuctum miratur limen Olympi,
Sub pedibusque videt nubcs et sidera Daphnis."
156 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

depth,1 are to be numbered among the charac tion of this, I have only to refer to the copious
teristical attributes of his genius. Far less does and instructive extracts which he has produced
he ever anticipate, by the moral lights of the from Roman Catholic writers, concerning the -
soul, the slow and hesitating decisions of the un lives, and still more concerning the deaths, of
derstanding; or touch with a privileged hand Luther, Knox,‘ Buchanan, and various other
those mysterious chords to which all the social leaders or partizans of the Reformation. It
sympathies of our frame are responsive. Had would be impossible for any well-informed Pro
his ambition, however, been more exalted, or his testant to read these extracts, without indulging
philanthropy more warm and diffusive, he would a smile at their incredible absurdity, if every
probably have attempted less than he actually feeling of levity were not lost in a sentiment of
accomplished ; nor would he have stooped to en deep indignation at the efi’rontery and falsehood
joy that undisputed preleminence which the of their authors. In stating this observation, I
public voice has now unanimously assigned him, have taken my examples from Roman Catholic
among those inestimable though often ill requit libellers, without any illiberal prejudices against
ed authors, whom Johnson has called “ the the members of that church. The injustice done
pioneers of literature.” by Protestants to some of the conscientious de
The suspense of judgment which Bayle’s fenders of the old faith has been, in all probabi
Dictionary inspires with respect to facts, is, per lity, equally great; but this we have no oppor
haps, still more useful than that which it en tunity of ascertaining here, by the same direct
courages in matters of abstract reasoning. Fon evidence to which we can fortunately appeal, in
tenelle certainly went much too far, when he vindication of the three characters mentioned
said of history, that it was only a collection of above. With the history of two of them every
Fables Convenues ;-—a most significant and happy person in this country is fully acquainted; and
phrase, to which I am sorry that I cannot do I have purposely selected them in preference to
justice in an English version. But though Fon others, as their names alone are suflicient to cover
tenelle pushed his maxim to an extreme, there with disgrace the memory of their calumniators.‘
is yet a great deal of important truth in the re
mark ; and of this I believe every person’s con A few years before the death of Bayle, Fon
viction will be stronger, in proportion as his tenelle began to attract the notice of Europe.5
knowledge of men and of books is profound and I class them together on account of the mighty
extensive.9 . influence of both on the literary taste of their
Of the various lessons of historical scepticism contemporaries ; an influence in neither case
to be learned from Bayle, there is none more founded on any claims to original genius, or to
practically valuable (more especially in such important improvements; but on the attractions
revolutionary times as we have witnessed) than which they possessed in common, though in
that which relates to the biographical portraits very different ways, as popular writers; and on
of distinguished persons, when drawn by their the easy and agreeable access which their works
theological and political opponents. In illustra opened to the opinions and speculations of the

' I speak of that metaphysical drpth which is the exclusive result of what Newton called patient thinking. In logical
quickness, and metaphysical subtlety, Bayle has never been surpassed.
7 Montesquieu has exprcswd himself on this subject, in nearly as strong terms as Fontenelle. “ Les Histoires sont
des faits faux composes sur des faits vrais, ou bien h l'occasion des vmis.“-_(I’cnu"ea Divcrrc: dc Mox’rnsaurnu, Torn. V.
dc ses (Euvres. Ld. de Paris, 1818.)
' See Note QQ.
‘ Of all Bayle’s works, “ the most useful and the least sceptical,” according to Gibbon, “is his Commentairc Philoso
phiquc on these words of the Gospel, Comprl them to come in."
The great object of this commentary is to establish the general principles of Toleration, and to remonstrnte with the
members of Protestant churches on the inconsistency of their refusing to those they esteem heretics, the same indul HCE
which they claim for themselves in Catholic countries. The work is diffuse and rambling, like all Bayle‘s compositions;
but the matter is excellent, and well deserves the praise which Gibbon has bestowed on it.
‘ Bayle died in 1706. Fontcnelle’s first work in prose (the Dialogue: qf the Dead) was published as early as 1683. and
was quickly followed by his Cunvcnatiom on the Plurality qf H'orldr.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 157
learned. Nor do I depart so far as might at and to reproduce on the stage the heroes of an
first be supposed, from the order of chronology, cient Rome. The circumstance, however, which
in passing from the one to the other. For though more peculiarly marks and distinguishes his
Fontenelle survived almost to our own times writings, is the French mould in which education
(having very nearly completed a century at the and habit seem to have recast all the original
time of his death), the interval between his features of his mind ;—identifying, at the same
birth and that of Bayle was only ten years, and time, so perfectly the impressions of art with the
he had actually published several volumes, both workmanship of nature, that one would think
in prose and verse, before the Dictionary of Bayle the PARISIAN, as well as the MAN, had started
appeared. fresh and finished from her creative hand. Even
But my chief reason for connecting Fonte in his Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds,
nelle rather with the contemporaries of his youth the dry discussions with the Marchioness about
than with those of his old age is, that, during the now forgotten vortices of Descartes, are en
the latter part of his life, he was left far behind livened throughout by a never-failing spirit of
in his philosophical creed (for he never renoun light and national gallantry, which will for ever
ced his faith as a Cartesian)I by those very render them an amusing picture of the manners of
pupils to whose minds he had given so power the times, and of the character of the author. The
ful an impulse, and whom he had so long taught gallantry, it must be owned, is often strained
by his example, the art (till then unknown in and affected; but the afi'ectation sits so well on
modern times) of blending the truths of the Fontenelle, that he would appear less easy and
severer sciences with the lights and graces of graceful without it. .
eloquence. Even this eloquence, once so much The only other production of Fontenelle’s
admired, had ceased, before his death, to be re youth which deserves to be noticed is his History
garded as a model, and was fast giving way to qf Oracles ; a work of which the aim was, to
the purer and more manly taste in writing, re combat the popular belief that the oracles of an
commended by the precepts, and exemplified in tiquity were uttered by evil spirits, and that all
the historical compositions of Voltaire. these spirits became dumb at the moment of the
Fontenelle was a nephew of the great Cor Christian zera. To this work Fontenelle con
neille; but his genius was, in many respects, tributed little more than the agreeable and live
very strongly contrasted with that of the author ly form in which he gave it to the world; the
of the Cid. Of this he has himself enabled us chief materials being derived from a dull and
to judge by the feeble and unsuccessful attempts prolix dissertation on the same subject, by a
in dramatic poetry, by which he was first known learned Dutchman. The publication excited a
to the world. In these, indeed, as in all his keen opposition among divines, both Catholic
productions, there is an abundance of ingenu and Protestant; and, in particular, gave occa
ity, of elegance, and of courtly refinement; but sion to a very angry, and, it is said, not con
temptible criticism, from a member of the So
not the faintest vestigc of the mens divinior, or
of that sympathy with the higher and nobler ciety of Jesuits.l Itis mentioned by La Harpe,
passions which enabled Corneille to re-animate as an illustration of the rapid change in men’s

' Exceptin on a few metaphysical points. The chief of these were, the question concerning the origin of our ideas,
and that relatin to the nature of the lower animals. On the former of these sutzijects he has said explicitly: “ L‘An
cienne Philosop ie n'a pas toujours cu tort. Elle a soutcnu que tout ce qui étoit ans l‘esprit avoit paué par In mu, et
nous n‘aurions pas mal fait de conserver eels d'clle."--(Fragment (If an intended Trmtiu: on the: Human Mind.) On another
occasion, he states his own opinion on this point, in lan age coinciding exactly with that of Gassendi. “ A force d'operer
aur les premieres idées formées par lcs sens, d‘y ajouter, ( 'en retrancher, de les rendre de particulieres universclles. d‘univer
selles p us universelles encore, l'esprit les rend si différentes de ce qu’elles étoient d‘abord qu'on a quelquefoia peine h recon
nOitre leur
sublime piz ine. Cependant qui voudra prendre le fil et le suivre exactement, retournera tonjoura de l‘idée la plus
et laori
us élevée, a quelque idée sensible et grossiere."
’ To this criticism, the only reply made by l-‘ontenelle was a single sentence, which he addressed to a Jouenalid who
had ur ed him to take up arms in his own defence. " Je hisserai men censeur jouir en paix de son tnomphe; Je connenl
que le inble ait été prophete, puisque le Jesuitc le veut, et qu‘il croit cela plus orthodoxe."-(D‘Au:xnnn'r, 510;: de In
More.) We are to d by D‘Alembert, that the silence of Fontenelle, on this occasion, was owing to the advice of 1A
158 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

opinions which took place during Fontenelle’s than an outline; but this outline is always exe
life, that a book which, in his youth, was cen cuted with the firm and exact hand of a master.
sured for its impiety, Was regarded before his “ When employed in composition (he has some
death as a proof of his respect for religion. where said) my first concern is to be certain
The most solid basis of Fontenellc’s fame is that I myself understand what I am about to
his History of the Academy of Sciences, and his write ;” and on the utility of this practice every
Ebges oft/w Academician. Both of these works, page of his Historical Memoirs may serve as a
but more especially the latter, possess, in an comment.’
eminent degree, all the charms of his former As a writer of Eloges, he has not been equal
publications, and are written in a much simpler led (if I may be allowed to hazard my own opi
and better taste than any of the others. The nion) by any of his countrymen. Some of those,
materials, besides, are of inestimable value, as indeed, by D’Alembert and by Condorcet, ma
succinct and authentic records ofone of the most nifest powers of a far higher order than belonged
memorable periods in the history of the human to Fontenelle ; but neither of these writers pos
mind; and are distinguished by a rare imparti sessed Fontenelle’s incommunicable art of in
ality towards the illustrious dead, of all coun teresting the curiosity and the feelings of his
tries, and of all persuasions. The philosophi readers in the fortunes of every individual whom
cal reflections, too, which the author has most (be honoured by his notice. In this art it is not
skilfully interwoven with his literary details, improbable that they might have succeeded bet
discover-a depth and justness of understanding ter had they imitated Fontenelle’s self-denial in
far beyond the promise of his juvenile Essays; sacrificing the fleeting praise of brilliant colour
and afford many proofs of the soundness of his ing, to the fidelity and lasting efl'ect of their
logical views,I as well as of his acute and fine portraits ; a self-denial which. in him was the
discrimination of the varieties and shades of more meritorious, as his great ambition plainly
character, both intellectual and moral. was to unite the reputation of a bel-esprit with
The chief and distinguishing merit of Fonte that of a philosopher. A justly celebrated aca
nelle, as the historian of the Academy, is the demician of the present times Cuvier), who
happy facility with which he adapts the most has evidently adopted Fontenelle as his model,
abstruse and refined speculations to the compre has accordingly given an interest and truth to
hension of ordinary readers. Nor is this excel his Eloges, which the public had long ceased to
lence purchased by any sacrifice of scientific expect in that species of composition.5
precision. What he aims at is nothing more But the principal charm of Fontenelle’s Eloges

Motte. “ Fontenelle bien tente’ de terrasser son adversaire par la facilité u’il y trouvoit, fut retenu par les avis rudens
de La Motte; cet ami lui fit craindre de s'aliéner par sa re'ponse une sociét qui s‘appeloit Lég-ion, quand on avoit a aire au
demier de ses membres." The advice merits the attention of philosophers in all countries, for the spirit of Jesuitism is not
confined to the Church of Rome.
‘ An instance of this which happens at present to recur to my memory, may serve to illustrate and to confirm the above
remarhit; It is unnecessary to point out its coincidence with the views which gave birth to the new nomenclature in
c emis ry.
“ If languages had been the work of philosophers, they might certainly be more easily learned. Philosophers would
have estab shed everywhere a systematical uniformity, which would have proved a safe and infallible guide : and the man
ner of forming a derivative word, would, as a necessary consequence, have suggested its signification. The uncivilised
nations, who are the first authors of languages, fell naturally into that notion with respect to certain termination, all of
which have some common property or virtue; but that advantage, unknown to those who had it in their bands, was not
carried to a sufficient extent.”
’ From this praise, however, must be excepted, the mysterious jargon in which (after the example of some of his con
temporaries) he has indulged himselfin speaking of the geometry and calculus of infinite-s. “ Nous le disons avec peine
(says
oh l’onD'Alemhert), et sans plus
trouve des preuves vouloir outragerde
fréquentes lesl'abus
manesded’un homme célébreque
la métaphysique, quidans
n‘estl‘ouvrage
plus, il n’y
treea connu
peut-étre
de point d‘ouv
M. Fonterli‘ellizeg,~
qui a pour titre Elémcm de la Géométrie dc I’lnfint ,- ouvrage dent in lecture est d'autant lus dangereuse aux jeunes géo
metres que l‘auteur y présente les sophismes avec une sorte d’élégance et de grace, dont e sujct ne paroissoit pas suscep
tible."-(Mélangca, 8w. Tom. V. p. 264.)
_ ‘ D’Alembert, in his ingenious parallel of Fontenelle and La Motte, has made a remark on Fontenelle's style when he
aims at simplicity, of thegustness of which French critics alone are competent judges. “ L'un et l'autre ont écrit en prose
avec besucoup de clarte', ’élégance, de simplicité méme; mais La Motte avec une simplieité plus naturelle, et Fontenelle
\
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 159
arises from the pleasing pictures which they the accomplishments of a scholar grew more and
everywhere present of genius and learning in more into repute among the other characteristics
the scenes of domestic life. In this respect, it of a gentleman: and (what was of still greater
has been justly said of them by M. Suard,1 that p importance to the world) the learned discovered
“ they form the noblest monument ever raised the secret of cultivating the graces of writing,
to the glory of the sciences and of letters.” Fon as a necessary passport to truth, in a refined but
tenelle himself, in his Ebge of Varignon, after dissipated age.
remarking, that in him the simplicity of his cha Nor was this change of manners confined to
racter was only equalled by the superiority of one of the sexes. The other sex, to whom na
his talents, finely adds, “ I have already be ture has entrusted the first development of our
stowed so often the same praise on other mem intellectual and moral powers, and who may,
bers of this academy, that it may be doubted therefore, be regarded as the chief medium
whether it is not less due to the individuals, than through which the progress of the mind is con
to the sciences which they cultivated in com tinued from generation to generation, shared also
mon.” What a proud reply does this reflection largely in the general improvement. Fontenelle
afford to the Machiavellian calumniatcrs of phi aspired above all things to be the philosopher of
losophy ! _ the Parisian circles; and certainly contributed
The influence of these two works of Fon not a little to diffuse a taste for useful know
tenelle on the studies of the rising generation all ledge among women of all conditions in France,
over Europe, can be conceived by those alone by bringing it into vogue among the higher
who have compared them with similar produc classes. A reformation so great and so sudden
tions of an earlier date. Sciences which had could not possibly take place, without giving
long been immured in colleges and cloisters, birth to much afl'ectation, extravagance, and
began at length to breathe the ventilated and folly; but the whole analogy of human afl'airs
wholesome air of social life. The union of phi encourages us to hope, that the inconveniencies
losophy and the fine arts, so much boasted of in and evils connected with it will be partial and
the schools of ancient Greece, seemed to promise temporary, and its beneficial results permanent
a speedy and invigorated revival. Geometry, and progressive.“
Mechanics, Physics, Metaphysics, and Morals, Among the various moral defects imputed to
became objects of pursuit in courts and in camps; Fontenelle, that of a complete apathy and in

avec une simplicité plus étudiée: car is simplicité peut l‘étre, et des lors elle devient maniere, et cease d'étrc modele.“
An idea very similar to this is happily expressed by Congreve, in his portrait of Amoret:
Coquet and Coy at once her air,
Both studied, though both seem neglected :
Carelu: she is with artful care,
Mating to teem unqfléctcd
‘ Notice our la Vie et la Ecn't: du Docteur Roberlum. Paris, um.)
' Among the various other respects in which Fontene e contributed to the intellectual improvement of his countrymen,
it on ht to be mentioned, that he was one of the first writers in France who diverted the attention of metaphysicians from
the o d topics of scholastic discussion, to a philosophical investigation of the principles of the fine arts. Various 0 ' '
hints upon these subjects are scattered over his works: but the most favourable specimens of his talents for this very delicate
species of analysis are to be found in his Diuortation on Pmtorob, and in his Theory concnning the Delight we derive from
Tragedy.‘ His speculations, indeed, are not always just and satisfactory ; but they are seldom deficient in novelty or re.
flnement. Their principal fault, perhaps, arises from the author's disposition to carry his refinements too far; in con
sequence of which, his theories become chargeable with that sort of sublimated ingenuity which the French epithet Alambiqué
ex resses moreofprecisely
omething the sameandphilosophical
forcibly thanspirit
any word
may inbeour lan age.Fenelon‘s Dialogues on Eloquence, and in his Lcltzr on
tracetftin
Rhetoric and Poetry. The former of these treatises, besides its merits u a speculative discussion, contains various prac
tical hints, well entitled to the attention of those who aspire to eminence as public speakers; and of which the most
apparently trifling claim some regard, as the results of the author‘s reflections upon an art which few ever practised with
greater success.
Let me add, that both of these eminent men (who may be regarded as the fathers of philosophical criticism in France)
were zealous partizans and admirers of the Cartesian metaphysics. It is this critical branch of metaphysical science which,

' In the judgment of Mr Hume, “ there is not a finer of than Fontcneile‘s Diumatlon on Parlor-all ; in
which, by a number of reflections and philosophical reasoninga, he endeavours to fix the just medium between simplicity
and refinement, which is suitable to that species of poetry.’
 160 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

sensibility to all concerns but his own is by far tics which they ascribe to mankind”) the most
the most prominent. A letter of the Baron de faithful Eloge on Fontenclle himself is to be
Grimm, written immediately after Fontenclle’s found in those which he has pronounced upon
death, but not published till lately, has given a others.
new circulation' in thi country to some anec That the character of Fontenclle would have
dotes injurious to his memory, which had long been more amiable and interesting, had his vir
ago fallen into oblivion or contempt in France. tues been less the result of cold and prudent
'The authority, however, of this adventurer, who calculation, it is impossible to dispute. But his
earned his subsistence by collecting and retail conduct through life was pure and blameless;
ing, for the amusement of a German Prince, and the happy serenity of his temper, which
the literary scandal of Paris, is not much to be prolonged his life till he had almost completed
relied on in estimating a character with which his hundredth year, served as the best comment
he does not appear to have had any opportunity of on the spirit of that mild and benevolent philo
becoming personally acquainted ; more especially sophy, of which he had laboured so long to ex
as, during Fontenclle’s long decline, the great tend the empire.
majority of men of letters in France were dis It is a circumstance almost singular in his
posed to throw his merits into the shade, as history, that since the period of his death, his
an acceptable homage to the rising and more reputation, both as a man and as an author,
dazzling glories of Voltaire.1 It is in the Aca has been gradually rising. The fact has been
demical Memoirs of D’Alembert and Condorcet as remarkably the reverse with most of those
(neither of whom can be suspected of any un who have calumniated his memory.
just prejudice against Voltaire, but who were
both too candid to sacrifice truth to party feel While the circle of mental cultivation was
' ings) that we ought to search for Fontenclle’s thus rapidly widening in France, a similar pro
real portraitz' Or rather (if it be true, as gress was taking place, upon a larger scale, and
Dr Hutcheson has somewhere remarked, that under still more favourable circumstances, in
“ men have commonly the good or bad quali England. To this progress nothing contributed

in my opinion, has been most successfully cultivated by French writers; although too many of them have been infected
(after the example of Fontenclle) with the disease of sickly and of hyper-nzrtnphg/Jiml subtlety.
From this censure, however, must be excepted the Ahh-é Dubos, whose Critical IIq/lcctiom on Poetry and Painting is one
of the most agreeable and instructive works that can be put into the hands of youth. Few books are better calculated for
leadin their minds gradually from literature to philosop y. The author's theories, if not always profound or just, are in
generzil marked with good sense as well as with ingenuity; and the subjects to which they relate are so peculiarly attrac
tive, as to fix the attention even of those readers who have but little relish for speculative discussions. “ Ce qui fait la
bonté de cet ouvrage (says Voltaire) c’est qu‘il n‘y a que pen d‘erreurs, et beaucoup de réflexions vraies, nouvelles, et pro
fondes. ll manque cependant d'ordre et sur-tout de precision ; il auroit pu étre eerit avec plus de feu, de grace, et d‘elé
gance ; moi: l‘écrizuziu peme clfa'it pcn.rrr.”__(.S'iEclc do Louis XIV.)
‘ As to Voltaire himself, it must be mentioned, to his honour, that though there seems never to have been much cordia
lity between him and Fontenclle, he had yet the magnanimity to give a place to this Nestor of French literature in his
catalogue of the eminent persons who adorned the reign of Louis XI V. : a tribute of respect the more flattering. as it is
the single instance in which he has departed from his general rule of excluding from his list the names of all his living con-
temporaries. Even Fontenclle’s most devoted admirers ought to be satisfied with the liberality of Voltaire's eulogy, in
which, after pronouncing Fontenelle “ the most universal genius which the age of Louis XIV. had produced,” he thus sums
up his meritsas an author. “ Enfin on l’a regardé comme le premier des hommes dans l‘art nouveau de ré ndre de la
lumiére et des graces sur les sciences abstraites. et il a eu du me’rite dans tous les autres genres qu'il a trait s. Tant de
talens ont été soutenus par la connoissnnce des langues et de l'histoire, et 51:: élé ran: conlrcdit au-denu: detour 1e: :yavam qm'
n'lmt pa: cu le don dc I‘invcntiun.” '
' Condorcet has said ex ressly, that his apathy was confined entirely to what re rded himself; and that he was always
an active, though frequently a concealed friend, where his good oiiices could be use ul to those who deserved them. “ On a
cru Fontenclle insensible, parce que sachant maitriser les mouvemens de son time il se conduisoit d‘apres son esprit, toujours
juste et toujours sage. D'ailleurs, il avoit consenti sans peine a conserver cette reputation d‘insensibilité; il avoit souii'ert
les plaisanteries de ses societés sur sa froidcur, sans chercher a les détromper, parce que, bien stir que les vraies amis n'en
seroit pas la dupe, il voyoit dans cette reputation un moyen commode de se délivrcr des indifl'érens sans ble'sser leur amour
propre."_-(Elog¢ de Fantmelle, par Connonc'a'r.)
Many of FonteneIle's sayin ', the import of which must have depended entirely on circumstances of time and place un
known to us, have been absur ly quoted to his disadvantage, in their literal and most obvious acceptstion. “ I hate war
(said be), for it spoils conversation.” Can any just inference be drawn from the levity of this convivial sally, against the
humanity of the person who uttered it? Or father, when connected with the characteristics] fine“: of Foutenelle’s wit,
does it not lead to a conclusion precisely opposite ?
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 161
more powerfully than the periodical papers pub form an estimate; but none of his contempo
lished under various titles by Addison1 and his raries seem to have been more completely tinc
associates. The effect of these in reclaiming tured with all that is most valuable in the me~
the public taste from the licentiousness and taphysical and ethical systems of his time.8
grossness introduced into England at the period But what chiefly entitles the name of Addi
of the Restoration; in recommending the most son to a place in this Discourse, is his Essayson
serious and important truths by the united at the Pleasures of Imagination; the first attempt
tractions of wit, humour, imagination, and elo in England to investigate the principles of the
quence; and, above all, in counteracting those fine arts; and an attempt which, notwithstand
superstitious terrors which the weak and igno ing many defects in the execution, is entitled to
rant are so apt to mistake for religious and moral the praise of having struck out a new avenue to
impressions—has been remarked by numberless the study of the human mind, more alluring
critics, and is acknowledged even by those who than any which had been opened before. In
felt no undue partiality in favour of the authors. ' this respect, it forms a most important supple
Some of the papers of Addison, however, are of ment to Locke’s Survey qf the Intellectual Powers ,
an order still higher, and bear marks of a mind and it has, accordingly, served as a text, on
which, if early and steadily turned to philoso which the greater part of Locke’s disciples have
phical pursuits, might have accomplished much been eager to ofl'er their comments and their
more than it ventured to undertake. His fre corrections. The progress made by some of
quent references to the Essay on Human Under these in exploring this interesting region has
standing, and the high encomiums with which been great; but let not Addison be defrauded of
they are always accompanied, show how suc his claims as a discoverer.
cessfully he had entered into the spirit of that Similar remarks may be extended to the hints
work, and how completely he was aware of the suggested by Addison on Wit, on Humour, and
importance of its object. The popular nature on the causes of Laughter. It cannot, indeed,
of his publications, indeed, which rendered it be said of him, that be exhausted any one of
necessary for him to avoid everything that these subjects; but he had at least the merit of
might savour of scholastic or of metaphysical starting them as problems for the consideration
discussion, has left us no means of estimating of philosophers; nor would it be easy to name
his philosophical depth, but what are afforded among his successors, a single writer who has
by the results of his thoughts on the particular made so important a step towards their solution,
topics which he has occasion to allude to, and as the original proposer.
by some of his incidental comments on the The philosophy of the papers to which the fore
scientific merits of preceding authors. But going observations refer, has been pronounced
these means are sufficiently ample to justify a to be slight and superficial, by a crowd of modern
very high opinion of his sound and unprejudiced metaphysicians, who were but ill entitled to erect
judgment, as well as of the extent and correct themselves into judges on such a question.‘ The
ness of his literary information. Of his powers singular simplicity and perspicuity of Addison’s
as a logical reasoner he has not enabled us to style have contributed much to the prevalence

‘ Born in 1672, died in 1719.

" See Pope‘s Imitation: qfHorace, Book II. Epistle I. “ Unhappy Dryden," &c. are.
' I quote the following from Addison, not as a specimen of his meta hysical acumen, but as a proof of his good
sense in divining and obviating a difficulty which I believe most persons wi acknowledge occurred to themselves when
they first entered on metaphysical studies :
“ Although we divide the soul into several were and faculties, there is no such division in the soul itself. since it is
the whole mul that remembers, understands, wi ls, or imagines. Our manner of considering the memory, understanding.
will, imagination, and the like faculties, is for the better enabling us to express ourselves in such abstracted subjects of
speculation, not that there is any such division in the soul itself." In another part of the same paper. Addison observes,
that “ what we call the faculties of the soul are only the different ways or modes in which the soul can exert herself."—
(Spedator, No. 600.)
For so§e im rtant remarks on the words Power: and Faadtiu, as applied to the Mind, sec Locke, D. II. Ch. xxi. § 20.
' See ote R
DXSS. 1- PART II. X
162 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

of this prejudice. Eager for the instruction, would lead me completely astray from my pre
and unambitious of the admiration of the multi sent object. It will not be equally foreign to it
tude, he everywhere studies to bring himself to quote the two following short passages,
down to their level; and even when he thinks which, though not strictly metaphysical, are, both
with the greatest originality, and writes with of them, the result of metaphysical habits of
the most inimitable felicity, so easily do we en thinking, and bear a stronger resemblance than
ter into the train of his ideas, that we can hard anything I recollect among the wits of Queen
ly persuade ourselves that we could not have Anne’s reign, to the best philosophy of the pre
thought and written in the same manner. He sent age. They approach, indeed, very nearly to
has somewhere said of “ fine writing,” that it the philosophy of Turgot and of Smith. '
“ consists of entiments which are natural, with “ Among other excellent arguments for the
out being obvious :” and his definition has been immortality of the soul, there is one drawn from
applauded by Hume, as at once concise and just. the perpetual progress of the soul to its perfec
Of the thing defined, his own periodical essays tion, without a possibility of ever arriving at it;
exhibit the most perfect examples. which is a hint that I do not remember to have
To this simplicity and perspicuity, the wide seen opened and improved by others who have
circulation which his works have so long main written on this subject, though it seems to me
tained among all classes of readers, is in a great to carry a great weight with it. A brute arrives
measure to be ascribed. His periods are not at a point of perfection that he can never pass.
constructed, like those of Johnson, to “ elevate In a few years he has all the endowments he is
and surprise,” by filling the ear and dazzling capable of; and were he to live ten thousand
the fancy; but we close his volumes with greater more, would be the same thing he is at present.
reluctance, and return to the perusal of them with Were a human soul thus at a stand in her ac
far greater alacrity. Franklin, whose fugitive complishments, were her faculties to be full
publications on political topics have had so extra blown, and incapable of further enlargement, I
ordinary an influence on public opinion, both in would imagine it might fall away insensibly,
the Old and New Worlds, tells us that his style in and drop at once into a state of annihilation.
writing was formed upon the model of Addison: But can we believe a thinking being, that is in
Nor do I know anything in the history of his a perpetual progress of improvement, and tra
life which does more honour to his shrewdness velling on from perfection to perfection, after
and sagacity. The copyist, indeed, did not pos having just looked abroad into the works of its
sess the gifted hand of his master,—Museo con Creator, and made afew discoveries of his in
tingens cuncta lepore ,' but such is the efl'ect of finite goodness, wisdom, and power, must perish
his plain and seemingly artless manner, that the at her first setting out, and in the very begin
most profound conclusions of . political economy ning of her inquiries ?”'
assume, in his hands, the appearance of indis The philosophy of the other passage is not
putable truths; and some of them, which had unworthy of the author of the Wealth ofNations.
been formerly confined to the speculative few, The thought may be traced to earlier writers, but
are already current in every country of Europe, certainly it was never before presented with the
as proverbial maxims. 1 same fulness and liveliness of illustration; nor
To touch, however slightly, on Addison’s do I know, in all Addison’s works, a finer in
other merits, as a critic, as a wit, as a specula ‘stance of his solicitude for the improvement of
tive politician, and, above all, as a moralist, his fair readers, than the address with which he

1 The expressions “ Laiuez nomfaire,” and “pal tmp gossamer,” which com rise, in a few words, two of the most im'
portant lessons of Political Wisdom, are indebted chiefly for their extensive circ ation to the short and luminous comments
of Franklin.-(See his Political Fragmentr, § 4.)
2 This ment ha been prosecuted with great ingenuity and force of reasoning (blended, however: with some of the
peculiarities of his Berkeleian metaphysics) by the late Dr James Hutton-(See his Investigation Q)" the Principle: of Know
ledge, Vol, III. p. 195, ct reg. Edin. 1794.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. '163
here insinuates one of the sublimest moral les ed at a greater distance from each other than at
sons, while apparently aiming only to amuse the Revolution, when Locke stood at the head
them with the geographical history of the mufl' of one party, and Dryden of the other.” He
and the tippet. observes, also, that “ a very great progress to
“ Nature seems to have taken a particular wards their re-union had been made within these
care to disseminate her blessings among the dif few years.” To this progress the chief impulse was
ferent regions of the world, with an eye to the undoubtedly given by Addison and Shaftesbury.
mutual intercourse and traffic among mankind; Notwithstanding, however, my strong parti
that the natives of the several parts of the globe ality for the former of these writers, I should
might have a kind of dependance upon one be truly sorry to think, with Mr Hume, that
another, and be united together by their com “ Addison will be read with pleasure when
mon interest. Almost every degree produces Locke shall be entirely forgotten.”——‘(Essay 0n
something peculiar to it. The food often grows the Dg'fi'erent Species of Philosophy.)
in one country, and the sauce in another. The
fruits of Portugal are corrected by the products A few years before the commencement of
of Barbadoes; the infusion of a China plant, these periodical works, a memorable accession
sweetened with the pith of an Indian cane. The was made to metaphysical science, by the pub
Philippine Islands give a flavour to our Euro lication of Berkeley’s New Theory of Vision, and
pean bowls. The single dress of a woman of of his Principles of Human Knowledge. Possess
quality is often the product of a hundred cli ed of a mind which, however inferior to that
mates. The mufl' and the fan come together from of Locke in depth of reflection and in soundness
the opposite ends of the earth. The scarf is of judgment, was fully its equal in logical acute
sent from the torrid zone, and the tippet from ness and invention, and in learning, fancy, and
beneath the pole. The brocade petticoat rise taste, far its superior,—Berkeley was singularly
out of the mines of Peru, and the diamond neck fitted to promote that re-union of Philosophy and
lace out of the bowels of Indostan.” of the Fine Arts which is so essential to the
But I must not dwell longer on the fascinat prosperity of both. Locke, we are told, despis
ing pages of Addison. Allow me only, before ed poetry; and we know from one of his own
I close them, to contrast the last extract with a letters, that, among our English poets, his fa
remark of Voltaire, which, shallow and con vourite author was Sir Richard Blackmore.
temptible as it is, occurs more than once, both Berkeley, on the other hand, courted the society
in verse and in prose, in his voluminous writings. of all, from whose conversation and manners
Il murit, h Moka, dans le sable Arshique,
he could hope to add to the embellishments of
Ce Cafl‘é nécessaire aux pays des frimats; his genius; and although himself a decided and
ll met la Fievre en nos climnts, High Church Tory,1 lived in habits of friend
l'lt le reméde en Amerique. ship with Steele and Addison, as well as with
‘ (Epitrc au Roi du Prune, 1760.)
Pope and Swift. Pope’s admiration of him
And yet Voltaire is admired as a philosopher seems to have risen to a sort of enthusiasm. He
by many who will smile to hear this title bestow yielded to Berkeley’s decision on a very delicate
ed upon Addison l question relating to the exordium of the Essay
It is observed by Akenside, in one of the notes on Man ; and on his moral qualities he has be
to the Pleasures of Imagination, that “ Philoso stowed the highest and most unqualified eulogy
phy and the Fine Arts can hardly be conceiv to be found in his writings.

‘ See a volume of Sermons, preached in the chapel of Trinity College, Dublin. See also a Discourse addressed to Ma
gistrates, 8w. printed in 1736. In both of these publications, the author carries his 'l‘ory principles so far, as to represent
the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance as an essential article of the Christian faith. “ The Christian religion
makes every legal constitution sacred, by commanding our submission thereto. Let terry soul be lubjcc: to the higher pone",
saith St Paul, for the power: that be are ordained of God.”
164 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

“ Even in a Bishop I can spy desert; sight from ‘the seemingly instantaneous conclu
Seeker is decent : Rundle has a heart; sions which experience and habit teach us to
Manners with candour are to Benson given; draw from them in our earliest infancy; or, in
To Berkeley every virtue under Heaven." the more concise metaphysical language of a
With these intellectual and moral endow later period, to draw the line between the ori
ments, admired and blazoned as they were by ginal and the acquired perceptions of the eye.
the most distinguished wits of his age, it is not They who wish to study it in detail, will find
surprising that Berkeley should have given a ample satisfaction, and, if they have any relish
popularity and fashion to metaphysical pursuits, for such studies, an inexhaustible fund of enter
which they had never before acquired in Eng tainment, in Berkeley’s own short but masterly
land. Nor was this popularity diminished by exposition of his principles, and in the excellent
the boldness of some of his paradoxes :‘on the comments upon it by Smith of Cambridge; by
contrary, it was in no small degree the effect of Porterfield; by Reid; and, still more lately, by
them; the great bulk of mankind being always the author of the Wealth of Nations1
prone to mistake a singularity or eccentricity of That this doctrine, with respect to the acquir
thinking, for the originality of a creative genius. ed perceptions of sight, was quite unknown to
The solid additions, however, made by Berke the best metaphysicians of antiquity, we have
ley to the stock of human" knowledge were im direct evidence in a passage of Aristotle’s Nico
portant and brilliant. Among these, the first maclu'an Ethics, where he states the distinction
place is unquestionably due to his New Theory between those endowments which are the imme
of Vision ; a work abounding with ideas so dif diate gift of nature, and those which are the
ferent from those commonly received, and, at fruit of custom and habit. In the former class,
the same time, so profound and refined, that it he ranks the perceptions of sense, mentioning
was regarded by all but a few accustomed to deep particularly the senses of seeing and of hearing.
metaphysical reflection, rather in the light of a The passage (which I have transcribed in a
philosophical romance, than of a sober inquiry Note) is curious, and seems to me decisive on
after truth. Such, however, has been since the the subject.R
progress and diffusion of this sort of knowledge, The misapprehensions of the ancients on this
that the leading and most abstracted doctrines very obscure question will not appear surprising,
contained in it, form now an essential part of when it is considered, that forty years after the
every elementary treatise of optics, and are publication of Berkeley’s Theory of Vision, and
adopted by the most superficial smatterers in sixty years after the date of Locke’s Essay, the
science as fundamental articles of their faith. subject was so imperfectly understood in France,
Of a theory, the outlines of which cannot fail that Condillac (who is, to this day, very gene
to be familiar to a great majority of my readers, rally regarded by his countrymen as the father
it would be wholly superfluous to attempt any of genuine logic and metaphysics) combated at
explanation here, even if it were consistent with great length the conclusions of the English phi
the limits within which I am circumscribed. losophers concerning the acquired perceptions of
Suflice it to observe, that its chief aim is to dis sight; aflirming that “ the eye judges naturally
tinguish the immediate and natural objects of of figures, of magnitudes, of situations, and of

' y this excellent judge, Berkeley‘s New Theory qf Vision is pronounced to be “ one of the finest examples of Philoso
phical Analysis that is to e found in our own, or any other language.“_(Euays on Philomphical Subjcm. Lond. 1795,
p. 215.)
’ Oi yie ix 6701.11,)”; 11:", a? falling inu'lm Ira: ai'lvlncli'; iAaBa/sn, EA): nivaw‘u'ln, ixn'rl; ixenra'lulla, i xencz'puu ixoyn.
(Ethic. Man/loch. Lib. ii. cap. 1.)
' “ For it is not from seeing often, or from hearing often, that we get these senses; but, on the contrary, instead of get
tingthem by using them, we use them because we have got them."
ad Aristotle been at all aware of the distinction so finely illustrated by Berkeley, instead of appealing to the percep_
tions of these two senses, as instances of endowments cocval with our birth, he would have uoted them as the most
striking of all examples of the effects of custom in apparently identifying our acquired powers With our original faculties.
 DISERTATION FIRST. 165
distances.” His argument in support of this because‘we are no longer obliged to study in
opinion is to be found in the sixth section of order to use them. I retained these prejudices
his Essay on the Origin qf Human Krwwledge. at the time I published my Essay on the Origin
It is diflicult to suppose, that a person of of Human Knowledge; the reasonings of Locke
mature years, who had read and studied Locke on a man born blind, to whom the sense of sight
and Berkeley with as much care and attention was afterwards given, did not undeceive me :
as Condillac appears to have bestowed on them, and I maintained against this philosopher that the
should have reverted to this ancient and vulgar eye judges naturally offigures, of sizes, of situa
prejudice; without suspecting that his metaphy tions, and of distances.”-—Not.hing short of his
sical depth has been somewhat overrated by the own explicit avowal could have convinced me,
world.1 It is but justice, however, to Condillac that a writer of so high pretensions and of such
to add, that, in a subsequent work, he had the unquestionable ingenuity as Condillac, had real
candour to acknowledge and to retract his er ly commenced his metaphysical career under so
ror ;—a rare example of that disinterested love gross and unaccountable a delusion.
of truth, which is so becoming in a philosopher. In bestowing the praise of originality on
I quote the passage (in a literal, thoufli some Berkeley’s Theory of Visimi, I do not mean to
what abridged version), not only to show, that, say, that the whole merit of this Theory is ex
in the above statement, I have not misrepre clusively his own. In this, as in most other
sented his opinion, but because I consider this cases, it may be presumed, that the progress of
remarkable circumstance in his literary history the human mind has been gradual: And, in
as a peculiarly amiable and honourable trait in point of fact, it will, on examination, be found,
his character. that Berkeley only took up the inquiry where
“ “’e cannot recall to our memory the igno Locke dropped it; following out his principles
rance in which we were born: It is a state to their remoter consequences, and placing them
which leaves no trace behind it. We only re in so great a variety of strong and happy lights,
collect our ignorance of those things, the know as to bring a doctrine till tlwn understood but by
ledge of which we recollect to have acquired; a few, within the reach of every intelligent and
and to remark what we acquire, some previous attentive reader. For my own part, on com
knowledge is necessary. That memory which paring these two philosophers together, I am at
now renders us so sensible of the step from one a loss whether most to admire the powerful and
acquisition to another, cannot remount to the penetrating sagacity of the one, or the fertility
first steps of the progress; on the contrary, it of invention displayed in the illustrations of the
supposes them already made; and hence the other. What can be more clear and forcible
origin of our disposition to believe them connate than the statement of Locke quoted in the Note
with ourselves. To say that we have learnt to below; and what an idea does it convey of his
see,-to hear, to taste, to smell, to touch, appears superiority to Condillac, when it is considered,
a most extraordinary paradox. It seems to us that be anticipated a prion' the same doctrine
that nature gave us the complete use of our which was afterwards confirmed by the fine
senses the moment she formed them, and that analysis of Berkeley, and demonstrated by the
we have always made use of them without study, judicious experiments of Chesclden ; while the

I Voltaire, at an earlier period, had seized completely the scope of Berkeley's theory ; and had explained it with equal
brevity and precision, in the following p .nso f his 9' ‘ ofllwNtJ ‘ I’Mloropby :_
“ Il faut absolument conclure, que les distances, les grandeurs, les situations ne sont pas, h propremont puler, dos chosen
visibles, c‘est a dire, ne sont pas les objets propres et immediate de la vue. L‘objet propre ct immédiut de la vue n‘est
nutre chose que la lumiere colorée: tout lc restc, nous no le sentons qu'a la lougue ct par expérience. Nous apprenons a
voir, précisément comme nous apprcnons h parlor et a. lire. La difference est, que Port de voir est plus facile, et que la
nature est égnlement a tour: notre maitre.
“ Les jugemens soudains, presque uniforr les. que toutes nos fimes 2: un certain age portent deo distnnccs, dos grandeurs,
dos situations, nous font penser, qu'il n‘y a qu‘a ouvrir lcs yeux pour voir la manierc dont nous royons. ()1: se trompc, il
y fnut le secours des autres sons. Si les hommes n‘uvoient que le sens de la vue, ils n'auroient aucun moyen pour con
nfiitre l'étendue en longeur, largeur et profondeur, at an pur esprit us In connoitroit pcut-étre, a mains que Dieu ne la lui
révélat."-Phy|. Newton, Chap. 7.
 166 ' PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

French metaphysician, with all this accumula to it by many who, in all probability, derived
tion of evidence before him, relapsed into a pre their whole information concerning it from the
judice transmitted to modern times, from the traditional and inexact transcripts of book-mak
very infancy of optical science P ing historians. In the introductory sentences
I believe it would be diflicult to produce from of his Essay, he states very clearly and candid
any writer prior toLocke, an equal number of im ly the conclusions of his immediate predecessors
portant facts relating to the intellectual phenome on this class of our perceptions; and explains,
na, as well observed, and as unexceptionably de with the greatest precision, in what particulars
scribed, as those which I have here brought under‘ his own opinion differs from theirs. “ It is, I
my reader’s eye. It must appear evident, besides, think, agreed by all, that distance, of itself, can
to all who have studied the subject, that Locke not be seen. For distance being a line directed
has, in this passage, enunciated, in terms the end-wise to the 'eye, it projects only one point
most precise and decided, the same general con in the fund of the eye, which point remains in
clusion concerning the effect of constant and variably the same, whether the distance be
early habits, which it was the great object of longer or shorter.
Berkeley’s Theory of Vision to establish, and “ I find it also acknowledged, that the esti
which, indeed, gives to that work its chief value, mate we make of the distance of objects consi
when considered in connection with the Philo derably remote, is rather an act of judgment
sophy of the Human Mind. grounded on experience, than of sense. For ex
Berkeley himself, it is to be observed, by no ample, when I perceive a great number of inter
means lays claim to that complete novelty in mediate objects, such as houses, fields, rivers,
his Theory of Vision, which has been ascribed and the like, which I have experienced to take

' “ \Ve are farther to consider," says Locke, “ concerning perception, that the ideas we receive by sensation are often in
grown people altered by the judgment, without our taking notice of it. \Vhen we set before our eyes a round globe, of any
uniform colour, 1:. g. gold, alabaster, or jet, it is certain that the idea thereby imprinted in our mind is of a flat circle, va
riously shadowed, wit several degrees of light and brightness coming to our eyes. But we having by use been accustomed
to rceive what kind of appearance convex bodies are wont to make in us, what alterations are made in the reflections of
ances by the
into‘ difference
their causes, of
sothe sensible
that, uretruly
from w at of bodies; theof
is variety judgment
shadow orpresently, by an habitual
colour, collecting custom,
the figure altersitthe
it makes apgoal-"a.
pass
mark of figure, and frames to itself the perception of a convex figure, and an uniform colour; when the idea we receive
from thence is only a plane variously coloured, as is evident in painting. ' ' ' '
“ But this is not, I think, usual in any of our ideas, but those received by sight ;' because sight, the most comprehensive
of all our senses, conveying to our minds the ideas of lights and colours, which are peculiar only to that sense ; and also
the far different ideas of space, figure, or motion, the several varieties whereof chan the appearances of its proper ohLects,
viz. light and colours, we bring ourselves by use to jurqge of the one by the other. gFhis, in many cases, by a settled shit
in things whereof we have frequent experience, is pe ormed so constantly and so quick, that we take that for the perception
of our sensation, which is an idea formed by our jud ent; so that one, viz. that of sensation, serves only to excite the
other, and is scarce taken notice of itself: as a man w 0 reads or hours with attention-or understanding, takes little notice
of the characters or sounds, but of the ideas that are excited in him by them.
“ Nor need we wonder that it is done with so little notice, if we consider how very quick the actions of the mind are per
formed; for as itself is thought to take up no space, to have no extension, so its actions seem to require no time, but many
. of them seem to be crowded into an instant. I speak this in comparison to the actions of the body. Any one may easily
observe this in his own thoughts, who will take the pains to reflect on them. How, as it were in an instant, do our minds
with one glance see all the parts of a demonstration, which may very well be called a long one, if we consider the time it
will require to put it into words, and step by step show it to another? Secondly, we shall not be so much surprised
that this is done in us with so little notice, if we consider how the facility which we get of doing things by acustom of doing
makes them often pass in us without our notice. Habitr, especially such as are begun very early, come at last to produce
actions in us, which often esca e our observations. How frequently do we in a day cover our eyes with our eye-lids, with
out perceiving that we are at a l in the dark ? Men that have by custom got the use of a bye-word, do almost in every
sentence pronounce sounds, which, though taken notice of by others, they themselves neither hear nor observe; and, there
fore, it is not so strange, that our mind should often change the idea of its remation into that of its judgment, and make one
serve only to excite t e other, without our taking notice of it."-(Locn:‘s Work-.1, Vol. I. p. 123, ct nq.)

' Mr Locke might, however, have remarked somethin very :imilar to it in the perceptions of the ear; I very large pro
portion of its appropriate objects being rather judged of t an actually perceived. I_n the ra idity (for exam le) of common
conversation, how many syllables, and even words, escape the notice of the most attentive bearer; whic syllables and
words are so quickly supplied from the relation which they bear to the rest of the sentence, that it is quite impossible to dis
tinguish between the audible and the inaudible sounds! A very palpable instance of this occurs in the difficulty expe
rienced by the most acute ear in catching proper name: or arithmetical sums, or words borrowed from unknown tongues, the
first time they are pronounced.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 167
up a considerable space; I thence form a judg men and current accounts” given by mathema
ment or conclusion, that the object I see beyond ticians of our perceiving near distances by sight.
them is at a great distance. Again, when an He then proceeds to show, that they are unsa
object appears faint and small, which, at a near tisfactory; and that it is necessary, for the so
distance, I haVe experienced to make a vigorous lution of this problem, to avail ourselves of prin
and large appearance,- I instantly conclude it to ciples borrowed from a higher philosophy : Af
be far off. And this, ’tis evident, is the result ter which, he explains, in detail, his own theory
of experience ; without which, from the faintness concerning the ideas (sensations) which, by ex
and littleness, I should not have inferred any perience, become signs of distance ;1 or (to use
thing concerning the distance of objects. his own phraseology) “ by which distance is
“ But when an object is placed at so near a suggested' to the mind." The result of the
distance, as that the interval between the eyes whole is, that, “ a man born blind, being made
bears any sensible proportion to it, it is the re to see, would not at first have any idea of dis
ceived opinion that the two optic axes, concur tance by sight. The sun and stars, the remotes!
ring at the object, do there make an angle, by oly'eclsaswellasthenearest, would all sccmtobe
means of which, according as it is greater or in his Eye, or rather in his Mind."
less, the object is perceived to be nearer or far From this quotation it appears, that, before
ther ofl'. Berkeley’s time, philosophers had advanced
“ There is another way mentioned by the greatly beyond the point at which Aristotle
optic writers, whereby they will have us judge stopped, and towards which Condillac, in his first
of those distances, in respect of which the publication, made a retrograde movement. Of
breadth of the pupil hath any sensible bigness; this progress some of the chief steps may be
and that is, the greater or less divergency of traced as early as the twelfth century in the
the rays, which, issuing from the visible point, Optics of Alhazen ;‘ and they may be perceived
do fall on the pupil; that point being judged still more clearly and distinctly in various op
nearest, whichis seen by most diverging rays, tical writers since the revival of letters; parti
and that remoter, which is seen by less diver cularly in the Optica Promota of James Gre
ging rays." gory.6 Father Malebranche went still farther,
These (according to Berkeley) are the “ com and even anticipated some of the metaphysical

‘ For assisting ersons unaccustomed to metaphysical studies to enter into the s irit and scope of Berkeley‘s Theory, the
best illustration I know of is furnished by the phenomena of the Phanlannagim'o. it is sullicient to hint at this application
of these phenomena, to those who know anything of the subject.
' The word mggrrt is much used by Berkeley, in this appropriate and technical sense, not only in his Theory of Vision,
but in his Principle: qf Human Knowledge, and in his Minute Philosopher. It ex resses, indeed, the cardinal principle on
which his Theory of Vision hinges; and is now so inc rated with some of our t metaphysical speculations, that one
cannot easily conceive how the use of it was so long ispensed with. Locke (in the passage quoted in the Note, p. [07.)
uses the word excite for the same purpose; but it seems to imply an hypothesis concerning the nwchanirm of the mind, and
by no means ex rcsses the fact in question with the same force and precision.
It is remarhhle, that Dr Reid should have thought it incumbent on him to apologise for introducing into philosophy 11
word so familiar to every person conversant with Berkele ‘s works. “ I beg leave to make use of the word Iugg‘cdl'on, be.
cause I know not one more proper to ex ress a power of the mind, which seems entirely td have escaped the notice of phi
losophers, and to which we owe many 0 our simple notions which are neither im ressions nor ideas, as well as many origi
nal princi ales of belief. I shall endeavour to explain, by an example, what I un erstand by this word. \Ve all know that
a certain ltind of sound luggrm immediately to the mind a coach passing in the street; and not only produces the imagina
tion, but the belief, that a coach is passing. Yet there is no comparing of ideas, no perception of agreements or disagree
mcnts to produce this belief; nor is there the least aimilitude between the sound we hear, and the coach we imagine and
believe to be easing."
So far Dr eid's use of the word coincides exactly with that of Berkeley ; but the former will he found to annex to it a
meaning more extensive than the latter, b employing it to comprehend not only those intimation: which are the result of
experience and habit; but another class 0 intimation: (quite oVerlooked by Berkeley), those which result from the original
frame of the human mind-(See Ram's Inquiry, chap. ii. sect. 7.)
1 I request the attention of my readers to this last sentence, as I have little doubt that the fact here stated gave rise to
the theory which Berkeley afterwards adopted, concerning the non-existence of the material world. It is not, indeed, sur
prising that a conclusion, so very curious with respect to the objects of sight, should have been, in the first ardour of dis
covery, too hastily extended to those qualities also which are the appropriate objects of touch.
‘ Alhazen, Lib. ii. N N. 10. 12. 39
' See the end of Prop. 28.
168 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

reasonings of Berkeley concerning the means by quite superfluous for me to resume the consi
which experience enables us to judge of the dis deration of them here.’ In neither instance are
tances of near objects. In proof of this, it is his reasonings so entirely original as has been
suflicient to mention the explanation he gives of commonly supposed. In the former, they co
the manner in which a comparison of the percep incide in substance, although With' immense im
tions of sight and of touch teaches us gradually provements in the form, with those of the scho
to estimate by the eye the distances of all those lastic nominalists, as revived and modified by
objects which are Within reach of our hands, or Hobbes and Leibnitz. In the latter instance,
of which we are accustomed to measure the dis they amount to little more than an ingenious
tance, by walking over the intermediate ground. and elegant development of some principles of
In rendering this justice to earlier writers, IMalebranche, pushed to certain paradoxical but
have no wish to detract from the originality of obvious consequences, of which Malebrauche,
Berkeley. With the single exception, indeed, though unwilling to avow them, appears to have
of the passage in Malebranche which I have been fully aware. These consequences, too,
just referred to, and which it is more than pro had been previously pointed out by Mr Norris,
. bable was unknown to Berkeley when his theory a very learned divine of the church of England,
first occurred to him,1 I have ascribed to his whose name has unaccountably failed in obtain
predecessors nothing more than what he has ing that distinction to which hi acuteness‘ as a
himself explicitly acknowledged to belong to logician, and his boldness as a theorist, justly
them. All that I wished to do was, to supply entitled him is
some links in the historical chain, which he has The great object of Berkeley, in maintaining
omitted. his system of idealism, it may be proper to re
The influence which this justly celebrated mark in passing, was to cut up by the roots the
work has had, not only in perfecting the theory scheme of materialism. “ Matter (he tells us
of optics, but in illustrating the astonishing ef himself) being once expelled out of nature, drags
fects of early habit on the mental phenomena in with it so many sceptical and impious notions.
general, will sufficiently account to my intelli '* "' "* ‘ Without it your Epicureans, Hobbists,
gent readers for the length to which the fore and the like, have not even the shadow of a
going observations upon it have extended. pretence, but become the most cheap and easy
Next in point of importance to Berkeley’s New triumph in the world.”
Theory of Vision, which I regard as by far the Not satisfied with addressing these abstract
most solid basis of his philosophical fame, may be speculations to the learned, Berkeley conceived
ranked his speculations concerning the Objects them to be of such moment to human happiness,
of General Terms, and his celebrated argument that he resolved to bring them, if possible, with
against the existence of the Material World. in the reach of a wider circle of readers, by
On both of these questions I have elsewhere ex throwing them into the more popular and amu
plained my own ideas so fully, that it would be sing form of dialogues.4 The skill with which
‘ Berkeley‘s Theory was published when he was only twenty-five; an age when it can scarcely be supposed that his me
taphysical reading had been very extensive.
' See Philomp/lical Essays.
i Another very acute metaphysicinn of the same church (Arthur Collier, author of a Demonstration qf the Non-existence
and Impossibility q/‘an Erienml lVorld) has met with still eater injustice. His name is not to be found in any of our Bim
graphical Dictionaries. In point of date. his publication is some years posterior to that of Norris, and therefore it does not
possess the same claims to originality ; but it is far superior to it in logical closeness and precision, and is not obscured to
the same degree with the mystical theology which Norris (after the example of Malebranche) connected with the scheme
of Idealism. Indeed, when compared wit the writings of Berkeley himself, it yields to them less in force of a ment,
than in composition and variety of illustration. The title of Collier's book is “ Clavi: Univcnalis, or a New Inquiry after
Truth, being a Demonstration, 8:0. 8w. By Arthur Collier, Rector of Langford M a, near Sarum. (Lend. printed for
Robert Gosling, at the Mitre and Crown, against St Dunstan's Church, Fleet Street, 1713.)" The motto prefixed by Col
lier to his wor is from Malebranche, and is stron ly characteristical both of the English and French Inquirer afm- Truth.
“ Vulgi assensus et approbatié circa mater-lam di cilem est certum argumentum falsitatis istius opinionis cui assentitur.“
-'-(Malcb. De Inquir. Verit. Lib. iii. p. 194.) See Note S S.
‘ l allude here chiefly to Aleiphron, or the Minute Philosopher; for as to the dialo es between Hylu: and Philonom, they
aspire to no hi er merit than that of the common dialogues between A and B ; bemg merely a compendious Way of stal
ing and of obvzating the principal objections which the author anticipated to his opinions.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 169
he has executed this very difficult ,and unpro the Numbers of Mankind, was one of the leading
mising task cannot be too much admired; The members; and with him were associated several
characters of his speakers are strongly marked other individuals whose names are now well
and happily contrasted; the illustrations exhibit known and honourably distinguished in the
a singular combination of logical subtlety and of learned world. Mr Hume’s Treatise of Human
poetical invention; and the style, while it every Nature, which was published in 1739, afl'ords
where abounds with the rich, yet sober colour sufficient evidence of the deep impression which
ings of the author’s fancy, is perhaps superior, Berkeley’s writings had left upon his mind; and
in point of purity and of grammatical correct to this juvenile essay of Mr Hume’s may be
ness, to any English composition of an earlier traced the origin of the most important meta
date. 1 . physical works which Scotland has since pro
The impression produced in England by duced.
Berkeley’s Idealism was not so great as might It is not, however, my intention to prosecute
have been expected; but the novelty of his pa farther, at present, the history of Scottish phi
radoxes attracted very powerfully the attention losophy. The subject may be more convenient
of a set of young men who were then prose ly, and I hope advantageously resumed, after a
cuting their studies at Edinburgh, and who slight review of the speculations of some Eng
formed themselves into a society for the expresslish and French writers, who, while they pro
purpose of soliciting from the author an expla fessed a general acquiescence in the doctrines of
nation of some parts of his theory which seemed Locke, have attempted to modify his funda
to them obscurely or equivocally expressed. To mental principles in a manner totally incon
this correspondence the amiable and excellent sistent with the views of their master. The re
prelate appears to have given every encourage marks which I mean to offer on the modern
ment; and I have been told by the best autho French school will afi'ord me, at the same time,
rity, that he was accustomed to say, that his a convenient opportunity of introducing some
reasonings had been nowhere better understood strictures on the metaphysical systems which
than by this club of young Scotsmen.‘ The in have of late prevailed in other parts of the Con
genious Dr Wallace, author of the Discourse on tinent.

SECTION V.

Hartleian School.

Tue English writers to whom I have alluded sown in the university where he was educated),
in the last paragraph, I shall distinguish by the it was nevertheless reserved for him to combine
title of Dr Hartley’s School; for although I by them together, and to exhibit them to the world
no means consider this person as the first author in the imposing form of a system.
of any of the theories commonly ascribed to him Among the immediate predecessors of Hart
(the seeds of all of them having been previously ley, Dr Law, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle,

' Dr \Varton, after bestowing high praise on the Minute Philosopher, excepts from his encomium “ those [iamges in the
fourth dialogue, where the author has introduced his fanciful and whimsical opinions about vision."_(Euay on the Writing:
and Genius of Pope, Vol. II. p. 264.)_lf I were called on to point out the most ingenious and orimal part of the whole
work, it would be the argument contained in the passages here so contemptuously alluded to by ' 1 earned and (on all
questions of taste) most respectable critic.
' The authority I here allude to is that of my old friend and preceptor, Dr John Stevenson, who was himselfa member
of the Rankmlan Club, and who was accustomed for many years to mention this fact in his Academia! Prde'diouu.
0188- I. PART II. Y
170 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

seems to have been chiefly instrumental in pre he was first led to engage in those inquiries
paring the way for a schism among Locke’s dis which produced his celebrated Theory/of Human
ciples. The name of Law was first known to Nature.
the public by an excellent translation, accom The other principle on which this theory pro
panied by many learned,, and some very judi ceeds (that of the vibrations and vibratiuncles
cious notes, of Archbishop King’s work on the in the medullary substance of the brain) is also
Origin of Evil; a work of which the great ob of Cambridge origin. It occurs in the form of
ject was to combat the Optimism of Leibnitz, a query in Sir Isaac Newton’s Optics; and a
and the Manicheism imputed to Bayle. In distinct allusion to it, as a principle likely to
making this work more generally known, the throw new light on the phenomena of mind, is
translator certainly rendered a most acceptable to be found in the concluding sentence of Smith’s
and important service to the world, and, indeed, Harmonies.
it is upon this ground that his best claim to li Very nearly about the time when Hartley's
terary distinction is still founded.1 In his own Theory appeared, Charles Bonnet of Geneva
original speculations, he is weak, paradoxical, published some speculations of his own, pro
and oracular;' affecting, on all occasions, the ceeding almost exactly on the same assumptions.
most profound veneration for the opinions of Both writers speak of vibrations (ébranlemens)
Locke, but much more apt to attach himself to in the 11erves§ and both of them have recourse
the errors and oversights of that great man, to a subtle and elastic ether, co-operating with
than to enter into the general spirit of his meta the nerves in carrying on the communication
physical philosophy. between soul and body.5 This fluid Bonnet
To this translation, Dr Law prefixed a Dis conceived to be contained in the nerves, in a
sertation concerning the Fundamental Principle manner analogous to that in which the electric
of Virtue, by the Reverend Mr Gay: a per fluid is contained in the solid bodies which con
formance of considerable ingenuity, but which duct it; differing in this respect from 'the Car
would now be entitled to little notice, were it tesians as well as from the ancient physiologists,
not for the influence it appears to have had in who considered the nerves as hollow tubes or
suggesting to Dr Hartley the possibility of ac pipes, within which the animal spirits were in
counting for all our intellectual pleasures and cluded. It is to this elastic ether that Bonnet
pains, by the single principle of the Association ascribes the vibrations of which he supposes the
of Ideas. We are informed by Dr Hartley nerves to be susceptible; for the nerves them
himself, that it was in consequence of hearing selves (he justly observes) have no resemblance
some account of the contents of this dissertation, to the stretched cords of a musical instrument.4

' King’s argument in proof of the prevalence in this world, both of Natural and Moral Good, over the corresponding
Evils, has been much and deservedly admired ; nor are Law‘s Notes upon this head entitled to less praise. Indeed, it is
in this part of the work that both the author and his commentator appear, in my opinion, to the greatest advantage.
’ As instances of this I need only refer to the fin! and third of his Notes on King; the former of which relates to the
word rubstance; and the latter to the dispute between Clarke and Leibnitz concerning space. His reasonin on both sub
jects are obscured by an affected use of hard and unmeaning words, ill becomin so devoted an admirer 0 ].ocke. The
same remark may be extended to an Inquiry into the Idea: QfSpacc and Time, pubfished by Dr Law in 1734.
The result of Law’s speculations on Space and Time is thus stated by himself: “ That our ideas of them do not imply
any external idcatum or objective reality; that these ideas (as well as those of infinity and number) are univcrml or abstract
ideas, existing under that formality no where but in the mind ; nor affording a proof of any thin , but of the power which
the mind has to form them."-(Law’s Tram. qfKing, p. 7. 4th edit.) This langu , as we sha afterwards see, approaches
very nearly to that lately introduced by Kant. Dr Law‘s favourite author might ave cautioned him against such jargon.
(See Euay on the Human Understanding, Book II. Chap. xiii. § 17, 18.)
The absurd application of the scholastic word aubrlancc to empty space; an absurdity in which the powerful mind of
Gravesande acquiesced many years after the publication of the Enay on Human U/zdz'rsfunding, has probably contributed
not a little to force some authors into the opposite extreme of maintaining, with Leibnitz and Dr Law, that our idea of
space does not imply any external ideatum or objective reality. Gravesande‘s words are these: “ Substantize sunt aut
cogitantes, aut non cogitantes; cogitantes duas novimus, Deum ct Mentem nostram: prueter has et alias dari in dubium
non revocamus. Dun: etiam substantiate, quze non cogitant, nobis notae aunt Spatium et Corpus."—Gn.\v1-:sasnr;, Introd.
ad Philosophiam, § 19.
' Enai Analytique dc I'Ame, Chap. v. See also the additional notes on the first chapter of the seventh part of the Con
templation dc Ia Nature.
‘ Mais les nerfs sont mous, ils as sent point tendus comme les cordes d’uu instrument; les objcts y exciteroient-ils done
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
Hartley’s Theory differs in one respect from
this, as he speaks of vibrations and vibratiuncles
in the medullary substance of the brain and
nerves. He agrees, however, with Bonnet, in
thinking, that to these vibrations in the nerves
the co-operation of the ether is essentially ne
cessary; and, therefore, at bottom the two hy
potheses may be regarded as in substance the
same. As to the trifling shade of difference be
tween them, the advantage seems to me to be
in favour of Bonnet.
Nor was it only in their Physiological Theo
ries concerning the nature of the union between
soul and body, that these two philosophers
agreed. On all the great articles of metaphy
sical theology, the coincidence between their
conclusions is truly astonishing. Both held the
doctrine of Necessity in its fullest extent; and
both combined with it a vein of mystical devo
tion, setting at defiance the creeds of all esta
blished churches. The intentions of both are
allowed, by those who best knew them, to have
been eminently pure and worthy; but it cannot
be said of either, that his metaphysical writings
have contributed much to the instruction or to
the improVcment of the public. On the con
trary, they have been instrumental in spreading
a set of speculative tenets very nearly allied to
171
that sentimental and fanatical modification of
Spinozism, which, for many years past, has pre
vailed so much, and produced such mischievous
efiecm in some parts of Germany.1
But it is chiefly by his application of the asso
ciating principle to account for all the mental
phenomena, that Hartley is known to the world ;
and upon this I have nothing to add to what I
have already stated in another work.—-(Phil.
Essays, Essay IV.)—His Theory seems to be al
ready fast passing into oblivion; the temporary
popularity which it enjoyed in this country
having, in a great measure, ceased with the
life of its zealous and indefatigable apostle Dr
Priestley.I
It would be unfair, however, to the translator
of Archbishop King, to identify his opinions
with those of Hartley and Priestley. The zeal
with which he contends for man’s free agency
is sufiicient, of itself, to draw a strong line of
distinction between his Ethical System and
theirs—(See his Notes on King, passirn.)—But
I must be allowed to say of him, that the gene
ral scope of his writings tends, in common with
that of the two other metaphysicians, to depre
ciate the evidences of Natural Religion, and
more especially to depreciate the evidences which
the light of nature affords of a life to come ;—

les vibrations analo es h celle d'une corde pincée? Ccs vibrations secommuniqueroient-elles h l‘instant au sic de l'iime ?
La chose paroit difl'iiiile a conqevoir. Mais si l'on admet dans la nertii un fluide dent in subtilité et l‘élasticit a proche de
celle de la lumiere ou de l’éther, on expliquera facilement par le secours de ce fluide, et la célérité avec laquelle cs impres
sions se communiquent a Mime, et celle avec laquelle l‘éme éxécute tant d‘opérations difi'érentes."_(Eami AnaL Chap. v.)
“ Au reste, les physiol istes qui avoient cru que les filets nerveux étoient solides, avoient cédé ii des apparences trom
peuses. Ils vouloient d'ai leurs faire osciller le nerfs pour rendre raison des sensations, et les nerfs ne peuvent osciller.
is sent mous, et nullement élastitpies. Un nerf coupé ne se retire point. C‘est le fiuide invisible que les nerfs renfer.
ment, qui est doué de cette élasticrté qn’on leur attribuoit, et d'une plus grande élasticité encore.”--(Cmucmp. dc la Nature,
VII. Partie, Chap- L-Note at the end of the chapter.)
M. Quesnai, the celebrated author of the Economical System, has expressed himself to the same purpose concerning the
supposed vibrations of the nerves: “ Plusieurs physicians ont pensé que le seul ébranlement des nerfs, causé par les objets
ui touchent les organes des corps, sufiit pour occasioner le mouvement et le sentiment dans les rties oil es nerfs sont
gbrsnlés. lls se representent les nerfs comme des cordes fort tendus, qu‘un léger contact met en vibration dans toute leur
étendue. Des philosophes, peu instruits en anatomic, ont pu se former un telle idée . . . . . . Maia cette tension qu’on sup
pose dans les nerfs, et qui les rend si susceptibles d’ébranlement ct de vibration, est si grossierement imagines qu‘il seroit
ridicule dc s‘occuper sérieusement ii in refuter." (Econ. Animah', sect. 3. c. 13.)
As this passage from Quesnai is quoted by Condillac, and sanctioned by his authority (TrailE dc: Animua‘, Chap. iii.), it
would appear that the hypothesis which supposes the nerves to perform their functions by means of vibrations was going
fast into discredit, both among the metaphysicians and the physiologists of France, at the very time when it was beginning
to attract notice in England, in consequence of the visionary speculations of Hartley.
‘ In a letter which I received from Dr Parr, he mentions a treatise of Dr Hartley‘s which appeared about a year before
the publication of his great work ; to which it was meant by the author to serve as a precursor. Of this rare treatise I had
never before heard. “ You will be astonished to hear," says Dr Parr, “that in this book, instead of the doctrine of ne.
oessity, Hartle openly declares for the indifference of the will, as maintained by Archbishop King." “'e are told by
Hartley himse fthat his notions upon necessity grew upon him while he was writing his observations upon man: but it
is curious (as Dr Parr remarks), that in the course of a year, his opinions on so very essential a point should have under
gone a complete Change.
' Dr Priestley's opinion of the merits of Hartley‘s work is thus stated by himself:-“ Something was done in this field of
knowledge by Descartes, very much by Mr Locke, but most of all by Dr Hartley, who has thrown more useful light upon
the theory of the mind, than Newton did upon the theory of the natural world."-(Remarka 0n Rcid, Bennie, and Oswald,
p. 2. London, 1774.)
172 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS

“ a doctrine equally necessary to comfort the
weakness, and to support our lofty ideas of the
grandeur of human nature;"1 and of which it
seems hard to confine exclusively the knowledge
to that portion of mankind who have been fa
voured with the light of Revelation. The in
fluence of the same fundamental error, arising,
too, from the same mistaken idea, of thus
strengthening the cause of Christianity, may be
traced in various passages of the posthumous
work of the late Bishop of Llandafl'. It is won
derful that the reasonings of Clarke and of But
ler did not teach these eminent men a sounder
and more consistent logic; or, at least, open
their eyes to the inevitable consequences of the
rash concessions which they made to their ad
versaries.’
Among the disciples of Law, one illustrious
exception to these remarks occurs in Dr Paley,
whose treatise on Natural Theology is unques
tionably the most instructive as well as into
resting publication on that subject which has
appeared in our times. As the book was in
tended for popular use, the author has wisely
avoided, as much as possible, all metaphysical
discussions; but I do not know that there exists
any other work where the argument from final
causes is placed in so great a variety of pleasing
and striking points of view. -

SECTION VI.
Condillac, and other Hench Metaphysicians qfa later date.
\Viuua Hartley and Bonnet were indulging of his countrymen to the method of studying
their imagination in theorising concerning the the phenomena of Mind recommended and ex
nature of the union between soul and body, emplified by Locke.’ Of the vanity of expect
Condillac was attempting to draw the attention ing to illustrate, by physiological conjectures,

' Ssu'rn's Theory of Moral Sentiment), 6th ed. Vol. I. pp. 325, 826.
Dr Law‘s doctrine of the sleep of the soul, to which his hi h station in the church could not fail to add much weight in
the judgment of many, is, I believe, now universally adop by the followers of Hartley and Priestley ; the theory of vi
prations being evidently inconsistent with the supposition of the soul’s being able to exercise her powers in a separate state
mm the body.
1 Without entering at all into the argument with Dr Law or his followers, it is sufficient here to mention, as an histori
cal fact, their wide departure from the older lights of the English church, from Hooker downwards. “ All religion," says
Archbishop 'l‘illotson, whom I select as an unexceptionable organ of their common sentiments, “is founded on right no.
tions of God and his perfections, insomuch that Divine Revelation itself does su pose these for its foundations; and can
s' ify nothing to us unless they be first known and believed ; so that the princi les of natural religion are the foundation
0 that which is revealed."__(Sermon 4|.) “ There is an intrinsical good and evil)in things, and the reasons and respects of
moral good and evil are fixed and immutable, eternal and indis nsable. Nor do they speak safely who make the Divine
will the rule of moral good and evil, as it' there were nothlrkg good)?" evil in its own nature antecedently to the will of God;
but, that all things are therefore good and evil because G wills them to be so.”_-(Sermon 88.) “ Natural religion is obe
dience to the natural law, and the performance of such duties as natural light, without any express and supematurnl reve
lation, doth dictate to men. These lie at the bottom of all religion, and are the great fundamental duties which God re
quires of all mankind. These are the surest and most sacred of all other laws; those which God hath rivetted in our souls
and written upon our hearts : and these are what we call moral duties, and most valued by God, which are of eternal and
perpetual obligation, because they do naturally oblige, without any particular and express revelation from God .7 and these
are the foundation of revealed and instituted religion; and all revealed religion does suppose them and build upon them."
Sermons 48. 49.
' It may appear to some unaccountable, that no notice should have been taken, in this Dissertation, of any French me
taphysician during the loo interval between Malebranche and Condillac. As an apology for this apparent omission, I
leave to quote the words 0 an author intimately acquainted with the history of French literature and philosophy, and emi
nently qualified to appreciate the merits of those who have contributed to their progress. “ If we except," says Mr Adam
Smith, in a Memoir. published in 1755, “ the Meditations of Descartes, I know of nothing in the works of French writers
which aspires at originality in morals or meta hysics; for the philoso by of Regius and that of Malebranche are nothing
more than the meditations of Descartes unfo ded with more art an refinement. But Hobbes, Locke, Dr Mandeville,
Lord Shaiteshury, Dr Butler, Dr Clarke, and Mr Hutcheson, each in his own system, all diti‘erent and all incompatible,
have tried to be original, at least in some points- They have attempted to add something to the fund of observations col
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 173
the manner in which the intercourse between add logically deduced) from his account of the
the thinking principle and the external world is origin of our knowledge, I am persuaded, from
carried on, no philosopher seems ever to have his known candour and love of truth, that he
been more completely aware; and, accordingly, would have been eager to acknowledge and to
he confines himself strictly, in all his researches retract his error.
concerning this intercourse, to an examination In this apparent simplification and generali
of the general laws by which it is regulated. sation of Locke’s doctrine, there is, it must be
There is, at the same time, a remarkable coin acknowledged, something, at first sight, ex
cidence between some of his views and those of tremely seducing. It relieves the mind from
the other two writers. All of the three, while the painful exercise of abstracted reflection, and
they profess the highest veneration for Locke, amuses it with analogy and metaphor when it
have abandoned his account of the origin of our looked only for the severity of logical discus
ideas for that of Gassendi; and, by doing so, sion. The clearness and simplicity of Condil
have, with the best intentions, furnished arms lac’s style add to the force of this illusion, and
against those principles which it was their com flatter the reader with an agreeable idea of the
mon aim to establish in the world-1 It is much powers of his own understanding, when he finds
to be regretted, that by far the greater part of himself so easily conducted through the darkest
those French writers who have since speculated labyrinths of metaphysical science. It is to this
about the human mind, have acquired the whole cause I would chiefly ascribe the great popula~
of their knowledge of Locke’s philosophy through rity of his works. They may be read with as
this mistaken comment upon its fundamental little exertion of thought as a history or a novel;
principle. On this subject I have already ex and it is only when we shut the book, and at
hausted all that I have to offer on the efi’ect of tempt to express in our own words the sub
Condillac’s writings; and I flatter myself have stance of what we have gained, that we have the
sufliciently shown how widely his commentary mortification to see our supposed acquiitions
difl'ers from the text of his author. It is this vanish into air.
commentary, however, which is now almost The philosophy of Condillac was, in a more
universally received on the Continent as the peculiar manner, suited to the taste of his own
doctrine of Locke, and which may justly be re country, where (according to Mad. de Stael)
garded as the sheet-anchor of those systems “ few read a book but with a view to talk of
which are commonly stigmatised in England it.”' Among such a people, speculations which
with the appellation of French philosophy. Had are addressed to the power of reflection can
Condillac been sufficiently aware of the conse never expect to acquire the same popularity
quences which have been deduced (and I must with theories expressed in a metaphorical lan

lected by their redecessors, and already the common pro rty of mankind.‘ This branch of science, which the English
themselves neg ect at present, appears to have been recentl); transported into France. I discover some traces of it not only
in the Encyclopédic, but in the Theory qfAgrcmblc Sensations, by M. de l’ouilly; and much more in the late discourse of M.
Rousseau, On the Origin and Foundation (If the Inequality of Ranks among film.“
Although I perfectly agree with Mr Smith in his general remark on the sterility of invention among the French meta
physicians posterior to Descartes, when compared to those of England, I cannot pass over the foregoing quotation with.
out expressing my surprise, 10!, To find the name of Malcbranche (one of the highest in modern philosophy) degraded to
a level with that of Regius: and, Silly, To observe Mr Smith's silence with res t to Bufiier and Condillsc, while be men
tions the author of the Theory qf Agrccoblc Scruatimu as a metaphysician of original genius. 0f the merits of Condillac,
whose most important works were published several years before this paper of Mr Smith's, I am about to speak in the text;
and those of Butfier I shall have occasion to mention in a subse uent part of this discourse. In the mean time, I shall only
say of him, that I regard him as one of the most original as wel as sound philosophers of whom the eighteenth century has
to boast.
‘ Condillnc's earliest work appeared three years before the publication of Hartley‘s Theory. It is entitled. “ Estai Iur
I'Orlginc (In Cunnoinancu Huminca. Ouvmgi: 012 I‘m riduit a rm and principe tout crqui concrrnc l‘rnlvmlcmmt Immain.“ This
nu! principe is the association of ideas. The account which both authors give of the transformation of sensations into ideas
is substantially the same.
' “En France, on no lit guere un ouvrage que ur en parlor."—(A1lemagne, Tom. I. p. 292-) The same remark, I am ,
much afraid, is becoming daily more and more app 'cable to our own island.
 174 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

guag'e, and constantly recalling to the fancy the speculations which have for their object the so
impressions of the external senses. The state lution of the same problem. “ If language”
of society in France, accordingly, is singularly (says Rousseau) “ be the result of human con
unfavourable to the inductive philosophy of the vention, and if words be essential to the exer
human mind; and of this truth no proof more cise of thought, language would appear to be
decisive can be produced, than the admiration necessary for the invention of language.“—
with which the metaphysical writings of Con “ But” (continues the same author) “ when, by
dillac have been so long regarded. means which I cannot conceive, our new gram
On the other hand, it cannot be denied that marians began to extend their ideas, and to
Condillac has, in many instances, been eminent generalise their words, their ignorance must
ly successful, both in observing and describing have confined them within very narrow bounds.
the mental phenomena; but, in such cases, he loo-Is . How, for example, could they ima

commonly follows Locke as his guide; and, gine or comprehend such words as matter, mind,
wherever he trusts to his own judgment, he substance, mode, figure, motion, since our phi
seldom fails to wander from his way. The best losophers, who have so long made use of them,
part of his works relates to the action and re scarcely understand them, and since the ideas
action of thought and language on each other, a attached to them, being purely metaphysical,
subject which had been previously very pro can have no model in nature ?”
foundly treated by Locke, but which Condillac “ I stop at these first steps” (continues Rous
has had the merit of placing in many new and seau), “ and intreat my judges to pause, and
happy points of view. In various cases, his consider the distance between the easiest part of
conclusions are pushed too far, and in others language, the invention of physical substantives,
are expressed without due precision; but, on and the power of expressing all the thoughts of
the whole, they form a most valuable accession man, so as to speak in public, and influence so
to this important branch of logic; and (what ciety. I entreat them to reflect upon the time
not a little enhances their value) they have been and knowledge it must have required to dis
instrumental in recommending the subject to cover numbers, abstract words, aorists, and all
the attention of other inquirers, still better qua the tenses of verbs, particles, syntax, the art of
lified than their author to do it justice. connecting propositions and arguments, and
' In the speculation, too, concerning the origin how to, form the whole logic of discourse. As
and the theoretical history of language, Condil for myself, alarmed at these multiplying difli
lac was one of the first who made any consider culties, and convinced of the almost demon
able advances; nor does it reflect any discredit strable impossibility of language having been
on his ingenuity, that he has left some of the formed and established by means merely human,
principal difliculties connected with the inquiry I leave to others the discussion of the problem,
very imperfectly explained.- The same subject ‘ Whether a society already formed was more
was soon after taken up by Mr Smith, who, I necessary for the institution of language, or a,
think, it must be owned, has rather slurred overlanguage already invented for the establishment
these difficulties, than attempted to remove of society?’ ’1' ' ‘ -
them; an omission on his part the more re Of the various difiiculties here enumerated,
markable, as a very specious and puzzling ob that mentioned by Rousseau, in the last sentence,
jection had been recently stated by Rousseau, was plainly considered by him as the greatest
not only to the theory of Condillac, but to all of all; or rather as comprehending under it all

‘ That men never could have invented an artificial lan age, if they had not possessed a natural language, is an observa
tion of Dr Reid’s; and it is this indisputable and self-evi nt truth which gives to Rousseau‘s remark that imposing lau
sihility, which, at first sight, dazzles and perplexes the judgment. I by no means say, that the former(gm sition a ords
, a key to all the difficulties suggested by the latter; but it advances us at least one important step towar t e ir solution.
’ Dimour: nn' I’Origine at 10: Fundemcn: dc I’Inégalité parmi lc: Hommu.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 175
the rest. But this difiiculty arises merely from rives in the progress of society, the speculative
his own peculiar and paradoxical theory about mind, in comparing the first and the last stages
the artificial origin of society; a theory which of the progress, feels the same sort of amaze
needs no refutation, but the short and luminous ment with a traveller, who, after rising insen
aphorism of Montesquieu, that “ man is born in sibly on the slope of a hill, comes to look down
society, and there he remains.” The other dif from a precipice, to the summit of which he
ficulties touched upon by Rousseau, in the for scarcely believes he could have ascended with
mer part of this quotation, are much more se out supernatural aid.”'
rious, and have never yet been removed in a With respect to some of the difficulties point
manner completely satisfactory: And hence ed out by Rousseau and his commentators, it
some very ingenious writers have been led to may be here remarked in passing (and the ob
conclude, that language could not possibly have servation is equally applicable to various pas
been the work of human invention. This ar sages in Mr Smith’s dissertation on the same
gument has been lately urged with much acute subject), that the difficulty of explaining the
ness and plausibility by Dr Magee of Dublin, theory of any of our intellectual operations af
and by M. de Bonald of Paris.‘ It may, how fords no proof of any difliculty in applying that
ever, be reasonably questioned, if these philoso operation to its proper practical purpose; nor
phers would not have reasoned more logically, is the difliculty of explaining the metaphysical
had they contented themselves with merely af nature of any part of speech a proof, that, in its
firming, that the problem has not yet been solv first origin, it implied any extraordinary effort
ed, without going so far as to pronounce it to of intellectual capacity. How many metaphy
be absolutely insolvable. For my own part, sical difficulties might be raised about the ma
when I consider its extreme difiiculty, and the thematical notion of a line .9 And yet this notion
short space of time during which it has engaged is perfectly comprehended by every peasant,
the attention of the learned, I am more dispos when he speaks of the distance between two
ed to wonder at the steps which have been al places; or of the length, breadth, or height of
ready gained in the research, than at the num .his cottage. In like manner, although it may
ber of desiderata which remain to employ the be difiicult to give a satisfactory account of the
ingenuity of our successors. It is justly re origin and import of such words as of or by, we
marked by Dr Ferguson, that, “ when language ought not to conclude, that the invention of
has attained to that perfection to which it ar them implied any metaphysical knowledge in

‘ The same theory has been extended to the art of writing; but if this art was first taught to man by an express reve
lation from Heaven, what account can be given of its present state in the great empire of China ? Is the mode of writing
practised there of divine or of human origin?
' Principln qf Mara! and Political Scicm‘t, Vol. I. p. 43. Edin. 1192. To this observation may be added, by way of com
ment, the following reflections of one of the most learned prelates of the English church :_“ Man, we are told, had a lan
gu from the beginning: for be convened with God, and gave to every animal its particular name. But how came man
by an uage ? He must either have had it from inspiration, ready formed from his Creator, or have derived it by the exer
tion oi those faculties of the mind, which were implanted in him as a rational creature, from natural and external objects
with which he was surrounded. Scripture is silent: on the means by which it. was acquired. We are not, therefore, war
ranted to affirm, that it was received by impiralion, and there is no internal evidence in language to lead us to such a sup
position. On this side, then, of the question, we have nothing but uncertainty: but on a subject, the causes of which are
so remote, nothing is more convenient than to refer them to inspiration, and to recur to that easy and comprehensive argu
ment,
A18; 7 innit" Bowl“
that is, man enjoyed the great privilege ofspeech, which distinguished him at first, and still continues to distinguish him
as a rational creature, so eminently from the brute creation. without exerting those rmnming faculties, by which )e was in
other respects enabled to raise himself so much above their level. Inspiration, then, seems to have been an argument
adopted and made necessary by the difficulty of accounting for it otherwise; and the name of inspiration carries with it an
awfulness, which forbids the unhallowed approach of inquisitive discussion."-(Euny on the Study qfAnh'quitiu, by Dr Bun.
osss, 2d edit. Oxford, 1182. Pp. 85, 86.) -
It is further remarked very sagacieusly, and I think very decisively, by the same author, that “ the supposition of man
having received a language ready formed from his Creator, is actually inconsistent with the evidence of the origin of our
ideas, which exists in language. For, as the origin of our ideas is to be traced in the words through which the ideas are
conveyed, so the origin of language is referable to the source from whence our (fin!) ideas are derived, namely, natural and
edema! objects."-(lbid. pp. 83, 84.)
176 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the individual who first employed them.1 Their simultaneous effort of the most sublime and
import, we see, is fully understood by children comprehensive abilities.” '
of three or four years of age". It is, however, less in tracing the first rudi
In this view of the History of Language I ments of speech, than in some collateral inqui
have been anticipated by Dr Ferguson. “ Parts ries concerning the genius of difierent languages,
of speech" (says this profound and original that Condillac’s ingenuity appears to advantage.
writer), which, in speculation, cost the gram Some of his observations, in particular, on the
marian so much study, are, in practice, familiar connection of natural sign with the growth of
to the vulgar. The rudest tribes, even the idiot a systematical prosody, and on the imitative arts
and the insane, are possessed of them. They of the Greeks and Romans, as distinguished
are soonest) learned in childhood, insomuch that from those of the moderns, are new and cu
we must suppose human nature, in its lowest rious ;, and are enlivened with a mixture of his
state, competent to the use of them; and, with torical illustration, and of critical discussion,
out the intervention of uncommon genius, man seldom to be met with among metaphysical
kind, in a succession of ages, qualified to ac writers.
complish in detail this amazing fabric of lan— But through all his researches, the radical
guage, which, when raised to its height, appears error may, more or less, be traced, which lies
so much above what could be ascribed to any at the bottom of his system? and hence it is,

' In this remark I had an eye to the following passa in Mr Smith‘s dissertation :.-.“ It is worth while to observe, that
those prepositions, which, in modern languages, hold t e place of the ancient cases, are, of all others, the most general, and
abstract, and metaphysical; and, Qfconuquencc, would probably be the Ian invaded. Ask any man of common acutcness, what
relation is expressed by the preposition obovc 3 He will readily answer, that of superiority. By the preposition bdom 3 He
will as quickly reply, that c iqfcr'iorily. But ask him what re a tion is expressed by the preposition of? and, if he has not
beforehand employed his thoughts a good deal upon these subjects, you may safely allow him a week to consider of his
answer."
1 The following judicious reflections, with which M Raynousrd concludes the introduction to his Elc'mem dc Ia Langue
Romane, may serve to illustrate some of the above observations. The modification of on existing language is, I acknow_
ledge, a thing much less wonderful than the formation of a language entirely new 3 but the processes of thought, it is rea
sonable to think, are, in both cases, of the same ln'nd; and the consideration of the one is at cast a step gained towards the
elucidation of the other.
“ La langue Romane est peut-étre la scale a la formation de laquelle il soit permis de remonter ainsi, pour découvrir ct
expliquer le secret de son industrieux mécanisme. . . . J ‘ose dire que Pesprit philosophique, consulté sur le choix des
moyens qui devraient épargner h l'i orance beaucoup d‘études penibles et 'astidieux, n'eut pas été aussi heureux que l’ig
norance ellc-méme: il est vrai qu'e le avoit deux grands maitres; la Ne’cnssi'rri et le TEMS
“ En considerant a quelle époque d'ignorance et de barbaric s‘est formé et perfectionné ce nouvel idioms, d'apres des
principes indiqués seulement par l‘analogie et l'euphonie, on se dim peut-étre comme je me le suis dit; l'liomme porte en
sci-meme les principes d’une lo 'que naturelle, d’un instinct regulateur, ue nous admirons quelquefois dans les enfans.
Oui, la Providence nous a doté e la faculté indestructible et des moyens ingenieux d’exprimer, de communiquer, d'éterni
ser par la parole, et par les signes permanens oil elle se reproduit, cette nsée qui est l'un de nos plus beaux attributs, et
qui nous distingue si éminemment et si avantageusement dans l'ordre de a creation-‘L-(Elémcn: de la Grammaire de la Languc
Romane anon! I‘An. 1000. Pp. 104, 105. A Paris, 1816.)
In the theoretical history of language, it is more than probable, that some steps will remain to exercise the ingenuity of
our latest posterity. Nor will this appear surprising, when we consider how impossible it is for us to judge, from our own
experience, of theintellectual processes which pass in the minds ofsavages. Some instincts, we know, possessed both by them
and by infants (that of imitation, for example, and the use of natural signs), disa pear in by far the greater number of in
dividuals, almost entirely in the maturity of their reason. It does not seem at a l improbable, that other instincts connect
ed with the invention of speech, ma be confined to that state of the intellectual powers which requires their guidance :
nor is it quite impossible, t at some tent capacities of the understanding may be evolved by the pressure of necessity.
The facility with which infants surmount so many grammatical and metaphysical difficulties, sec-ms to me to add much
weight to these conjectures. _
In tracing the first steps of the invention of language, it ought never to be forgotten, that we undertake a task more si
milar than might at first be supposed, to that of tracing the first operations of the infant mind. In both cases, we are a t
to attempt an explanation from reason alone, of what requires the co-operation of very different principles. To trace t e
theoretical history of geometry, in which we know for certain, that all the transitions have depended on reasoning alone, is
a problem which has not yet been completely solved. Nor has even any satisfactory account been hitherto given of the
experimental steps by which men were gradually led to the use of iron. And yet how simple are these problems, when
compared with that relating to the origin and progress of language!
a A remarkable instance of this occurs in that part of Condillac’s Cour: d‘Etude, where he treats of the art of writin :
“ Vous snvez. Monseigneur, comment les mémes noms ont été transporte's des objets qui tombent sous les sens a ceux qui es
échappent. Vous avez remarqué, u’il y en a qui mnt encore en u e dons Fun at l’autre acceptation, et qu‘il y en a qui
‘sont devenus les noms pro res des c oses, dont ils avoient d‘abord ét les signes figurés.
“ Les premiers, tel que e mount-men! de l’fime, son penchant, sa n’flcrion, donnent un co s a des choses qui n'en out pas.
Les seconds, tels que la penaéc, la vohmfe’, le desir, ne pcignent plus rien, et laissent aux 1dées abstraites eette spiritualité
qui les dérobe aux sens. Mais si le langage doit étre l’image de nos pensées, on a perdu beauconp, lorsqu‘ oubliant is pre
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
that, with' all his skill as a writer, he never ele
.vates the imagination, or touches the heart.
That he wrote with the best intentions, we have
satisfactory evidence; and yet hardly a pbilo
sopher can be named, whose theories have had
more influence in misleading the opinions of his
contemporaries.1 In France, he very early
attained to a rank and authority not inferior to
those which have been so long and so deserved
ly assigned to Locke in England; and even in in so pleasing a manner from matter to mind,
this country, his works have been more gene—
rally read and admired, than those of any fo
reign metaphysician of an equally recent date.
The very general sketches to which I am here
obliged to confine myself, do not allow me to
take notice of various contributions to metaphy
sical science, which are to be collected from
writers professedly intent upon other subjects.
I must not, however, pass over in silence the
name of Bufi'on, who, in the midst of those
magnificent views of external nature, which
the peculiar character of his eloquence fitted
him so admirably to delineate, has frequently
indulged himself in ingenious discussions con
cerning the faculties both of men and of brutes.
His subject, indeed, led his attention chiefly to
man, considered as an animal; but the pecu
177
liarities which the human race exhibit in their
physical condition, and the manifest reference
which these bear to their superior rank in the
creation, unavoidably engaged him in specula
tions of a higher aim, and of a deeper interest.
In prosecuting these, he has been accused (and
perhaps with some justice) of ascribing too
much to the efl'ects of bodily organisation on
the intellectual powers; but he leads his reader
that I have no doubt he has attracted the curio
sity of many to metaphysical inquiries, who
would never otherwise have thought of them.
In his theories concerning the nature of the
brutes, he has been commonly considered as
leaning to the opinion of Descartes; but I can
not help thinking, without any good reason.
Some of his ideas on the complicated operations
of insects appear to me just and satisfactory;
and while they account for the phenomena,
without ascribing to the animal any deep or.
comprehensive knowledge, are far from de
grading him to an insentient and unconscious
machine.
In his account of the process by which the
use of our external senses (particularly that of
sight) is acquired, Bufi'on has in general follow

miere s' ification des mots, on a e'fi‘acé jusqu’au traits qu‘ils donnoient aux idées. Toutes les langues sont en eels. lus ou
moins d fectueuses, toutes aussi ont des tableaux plus ou moins conserves."_(Coun d'Etudt, Tome II. p. 212. a arme,
1775.)
Condillac enlarges on this point at considerable len h ; endeavouring to show, that whenever we lose sight of the ana
logical ori 'n of a figurative word, we become insensi le to one of the chief beauties of language. “ In the word name”,
for examp e, a Frenchman perceives only the proper name of one of our mental operations. A Roman attached to it the
same idea, and received over and above the image of weighing and balancing. The case is the same with the words 6m: and
nnima ,- perm'e and cogl'fatio.
In this
rations areview of the sub'ect,
compounded Condillac
ofJ sensible plainly
images. proceeded
Whereas on his
the fact is, favourite
that the principle, that all we
only 'ust notions ourcan
notions
formofofour
themental opeof
powers
the mind are obtained by abstracting ti'om the qualities and laws of the material world. In proportion, therefore, -IS the
analogical origin of a figurative word disappears, it becomes a fitter instrument of metaphysical thought and reasoning..
(See Philosophical Errayr, Part I. Essay V. Chap. iii.)
1 A late writer (M. de Donald), whose philosophical opinions, in general, agree nearly with those of La Har , has, how.
ever, appreciated very differently, and, in my judgment, much more sagaciously, the merits of Condillnc: “ oudillac a eu
sur l‘esprit philosophique du dernier siecle, l'intluence que Voltaire a prise sur l'esprit reli ‘eUX, et J. J. Rousseau sur les
opinions politiques. Condillac a mis de la séchéresse et de la minutie dans les esprlts; Vo tairc du penchant a la millerie
et 2. la fnvolite; Rousseau les :1 rendus ehagrins et mécontens . . . . . . . . Condillac a encore plus faussé l‘esprit de la
nation, parce que sa doctrine e'toit enseignée dans les premibres études a des jeunes gens qui n'avoient encore lu ni Rous.
seau ni Voltaire, et que la maniere de raisonner et la direction philosophique de l'esprit s‘éténdent it tout."-(Rcrhcrchr:
Phil. 'l‘ome I. pp. 187, 188.)
The following criticism on the supposed perspicuity of Conllillnc's style is so just and philosophical, that I cannot refrain
from giving it a place here: Condil ac est. ou paroit étre, clair ct méthodique; mais il fsut prendre rde que la clarté
des pense'es, comme la transparence des ohjets physiques, peut tenir d'un defaut dc profondeur, et ue n rnéthode dans les
écrits, qui suppose la patience de l'esnrit, n'en prouve pas toujours lajustesse; et moins encore la écondité. ll y a aussi
une clarté de style on quclque sorte toute materielle, qui n'est pas incompatible avec l'obscurité dans les idées. Itien de
plus facile 2. cntendre que les mots de scnmliont tranqformt’n dont Condillac s‘est servi, parce que ces mots ne pal-lent qu‘a
'imagination, qui se figure a volonté des transformations et des changemens. Mais cette transformation. appliquée aux
operations de l‘csprit, n’est qu‘un mot vide de sens; et Condillac lui-meme suroit e'té bien embarrassé d‘en donner une
explication satisfaisante. Ce philosophe me paroit plus heureux dans ses upperqus que dans ses demonstrations: I .a route
de la vérité semble quel ucfois s‘uuvrir devant lui, mais retenu par la circonspection naturelle a un esprit sans chaleur, et
intimidé par la faiblesse e son propre systeme, il n'ose s‘y engager.”-(Ibid. Tome I. pp. 83. 34.)
DISS. I. PART. I]. Z
 178 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

od“the*principles of Berkeley; and, notwith essential questions, which were then in dispute
standing some important mistakes which have among the French philosophers, his writings do
escaped him 'in his applications of these prin not furnish_ the means of judging with certainty.
ciples, I do not know that there is anywhere to In his theory of Organic Molecules, and of In
be found so pleasing or so popular an exposition ternal Moulds, he has been accused of entertain
of the'theory of vision. Nothing certainly was ing views not very different from those of the
ever more finely imagined, than the recital ancient atomists ; nor would it perhaps be easy
which he puts into the mouth of our first pa to repel the charge, if we were not able to op
rent, of the gradual steps by which he learned pose to this wild and unintelligible hypothesis
the use of his perceptive organs; and although the noble and elevating strain, which in general
there are various parts of it which will not bear so peculiarly characterises his descriptions of
the test of a rigorous examination, it is impos nature. The eloquence of some of the finest
sibld to read it without sharing in that admira passages in his works has manifestly been in
tion,1 with which we are told the author himself spired by the same sentiment which dictated to
always regarded this favourite efl'usion of his one of his favourite authors the following just
eloquence. and pathetic reflection :—-“ Le spectacle de la
N0r are these the only instances in which nature, si vivant, si animé pour ceux qui recon
Bufl’on has discovered the powers of a metaphy noissent un Dieu, est mort aux yeux de l’athée,
sician. His thoughts on probabilities (a sub et dans cette grands harmonic des étres on tout
ject widely removed from his favourite studies) parle de Dieu d’une voix si douce, il n’apercoit
afl'ord a proof how strongly some metaphysical qu’un silence éternel.”8
questions had laid hold of his curiosity, and I have already mentioned the strong bias to
what new lights he was qualified to throw on wards materialism which the authors of the En
them, if he had allowed them to occupy more cyclopédie derived from Condillac’s comments
of his attention.1 In his observations, too, on upon Locke. These comments they seem to
the ‘peculiar nature of mathematical evidence, have received entirely upon credit, without ever
he has struck into a train of the soundest think being at pains to compare them with the origi
ing, in which he has been very generally fol nal. Had D’Alembert exercised freely his own
lowed by our later logicians.’ Some particular judgment, no person was more likely to have
expressions in the passage I refer to are excep perceived their complete futility; and, in fact,
tionable; but his remarks on what he calls he has thrown out various observations which
Vérilés de Definition are just and important;~ strike at their very root. Notwithstanding,
nor do I remember any modern writer, of an however, these occasional glimpses of light, he
' 'earlier date, who has touched on the same argu invariably reverts to the same error, and has
ment. Plato, indeed, and after him Proclus, once and again repeated it in terms as strong as
had called the definitions of geometry Hypothe Condillac or Gassendi.
ses ,' an expression which may be considered as The author who pushed this account of the
involving the doctrine which Bufi'on and his origin of our knowledge to the most extraordi
successors have more fully unfolded. nary and ofi'ensive consequences, was Helvetius.
What the opinions of Buffon were on those His book, De Z’Esprit, is said to have been com

' See his Esrai d'Arithmc'iiquc Morale.

’ See the First Discourse prefixed to his Natural History, towards the end.
* Rousseau._In a work by Hérault de Sechelles (entitled Voyager 3 Montbar, coniznant a‘r: detail: tre‘: inie'ftlmns mr 1e
raractére, la pernmnc, ct Ic: écrit: de Bnfl‘on, Paris, 1801), a very different idea of his re ' 'ous creed is 'ven from that which
I have ascribed to him ; but, in direct opposition to this statement, we have a letter, dictated by Bu 'on, on his death-bed,
to Madame Neclrer.I in return for a present of her husband's book, On the Importance q/"Relig-iom Opinions. The letter (we
are told) is in the hand-writing of Bufi'on’s son, who describes his father as then too weak to hold the PGHF—(Me'laugec a
trait: du J'Wanun‘rit: dc Illadame Necker. 3 Vols. Paris, 1788.)
The sublime address to the Supreme Bein , with which Bufi'on closes his reflections on the calamities of war, seems to
breathe the very soul of Fenelon. “ Granddfieu ! dont la seule presence soutient la nature et maintient l'liarmonie des
loix de l’univers,” &c. &c. 8w.
 DISSERTATIQN; FEES/I' 179
posed of materials collected from the conversa it is because hunger, ever inventive, inspires
tions of the society in which he habitually lived; them with the art of stratagems to surprise their
and it has accordingly been quoted as an au prey. a!“

thentic record of the ideas then in fashion among “ It. The lower animals compose a society
the wits of Paris. The unconnected and desul that flies from man, who, by the assistance of
tory composition of the .work certainly furnishes weapons made by himself, is become formidable
some intrinsic evidence of the truth of this to the strongest amongst them.
anecdote. “ 5. Man is the most prolific and versatile
According to Helvetius, as all our ideas are animal upon earth. He is born and lives in
derived from the external senses,1 the causes of every climate; while many of the other animals,
the inferiority of the souls of brutes to those of as the lion, the elephant, and the rhinoceros,.are
men, are to be sought for in the difference be found only in a certain latitude. And the more
tween them with respect to bodily organisation. any species of animals capable of making obser
In illustration of this remark he reasons as fol vations is multiplied, the more ideas and the
lows :— greater ingenuity is it likely to possess.
“ l. The feet of all quadrupeds terminate ei “ But some may ask (continues Helvetius),
ther in born, as those of the ox and the deer; why monkeys, whose paws are nearly as dexte
or in nails, as those of the dog and the wolf ; or rous as our bands, do not make a progress equal
in claws, as those of the lion and the cat. This to that of man ?. A variety of causes (he ob
peculiar organisation of the feet of these animals serves) conspire to fix them in that state of in
deprives them not only of the sense of touch, feriority in which we find them :—-1. Men are
considered as a channel of information with re more multiplied upon the earth. 2. Among the
spect to external objects, but also of the dexte different species of monkeys, there are few
rity requisite for the practice of the mechanical whose strength can be compared with that of
arts. man; and, accordingly, they form only a fugi
“ 2. The life of animals, in general, being of tive society before the'human race. 3. Monkeys
a shorter duration than that of man, does not being frugiverous, have fewer wants, and, there
permit them to make so many observations, or fore, less invention than man.- 4. Their life is
to acquire so many ideas. shorter. And, finally, the organical structure
“ 3. Animals being better armed and better of their bodies keeping them, like children, in
clothed by nature than the human species, have perpetual motion, even- after their desires are sa
fewer wants, and consequently fewer motives to tisfied, they are not susceptible of lassitude
stimulate or to exercise their invention. If the (ennui), which ought to be considered (as I
voracious animals are more cunning than others, shall prove afterwards) as one of the principles

' In combating the philosophy of Helvetius, La. Harpe (whose philosophical o inions seem, on many occasions, to have
been not a little influenced by his private partialities and dislikes exclaims loud y against the same principles to which he
had tacitly given his unqualified approbation in speaking of Condlllac. On this occasion he is at pains to distinguish between
the doctrines of the two writers; asserting that Londillac considered our senses as only the occasional causes of our ideas,
while Helvctius represented the former as the productive causes of the batten-(Cour: dc Litteral. Tome XV. pp. 348, 349.)
But that this is by no means reconcilcable with the eral spirit of Condillac’u works (although perhaps some detached expres
sions may be selected from them admitting of me an interpretation), appears sufficiently from the passages formerly quot
ed. In addition to these, I beg leave to transcribe the followin : “ Dans le systeme que toutes nos connoisances viennent
des sens, rien n’est plus aisé que de se faine une notion exacte idées. Car elles ne sont que des sensations ou des por
tions extraites de quelque sensation pour étre considerées a. part ; ce qui oduit deux sortes d'idées, les sensibles et les
abstraites."__(1'mité (In Synémn, Chap. vi.) “ Puisque nous avons vu que e souvenir n‘cst qu’une maniere do sentir, c‘est
une consequence, que les idées intellectuelles nedifl'éreut pas essentiellcment des sensations mémes."-(Trailé du Scen
lioru, Chap. viii. § 83.) Is not this precise! the doctrine and even the language of Helvetius ? '
In the same passage of the Lyck, from w ich the above quotation is taken from La Harpe, there is a sweeping judgment
pronounced on the merits of Locke, which may serve as a specimen of the author‘s competency to decide on metaphysical
questions : “ Locke a prouvé autant qu‘il est possible a l‘homme, que l‘fime est une substance simple et indivisible, et par
consequent immaterielle. Cependant, il ajoute, qu'il n‘oseroit aflirmcr que Dieu ne uisse douer la matiE-re dc sée.
Condi lac est de son avis sur le premier article, et le combat sur is second. Je suis entlerement dc l'avis dc Condi lac, et
too: In bovu métaphycicicm cosvimncnt que c‘en Ia nulc increditudc qu‘on puiuc rtlcver dam Pout-rage dc Locke."_( Cour: dz Litter“.
Tome XV. p. 149.)
180 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to which the human mind owes its improve purposes with facility. Nor would the human
ment. form have been of more use to the brute, so long
“ By combining (he adds) all these differences as he remained destitute of understanding. But
between the nature of man and of beast, we may in thee, Aristodemus, hath been joined to a
Understand why sensibility and memory, though wonderful soul, a body no less wonderful ; and
faculties common to man and to the lower ani sayst thou, after this, the gods take no care of
mals, are in the latter only sterile qualities.”1 me? What wouldst thou then more to con
The foregoing passage is translated literally Vince thee of their care 1’” 9
from a note on one of the first paragraphs of the A very remarkable passage to the same pur
book De l’Esprit ,' and in the sentence of the pose occurs in Galen’s treatise, De Usu Partium.
text to which the note refers, the author trium “But as of all animals man is the wisest, so
phantly asks, “ Who can doubt, that if the wrist hands are well fitted for the purposes of a wise
of a man had been terminated by the hoof of a animal. For it is not because he had hands
horse, the species would still have been wander that he is therefore wiser than the rest, as An
ing in the forest ?” axagoras alleged; but because he was wiser than
Without attempting any examination of this the rest that he had therefore hands, as Aris
shallow and miserable theory, I shall content totle has most wisely judged. Neither was it
myself with observing, that it is not peculiar to his hands, but his reason, which instructed man
the philosophers of modern France. From the in the arts. The hands are only the organs by
Memorabilia of Xenophon it appears, that it was which the arts are practised.” ‘
current among the sophists of Greece; and the The contrast, in point of elevation, between
answer given it by Socrates is as philosophical the tone of French philosophy, and that of the
and satisfactory as any thing that could possibly best heathen moralists, was long ago remarked
be advanced in the present state of the sciences. by Addison; and of this contrast it would be
“ And canst thou doubt, Aristodemus, if the diflicult to find a better illustration than the
gods take care of man ? Hath not the privilege passages which have just been quoted.
of an erect form been bestowed on him alone? The disposition of ingenious men to pass sud
Other animals they have provided with feet, by denl y from one extreme to another in matters of
which they may be removed from one place to controversy, has, in no instance, been more
another; but to man they have also given the strikingly exemplified than in the opposite theo
use of the hand. A tongue hath been bestowed ries concerning the nature of the brutes, which
on every other animal; but what animal, except successively became fashionable in France du
man, hath the power of making his thoughts in ring the last century. While the prevailing
telligible to others ? creed of French materialists leads to the rejec
“ Nor is it with respect to the body alone that tion of every theory which professes to discri
the gods have shown themselves bountiful to minate the rational mind from the animal prin
man. Who seeth not that he is as it were a ciple of action, it is well known that, but a few
god in“, the midst of this visible creation? So years before, the disciples of Descartes allowed
far doth he surpass all animals whatever in the no one faculty to belong to man and brutes in
endowments of his body and his mind. For if common; and even went so far as to consider
the body of the ox had been joined to the mind the latter in the light of mere machines. To
of man, the invention of the latter would have this paradox the author was probably led, partly
been of little avail, while unable to execute his by his anxiety to elude the objection which the

‘ It is not a little surprising that, in the above enumeration, Helvetius takes no notice of the want of language in the
lower animals ; a faculty without which, the multiplication of individuals could contribute nothing to the improvement of
the speeies. Nor is this want of launguage in the brutes owing to any defect in the or us of speech ; as sufficiently up are
from those tribes which are posses of the power of articulation in no inconsiderab e degree. It plainly indicates, t ere
fore, some defect in those higher principles which are connected with the use of artificial signs.
1 Mrs Sarah Fielding‘s Translation.
‘ GALEs, De U0. Part. l. l. c. 3
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 181.
faculties of the lower animals have been sup From those representations of human nature
posed to present to the doctrine of the immorta which tend to assimilate to each other the facul
lity of the soul, and partly by the difliculty of ties of man and of the hrutes, the transition to
reconciling their sufi'erings with the Divine atheism is not very Wide. In the present in
Goodness. stance, both conclusions seem to be the neces
Absurd as this idea may now appear, none of sary corollaries of the same fundamental maxim.
the tenets of Descartes were once adopted with For if all the sources of our knowledge are to be
more implicit faith by some of the profoundest found in the external senses, how is it possible
thinkers in Europe. The great Pascal admired for the human mind to rise to a conception of
it as the finest and most valuable article of the the Supreme Being, or to that of any other truth
Cartesian system ; and of the deep impression it either of natural or of revealed religion?
made on the mind of Malebranche, a most de To this question Gassendi and Condillac, it
cisive proof was exhibited by himself in the pre cannot be doubted, were both able to return an
sence of Fontenelle. “M. de Fontenelle con answer, which seemed to themselves abundantly
toit,” says one of his intimate friends,l “ qu’un satisfactory. But how few of the multitude are
jour étant allé voir Malebranche aux PP. de competent to enter into these refined explana
l’Oratoire de la Rue St Honoré, une grosse tions ? And how much is it to be dreaded, that
chienne de la maison, et qui étoit‘pleine, entra the majority will embrace, with the general prin
dans la salle 01‘1 ils se promenoient, vint caresser ciple, all the more obvious consequences which
1e P. Malebranche, et se rouler a ses pieds. to their own gross conceptions it seems necese
Aprés quelques mouvemens inutiles pour la sarily to involve ? Something of the same sort
chasser, le philosophe lui donna un grand coup may be remarked in the controversy about the
de pied, qui fit jetter a la chienne un cri de dou freedom of the human will. Among the multi
leur, et a. M. de Fontenelle un cri de compas tudes whom Leibnitz and Edwards have made
sion. Eh quoi (lui dit froidement le P. Male converts to the scheme of necessity, how com
branche) ne scavez vous pas bien que cela ne se paratively inconsiderable is the number who
sent point ?" have acquiesced in their subtle and ingenious
On this point Fontenelle, though a zealous attempts to reconcile this scheme with man’s ac
Cartesian, had the good sense to dissent openly countableness and moral agency?
from his master, and even to express his appro Of the prevalence of atheism at Paris, among
bation of the sarcastic remark of _La Motte, que the higher classes, at the period of which we are
now speaking, the llIcmoircs and Corres
cette opinion sur les animaua: étoit une débaucke de nca
raisonnenumt. Is not the same expression equally of the Baron de Grimm afford the most unques
applicable to the opposite theory quoted from tionable proofs.‘ His friend Diderot seems to
Helvetius .7“ have been one of its most zealous abettors ; who,

‘ The Abbé Trublet in the Mcrcur: do Juillet, l757.-(See (Bum: dc Fmxtmcllc, Tome II. p. 137. Amsterdam, 1764.)
’ In La Fontaine‘s Diwaun d Madam: de la Sablie‘rc (Liv. X. Fable I.), the good sense with which he points out the ex
travagance of both these extremes is truly admirable. His argument (in spite of the fetters of rhyme) IS stated, not onl
with his usual grace, but with singular clearness and precision ; and considering the period when he wrote, reflects mu l
honour on his philosophical aagacitv.
' The Syslc‘nu.‘ dc la Nature (the-boldest, if not the ablest, publication of the Parisian atheists) appeared in 1770. It bore
on the title-page the name of Mirabaud, a respectable but not very eminent writer, who, after long filling the oflicc of per
petual secretary to the French Academy, die at a very advanced age in 1760. (He was chiefly nown as the author of
very indifi'erent translations of Tmuo and Arioslu.) It is now, however, universally admitted that Mirabaud had no share
whatever in the composition of the Syslénw dc Ia Nature. It has been ascribed to various authors: nor am I quite certain,
that, amen F those who are most com P6 tent to form a .l'ud R mcnt u Pon this lmint, there is y ct a P9 rfcct unanimity. In
one of the a test works which has reached this country from France (the Cnrrmpondanrc inhiita dc Galiani, 18w), it seems to
be assumed by the editors, as an acknowledged fact, that it proceeded from the pen of the Baron d‘Holbach. The Ahbé
Geliani having remarked, in one of his letters to Madame Epinay, that it appeared to him to come from the same hand with
the Chridianinne Devoilé and the blilimirc Philaaoplw, the editors remark in a note, “ ()n peut rendre homage a la sagacité
de l'Abbé Galiani. Le Christiauilme Dwoilé est en efi'et le premier ouvruge philosophique du Baron d‘Holbau-h. C'est on
vain que la Biographic Uuiuencllc nous assure, d'apres le temoignage dc Voltaire, que cet ouvrage est de Damiluville."
Having mentioned the name of Damilaville, I am tempted to add, that the article relating to him in the lliogmphir Uni
verullc, notwithstanding the incorrectness with which it is charged in the foregoing passage, is not unworthy of the reader‘s
182 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

it appears from various accounts, contributed to connoissance de l’homme, et l’obligation 0.1 il

render it fashionable, still more by the extraor est de louer et de benir Dieu dans toutes ses
dinary powers of his conversation, than by the oeuvres? Les anteurs de la vie spirituelle, les
odd combination of eloquence and of obscurity plus mystiques méme, et les plus accrédités, ne
displayed in all his metaphysical productions.1 l’ont pas cru.”—(M. l’Abbé Emery, Editor Qf
In order, however, to prevent misapprehen the Thoughts of Descartes upon Religion and Mo
sion of my meaning, it is proper for me to cau rals, Paris, 1811., p. '79.)
tion my readers against supposing that all the As to the unqualified charge of atheism, which
eminent French philosophers of this period were has been brought by some French ecclesiastics
of the same school with Grimm and Diderot. against all of their countrymen that have pre
On this subject many of our English writers sumed to differ from the tenets of the Catholic
have been misled by taking for granted that to church, it will be admitted, with large allow
speak lightly of final causes is, of itself, sufficient ances, by every candid Presbyterian, when it is
proof of atheism. That this is a very rash as recollected that something of the same illiberali
well as uncharitable conclusion, no other proof ty formerly existed under the comparatively
is necessary than the manner in which final enlightened establishment of England. In the
causes are spoken of by Descartes himself, the present times, the following anecdote would ap
great object of whose metaphysical writings pear incredible, if it did not rest on the unques
plainly was, to establish by demonstration the tionable testimony of Dr Jortin: “ I heard Dr
existence of God. The following vindication of B. say in a. sermon, if any one denies the unin
this part of the Cartesian philosophy has been terrupted succession of bishops, I shall not
lately offered by a French divine, and it may be scruple to call him a downright atheist. This,
extended with equal justice to Bufl'on and many when I was young (Jortin adds), was sound,
others of Descartes’s successors : “ Quelques au orthodox, and fashionable doctrine.”—( Tracts,
teurs, et particulierement Leibnitz, ont critiqué Vol. I. p. 436.)”
cette partie de la doctrine de Descarte; mais How far the efl'ects of that false philosophy of
nous la croyons irreprochable, si on veut bien which Grimm’s correspondence exhibits so dark
l’entendre, et remarquer que Descartes ne parle and so authentic a picture, were connected with
que dcs Fins totales de Dieu. Sans doute, le the awful revolution which soon after followed,
soleil par exemple, et les étoiles, ont été faits it is not easy to say. That they contributed
pour l’homme, dans ce sens, que Dieu, en les greatly to blacken its atrocities, as well as to re
créant, a en en vue l’utilité de l’homme; ct cettevolt against it the feelings of the whole Chris
utilité a été sa fin. Mais cette utilité' a-t-elle tian world, cannot be disputed. The experi
été l’unique fin de Dicu? Croit-on qu’en lui ment was indeed tremendous, to set loose the
attribuant d’autres fins, on afi'oibliroit In re passions of all classes of men from the restraints

attention, as it contains some very remarkable marginal notes on the Christianinnc Devolté, copied from Voltaire‘s own
handwritin .
Since writing the above note, I have seen the Memoirs of M. Suard, by M. Garat (Paris, 1820), in which the biographer,
whose authority on this point is perfectly decisive, ascribes with confidence to Baron d‘Holbach the Sym‘mc de la Nuturc,
and also a work entitled La Morale ct La Legislation Univenclle (Vol. I. pp. 210, 211-)
According to the same author, the Baron d'Holbach was one of Diderot‘s proselyteL-(Ibid. p. 208.) His former creed,
it would appear, had been very different.
1 And yet Diderot, in some of his lucid intervals, seems to have thought and felt very differently. See Note T'l‘.
'See NobeUU. .
Of the levity and extravagance with which such charges have sometimes been brought forward, we have a remarkable
instance in a tract entitled Athci Dctecti, by a very learned Jesuit Father Hardouin ; (see his Opera Varia Pmthuma, Amsterdam,
1733, in fol.) where, among a number of other names, are to be found those of Jansenius, Descartes, Malebrancbe, Arnauld,
Nicole, and Pascal. Large additions on grounds equally frivolous, have been made in later times, to this list, by authors,
who having
this kind wasthemselves made rofession
a book publishedp at Paris, of Atheism,
under some were
of theanxious, out of governments,
revolutionary vanity, to swell
by the number
Pierre of their
Sylrain sect. en
Alarcchal, Of

titled Dictionnaire dc: Athéu. Here we meet with the names of St Chrysostom, St Augustin, Pascal, Bossuet, Fenelon,
Bellarrnin, Labruyere, Leibnitz, and many others not less unexpected. This book he is said to have published at the
suggestion of the celebrated astronomer Lalande, who afterwards published a supplemt to the Dictionary, supplying the
omissions of the author. See the Biographic Um'ucrn'llt‘, articles Mnrechal, Lalamk.
 "' DISSERTATION FIRST. 183
imposed by religious principles; and the result of wise lawa, and which was pointed out to le
exceeded, if possible, what could have been an gislators as the most important advantage to be
ticipated in theory. The lesson it has afforded gained from their institutions.
has been dearly purchased; but let us indulge These speculations, whatever opinion may be
the hope that it will not be thrown away on the formed of their solidity, are certainly as remote
generations which are to come.’ . as possible from any tendency to atheism, and
A prediction, which Bishop Butler hazarded still less do they partake of the spirit of that
many years before, does honour to his political philosophy which would level man with the
sagacity, as well as to his knowledge of human brute creation. With their practical tendency
nature; that the spirit of irreligion would pro in a political view we are not at present concern
duce, some time or other, political disorders, si ed; but it would be an unpardonable omission,
milar to those which arose from religious t'ana after what has been just said of the metaphysi
ticism in the seventeenth century.1 cal theories of the same period, not to mention
Nearly about the time that the Encyclope'die the abstract principles involved in the Economi
was undertaken, another set of philosophers, cal System, as a remarkable exception to the ge
since known by the name of Ecmwmists, formed neral observation. It may be questioned, too,
themselves into an association for the purpose ofif the authors of this system, by incorporating
enlightening the public on questions of politicaltheir ethical views with their political disquisi-'
economy. The object of their studies seemed tions, did not take a more effectual step towards
widely removed from all abstract discussion; discountenancing the opinions towhich they were
but they had, nevertheless, a metaphysical sys» opposed, than if they had attacked them in the
tem of their own, which, if it had been brought way of direct argument.‘
forward with less enthusiasmand exaggeration, On the metaphysical theories which issued from
might have been useful in counteracting the the French press during the latter half of the
gloomy ideas then so generally prevalent about last century, I do not think it necessary for me
the order of the universe. The whole of their to enlarge, after what I have so fully stated in
theory proceeds on the supposition that the ar some of my former publications. To enter into
rangements of nature are wise and benevolent, details with respect to particular works would
and that it is the business of the legislator to be superfluous, as the remarks made upon any,
study and co-operate with her plans in all his one of them are nearly applicable to them all.
own regulations. With this principle, another The excellent writings of M. Prevost, and of
was combined, that of the indefinite improve M. Degerando, will, it is to be hoped, gradually
ment of which the human mind and character introduce into France a sounder taste in this
are susceptible; an improvement which was re branch of philosophy.3 At present, so far as I
presented as a natural and necessary consequence am acquainted with the state of what is called

‘ “ Is there no danger that all this may raise somewhat like that levelling spirit, u n ntheistieal principles, which, in
the last :Ee, prevailed upon enthusiastic ones ? Not to speak of the possibility, that d' erent sorts of people may unite in
it upon ese contrary principles."—(Sernwn preached before the Home of Lordl, January 30, l74l.)
As the fatal efi'ects 0 both these extremes have, in the course of the two last centuries, been exem lified on so ' ntic
a scale in the two most civilised countries of Europe, it is to be hoped that mankind may in future erive some so utary
admonitions from the experience of their predecessors- In the meantime, from that disposition common both to the hi her
and lower orders to pass suddenly from one extreme to another, it is at least possible that the strong reaction produ by
the spirit of impiety durin the French Revolution may, in the first instance, impel the multitude to something approach
ing to the puritanical fanaticism and frenzy of the Cromwellisn Commonwealth.
I For some other observations on the Ethical principles assumed in the Economical System, sec Element: qflha Philomphg
ofthe Human blind, Vol. II. Chap. iv. Sect. 6. § 1. towards the end.
' Some symptoms of such a reformation are admitted already to exist, by an author decidedly hostile to all philosophical
systems. “ Bacon, Locke, Condillac, cherchoient dens nos sens l‘origine de nos ide'es : Helvetius y a trouvé nos idécs elle!
mémcs. Jugcr, selon ce philosophc, n‘ut cadre t‘hUIC que amtir.‘ Aujourd‘hui les hons esprits, éclnirés par les événemens

‘ I was somewhat surprised, in looking over very lately the Principia ol‘ Descartes, to find (what had formerly escaped
me), that the mode of speaking objected to in the above paragraph mtg plead in its favour the authority of that philosopher :
“ Cogitationis nomine, intelligo illa omnia, que nobis consciis m nobis unt, quatcnus corum in nobis conscientia est: Atque
184 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Iiologie in that country, it does not appear to important truths better expressed than ever they
me to furnish much matter either for the in were before, that may be of service to the wisest
struction or amusement of my readers. men. Particularly, I think he has observed
The works of Rousseau have, in general, too children with more attention, knows their mean
slight a connection with metaphysical science, to ing, and the working of their little passions,
come under review in this part of my discourse. better than any other writer. As to his religi
But to his Emile, which has been regarded as a ous discussions, which have alarmed the world,
supplement to Locke’s Treatise on Education, and engaged their thoughts more than any other
some attention is justly due, on account of vari parts of his boolr, I set them all at nought, and
ous original and sound suggestions on the ma wish they had been omitted.”—(Gasv’s Works
nagement of the infant mind, which, among by Mason, Letter 4-9.)
many extravagancies, savouring strongly both The most valuable additions made by French
of intellectual and moral insanity, may be writers to the Philosophy of the Human Mind
gathered by a sober and discriminating inquirer. are to be found, not in their systematical trea
The estimate of the merits of this work, formed tises on metaphysics, but in those more popu
by Mr Gray, appears to me so just and impar lar compositions, which, professing to paint
tial, that I shall adopt it here without a com the prevailing manners of the times, touch
ment. occasionally on the varieties of intellectual
“ I doubt” (says he, in a letter to a friend) character. In this most interesting and im
“ you have not yet read Rousseau’s Emile. portant study, which has been hitherto almost
Every body that has children should read it more entirely neglected in Great Britain,1 France
than once; for though it abounds with his usual must be allowed not only to have led the way,
glorious absurdity, though his general scheme but to remain still unrivalled. It would be
of education he an impracticable chimera, yet endless to enumerate names; but I must not
there are a thousand lights struck out, a thousand pass over those of Vauvenargues“ and Du

sur la secrete tendance de toutes ces opinions, les ont soumises a un examen plus severe. La tramfirmafion des sensations
en idées ne paroit plus qu’un mot vide de sens. On trouve que l'hommc datue ressemble un peu trop z. I'Iwmmc machine, et
Condillac est modifié ou meme combattu sur quelques points, par tous ceux qui s‘en servent encore dans l'enseignement
philosophique."_-( Recherche: Philomphiquu, tj-c. par M. m: BONALD, 'l‘ome I. pp. 34. 35.)
1 Many precious hints connected with it may, however, be collected from t e writings of Lord Bacon, and a few from
those of Mr Locke. It does not seem to have engaged the curiosity of Mr Hume in so great a degree as might have been
expected from his habits of observation and extensive intercourse with the world. The objects ol Dr Reid's inquiries led
him into a totally different track.
Amon German writers, Leibnitz has occasionally glanced with a penetrating eye at the varieties of genius; and it were
to be wis ed that he had done so more frequently. How far his example has been followed by his countrymen in later
times, I am unable tojudge, from my ignorance of their language.
A work ex ressly on this subject was published by a Spanish physician (Huarte) in the seventeenth century. A French
translation 0 it, printed at Amsterdam in 1672, is now lying before me. It is entitled, Eramcn dc: Esprit: pour Ier Sciences.
Oil is montrcnt lea diflbrcncu du Esprilr, qui a: lrouncnl pnrmi lc: hammer, at a gm‘l genre dc Science chacun ea! proprc m par.
ficulier. The execution of this work certainly falls far short of the expectations raised by the title; but, allowances being
made for the period when it was written, it is by no means destitute of merit, nor unworthy of the attention of those who
may speculate on the subject of Education. For some particulars about its contents, and also about the author, see Boyle's
Dictionary, Art. Huarte; and The Spectator, No. 30.
’ The Marquis de Vauvenargues, author of a small volume, entitled Introduction 1‘: In Connoiuancc dc I‘Espn‘t Humain.
'He entered into the army at the age of eighteen, and continued to serve for nine years ; when, having lost his health irre
coverably, in consequence of the fatigues e underwent in the memorable retreat from Prague, in December 1742, he re.
solved to quit his profession, in the hope of obtaining some diplomatic employment better suited to his broken constitution.
Soon after, he was attacked by the smallipox, which unfortunately turned out of so malignant a kind, as to disfigure his
countenance, and deprive him almost tote y of si ht. He died in 1747, at the age of thirty-two. The small volume above
mentioned was published the year before his deat . It bears everywhere the marks of a powerful, original, and elevated
mind ; and the imperfect education which the author appears to have received gives it an additional charm, as the genuine
result of his own unsophisticated reflections.
Marmontel has given a most interesting picture of his social character : “ En le lisant, je crois encore l'entendre, et je ne

ita non mode intelligere, velle, ima 'nari, sed etiam sentire, idem est hie quod cogitare."-_(I’rinc. Phil. p. 2.) Dr Reid,
too, has said that “the sensation 0 colour is a sort of thought" (Inquiry, Chap. vi. § 4.); but no names, how great soever,
can sanction so gross an abuse of language.
After all, there is some difference between saying, that sensation is a sort of thought, and that thought is a sort of sen
sation.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. '185
clos.1 Nor can I forbeiir to remark, in justice and still more ingeniously and happily to the
to an author Whom I have already very different branches of pure and mixed mathema
freely censured, that a variety of acute and tics. To a philosophical mind, no study certain;
refined observations on the different modifi ly can be more delightful than this species of
cations of genius may be collected from the history; but as an organ of instruction, I am
'writings of Helvetius. The soundness of some not disposed to estimate its practical utility so
of his distinctions may perhaps be question highly as D’Alembert. It .does not seem to me
ed; but even his attempts at classification may at all adapted to interest the curiosity of novices:
serve as useful guides to future observers, and -nor is it so well calculated to engage the atten
may supply them with a convenient nomencla tion of those who wish to enlarge their scientific
ture, to which it is not always easy to find cor knowledge, as of persons accustomed to reflect
responding terms in other languages. As ex on the phenomena and laws of the intellectual
amples of this, it is sufficient to mention the fol world.
lowing phrases: Esprit juste, Esprit borné, Es Of the application of theoretical history, to
prit étcndu, Esprit fin, Esprit délié, Esprit d8 account for the diversities of laws and modes
lumie‘re. The peculiar richness of the French of government among men, I shall have occasion
tongue in such appropriate expressions (a cir afterwards to speak. At present I shall only
cumstance, by the way, which not unfrequently remark the common relation in which all such
leads foreigners to overrate the depth of a talka researches stand to the Philosophy of the Hu
tive Frenchman) is itself a proof of the degree man Mind, and their common tendency to ex
of attention which the ideas they are meant to pand and to liberalise the views of those who are
convey have attracted in that country among the occupied in the more confined pursuits of the
higher and more cultivated classes. subordinate sciences. . _
The influence, however, of the philosophical After what has been already said of the
spirit on the general habits of thinking among general tone of French philosophy, it will not
men of letters in France, was in no instance dis appear surprising, that a system so mystical and
played to greater advantage, than in the nume spiritual as that of Leibnitz never struck its
rous examples of theoretical or conjectural history, roots deeply in that country. A masterly out
which appeared about the middle of last century. line of its principles was published by Madame
I have already mentioned the attempts of Con du Chatelet, at a period of her life when she
dillac and others, to trace upon this plan the was an enthusiastic admirer of the author; and
first steps of the human mind in the invention a work on such a subject, composed by a lady
of language. The same sort of speculation has of her rank and genius, could not fail to pro
been applied with greater success to the mecha duce at first a very strong sensation at Paris;
nical and other necessary arts of civilised life ;' but not long after, she herself abandoned the

sais si sa conversation n'avait pas méme quelque chose de plus animé, de plus délicat que scs divins ecrits." And, on a
difi'erent occasion, he speaks 0 him thus : “ Doux, sensible, compatissant, i1 tenait nos nimes dans sea mains. Une sérénité
inalte'rable dérobait ses douleurs aux yeux de l'amitié. Pour soutenir l'adversité, on n'avoit besoin que de son exemple ;
et témoin de l'égalité de son time, on n‘osait étre malheureux avec lui." See also an eloquent and pathetic tribute to the
genius and worth of Vauvenargues, in Voltaire's Eloge Fum’bn: d" Ojlcicr: qm' mt mom dam Ia Gucrrt dc I74].
If the space allotted to him in this note should be thought to exceed what is due to his liters eminence, the singular
circumstances of his short and unfortunate life, and the deep impression which his virtues, as we as his talents, appear to
have left on the minds of all who knew him, will, I trust, be a sutlicient apology for my wish to add something to the cele
brity of a name, hitherto, I believe, very little known in this country.
' The work of Duclos, here referred to, has for its title, Confidémfiom car In Illa-u" dc cc Siécle. Gibbon's opinion of
this book is, I think, not beyond its merits : “ L’ouvrnge en général est bon. Quelques chapitres (1e rapport de l’esprit et
du caractere) me paroissent excellens.”-(£rtmit du Journal.)
I have said nothing of La Rochefoucauld and La Bruycre, as their attention was chiefly confined to manners, and to me
ral ({palities. Yet many of their remarks show, that they had not wholly overlooked the diversities among men in point of
into ect.. An observer of sagacity equal to their‘s might, I should think, find a rich field of study in this part of human
nature, as well as in the other.
‘ Particularly by the President de Goguet, in his learned work, entitled, “ Dc POriginc da Lola, dz: Arts, ct dc: Sriencn,
(I de lam Progré: dun-.- la Ancient Pcuplu." Paris, 1758
DISS- I. PART II. 2 A
 186 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

German philosophy, and became a zealous thor, the unrivalled splendour of whose ma
partizan of the Newtonian school. She even thematical genius may be justly suspected, in
translated into French, and enriched with a the case of some of his admirers, to throw a
commentary, the Principia of Newton; and by false lustre on the dark shades of his philosophi
thus renouncing her first faith, contributed more cal creed. 1
to discredit it, than she had previously done to Notwithstanding, however, this important
bring it into fashion. Since that time, Leibnitz and unfortunate coincidence, no two systems
has had few, if any, disciples in France, al can well be imagined more strongly contrasted
though some of his peculiar tenets have oc on the whole, than the lofty metaphysics of
casionally found advocates there, among those Leibnitz, and that degrading theory concerning
who have rejected the great and leading doc the origin of our ideas, which has been fashion
trines, by which his system is more peculiarly able in France since the time of Condillac. In
characterised. His opinions and reasonings in proof of this, I have only to refer to the account
particular, on the necessary concatenation of all of both, which has been already given.
events, both physical and moral (which accord The same contrast, it would appear, still con
ed but too well with the philosophy professed tinues'to exist between the favourite doctrines
by Grimm and Diderot), have been long incor of the German and of the French schools. “ In
porated with the doctrines of the French ma the French empiricism (says a most impartial,
terialists, and they have been lately adopted as well ascompetent judge, M. Ancillon), the
and sanctioned, in all their extent, by an au faculty of feeling, and the faculty of knowing,

l “ Les événemens actuels ont avec les préce'dens une liaison fondéc sur le'princi e evident. qu'une chose ne peut pas
commencer d'étre, sans une cause ui ln produise. Cet axiome, connu sous le nom e principe de la mirrmwuflaanlc, s‘étend
aux actions méme que l‘on jugc iniiitférentes. La volonté la plus libre ne peut, sans un motif determinant, leur dunner
naissance; car si, toutes les circonstanccs de deux positions étant exactement semblables, elle agissoit dans l'une et s'ab
stenoit d'agir dans l‘autre, son choix seroit un efi'et sans cause ;' elle seroit alors, dit Leibnitz, le hazard avrugk des Epicu
riens. L’opinion contraire est une illusion de l‘esprit qui rdant de vue les raisons fugitives du choir de la volonté dans
les choses inditi‘érentes, se rsuade qu'elle s’est détermin e d‘elle meme et suns motifs.
“ Nous devons donc envisager l‘état present de l'univers comme l‘efi'et de son état antérieure, ct comme la cause de celui
ui va suivre. Une intelligence qui pour un instant donné connoitroit toutes les forces dont la nature est animée, et la
situation respective des étres qui la composent, ai d’ailleurs elle étoit assez vsste pour soumettre ces données s l'analyse,
embrasseroit dans la meme formule, les mouvemens dcs plus grands corps dc l‘univers et ceux dc plus léger attime. Rien
ne seroit incertain pour elle, et l‘avenir comme le passe, seroit present ii ses yeux.“_(E:.mi Philowphlque mr les Probabilitir,
par LAPLACE.)
Is not this the very spirit of the Theodlaea of Leibnitz, and, when combined with the other reasonings in the Euay on
Probabilities, the very essence of Spinozism ?
This, indeed, is studiously ke t by the author out of the reader‘s view ; and hence the facility with which some of his
propositions have been admitted1 by many of his mathematical disciples, who, it is highly probable, were not aware of the
consequences which they necessarily involve.
I cannot conclude this note without recurring to an observation ascribed in the above quotation from Laplace to Leib
nitz, “ that the blind chance of the Epicureans involves the supposition of an effect taking place without a cause.” This, I
apprehend, is a very incorrect statement of the philosophy tau ht by Lucretius, which nowhere gives the slightest coun.
tenance to such a supposition. The distinguishing tenet of the sect was, that the order' of the universe does not imply the
existence of intelligent causes, but may be accounted for by the active powers belonging to the atoms of matter; which ac
tive powers, being exerted throu h an indefinitely long period of time, might produce, nay, must have produced, exactly
such a combination of things, as t at with which we are surrounded. This, it is evident, does not call in question the net
cessity of a cause to produce every effect, but, on the contrary, virtually assumes the truth of that axiom. It only excludes
from these causes the attribute of intelligence. It is in the same way when I apply the words blind chance (hazard avcuglc)
to the throw of a die, I do not mean to deny that I am ultimately the cause of the particular event that is to take place; but
only to intimate that I do not here act as a designing cause, in consequence of my ignorance of the various accidents to
which the die is subjected, while shaken in the box. If I am not mistaken, this Epicurean Theory approaches very nearly
to the scheme, which it is the main object of the Essay on Probabilities to inculcate; and, therefore, it was not quite fair in
. Laplace to object to the supposition of man's free agency, as favouring those principles which he himself was labouring in
directly to insinuate.
From a passage in Plato’s Saphid, it is very justly inferred by liIr Gray, that, accordin to the common opinion then en
tertained, “ the creation of things was the work of blind unintelligent matter; whereas t e contrary was the result of phi
losophical reflection and disquisition believed by a few people only.”-(Gray'| Work: by Ma'rtmas, Vol. II. p. 414.) On
the same subject, see Sm'rn‘s Posthumous Essays, p. 106.

" The impropriety of this language was long ago pointed out by Mr Hume. “ They are still more frivolous who say,
that every efi'ect must have a cause, because it is implied in the very idea of effect. Every efl'ect necessarily presupposes
a cause; effect being a relative term, of which cause is the co-relative. The true state of the question is, whether every
object, which begins to exist, must owe its existence to a cause ?"_( Trealirc qfHsman Nature, Vol. I. p. 147.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST 187
are one and the same. In the new philosophy which"the impressions of the senses call-forth
of Germany, there is no faculty of knowing, from their obscurity, but which, far from owing
but reason. In the former, taking our departure their origin to sensations, serve to appreciate
from individuals, we rise by degrees to ideas, to them, to judge of them, to employthem as instru
general notions, to principles. In the latter, ' ments. It would be rash, however, to conclude
beginning with what is most general, or rather from hence, that there is no certainty but in reason,
with“ what is universal, we descend to individu that reason alone can seize the mystery of exist
al existences, and to particular cases. In the ences, and the intimate nature of beings, and that
one, what we see, what we touch, what we feel, experience is nothing but a vain appearance,
are the only realities. In the other, nothing is destitute of every species of reality.”1
real but what is invisible and purely intellectual.” With'this short and comprehensive estimate
“ Both these systems (continues M. Ancillon) of the new German philosophy, pronounced by
result from the exaggeration of a sound prin one of the most distinguished members of the
ciple. They are both true and both false in Berlin Academy, I might perhaps be pardoned
part; true in what they admit, false in what for dismissing a subject, with which I have, in
they reject. All our knowledge begins, or ap some of my former publications, acknowledged
s to begin, in sensation; but it does not fol myself (from my total ignorance of the German
low from this that it is all derived from sensa language) to be very imperfectly acquainted;
tion, or that sensation constitutes its whole but the impression which it produced for a few
amount. The proper and innate activity of the years in England (more particularly while our
mind has a large share in the origin of our re intercourse with the Continent was interrupted),
presentations, our sentiments, our ideas. Reason makes it proper for me to bestow on it a little
involves principles which she does not borrow more notice in this Dissertation, than I should
from without, which she owes only to herself, otherwise have judged necessary or useful.

SECTION VII.

Kant and other Metaphysicians of the New German School.‘

Tm: long reign of the Leibnitzian Philosophy degree, to the seal and ability with which it was
in Germany was owing, in no inconsiderable taught in that part of Europe, for nearly halfa

1 flfélongcl de Litteralurc ct de Philorophie, par F. ANCILLON, Preface. (a Paris, 1809.) The intimacy of M. Ancillon's
literary connections both with France and With Germany entitle his opinions on the respective merits of their philosophi
cal systems to uliar weight. If be anywhere discovers a islity for either, the modest account which he gives of
himself would end us to expect his leaning to be in favour of is countrymen. “ Placé entre la France et l‘Allemagne,
appurtenant h In remicre par la lan e dans laquelle je hasarde d‘écrire, b. In seconde par ma naissancc, mes études, mes
pnncipcs, mes ections, et j'ose le 're, par la couleur de ma pensée, je dairerois pouvoir servir dc mediateur littéraire,
0u d‘interpréte philoso hique entre les deux nations.”
In translatin from I. Ancillon the passage noted in the text, I have adhered as closely as possible to the words of
the original; though I cannot help imaginin t not I could have rendered it still more into 'gible to the English reader
by laying aside some of the peculiarities of is German phraseolo . My chief reason for retaining these, was to add
weight to the strictures which a critic, so dec ly tinctured with the ierman habits of thinking and of writing, has otl'ered,
on t c most prominent faults of the systems in which he had been educated.
' My ignorance of German would have prevented me from saying anything of the hilosophy of Kent, if the extraor
dinary pretensions with which it was at first brought forward in this island, contrast with the total oblivion into which
it soon after very suddenly fell, had not seemed to demand some attention to so wonderful a phenomenon in the literary
history of the ei hteenth century. My readers will perceive that I have taken some pains to atone for my inability to
read Knnt’s -wor 's in the original, not only by nvailin myself of the Latin version of Born, but by consulting various com.
ments on them which have up ed in the English, rench, and Latin langu s. As commentators, however. and even
translators, are not always to trusted to as unexceptionable interpreters oft eir nuthors' opinions, my chief reliance has
been placed on one of Kant‘s own compositions in Latin ; his Dissertation De l‘tfundi Srrulbili: alque Iutrlligibilta Forma e!
Principiis, which be printed as the subJect of a public disputation, when he was candidate for a Professorship in the Uni
188 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

century, by his disciple Wolfius, 1 a man of little too trifling to deserve any notice in the history
genius, originality, or taste, but whose exten of literature.‘
sive and various learning, seconded by a metho The high reputation so long maintained by
dical hearl,‘I and by an incredible industry Wolfius in Germany suggested, at difl'erent times,
and perseverance, seems to have been peculiarly to the book-makers at Paris, the idea of intro
fitted to command the admiration of his country ducing into France the philosophy which he
men. Wolfius, indeed, did not profess to follow taught. Hence a number of French abridg
implicitly the opinions of his master, and, on ments of his logical and metaphysical writings,
some points, laid claim to peculiar ideas of his But an attempt, which had failed in the hands
own; but the spirit of his philosophy is essen of Madame de Chatelet, was not likely to sue
tially the same with that of Leibnitz,s ‘ and the ceed with the admirers and abridgers of W011
particulars in which he dissented from him are fins-i"

versity of Kmnigsberg. It is far from being improbable, alter all, that I may, in some instances, have misapprehended his
meaning, but I hope I shall not be accused of wilfully misrepresenting it. Where my remarks are borrowed from other
writers, I have been careful in referring to my authorities, that my reader may judge for himself of the fidelity of m
statements- If no other purpose, therefore, should be answered by this part of my work, it may at least be of use by _
ing forth some person proper y qpalified to correct any mistakes into which I may involuntarily have fallen ; and, in the
meantime, may serve to direct t ose who are strangers to German literature, to some of the comments on this philosophy
which have appeared in languages more generally understood in this country.
' Born 1679. Died 1754.
' The display of method, however, so conspicuous in all the works of “'olfius, will often be found to amount to little
more than an aukward afl'ectation of the phraseology and forms of mathematics, in sciences where they contribute noth‘
to the clearness of our ideas, or the correctness of our reasonings. This afl‘ectation, which seems to have been well ada as
to the taste of Germany at the time when he wrote, is now one of the chief causes of the neglect into which his writmga
have fallen. Some of them may still be usefully consulted as dictionaries, but to read them is impossible. They amount
to about forty quarto Volumes, twenty-three of which are in Latin, the rest in German.
In his own country the reputation of Wolflus is not yet at an end. In the preface to Kant‘s Critique qfPure Ran-ma, he
is called “ Summus omnium dogmaticorum Philosopllus."_(l(au'ru Opcra ad I’hilorophiam Criticnm,‘VoL I. I’rarfi Auctoril
Posterior, p. xxxvi. Latine Vertit. Fred. Born. 'psim, [796.) And by one of Kent's best commentators his name is
advantageously contrasted with that of David Hume: "' Est autem scientifica methodus aut dogmatica, nut sceptics.
Primi generis autorem celeberrimum \Volfium, alterius Davidem Humium nominasse sat es "-Ezporilio Philor. Crih'm'.
Autore Conrado Friderico a Schmidt-Phiseldek. Hafnire, 1796.) _
To the other merits of Wolfius it may be added, that he was one of the first who contributed to difi‘use among his coun
trymen a taste for philosophical inquiries, by writin on scientific subjects in the German lan “ ‘Vere all Baron
Wolf‘s other merits disputed, there is one (says Mic a'élis), which must incontestably be allowed him, his having added a
new degree of perfection to the German Tongue, by applying it to philosophy.”--(Dissertation 0n the Infiumcqf Opinion: on
Language, 8w. English Translation, p. 27. _
' 0n the great question of Free \Vill, “'olfius adopted implicitly the principles of the Theodima ,- considering man
merely in the light of a machine,- but (with the author 0 that work) dignifying this machine by the epithet :pirituuL This
Ian age, which is still very prevalent among German hilosophers, may be regarded as a relic of the doctrines of Leibnitz
enrfiif \Volfius; and affords an additional proof of the (lifl'iculty of eradicating errors sanctioned by illustrious and popular
names.
\Vhen the system of Pre-established Harmony was first introduced by \Volfius into the University of Hallo, it excited
an alarm which had very nearly been attended with fatal consequences to the ofemor. The following anecdote on the
subject is told by Euler: “ Lorsque du temps du feu Roi de Prusse, M. “"01 enseignoit h Halie le systeme dc l‘Har.
monie Pré-établie, le Roi s'informa de cette doctrine, qui faisoit grand bruit alors: et un courtisan repondit a sa Majesté,
ue tous les soldats, selon cette doctrine, n’étoient que des machines; que quand ii on désertoit, c’étoit une suite néccssaire
de leur structure, et qu'on avoit tort par consequent de les punir, comme on l‘auroit si on punissoit one machine or avoir
produit tel on tel mouvernent. Le Roi se ihclla si fort sur ce rapport. qu'il donna ordre de chasser M. “'olfde Kalle, sous
peine d’étre péndu s'il s’y trouvoit au bout de 24 heurs. Le philosophe se refugia alors h Marbourg, oil je lui ai parlé peu
de temps spree-(Lame: a one Princcuc d‘Allcmagm', Lettre 84me.) “'e are informed by Condorcet, that some reparation
was afterwards made for this injustice by Frederic the Great._“ Le Roi de Prusse, qui ne croit pas pourtant a l‘Harmonie
Pré-établie, s'est empressé de rendre justice h lVolf des le premier jour de son ne.”
° Among other novelties affected by ‘Volfius, was a new modification of the 'l‘ eory of the lionads. A slight outline
of it, but quite sufficient, I should suppose, to gratify the curiosity of most readers, may be found in Euler's Letter: to a
German I'n'nccu.
‘ To what was before remarked, of the opposition in matters of philosophy between the taste of the French and that of
the Germans, I shall here add a short passage from an author intimately acquainted with the literature of both nations.
“ L'école Allemande reconnoit Leibnitz pour chef. Son fameux disciple Wolf régna dans les universités pendant pres
d’un demi siccle avec une autorité non contestée. On connoit en France cette philosophie par un grand nombre d‘abregés
dont quelque-uns sont faits par des auteurs qui seuls auroient sufii pour lui donner de la célébrité.
_ “ Malgré l'appui de tous ces noms, jamail en France cette philosophic nc a’ut :outmue mEmc qurlque: instanr. La profondeur
spparente des ide'es, l’air d‘ensemhle et de systeme, n‘ont jamais pu suppléer s ce qui a porn lui manquer pour en faire
ime doctrine solide et digne d'étre accueillie. Outre quelque défaut e clarté, qui probablement en a écarté des esprits pour
qui cette qualité de style at de la pensée est devenue un heureux besoin, la iorme sous laquelle elle se présente a rebuté
bien des lecteurs. Quoi qu'aient pu faire les interprétes, il a toujours percé quelque chose dc l‘a pareil incommode qui
l'entoure a son origine. Condillac tourne plus d'une fois en ridicule ces formes et cc jargon scient' que, et i1 s‘apph'que h
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 189
From the time of Wolfius till the philosophy et Systematum, sed facultatis rationalisv in uni
of Kant began to attract general notice, I know versum, respectu cognitionum omnium, adquas,,
of no German metaphysician whose speculations ab omni experientia libera, possit anniti, proinde
seem to have acquired much celebrity in the dijudicationem possibilitatis aut impossibilitatis
learned world.1 Lamberta is perhaps the most metaphysices in genere, constitutionemque tum
illustriousname which occurs during this inter fontium, tum ambitus atque compagis, tum veto
val. "As a mathematician and natural philoso terminorum illius, sed cuncta haze ex princi.
pher, his great merits are universally known piis.”—-KANTII, Opera ad Philosoplu'am Criticam,
and. acknowledged, but the language in which Vol. I. Praefatio Auctoris Prior. pp. 11, 12.) To
his metaphysical and logical works were written, render this somewhat more intelligible, I shall
has confined their reputation within a compa subjoin the“ comment of 'one of his intimate
ratively narrow circle. I am sorry that I can friends,5 whose work, we are informed by Dr
not speak of these from my own knowledge; Willich, had received the sanction of Kant him2
but I have heard them mentioned in terms of self. “ The aim of Kant’s Critique is no less
the highest praise, by some very competent than to lead Reason to the true knowledge of it
judges, to whose testimony I am disposed to self ; to examine the titles upon which it founds
give the greater credit, from the singular vein the supposed possession of its metaphysical
of originality which runs through all his mathe knowledge; and by means of this examination,
matical and physical publications.3 to mark the true limits, beyond which it cannot
The Critique of Pure Reason (the most cele_ venture to speculate, without wandering into the
brated of Kant’s metaphysical works) appeared empty region of pure fancy.” The same author
in 1781.4 The idea annexed to the title by the adds, “ The whole Critique of Pure Reason is es
author, is thus explained by himself: “ Criti tablished upon this principle, that there is a free
cam rationis puma non dieo censuram librorum reason, independentqf all experience and sensation.”

montrer qu'ils ne sont pas plus propres a satisl'aire la raison que le gout. Il est an mains vermin, que le lcclcur Franfai: In re.
pouuc par instinct, d qu‘il y trout-e un obstacle tré: diflicik ti mnnonter."-(Rrjlc.ri01u car In (Eurrc: Poll/turns: d’Adam Smith,
par M. Pszvos'r de Genéve, A Paris, 1794.
‘ I Madame de Steel mentions Leasing, emsterhuis, and Jacobi, as precursors of Kant in his philoso hical career. She
adds, however, that they had no school, since none of them attempted to found any system; but ey began the war
against the doctrines of the Materialists._(Allcmagwe, Tome III. p. 98.) I am not acquainted with the metaphysical
works of any of the three. Those of Hemsterhuis, who wrote wholl in French, were, I understand, first published in I
collected form at Paris, in 1792. He was son of the celebrated Gree scholar and critic, Tiberius Hemsterhusius, Profes
sor of Latin Literature at Leyden.
’ Born at Mulhausen in Alsace in 1728. Died at Berlin in 1771.
' The following rticulars, with respect to Lambert's literary history, are extracted from a Memoir annexed by M.
Provost to his trans tion of Mr Smith‘s POIthllmOtu Works:_“ Cet ingenieux et puissant Lambert, dont lea mathemaq
tigues, ui lui doivent beaucoup, ne purent épuiser lea forces, et qui ne toucha aucun sujet de physique ou de philosophic
rationel‘le, sans le couvrir de lumiere. Ses lettrc: mmohzgiqucr, qu‘il écrivit’pn: forme de délassement, sont pleines d‘idées
sublimes, entées sur la philosophic la plus seine et la plus savante tout-d-la- ois. Il sVoit aussi dressé sous le titre d‘Archi.
tcctoniqu un tableau des princi sur lesquels se fondent les connoissances humaines. Cet ouvrage au ju ment des hommes
les plus versés dans l'étude de cur langue, n‘est pas exempt d’obscurité- Elle peut tenir en partie ii nature du sujet,
Il est a tter que as logique, intitulé Organou, ne soit traduite ni en Latin, ni en Fraucais, ni je pense en aucune
lan n extrait bien fut de cet ouvrage, duqucl on écarteroit ce qui répugne nu gout national, exciteroit l‘atteution
des philosophes, et la porteroit sur une m titude d’objéts qu'ils se sont accoutumés a regarder avec indifi‘érence."-(Pls.
Vos'r, Tome II. pp. 267, 268.)
In the article Lambert, inserted in the twenty-third volume of the Biographie Universe”: (Paris 1819), the following ac
count is given
d'Aristote, of Lsmbert’s
science l ic :_-“ Wolf,
que les schognstiquel d'apres
avoient quelques
tellement indications
avilie dc Leibnitz,
que ni Bacon ni Lockeavoit retireosé
n‘avoient de l'oubli la syllogistique
lui accorder un regard
d‘intéret. ll étoit reservé a Lambert de la montrer sous le plus beau jour et dans la plus riche pnrure. C‘est cc qu’il a
fait dans son Novum Orgamm, ouvrnge qui est un des principeux titres de gloire de son auteur.” From the writer of this
article (M. Servois) we further learn, that the Navum Organmu of Lambert was translated into Latin from the German ori
‘nal by a person of the name of Pfleiderer, and that this translation was in the hands of an English nobleman (the late
Earl of Stanhope) as lately as 1782- I quote the words of M. Servois, in the ho that they may attract some attention
to the manuscript, if it be still in existence. The publication of it would certainly be a most acceptable present to the
learned world. “ D'aprés le conseil de Le Sage de Geneve, l'ouvmge fut traduit on Latin par Pfleiderer, aux frais d'un
savant ltnlien; cette traduction passe, on no sait comment, entre les mains de Milord Mahon, qui in possedoit encore en
1782; on ignore quel est son sort ulterieur."
‘ Kant was born at Kmnigsberg, in Prussia, in 1724. He died in 1804.
‘ Mr John Schulze, an eminent divine at Kcnigsbe , author of the Synopsis qfth: Critical Philolophy, translated by Dr
\Villich, and inserted in his Eh‘mcntary View qf Kent’s PyorIa-(See pp. 42, 43.)
 190 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Q" 'When the Critique of Pure Reason first came ed (continues the same writer), there existed
out, it does not seem to have attracted much among thinking men only two systems concern
notice,"but such has been its subsequent suc ing the human understanding: The one, that of
cess, that it may be regarded, according to Locke, ascribed all our ideas to our sensations ;‘
- Madame de Staél,‘ “ as having given the impulse the other, that of Descartes and of Leibnitz, had
to all that has been since done in Germany, for its chief objects to demonstrate the spiritua
both in literature and in philosophy.”—(Alle lity and activity of the soul, the freedom of the
magne, Vol. III. pp. 68, 69.) will,‘ and, in short, the whole doctrines of the
_ “ At the epoch when this work was publish- idealists. . . . . . Between these extremes rea

' 11 se passa quelque tems aprésla premiere publication de la Critique do 10 Pure Rnlron, sans qu‘on fit beaucou d'attention
a ce livre, et sans ue la plupart de philosophes, passionés pour l'éclectisme, soupqonsssent seulemcnt la gran e revolution
que cet ouv et es productions suivantes de son auteur dévoient opérer dans la science.“.-(Bunr_z, Hist. dc to Phil.
Mod. Tom. V . p. 573. Paris, 1816.)
As early, however, as the year 1783, the Philosophy of Kant appears to have been adopted in come of the German schools.
The ingenious M. Trembley, in a memoir then read before the Academy of Berlin, thus 5 aks of it :-“ La philosophie
de Kant, qui, a to hontc de l'esprit humaln, paroit avoir acquis taut de faveur dans certaines coles.“._(Euai mr ta Prtjugir.
Reprinted at Neufchstel in 1790.)
\Ve are farther told by Buhle, that the attention of the public to Kant‘s Critique qfPurt' Brown was first attracted by an
excellent analysis of the work, which appeared in the General Gazette qf Literature, and by the Letter: on Kent's Philosophy,
which Reinhold inserted in the German Mercary.-(Bunt.r:, Tom. V1. p. 573.) Of this last philosopher, who appears, in
the first instance, to have entered with enthusiasm into Kant’s views, and who afterwards contributed much to open the
eyes of his countrymen to the radical defects of his system, I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Degerando, as well
as Buhle, bestows high praise not only on his clearness, but on his eloquence, as a writer in his own language. “ I l a tra
duit les oracles Kantlens dans une langue élégante, harmonieuse, et pure ' ' ' II a su exprimer avec un langage eloquent,
des idées jusqu'alors inintelligibles," &c.-(Hirtoirc Compnréc, &c. Tom. II. p. 27].) That this praise is not undeserved I
am very ready to believe, having lately'had an opportunity (through the kindness of my learned and revered friend Dr
Parr) of reading, in the Latin version of Fredericus Gottolb Born, Reinhold‘s principal work, entitled Pericutum Nova
G'heoria' Facuttati: Reprtrseutatlvte Humamr. In point of perspicuity, he appears to me to be greatly superior to Kant; and of
this I conceive myself to be not altogether incompetent to judge, as the ‘Latin versions of both authors are by the same
hand.
' The following quotation, from the advertisement prefixed to_ Madame de Sta'cl's posthumous work (Cmiside'mtimu cur
' to Revolution Francoise), will at once account to. my readers for the confidence with which I up :11 to her historical state
ments on the subject of Germany philosophy. Her own knowledge of the language was probab y not so critically exact, as
to enable her to enter into the more refined details of the different systems which she has described; but her extraordinary
)enetration, joined to the opportunities she enjoyed of conversing with all that was then most illustrious in Germany, ua
ified her in an eminent degree to seize and to delineate their great outlines. And if, in executing this task, any consi er
able mistakes could have been supposed to escape her, we may be fully assured, that the very accomplished person, to whose
revision we learn that her literary labours at this period of her life were submitted, would prevent them from ever meetin
the public eye. I except, of course, those mistakes into which she was betrayed by her admiration of the German schoo .
Of some of the most important of these, I shall take notice as I proceed; a task which I feel incumbent on me, as it is
through the medium of her book that the great majority of English readers have acquired all their knowledge of the new
German philosophy, and as her name and talents have given it a temporary consequence in this country which it could not
otherwise have acquired.
“ Le travail des éditeurs s‘cst borné uniquement a la révision des e'preuves, et a la correction de ces legi-rcs inexactitudes
de style, qui échappent a la rue dans le manuscrit le plus soigné. Ce travail c'est fnit sous les yeux de M. A. W. rlc Solute.
gel, dent In rare superiorité d‘csprit et (le :avoir jtutg'fie la confiance avcc Iaquclle Jlladamc dc Stak‘l lc mum/toil dam tour so: travaur
lilterairer, autant que son honorable camctere mérite l'cstime et l'amitie' qu‘elle n'a pas ccssé d‘avoir pour lui pendant one
liaison dc treize aunties."
If any further apology be necessary for quotin a French lady as an authority on German metaphysics, an obvious one is
suggested by the extraordinary and well merit popularity of her Altenmgne in this country. I do not know, if, in any
part of her works, her matchlem powers have been displayed to greater advantage. Of this no stronger proof can be given
than the lively interest she inspires, even when discussing such systems as those of Kant and of Fichte.
= That this is a very incorrect account of Locke‘s philoso why, has been already shown at great length; but in this mistake
Madame de Steel has only followed Leibnitz, and a very large proportion of the German philosophers of the present day.
“ The philosophy of sensation," says Frederick Schlegel, “ which was unconsciously bequeathed to the world by Bacon, and
reduced to a methodical shape by Locke, first displayed in France the true immorality and destructiveness of which it is
the parent, and assumed the appearance of a perfect system of Atlleism."—(Lecturer on the History qf Literature, from the
German of Fred. Schlegel. Edin. l8l8, Vol. II. p. 22.) It is evident, that the system of Locke is here confounded with
that of Condillac. May not the former be called the philosophy of rq/Iectiau, with as great propriety as the philosophy of
sensation 2
‘ t In considering Leibnitz as a partizan of the freedom of the will, Madame de Sta'él has also followed the views of many
German
lity writers,
of the soul, iswho make no
to assert its distinction
free agency.between Materialists
On the inaccuracy and Necessitarians,
of these conceptionsimaginin
it woulld, be
thatsuperfluous
to assert the
to spiritua
enlarge,
alter what was formerly said in treating of the metaphysical opinions of Leibnitz.
In consequence of this misa iprehension, Madame de State], and many other late writers on the Continent, have been led
to employ, with a very exceptionable latitude, the word Idealist, to com )rehend not only the advocates for the lmmateriality
of the mind, but those also who maintain the Freedom of the Human \ ill. Between these two opinions, there is certainly
 . . DISSERTATION FIRST. ‘191
‘son'eentinued to wander, till. Kant undertook looked the essential ditference betiveertylftheir
to trace the limits of the two empires; of the functions, and was of opinion that the, faculties
senses and of the soul; of the external and of ditl'ercd from one another only in degree. . . . . b
the internal worlds. The force of meditation In the works of the English and French philo
and of sagacit-y, with which he marked these sophers, we find this essential distinction, be
limits, had not perhaps any example among his tween the sensitive and the intellectual facul
predecessors.”-—(Allemagm, Vol.1“. pp. '70, 72.) ties, and their combination towards producing
The praise bestowed on this part of Kant’s one synthetical intuition, scarcely mentioned.
philosophy, by one of his own pupils, is not less Locke only alludes to the accidental limitations
warm than that of Madame de Staél. I quote of both faculties; but to inquire into the essen
the passage, as it enters into some historical de— tial difl'erence between them does not at all oc
tails which she has omitted, and describes more cur to him. . . . . . This distinction, then, be
explicitly than she has done one of the most im tween the sensitive and the intellectual facul
portant steps, which Kant is supposed by his ties, forms an essential feature in the philosophy
disciples to have made beyond his predecessors. of Kant, and is, indeed, the basis upon which
In reading it, some allowances must be made for most of his subsequent inquiries are establish
the peculiar phraseology 0f the German school. ed.”-~(Elemnls of the Crit. Phil. by A. F. M.
“ Kant discovered that the intuitive faculty of WILLICH, M. D. pp. 68, 69, 70.)
man is a compound of very dissimilar ingre It is acircumstance not easily explicable, that,
dients; or, in other words, that it consists of in the foregoing historical sketch, no mention is
parts very different in their nature, each of which made of the name of Cudworth, author _of the
performs functions peculiar to itself; namely, the treatise on Eternal and Immutable Morality ; a
semii'tive faculty, and the understanding. . . . . . book which could scarcely fail to be known, be
Leibnitz, indeed, had likewise remarked the fore the period in question, to every German
distinction subsisting between the sensitive facul scholar, by the admirable Latin version of it
ty and the understanding; but he entirely over published by Dr Mosheim.l In this treatise,

no necessary connection; Leibnitz, and many other German metaphysicisns, denying the latter with no less confidence
than that with which they assert the former.
In En land, the word ldcalid is most commonly restricted to such as (with Berkeley) reject the existence of a material
world. f late, its meaning has been sometimes extended (particularly since the publications of Reid) to all those who re
tain the theory of Descartes and Locke, concerning the immediate ob‘ects of our perceptions and thoughts, whether they
admit or reject the consequences deduced from this theory by the erkeleisns. In the present state of the science, it
would contribute much to the distinctness of our reasonings were it to be used in this last sense exclusively.
There is another word to which Madame de Steel and other writers on the German philosophy annex an idea peculiar
to themselves; I mean the word experimental or empirical. This epithet is often used by them to distin ish what they
call the philosophy of Sensations, from that of Plato and of Leibnitz. It is accordingly generally, if not a ways, employed
by them in an unfavourable sense. In this country, on the contrary, the experimental or inductive philosophy of the hu
man mind denotes those speculations concerning mind, which, rejecting all hypothetical theories, rest solely on henomenn
for which we have the evidence of consciousness. It is applied to the philosophy of Reid, and to all that is tru y valuable
in the meta hysical works of Descartes, Locke, Berkeley, and Hume.
Norexclusively
most are tlie words, C.I.‘ptri'mtnlnl
appropriated andpractice
to the empirical, by any means
of Medicine; andsynonymous in our lanufvirlays
when so understood age. implies
The latter
a rashword is now al.
and unphiloso
hical use of Ex riencc. “ The appellation Empiric," says the late Dr John Gregory, “is generally applied to one who,
'rom observing t e effects of a remc( y in one case of a disease, applies it to all the various cases of that distemper." The
same remark may be extended to the word Empin'quc in the French language, which is very nearly synonymous with
Charlatan. In consequence of this abuse of terms, the epithet experimental, as well as empirical, is seldom applied by foreign
writers to the philosoph of Locke, without being intended to convey a censure.
l The first edition c this translation was printed as early as 1732. From Buhle‘s History of Modern Philosophy (5 work
which did not fall into my hands till long after this section was written), I find that Cudworth's Treatise qflmmutable Mo.
ralily is now not only well known to the scholars of Germany, but that some of them have remarked the identity of the
doctrines contained in it with those of Kent. “ Meiners, dans son histoire générsle de l‘Elhique, nie ue 19 systems
morale de Cudworth soit identique avec celui dc Platon, ct prétend au contrsire, ‘ que les rincipes consid rés comme a
partenans de la mani'erc la plus spéciale a la morale de Kant, étsient enseignés i1 y s dejs p usieuls generations par l‘éco e
du philosophe Anglais."_(lli:t. dc lo Phil. Modernc, Tom. III. p. 517.) In opposition to this, Buhlc states his own decid
ed conviction, “ qu‘ sucune des ideas do Cudworth ne se rapproche dc celles de Ksnt-“-(Ibid.) How far this conviction is
well founded, the passage from Cudworth, quoted in the text, will enable my readers to judge for themselves.
That Cudworth has blended with his rinciples a vein of Platonic mysticism, which is not to be found in Kant, is un
deniable; but it does not follow from this, that none of Kent‘s leading ideas are borrowed from the writings of Cudworth
The assertion of Buhle, just mentioned, is the more surprising, as he himself acknowledges that “ la philosophic
192 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Cudworth is at much pains to illustrate the Pla
tonic doctrine concerning the difference between
sensation and intellection; asserting that “ some
ideas of the mind proceed not from outward
sensible objects, but arise‘ from the inward ac
tivity of the mind itself ;” that “ even simple
corporeal things, passively perceived by sense,
are known and understood only by the active
power of the mind ;” and that, besides Alain/Lara
and @avraoymra, there must be Nonpatm or intel
ligible ideas, the source of which can be traced
to the understanding alone.1
In the course of his speculations on these sub
jects, Cudworth has blended, with some very
deep and valuable discussions, several opinions
to which I cannot assent, and not a. few propo
sitions which I am unable to comprehend; but
he seems to have advanced at least as far as
Kant, in drawing the line between the provin
ces of the senses and of the understanding; and
although not one of the most luminous of our
English writers, he must be allowed to be far
superior to the German metaphysician, both in
point of perspicuity and of precision. ' A» later
writer, too, of our, own country (Dr Price), a
zealous follower both of Plato and of Cudworth,
afterwards resumed the same argument, in a
work which appeared long before the Critique 43'
Pure Reason ;‘I and urged it with much force
against those modern metaphysicians, who con
sider the senses as the sources of all our know
ledge. At a period somewhat earlier, many
very interesting quotations of a similar import
had been produced by the learned Mr Harris,
from the later commentators of the Alexandrina
school on the philosophy of Aristotle; and had
been advantageously contrasted by him with the
account given of the origin of our ideas, not
only by Hobbes and Gassendi, but by many of
the professed followers of Locke. If this part
of the Kantian system, therefore, was new in
Germany, it certainly could have no claim to
the praise of originality, in the estimation of
those at all acquainted with English literature.8
In order, however, to strike at the root of
what the Germans call the philosophy of sensa

morale de Price préseute en efi‘et une analogie frappante avec celle de Kant J" and in another [part of his work, he expresses
himself thus on the same subject: “ Le plus remarquable de tous les moralistes modemes e l'Angleterre est, sans con
tredit, Richard Price......On remarque l'analogie la plus frappante entre ses idées surles bases de la moralite, et celles que la
philosophic critique a. fait naitre en Allemagne, quoique il ne soit cependant pas possible d'élever le plus petit doute sur
’entiére originahté de ces derrderes."-(Tom. V. p. 303.) Is there any thing of importance in the system of Price, which
is not borrowed from the Treaties qf‘ Immutable Morality St The distinguishing merit of this learned and most respectable
writer is the good sense with which he has applied the doctrines of Cudworth to the sceptical theories of his own times.
In the sequel of Buhle‘s reflections on Cu worth's philosophy, we are told, that, according to him, “the will of God is
only a simple blind power, acting mechanically or accidentally." (“ Chez Cudworth ls volonté mémeen Dieu, n‘est qu’un
simple ponvoir aveugle, agissant me'chani uement ou accidentellement.") If this were true, Cudworth ought to be ranked
among the disciples, not of Plato, but 0 Spinoza. .
‘ In this instance, a striking resemblance is observable between the language of Cudworth and that of Kent; both of
them having followed the distinctions of the Socratic school, as explained in the Themtelu: of Plato. They who are at all
acquainted with Kant's Critique, will immediately recognise his phraseology in the quoted above.
' See a review of the Principal Question: and Dgficultim relating to Morah, by Bic ard rice, D. D. London, 1758.
' I have mentioned here only those works of a modern date, which may be reasonably presumed to be still in general
circulation among the learned. But many very valuableillustrations of the Platonic distinction between the senses and the
understanding may be collected from the Eu lish writers of the seventeenth century. Among these it is sufficient to men
tion at present the names of John Smith an Henry More of Cambridge, and of Joseph Glanvile, the author of Scqnia
Scientific.
Cudworth's Treatise of Eternal and Immutable fitorality, although it appears, from intrinsic evidence, to have been com
posed during the lifetime of Hobbes, was not published till 1731, when the author‘s manuscript came into the hands of
is grandson, Francis Cudworth Masham, one of the Masters in Chancery. This work, therefore, could not have been
known to Leibnitz. who died seventeen years before; a circumstance which may help to account for its having attracted
so much less attention in Germany than his Intellectual System, which is repeatedly mentioned by Leibnitz in terms of the
' best raise.
roman article in the Edinburgh Review (Vol. XXVII. p. 191), we learn, that large unpublished manuscripts of Dr
Cudworth are deposited in the British Museum. It is much to be regretted (as the author of the article observes), that
they should have been so long withheld from the public. “ The press of the two Universities (he adds) would be properl
employed in works, which a commercial publisher could not prudently undertake." May we not indulge a hope, that this
suggestion will, sooner or later, have its due efl'ect ?
1n the preface of Mosheim to his Latin version of the Intellectual System, there is acatalogue of Cudworth’s unpublished
remains, communicated to Mosheim by Dr Chandler, then Bishop of Durham. Amon these are two distinct works on
the Controversy concerning Liberty and Necessity, of each of which works Mosheim lies given us the neral contents.
One of the chapters is entitled, “ Answer to the Objection against Liberty, pain amnrlsn” It is not pro ble that it con
tains any thing very new or important; but it would certainly be worth while to know the reply made by Cudworth to an
objection which both Leibnitz and La Place have fixed upon as decisive of the point in dispute.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 193
tion, it was necessary to trace, with some degreemetaphysics, as far as their history extends, no
of systematical detail, the origin of our most circumstance has occurred, which might have
important simple notions; and for this purpose been more decisive of the fate of this science
it seemed reasonable to begin with an analytical than the attack made upon it by David Hume.’
view of those faculties and powers, to the exer He proceeded upon a single but important idea
cise of which the development of these notions in metaphysics, the connection of cause and
is necessarily subsequent. It is thus that the effect, and the concomitant notions of power
simple notions of time and motion presuppose and action. He challenged reason to answer
the exercise of the faculty of memory ; and that him what title she had to imagine, that any
the simple notions of truth, of belief; of doubt, thing may be so constituted as that, if it be given,
and many others of the same kind, necessarily something else is also thereby inferred; 'for the
presuppose the exercise of the power of reason idea of cause denotes this. He proved beyond
ing. I do not know, that, in this anatomy of contradiction, that it is impossible for reason to
the mind, much progress has hitherto been made think of such a connection a priori, for it con
by the German metaphysicians. A great deal tains necessity ,- but it is not possible to perceive
certainly has been accomplished by the late Dr how, because something is, something else must
Reid ; and something, perhaps, has been added necessarily be; nor how the idea of such a con
to his labours by those of his successors. nection can be introduced a
According to Kant himself, his metaphyical “ Hence, he concluded, that reason entirely
doctrines first occurred to him while employed deceives herself with this idea, and that she er
in the examination of Mr Hume’s Theory Qf roneously considers it as her own child, when
Causation. The train of thought by which he it is only the spurious offspring of imagination,
was led to them will be best stated in his own impregnated by experience; a subjective neces—
words; for it is in this way alone that I can sity, arising from habit and the association of
hope to escape the charge of misrepresentation ideas, being thus substituted for an oly'ective one
from his followers. Some of his details would derived from perception....H0wever hasty and
perhaps have been more intelligible to my read unwarrantable Hume’s conclusion might appear,
ers, had my plan allowed me to prefix to them yet it was founded upon investigation ; and this
a slight outline of Hume’s philosophy. But this investigation well deserved, that some of the
the general arrangement of my discourse ren philosophers of his time should have united to
dered impossible; nor can any material incon solve, more happily if possible, the problem in
venience result, in this instance, from the order the sense in which he delivered it: A complete
which I have adopted, inasmuch as Hume’s reform of the science might have resulted from
Them’y Qf Causation, how new socver it may this solution. But it is a mortifying reflection,
have appeared to Kant, is fundamentally the that his opponents, Reid, Beattie, Oswald, and,
same with that of Malebranche, and of a variety lastly, Priestley himself, totally misunderstood
of other old writers, both French and English. the tendency of his problem.“ The question was
1 “ Since the Essays (says Kant) of Locke not, whether the idea of cause be in itself proper
and of Leibnitz, or rather since the origin of and indispensable to the illustration of all natu

' See the Preface of Kant to one of his Treatises, entitled Prolcgomcna ad iWdaphg/niram qmnnquefutumm qua' qua Scicnlin
polarit prodi re. I have availed myself in the text of the English version of Dr Willich, from the German original, which
I have carefully compared with the Latin version of Born. A few sentences, omitted by “'illich. I have thought it worth
while to quote, at the foot ofthe page, from the Latin translation.-(Elem. qf Critical Philosophy, by A. F. M. \i'iaucu, M. D.
p. H). (t .n'q. London, 1798.)
' “ [lamina—(lui quidem nullam huic cognitionis partilucem adfudit, sed tamen excitavit scintillam, de que sane lumen
potuisset accendi, si ea incidisset in fomitem, facile accipientem, cujusque scintillatio diligenter alla fuerit et aucta.“
' “ Non potest sine certo quodam molestiae sensu percipi, quantopere ejus adversarii, Reidiiu, Oewldlu, Beattiau, et tan
dem Priestlciln, a scope quazstionis aberrarent, et propterea quod ea temper acciperent pro concessis, quae ipse in dubium
vocnret, contra vero cum vehementia, ct maximum partem cum inpenti immodestia ea probare gestirent, qme illi nunquam
in mentem venisset dubitare, nutum cjus ad emendationem its neg' ‘89rent, ut omnia in slatu pristine maneret, quasi nihil
quidquam factuin videretur."
D188. 1. PART II. 2B
194 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ral knowledge, for this Hume had never doubt what was still more embarrassing, metaphysics
ed ; but whether this idea be an object of thought could not here offer me the smallest assistance,
through reasoning a priori ; and whether, in because that deduction ought first to establish
this manner, it possesses internal evidence, in the possibility of a system of metaphysics. As
dependently of all experience; consequently, I had now succeeded in the explanation of
whether its utility be not limited to objects of Hume’s problem, not merely in a particular in
sense alone. It was upon this point that Hume stance, but with a view of the whole power of
expected an explanation} pure reason, I could advance with sure though
“ I freely own it was these suggestions of tedious steps, to determine completely, and
Hume’s which first, many years ago, roused me upon general principles, the compass of Pure
from my dogmatical slumber, and gave to my Reason, both what is the sphere of its exertion,
inquiries quite a different direction in the field and what are its limits; which was all that was
of speculative philosophy. I was far from being required for erecting a system of metaphysics
carried away by his conclusions, the fallacy of upon a proper and solid foundation.”
which chiefiyarose from his not formingto him It is difiicult to discover any thing in the fore
self an idea of the whole q)" hisproblem, but mere going passage on which Kant could found a
ly invostigating a part of it, the solution of claim to the slightest originality. A variety of
which was impossible without a comprehensive English writers had, long before this work ap
view of the whole. When we proceed on a well peared, replied to Mr Hume, by observing that
founded, though not thoroughly digested thought, the understanding is itself a source of new ideas,
we may expect, by patient and continued re and that it is from this source that our notions
flectio'n, to prosecute it farther than the acute of cause and effect are derived. “ Our cer
genius had done to whom we are indebted for tainty (says Dr Price) that every new event re
the first spark of this light. I first inquired, quires some cause, depends no more on experi
therefore, whether Hume’s objection might not ence than our certainty of any other the most
be a general one, and soon found, that the idea obvious subject of intuition. In the idea of every
of cause and etl'ect is far from being the only change, is included that of its being an eject.“
one by which the understanding a priori thinks In the works of Dr Reid, many remarks of the
of the connection of things; but rather that the same nature are to be found; but, instead of
science ‘ of metaphysics is altogether founded quoting any of these, I shall produce a passage
upon these connections. I endeavoured to as from a much older author, whose mode of think
certain their number; and, having succeeded in ing and writing may perhaps be more agreeble
this attempt, I proceeded to the examination of to the taste of Kant’s countrymen than the sim
those general ideas, which, I was now convin plicity and precision aimed at by the disciples
ced, are not, as Hume apprehended, derived of Locke.
from experience, but arise out of the pure under “ That there are some ideas of the mind (says
standing. This deduction, which seemed im Dr Cudworth), which were not stamped or im
possible to my acute predecessor, and which printed upon it from the sensible objects with
nobody besides him had ever conceived, al out, and therefore must needs arise from the in
though every one makes use of these ideas, nate vigour and activity of the mind itself, is
without asking himself upon what their objec evident, in that there are, First, Ideas of uch
tive validity is founded; this deduction, I say, things as are neither affections of bodies, nor
was the most difficult which could have been could be imprinted or conveyed by any local
undertaken for the behoof of metaphysics; and motions, nor can be pictured at all by the fancy

' 1 Althou h nothing can be more unjust than these remarks, in the unqualified form in which they are stated by Kant,
it must, I t ink, be acknowledged, that some grounds for them have been furnished by occasional passages which dropped
from the pens of most of Mr Hume‘s Scottish opponents.
’ Review ofthe Principal Quatiom and Diflicultiea in blorals, Chap. i. sect. 2. The first edition of this book was printed
in 1758.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 195
in any sensible colours; such as are the ideas of perceptions would be merely relative, seeming,
wisdom, folly, prudence, imprudence, know and fantastical, and not reach to the absolute
ledge, ignorance, verity, falsity, virtue, vice, and certain truth of any thing; and every one
honesty, dishonesty, justice, injustice, volition,would but, as Protagoras expounds, ‘ think his
own private and relative thoughts truths,’ and
cogitation, nay of sense itself, which is a species
of eogitation, and which is not perceptible by all our cogitations being nothing but appearan
any sense; and many other such like notions as ces, would be indifi'erently alike true phantasms,
include something of cogitation in them, or refer and one as another.
to cogitative beings only ; which ideas must “ But we have since also demonstrated, that
needs spring from the active power and innate there is another perceptive power in the soul
fecundity of the mind itself,1 because the cor superior to outward sense, and of a distinct na
poreal objects of sense can imprint no such ture from it, which is the power of knowing or
things upon it. Secomz'ly, In that there are understanding, that is, an active exertion from
many relative notions and ideas, attributed as the mind itself. And, therefore, has this grand
well to corporeal as incorporeal things, tlmt pro eminence above sense, that it is no idiopathy, not
ceed wholly from the activity of the mind com a mere private, relative, seeming, and fantasti
paring one thing with another. Such as are cal thing, but the comprehension of that which
CAUSE, EFFECT, means, end, order, proportion, absolutely is and is not." ’
similitude, dissimilitude, equality, inequality, After enlarging on the distinction between
aptitude, inaptitude, symmetry, asymmetry, the sensitive faculty and the understanding,
Whole and part, genus and species, and the like.” Kant proceeds to investigate certain essential
Immutable Morality, pp. 148, 14-9. conditions, without which neither the sensitive
It is not my business at present to inquire faculty nor its objects are conceivable. These
into the solidity of the doctrine here maintained. conditions are time and space, which, in the lan
I would only wish to be informed what additions guage of Kant, are the forms of all phenomena.
have been made by Kant to the reply given to What his peculiar ideas are concerning their
Mr Hume by our English philosophers, and to nature and attributes, my readers will find stat
direct the attention of my readers to the close ed in his own words at the end of this Discourse,
resemblance between this part of Kant’s system, in an extract from one of his Latin publica
and the argument which Cudworth opposed to tions.‘ From that extract, I cannot promise
Hobbes and Gassendi considerably more than a them much instruction; but it will at least en
century ago.’ able them to judge for themselves of the pecu
The following passage, from the writer last liar character of Kant’s metaphysical phraseo
quoted, approaches so nearly to what Kant and logy. In the mean time, it will be sufiicient to
other Germans have so often repeated of the dis mention here, for the sake of connection, that
tinction between subjective and olg'ective truth, he denies the objective reality both of time and
that I am tempted to connect it with the fore of space. The former he considers merely as a
going extract, as an additional proof that there Meetive condition, inseparably connected with
are, at least, some metaphysical points, on which the frame of the human mind, in consequence
We need not search for instruction beyond our of which, it arranges sensible phenomena ac
own island. cording to a certain law, in the order of succes
“ If there were no other perceptive power, or sion. As to the latter, he asserts, that it is
faculty, distinct from enternal sense, all our nothing 014mm or real, inasmuch as it is neither

1 This is precisely the language of the German school : “ Les verités necessaires, “ says Leibnitz, “lent le roduit im
mediat de l'activité interieure."_(Tome I. p. 686. 'l‘ome I I. pp. 42, 320. See Degerando, Hid. Comp- Tome l . p. 96.)
' In the attempt, indeed, which Kant has made to enumerate all the neral ideas which are not derived from espe
rience, but arise out of the pure understandin , he may well lay claim to e praise of originality. On this subject I shall
only refer my readers to Note X X at the en of this Dinermtiou.
' Immutable Morality, p. 264, d u'q.
‘ See Note Y Y.
196 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

a substance, nor an accident, nor a relation; words of one of his cum pupils, to whom we are
that its existence, therefore, is only subjective indebted for the first, and, I think, not the least
and ideal, depending on a fixed law, inseparable intelligible, view of his principles, which has
from the frame of the human mind. In conse been published in our language.I
quence of this law, we are led to conceive all “ Professor Kant is decidedly of opinion, that
external things as placed in space; or, as Kant although many strong and ingenious arguments
expresses it, we are led to consider space as the have been brought forward in favour of the
fundamentalform of every extemal sensation. freedom of the will, they are yet very far from
In selecting Kant’s speculations concerning being decisive. Nor have they refuted the ar
time and space, as a specimen of his mode of guments urged by the Necessitarians, but by an
writing, I was partly influenced by the consi appeal to mere feeling, which, on such a ques
deration, that it furnishes, at the same time, a. tion, is of no avail. For this purpose, it is in
remarkable example of the concatenation which dispensably necessary to call to our assistance
exists between the most remote and seemingly the principles of Kant.”
the most unconnected parts of his system. Who “ In treating this subject (continues the same
could suppose that his opinions on these sub author), Kant begins with showing that the
jects, the most abstract and the most contro notion of a Free \Vill is not contradictory. In
vcrted of any in the whole compass of metaphy proof of this he observes, that, although every
sics, here on the great practical question of the human action, as an event in time, must have a
freedom of the Human Will? The combina cause, and so on ad irgfinitum ; yet it is certain,
tion appears, at first sight, so very extraordi that the laws of cause and effect can have a
nary, that I have no doubt I shall gratify the place there only where time is, for the efi'ect
curiosity of some of my readers by mentioning a must be consequent on the cause. But neither
few of the intermediate steps which, in this argu time nor space are properties of things; they
ment, lead from the premises to the conclusion. are only the general forms under which man is
That Kant conceived the free agency of man allowed to view himself and the world. It fol
to he necessarily implied in his moral nature lows, therefore, that man is not in time nor in
(or, at least, that he was anxious to offer no space, although the forms of his intuitive ideas
violence to the common language of the world are time and space. But if man exist not in
on this point), appears from his own explicit dc time and space, he is not influenced by the laws
clarations in various parts of his works. “ V0 of time and space, among which those of cause
luntas libera (says he in one instance) eadem and effect hold a distinguished rank ; it is, there
est cum voluntatc leg-ibus moralibus obnoxia.”' fore, no contradiction to conceive, that, in such
In all the accounts of Kant’s philosophy, an order of things, man may be free.”
which have yet appeared from the pens of his In this manner Kant establishes the possibili
admirers in this country, particular stress is ty of man’s freedom ; and, farther than this, he
laid on the ingenuity with which he has unloos does not conceive himself warranted to proceed
ed this knot, which had bathed the wisdom of on the principles of the critical philosophy. The
all his predecessors. The following are the first impression, certainly, which his argument

‘ See Bern‘s Latin Translation of Kant's Works, relating to the Critical Phikmphy, Vol. .II. p. 325, ct ceq. See also the
Preface to Vol. III.
1' A General and Introductory View of Profersor Kaut‘: Principlct concerning Illan, the lVorld, and {hr Deity, submitted to the
conn'deration of the Learned, by F. A. Ni'rscn. late Lecturer on the Latin Language and Mathematics in the Royal Frederi
cisnum College at Kilnigsberg, and pupil of Professor Kant. London, 1796. Pp. 112, 173.
This small performance is spoken of in terms hi hly favourable, by the other writers who have attempted to introduce
Kent's philosophy into England. It is called by )r \Villich an ezccllcnt publication (Element: of the Critical Philosophy,
p. 62.); and is renounced by the author of the elaborate articles on that sub'ect in the Encyclopnzdia Londoncmi: to be :1 INT
Ung work. “ ' on b at present very little knewn, I may venture," says t is writer, “to predict, that, as time rolls on.
and pre'udices mon der away, this work, like the Element: of Euclid, will stand forth as a lasting monument of rear: new."
_See ote Z Z.
1 Nr'rscu, 82c. pp. I74, I75.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 197
produces on the mind is, that his own opinion had recourse (in the first edition of hisEual/s
was favourable to the scheme of necessity. For on Morality and Natural Religion), in order to
if the reasonings of the Necessitarians be ad reconcile our consciousness of free agency with
mitted to be satisfactory, and if nothing can be the conclusions of the Necessitarians. In both
opposed to them but the incomprehensible pro cases, the reader is left in a state of most un
position, that man neither exists in space nor in comfortable scepticism, not confined to this par
time, the natural inference is, that this propo ticular question, but extendingto every other
sition was brought forward rather to save ap subject which can give employment to the hu
pearances, than as a serious objection to the uni man faculties.I
versality of the conclusion. In some respects, the functions ascribed by
Here, however, Kant calls to his aid the prin Kant to his practical reason are analogous to
ciples of what he calls practical reason. Deeply those ascribed to common sense in the writings
impressed with a conviction that morality is the of Beattie and Oswald. But his view of the
chief concern of man, and that morality and the subject is, on the whole, infinitely more excep
freedom of the human will must stand or fall to tionable than theirs, inasmuch as it sanctions
gether, he exerts his ingenuity to show, that the the supposition, that the conclusions of pure
metaphysical proof already brought of the pos reason are, in certain instances, at variance with
sibility of free agency, joined to our own con that modification of reason which was meant by
sciousness of a liberty of choice, affords evidence our Maker to be our guide in life; whereas the
of the fact fully suflicient for the practical regu constant language of the other writers is, that
lation of our conduct, although not amounting all the difl'erent parts of our intellectual frame
to what is represented as demonstration in the are in the most perfect harmony with each other.
Critique qf Pure Reason.1 The motto which Beattie has prefixed to his
It is impossible to combine together these two book,
parts of the Kantian system, without being “ Nunquam aliud nature, aliud sapientis dicit,’
struck with the resemblance they bear to the expresses, in a few significant words, the whole
deceitful sense of liberty to which Lord Kames substance of his philosophy.

' The account of this part of Kent's doctrine given by .‘l. Buhle agrees in substance with that of Mr Nitsch : “ Toute
moralité des actions repose uniquemcnt sur la disposition pmctique, cn tnnt qu‘elle est déterminée par la loi morale seulc.
Si l‘on considére cette disposition comme plot'rmmcut dans la conscience; c‘est un événcmcnt nuturel, elle obe’it a la loi de la
causalité, elle repose sur ce que l'homme a éprouvé auparavant dnns le tcms, et elle fuit partic du camctbre empirique de
l‘homme. Maia on peut eussi la considérer comme un acte de la liberté rsisonnsblc: Alors elle n'cst plus soumise a la loi
de la causalité; elle est indépcndante de la condition dn temps, elle so mppnrlc it uuc cause intelligible, la liberté, et elle
fnit artie du caractere intelligible de l'homme. On ne peut, a la verité, point acquerir la moindrc counoissnnce des objets
inbe igibles; mais la liberté n'est pas moins un fait de la conscience. Done les actions extérieures sent inditi'érentes pour
la moralité de l'homme. La bonté morale de l‘homme consiste uniquemeut dens 521 volume moralcmcnt bonuc, ct ccllc-ci
consists en ce que la volonté soit de'terminée par la loi morale seule."-(llist. dc Ia Phi/unophic Aladcrnc, par J. G. Bums,
Tom. VI. pp. 504, 506.)
Very nearly to the same purpose is the following statement by the ingenious author of the article Lcibm'tz in the Rio.
graphic Univtnclle:-“ Comment nccorder lefimun et la liberte, l'impntntion morale et la dépendence des étres finies 3
Kant. croit échapper a cet. écueil en ne soumcttant in la loi do causalité (nu rlclcrminirmc de Leibnitz) que le monde pheno
menique, et en afi'ranchissnnt de cc rinci l‘ime comme nouménc ou chose en sci, envisagcant ainsi chaqtle action comme
appurtenant a un double serie a is four; a ‘nrdre physique oil elle est enchaiuée al ce qui precede et :1 cc qui suit par les
hens communs de in nature, at :i l'ordre morale, on unc de'termination produit un eti'ct, sans que pour expliqucr cettc voli
tion et son resultat, on soit renvoye' a un état antécédent.“
The author of the above passage is M. Staffer, to whom we are indebted for the article Kant in the same work. For
gsptislgwn view of the subject consult his Critique qf Pun: llcawn, pauim, particularly p. 99. ct :07. of Bern‘s Tramlation,
o .
' The idea of Kent (according to his own explicit nvownl) was, that every bein , which mncelt'cr itself to be free, who.
tber it be in reality so or not, is rendered by its own belicfn moral and accountnb 0 agent. “ Jam cquidcm dico: quacquc
nature, quae non potest nisi mb idca libertalis agcre, propter id ipsum, respectu practice, reipsa libera est; hoc est, ad cam
valent cunctaa leges, cum libertate srctissime conjunctm pcrindc, ac voluntas ejus etiam per sc ipsnm, et in philosophia
theoretics probata, libera deolaretur._(KAs'rn Opera, Vol. ll. p. 326.
This is also the creed professed by the Abbé Galiani, a much more ( ngerous moralist than Kant, because he is aiways
intelligible, and often extremely lively and amusing. “ I .'hommc est douc libre, puisqu‘il est intimcmcnt persuade dc
l'étre, et que celn vaut tout sutant que la liberté. Voila done 1c nlEc/tmrismc dc l‘um'vrn expliqm‘ clair comm! dc Paul 11: rocks."
The same author farther remarks, “ La persuasion de la liberté constitue l'essence de l‘homme. On pourroit meme defi
nir l'homme am animal qui :z croit "bro, et ce seroit une definition complete."-( Correspondence dc I’Abbé Gallant, Tome I.
pp. 339, 340. A Paris, 1818.)
198 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

It is to the same practical modification of The extraordinary impression produced for a

reason that Kant appeals in favour of the ex considerable time in Germany, by the Critique
istence of the Deity, and of a future state of re of Pure Reason, is very shrewdly, and I suspect
tribution, both of which articles of belief he justly, accounted for by the writer last quoted:
thinks derive the whole of their evidence from “ The system of Kant was well adapted to flat
the moral nature of man. His system, there ter the weaknesses of the human mind. Curio
fore, as far as I amable to comprehend it, tends sity was excited, by seeing paths opened which
rather to represent these as useful credenda, than had never been trodden before. The love of
as certain or even as probable truths. Indeed, mystery found a secret charm in the obscurity
the whole of his moral superstructure will be which enveloped the doctrine. The long and
found to rest ultimately on no better basis than troublesome period of initiation was calculated
the metaphysical conundrum, that the human to reuse the ambition of bold and adventurous
mind (considered as a noumenon and not as a spirits. Their love of singularity was gratified
phemmuman) neither exists in space nor in time. by the new nomenclature; while their vanity
That it was Kant’s original aim to establish a exulted in the idea of being admitted into a privi
system of scepticism, I am far from being dis leged sect, exercising, and entitled to exercise,
posed to think.‘ the supreme censorship in philosophy. Even
The probability is, that he
began with aserious wish to refute the doctrines men of the most ordinary parts, on finding
of Hume; and that, in the progress of his in themselves called to so high functions, lost sight
quiries, he met with obstacles of which he was of their real mediocrity, and conceived them
not aware. It was to remove these obstacles selves transformed into geniuses destined to
that he had recourse to practical reason ; an idea form a new era in the history of reason.
which has every appearance of being an after “ Another inevitable efl'ect resulted from the
thought, very remote from his views when he universal change operated by Kant in his terms,
first undertook his work. This, too, would in his classifications, in his methods, and in the
seem, from the following passage (which I trans enunciation of his problems. The intellectual
late from Degerando), to have been the opinion powers of the greater part of the initiated were
‘of one of Kant’s ablest German commentators, too much exhausted in the course of their long
M. Reinhold: “ Practical Reason (as Reinhold noviciate, to be qualified to judge soundly of the
ingeniously observes) is a wing which Kant has doctrine itself. They felt themselves, after so
prudently added to his edifice, from a sense of many windings, lost in a labyrinth, and were
the inadequacy of the original design to answer unable to dispense with the assistance of the
the intended purpose. It bears a manifest re guide who had conducted them so far. Others,
semblance to what some philosophers call an ap after so great a sacrifice, wanted the courage to
peal to semiinmzt, founding belief on the neces confess to the world, or to themselves, the dis
sity of acting. Whatever contempt Kant may appointment they had met with. They attached
affect for popular systems of philosophy, this themselves to the doctrine in proportion to the
manner of considering the subject is not unlike sacrifice they had made, and estimated its value
the disposition of those who, feeling their inabi by the labour it had cost them. As for more
lity to obtain, by the exercise of their reason, a superficial thinkers, they drew an inference from
direct conviction of their religious creed, cling the novelty of the form in favour of the novelty
to it nevertheless with a. blind eagerness, as a of the matter, and from the novelty of the mat
support essential to their morals and their hap ter in favour of its importance.
piness? (Hist. Camparée, Vol. II. pp. 243, 24-4.) “ It is a great advantage for a sect to possess

‘ On the contrary, he declares explicitly (and I give him full credit for the sincerity of his words), that he considered
his Critique of Pure Reason as the only effectual antidote against the opposite extremes of scepticism and of superstition, as
Well as against various heretical doctrines which at present infect the schools of philosophy. “ Hac ig-itur sols (Philamphie
Critica) et materialismi, et fatalismi, et Atheismi, et diflidentiaa profane, et fanatismi, et superstitionis, quorum virus ad
universes potest enetrare, tandemque etiam et idealismi et scepticismi, qui magi! scholis sunt pestiferi, radices ipsee pos‘
aunt pracidi." KANT, Pm‘jl Porterior, p. 85.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 199
a distinguishing garb and livery. It was thus virtutem; namque in ea contextus rerum pror
that the Peripatetics extended their empire so sus mirabilis est, ita ut extrema primis, media
widely, and united their subjects in one common utrisque, omnia omnibus respondeant; si prima
obedience. Kant had, over and above all this, dederis danda sunt omnia.”t N0 worse ac
the art of insisting, that his disciples should count could well have been given of a philo
belong exclusively to himself. He explicitly sophical work on such a subject; nor could any
announced, that he was not going to found a of its characteristical features have been pointed
school of Eclectics, but a school of his own; out more symptomatic of its ephemeral reputa
a school not only independent, but in some tion. Supposing the praise to be just, it repre
measure hostile to every other; that he could sented the system, however fair and imposing
admit of no compromise with any sect whatever; in its first aspect, as vitally and mortally vulnw
that he was come to overturn every thing which rable (if at all vulnerable) in every point; and,
existed in philosophy, and to erect a new edifice accordingly, it was fast approaching to its dis
on these immense ruins. The more decided and solution before the death of its author. In Ger
arrogant the terms were in which he announced many, at present, we are told, that apure Kan
his design, the more likely was it to succeed; tian is scarcely to be found.“ But there are
for the human mind submits more easily to an many Semi-Kantians and Anti-Kantians, as
unlimited than to a partial faith, and yields well as partisans of other schemes built out of
itself up without reserve, rather than consent to the ruins of the Kantian philosophy.5 “ In
cavil about restrictions and conditions even in fine (says a late author), the Critique of Pure
favour of its own independence." Reason, announced with pomp, received with
\Vith these causes of Kant’s success another fanaticism, disputed about with fury, after hav
seems to have powerfully conspired; the indis ing accomplished the overthrow of the doctrines
soluble coherence and concatenation of all the taught by Leibnitz and Wolff, could no longer
different parts of his philosophy. “ It is on this support itself upon its own foundations, and has
concatenation (says M. Prevost) that the admi produced no permanent result, but divisions and
ration of Kant’s followers is chiefly founded.” enmities, and a general disgust at all systemati
Grant only (they boast) thefirst principles of the cal creeds.’M If this last effect has really re
Critical Philosophy, and you must grant the whole sulted from it (of which some doubts may per
system. The passage quoted on this occasion by haps be entertained), it may be regarded as a
M. Prevost is so forcibly expressed, that I favourable symptom of a sounder taste in mat
cannot do it justice in an English version: ters of abstract science, than has ever yet pre
“ Ab hinc enim capitibns fluere necesse est orn vailed in that country.‘
nem philosophia: criticae rationis puree vim atque To these details, I have only to add a re

' See some very valuable strictures on Kant, in the learned and elegant sketch of the present state of philosogphy, sub
joined to M. Provost’s French translation of Mr Smith‘s osthumous works. The Latin panegyric on the criti philoso
phy is quoted from a work with which I am unacquamte , Fred. Gattlob Bomii de Scientia ct Conjecture.
’ On this subject, see Dsosrumno, Tom. II. p. 333.
' See DEGEBANDO and Dr: Domino.
‘ The words in the original are, “ Un dégliut generals de toute doctrine." But as the same word doctrine is, in a former
part of the same sentence, applied to the systems of Leibnitz and of \Volfl‘, I have little doubt, that, in substituting for
doctrine the hrase systematical crccds, I have faithfully rendered the meaning of my author-(See Recherche: Philomphiquu,
par M. Dr: 02mm, Tom. I. pp. 43, 44.)
5 The passion of the Germans for system: is a strikin feature in their literary taste, and is uufiicient of itself to show,
that they have not yet passed their noviciate in hilosop y. “ To all such (says Mr Maclaurin) as have just notions of
the Great Author of the Universe, and of his mirable workmanshi all complete and finished systems must appear very
suspicious." At the time when he wrote, such s stems had not wholly lost their partisans in England; and the name of
Syrian continued to be a favourite title for a boo even among writers of the highest reputation. Hence the System qf
Moral Philaiophy by Hutcheson, and the Complete Symm qf Optic: by Smith, titles which, when compared with the subse
quent progress of these two sciences, reflect some degree of ridicule upon their authors. _
When this affcctation of systematical method began, in consequence of the more enlarged views of philosophers, to give
way to that aphoristical style so strongly recommended and so happily exemplified by Lord Bacon, we find some writers
of the old school complaining of the innovatlon, in terms not unlike those in which the philosophy of the English has been
censured by some German critics. “ The best way (says Dr Watts) to learn any science, is to begin with a regular sys~
o
200 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

mark of Degerando’s, which I have found amply ego (which Fichte expresses by the formula ego
confirmed within the circle of my own experi := ego) all science ultimately rests.—But on this
ence. It might furnish matter for some useful part of his metaphysics it would be idle to en
reflections, but I shall leave my readers to drawlarge, as the author acknowledges, that it is not
their own conclusions from it. “ Another re to be understood without the aid of a certain
markable circumstance is, that the defence of transcendental sense, the want of which is wholly
the Kantians turned, in general, not upon the irreparable; a singular admission enough (as
truth of the disputed proposition, but upon the Degerando observes), on the part of those criti
right interpretation of their master’s meaning, cal philosophers who have treated with so much
and that their reply to all objections has con contempt the appeal to Common Sense in the
stantly begun and ended with thee Words, You writings of some of their predecessors.’
have not understood us.” “ In the history of beings there are (according
Among the various schools which have ema to Fichte) three grand epochs ; the first belongs
nated from that of Kant, those of Fichte and to the empire of chance ; the second is the reign
Schelling seem to have attracted among their of nature ; the third will be the epoch of the
countrymen the greatest number of proselytes. existence of God. For God does not exist yet;
Of neither am I able to speak from my own he only manifests himself as preparing to exist.
knowledge; nor can I annex any distinct idea Nature tends to an apotheosis, and may be re
to the accounts which are given of their opinions garded as a sort of divinity in the germ.”3
by others. Of Fichte’s speculations about the The account given by Madame de Staél of
philosophical import of the pronoun I (Qu’esl this part of Fichte’s system is considerably dif
ee que le moi .9 as Degerando translates the ques ferent: “ He was heard to say, upon one oc
tion), I cannot make any thing. In some of casion, that in his next lecture he ‘ was going to
his remarks, he approaches to the language of create God,’—an expression which, not without
those Cartesians who, in the progress of their reason, gave general offence. His meaning was,
doubts, ended in absolute egoisni .~ but the ego1 that he intended to show how the idea of God
of Fiehte has a creative power. It creates ex arose and unfolded itself in the mind of man.“
istence, and it creates science; two things (by the How far this apology is well-founded, I am not
way) which, according to him, are one and the competent to judge.
same. Even my own existence, he tells me, The system of Schelling is, in the opinion of
commences only with the reflex act, by which Degerando, but an extension of that of Fichte;
I think of the pure and primitive ego. On this connecting with it a sort of Spinozism grafted
identity of the intelligent ego and the existing on Idealism. In considering the primitive ego

tem. Now (he continues), we deal much in essays, and unreasonably despise systematical learning; whereas our fathers
had a just value for regularity and systems.” Had Dr “’atts lived a few years later, I doubt not that his good sense
would have led him to retract these hasty and inconsiderate decisions.
' In order to avoid the intolerable aukwardness of such a phrase as the I, I have substituted on this occasion the Latin
pronoun for the English one.
’ Hist. Compnrée, &c. Tome II. 'pp. 300, 301. See also the article Fichte in this Encyclopmdia.
’ Ilisi. Compares, ac. Tome II. p. 314. The doctrine here ascribed to Fichtc by De erando, although its unparalleled
absurdity might well excite some doubts about the correctness of the historian, is not alltogether a novelty in the history
of philosophy. It is in point of fact nothing more than a return to those gross conceptions of the mind in the infancy of
human reason, which Mr Smith has so well described in the following pas : --“ In the first ages of the world, the seem
ing incoherence of the appearances of nature so confounded mankind, that t ey despaired of discoverin iu her operations
any rewular system. . . . . . Their gods, than in they were apprehended to interpose upon some particu ar occasions, were
so far 'rom being regarded as the creators o the world, that their origin was apprehended to be posterior to that of the
world. The earth (according to Hesiod) was the first production of t e chaos. The heavens arose out of the earth, and
from both together, all the gods who afterWnrds inhabited them. Nor was this notion confined to the vulgar, and to those
poets who seem to have recorded the vulgar theology. . . . . The same notion of the spontaneous origin of the world was
embraced (as Aristotle tells us) by the early Pyth orean. . . Mind, and understanding, and consequently Deity, being the
most perfect, were necessarily, according to them, t 9 last productions of nature. For, in all other things, what was most
perfect, the observed, always came last: As in plants and animals, it is not the seed that is most perfect, but the complete
animal, witfi all its members in the one; and the complete plant, with all its branches, leaves, flowers, and fruits, in the
other.“__(SMiTu's Post. Essays on Philosophical Snly'ectt. pp. 106, 101.)
‘ De I'Allemagne. Tome III. p. 107. Londres, 1813.
 DISSERTATION must. 201
as the source of all reality as well as of all science, employment to the talents of some of the most
and in thus transporting the mind into an in learned and able of our contemporaries.8
tellectual region, inaccessible to men possessed The space which I have allotted to Kant has
only of the ordinary number of senses, both so far exceeded what I intended he should oc
agree; and to this vein of transcendental mysti cupy, that I must pass over the names of many
cism may probably be ascribed the extraordinary of his countrymen much more worthy of public
enthusiasm with which their doctrines appear to attention. - In the account given by Degerando
have been received by the German youth. Since of the opponents of the Kantian system, some
the time when Degerando wrote, a new and remarks are quoted from different writers, which
very unexpected revolution is said to have taken convey a very favourable idea of the works from
place among Schelling’s disciples ; many of them, which they are borrowed. Among these I would
originally educated in the Protestant faith, hav more particularly distinguish.those ascribed to
ing thrown themselves into the bosom of the Jacobi and to Reinhold. In the Memoirs, too,
Catholic church‘......“ The union of the faith of the Berlin Academy, Where, as Degerando
ful of this school forms an invisible church, justly observes, the philosophy of Locke found
which has adopted for its symbol and watch an asylum, while banished from the rest of
word, the Virgin Mary; and hence rosaries are Germany, there is a considerable number of
sometimes to be seen in the hands of those who metaphysical articles of the highest merit.‘
reckon Spinoza among the greatest prophets.” Nor must I omit to mention the contributions
It is added, however, with respect to this invi to this science by the university of Goettingen;
sible church, that “ its members have embraced more especially on questions connected with the
the Catholic religion, not as the true religion, philosophy of language. I have great pleasure,
but as the most poetical ;” a thing not impro also, in acknowledging the entertainment I have
bable among a people who have so strong a dis received, and the lights I have borrowed from
position to mingle together poetry and meta. the learned labours of Meiners and of Herder;
physics in the same compositions.a But it is but none of these are so closely connected with
painful to contemplate these sad aberrations of the history‘of metaphysics as to justify me in
human reason; nor would I have dwelt on them entering into particular details with respect to
so long as I have done, had I not been anxious them. I am ashamed to say that, in Great Bri
to convey to my readers a general, but I trust tain, the only one of these names which has
not unfaithful, idea of the style and spirit of a been much talked of is that of Kant; a circum
philosophy, which, within the short period of stance which, I trust, will apologise for the
our recollection, rose, flourished, and fell; and length to which the foregoing observations have
which, in every stage of its history, furnished extended.’

‘ See a paper by M. G. Schweighauser in the London Monthly Magazine for 1804, p. 207.
’ “ Aussi lea Allemands melent ils trop souvent la Metaph sique a la Poésie."_Allemagne, Vol. III. p. 133. “ No
thing (says Mr Hume) is more dangerous to reason than the ights of imagination, and nothing has been the occasion of
more mistakes among philosophers. Men of bright fancies may, in this respect, be compared to those angels. Whom the
scripture re resents as covering their eyes with their wings."_( Treatise qfHimmn Nature, Vol. I. p. 464-)
‘ According to a French writer, who appears to have resided many years in Germany, and who has enlivened a short
Essay on the Elements qf Philomphy with many curious historical details conccmin Kant and his successors, both Fichte
and Schelling owed much of their reputation to the uncommon eloquence dislpluy in their academical lectures :--“ Cette
doctrine sortait de la bouche de Fichte, rcvétu de ccs omemcns qui donncnt a jeunesse, la benuté, et la force an discours
On ne se lassait point en l'écoutant."
Of Schelling he expresses himself thus :_“ Schelling, appelé a l'universitc de Wirzbourg, y attira par sa reputation un
concours nombreux d'auditeurs, qu’il cnchainait a sea leqcns par la richesse de sa diction et par l'etendue de ses connois
SGIICGS - De 1h, il est venu h Munich. ohje le rcvis en 1813. On dit qu’il a embrasse' la religion Catholique."-(Eu¢i nr
lea Ele’mem de la Pliilomphie, par G. GLEY, Principal au College d’Alenqon. Paris, 1811. pp. 152, 138.)
‘ In a volume of this collection (for the year 1797), which happens to be now lying before me, there are three profound
and important filemoin on Probabilities, by M. Provost and M. l‘Huillier. Neither of these authors, I am aware, is of Ger
man origin, but as the Academy of Berlin has had the merit to bring their papers before the public, I could not omit this
opportunity of recommending them to the attention of my readers. To a very im mat observation made by M M. Pre
vost and l’Huillier, which has been the subject of some dispute, 1 am happy to and myself ofthe some op ortunity to ex
press my unqualificd assent-(See pp. 15. and 31. of the memoirs belonging to the Clan: dc Philosophic Sp cites.)
5 See Note A A A.
DISS. I. PART II. 2 c
202 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

The only other country of Europe from which Mariano Gigli, are advantageously mentioned by
any contributions to metaphysical philosophy their countrymen; but none of their works, as
could be reasonably looked for, during the eigh far as I can learn, have yet reached Scotland.
teenth century, is Italy; and to this particular Indeed, with the single exception of Boscovich,
branch of science I do not know that any Italian I recollect no writer on the other side of the
of much celebrity has, in these later times, turn Alps, whose metaphysical speculations have been
ed his attention. The metaphysical works of heard of in this island. This is the more to be
Cardinal Gerdil (a native of Savoy) are extolled regretted, as the specimens he has given, both
by some French writers ; but none of them have of originality and soundness in some of his ab
ever happened to fall in my way.1 At a more stract discussions, convey a very favourable idea
recent period, Genovesi, a Neapolitan philoso of the schools in which he received his education.
pher’ (best known as apolitical economist), has The authority to which he seems most inclined
attracted a good deal of notice by some meta tolean is that of Leibnitz; but, on all important
physical publications. Their chief object is said questions he exercises his own judgment, and
to be to reconcile, as far as possible, the opinions often combats Leibnitz with equal freedom and
of Leibnitz with those of Locke. “ Pendant success. Remarkable instances of this occur in
que Condillac donnait inutilement des lecons a his strictures on the principle of the suficient rea
1111 Prince d’Italie, Genovesi en donnait avec son, and in the limitations with which he has ad
plus de succés a ses éléves Napolitains: il com mitted the law of continuity.
binait le mieux qu’il lui etoit possible les theories The vigour, and, at the same time, the ver
de Leibnitz, pour lequel il eut toujours une pre satility of talents, displayed in the voluminous
vention favorable, avec celle de Locke, qu’il works of this extraordinary man, reflect the
accrédita le premier on Italic.”5 Various other highest honour on the country which gave him
works of greater or less celebrity, from Italian birth, and would almost tempt one to give credit
authors, seem toannounce a growing taste in that .to the theory which ascribes to the genial cli
part of Europe for these abstract researches. The mates of the south a beneficial influence on the
names of Francisco Soave, of Biagioli, and of intellectual frame. Italy is certainly the only

‘ His two first publications, which were directed against the philosophy of Locke (if we may judge from their titles),
are not likely, in the present times, to excite any curiosity. I. The .lmmatcriality of the Soul Demontraled again! Mr Locke,
on the rams Principle: on which this Philompher ha: Demonstrated the Existence and (he lmmateriality qf God. Turin, 1747.
2. Drfi‘m'c of the Opinion of flfnlebrunche, on the Nature and Origin of our Idem, agaim't the examination of Mr Locke. Turin,
1148. The only other works of Gerdil which I have seen referred to are, A Dhrertation on the Incompatibility of the Prin
ciples of Descartes with {hare of Spinoza ,- and A Rr'futution of some Principle: maintained in the Emile of Rousmu.
Of this last performance, Rousseau is reported to have said, “ Voila l’unique écrit publié contrc mm' qucj‘ai troucé dignc
d'étrc lu en cntier." (Nouvmu Diet. Ilirt. article Gmiil.) In the same article, a reference is made to a public discourse of
the celebrated M. Mairan, of the Academy of Sciences, in which he pronounces the following judgment on Gerdil's meta
physical powers: “ Gerdil portc avec lui dam tour 0e: dhcour: un Ctpri! géométriquc, qui manque trop torment aux ge’ométre:
mémcs."
' Born I712, died 1769.
* Revue Encyclapc’diquc, ou Analyse Raismnée de: Production: les pl!“ Rmarquables den: la Litiémturr, les Scienca, ct let Ark.
I Vol. 3me livraisou, p. 515. Paris, Mars 1819. (The writer of the article quoted in the text is M. Sarpi, an Italian by
birth, who, after having distinguished himself by various publications in his own country, has now (if I am not mistaken)
fixed his residence at Paris. In his own philosophical opinions, he seems to be a follower of Condillac‘s school, otherwise
he would scarcely have spoken so highly as he has done of the French Ideologists : “ L'Idéologie qui, d‘apres so dénomi.
nation re'ccnte pourrait étre considerée comme specinlement due aux Franqais, mais qui est aussi ancienne que la philoso
phic, puisqu‘ellea pour ohjct la generation des idées et l‘analyse des fiiculte’s qui concourent a leur formation, n‘est pas
etrangere aux Italiens, comme on pourrait le croire.")
Genovesi is considered, by an historian of ' h reputation, as the reformer of Italian philosophy. If the execution of
his Treatise on Logic corresponds at all to the e ightened views with which the design seems to have been conceived, it
cannot fail to be a work of much practical utility. “ Ma chi puo veramente dirsi il riformatore dell’ Italians filosofia, chi
la fece tosto conoscere, e respettare da’ phi dotti filosofi delle ultre nazioni, chi seppe arricchire di nuovi pregi hi logica, la
metafisica, e la morale, fu il celebre Genovesi. 'l‘uttoche molti fossero stati i filesofi che cercarono con sottili riflessioni,
e giusti precetti d’ajutare la niente a pensare ed a ragiounre con esattezza e verita, e Bacone, Malebranche,‘ Loke, \Volfio,
e molt‘ altri sembrassero avere esanrito quanto v’era da scrivere su tale arte, seppe nondimeno il Genovesi trovare nuove
osservazioni, e nuovi avvertimenti da preporre, e dare una logica piu piena e compiuta, e in utile non solo allo studio della
filosofia, e generalmente ad ogni studio scientifico, um eziandio alla condotta morale. ed al a civile ocietd .”_( Dell‘ Origine,
dc Progrmi, c ddlo Stato allude d’Ogni Lctteratura dell‘ Abate D. GIOVANNI Axons. Tomo XV. pp. 260. 26]. Ve
nezia, I800.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 203
part of Europe where mathematicians and me by the way, to which his thoughts were evi
taphysicians of the highest rank have produced dently turned, less by the impulse of speculative
such poetry as has proceeded from the pens of curiosity, than by his anxiety to defend the theo
Boscovich and Stay. It is in this rare balance logical system in which he had been educated,
of imagination, and of the reasoning powers, and to which he was most conscientiously and
that the perfection of the human intellect will zealously attached. The effect of this anxietyin
be allowed to consist; and of this balance a far sharpening his faculties, andin keeping his pole
greater number of instances may be quoted from mical vigilance constantly on the alert, maybe
Italy (reckoning from Galileol downwards), than traced in every step of his argument.“
in any other corner of the learned world. In the mean time, a new and unexpected
The sciences of ethics, and of political eco mine of intellectual wealth has been opened to
nomy, seem to be more suited to the taste of the the learned of Europe, in those regions of the
modern Italians, than logic or metaphysics, pro East, which, although in all probability the
perly so called. And in the two former bran cradle of civilisation and science, were, till very
ches of knowledge, they have certainly con lately, better known in the annals of commerce
tributed much to the instruction and improve than of philosophy. The metaphysical and
ment of the eighteenth century. But on these ethical remains of the Indian sages are, in a pc
subjects we are not yet prepared to enter. culiar degree, interesting and instructive; inas
much as they seem to have furnished the germs
In the New World, the state of society and of of the chief systems taught in the Grecian schools.
manners has not hitherto been so favourable to The favourite theories, however, of the Hindoos
abstract science as to pursuits which come home will, all of them, be found, more or less, tinc
directly to the business of human life. There tured with those ascetic habits of abstract and
is, however, one metaphysician of whom Ame mystical meditation which seem to have been, in
rica has to boast, who, in logical acuteness and all ages, congenial to their constitutional tem
subtility, does not yield to any disputant bred perament. Of such habits, an Idealism, ap
in the universities of Europe. I need not say, proaching to that of Berkeley and Malcbranche,
that I allude to Jonathan Edwards. But, at the is as natural an offspring, as Materialism is of
time when he wrote, the state of America was the gay and dissipated manners, which, in great
more favourable than it now is, or can for a and luxurious capitals, are constantly inviting
long period be expected to be, to such inquiries the thoughts abroad.
as those which engaged his attention; inquiries, To these remains of ancient science in the
‘ See a most interesting account of Galileo's taste for poetry and polite literature in Ginguené, H‘uloire Litlémir:
d‘ItaIic. Tome V. pp. 331, ct mg. .1 Paris, 1812.
’ While this Diuntofion was in the press, I received a new American publication, entitled, “ Transaction ofthe Ilidovi
ml and Literary Commitlee 0f the American Philosophical Society, held at Philodelphimjbr Promoting Useful Knowledge,” Vol. I.
Philadelphia, l8l9. From an advertisement prefixed to this volume, it appears that, at a meeting of this learned body
in 1816, it was resolved, “ That a new committee be added to those already established, to be denominated the Committee
of History, Moral Science, and General Literature." It was with great pleasure I observed, that one of the first objects
to which the committee has directed its attention is to investi te and ascertain, as much as possible, the structure and
grammatical forms of the languages of the aboriginal nations 0 America. The Report of the corresponding secretar (M.
Duponceau), dated January 1819, with respect to the pro as then made in this investigation, is highly curious an_ inte
resting, and dis lays not only enlarged and philosophies views, but an intimate acquaintance with the philological re
searches of Ads ung, Vuter, Humboldt, and other German scholars. All this evince: an enlightened curiosity, undan ex
tent of literary information, which could scarcely have been expected in these rising states for many years to come. _ _
The rapid progress which the Americans have lately made in the art of writing has been remarked by various critics,
and it is certainly a very important fact in the history of their literature- Their state papers were, indeed, always distin
guished by a strain of animated and vigorous eloquence; but as most of them were composed on the spur of the occasion,
their authors had little time to bestow on the niceties, or even upon the purity of diction. An attention to these 18 the slow
ofiizpring
mi ,thut of learned
“good leisure,
writing notand
onlyofrequiredzegreat
the dill at study ofbut
parts, the the
bestvery
models. This
best of thoseI parts
presume wasmaxim
;"'-u Gray’swhich,
meaning, when
if true, he
would
point out the state of the public taste with respect to style, as the surest test among any people of the general improve
ment which their intellectual powers have received a and which, when applied to our Trans-atlantic brethren, would Justify
sanguine expectations of the attainments of the rising generation.
L

' Note of Mason on a Letter of Gray’s to Dr Wharton, on the death of Dr Middleton.

204 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

East, the attention of'Europe was first called by between the Sanscrit and the Greek (and also
Bernier, a most intelligent and authentic tra between the Sanscrit and the Latin, which is
veller, of whom I formerly took notice as a fa considered as the most ancient dialect of the
vourite pupil of Gassendi. But it is chiefly by Greek), in the conjugations and fiexions of their
our own countrymen that the field which he verbs, and in many other particulars of their
opened has been subsequently explored; and of mechanism ; an analogy which is represented as
their meritorious labours in the prosecution of so complete, that, in the versions which have
this task, during the reign of our late Sovereigu,it been made from the one language into the other,
is scarcely possible to form toohigh an estimate. “ Sanscrit,” we are told, “ answers to Greek,
Much more, however, may be yet expected, as face to face in a glass.”1 That the Sanscrit
if sucha prodigy as Sir William Jones should did not grow up to the perfection which it now
again appear, uniting, in as miraculous a degree, exhibits, from popular and casual modes of
the gift of tongues with the spirit of philosophy. speech, the unexampled regularity of its forms
The structure of the Sanscrit, in itself, indepen seems almost to demonstrate; and yet, should
dently of the treasures locked up in it, affords this supposition be rejected, to what other hypo
one of the most puzzling subjects of inquiry thesis shall we have recourse, which does not
that was ever presented to human ingenuity. involve equal, if not greater improbabilities P
The problem is well worthy of the attention of
The affinities and filiations of difl'erent tongues,
as evinced in their» corresponding roots and philosophical grammarians; and the solution of
other coincidences, are abundantly curious, but it, whatever it maybe, can scarcely fail to throw
incomparably more easy in the explanation, than some new lights on the history of the human
the systematical analogy which is said to exist race, as well as on that of the human mind.

SECTION VIII.

Metaphysical Philosophy of Scotland.

I'r now only remains for me to take a slight indeed, the literary taste in general, which so
survey of the rise and progress of the Meta
physical Philosophy of Scotland; and if, in
treating of this, I should be somewhat more
minute than in the former parts of this Histo
rical Sketch, I flatter myself that allowances will
be made for my anxiety to supply some chasms
in the literary history of my country, which
could not be so easily, nor perhaps so authenti
cally, filled up by a younger hand.
The Metaphysical Philosophy of Scotland, and,
remarkably distinguished this country during
the last century, may be dated from the lectures
of Dr Francis Hutcheson, in the University of
Glasgow. Strong indications of the same spe
culative spirit may be traced in earlier writers ;'
but it was from this period that Scotland, after
a long slumber, began to attract general
notice in the republic of letters.“
The writings of -Dr Hutcheson, however, are
more closely connected with the history of
Ethical than of Metaphysical Science; and I

‘ Letter from the Reverend David Brown, Provost of the College of Fort William, about the Sensor-it Edition q the
Gospel: (dated Calcutta, September 1806, and published in some of the Literary Journal; of the day.)
’ See Note B B B.
1' An Italian writer of some note, in a work published in 1763, assigns the same date to the revival of letters in Scotland.
“ Fra i tanti, e si chiari Scrittori che fiorirono uella Gran Bretagna a’ tempi della Regina Anna, non as as conta pur uno,
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 205
shall, accordingly, delay any remarks which I against the existence of matter are acute and
have toolfer upon them till I enter upon that just, and, at the time when they were published:
part of my subject. There are, indeed, some had the merit of novelty.
very original and important metaphysical hints vOne of his distinguishing doctrines is, that
scattered over his works; but it is chiefly as the Deity is the immediate agent in producing
an ethical writer that he is known to the world, the phenomena of the-Material World; but that,
and that he is entitled to a place among the in the Moral World, the case is difi'erent,-a
philosophers of the eighteenth century.1 doctrine which, whatever may be thought of it
Among the contemporaries of Dr Hutcheson, in other respects, is undoubtedly a great im
there was one Scottish metaphysician (Andrew provement on that of Malebranche, which, by
Baxter, author of the Inquiry into the Nature qf representing God as the only agent in the uni
the Human Soul), whose name it would be im verse, was not less inconsistent than the scheme
proper to pass over without some notice, after of Spinoza with the moral nature of Man. “ The
the splendid eulogy bestowed on his work by Deity (says Baxter) is not only at the head of
Warburton. “ He who would see the justest Nature, but in every part of it. A chain of
and precisest notions of God and the soul may material causes betwixt the Deity and the effect
read this book, one of the most finished of the produced, and much more a series of them, is
kind, in my humble opinion, that the present such a supposition as would conceal the Deity
times, greatly advanced in true philosophy, have from the knowledge of mortals for ever. We
produced ”' might search for matter above matter, till we
To this unqualified praise, I must confess, I were lost in a labyrinth out of which no phi
do not think Baxter’s Inquiry altogether entitled, losopher ever yet found his way.-—This way of
although I readily acknowledge that it displays bringing in second causes is borrowed from the
considerable ingenuity, as well as learning. government of the moral world, where free
Some of the remarks on Berkeley’s argument agents act a part; but it is way improperly ap

che sia uscito di Scozis. . . . . .Francesco Hutcheson venuto in Iscozia, a professarvi la Filosofia, e gli studii di umanita,
nella Universita di Glasgow, v'insinuo er tutto il passe colle istruzione a viva voce, e con egregie opere date alle stamps,
un vivo genio per gli studii filosofici, e iterarii, e sparse qui fecondissimi semi, d‘onde vediamo nascere sl felice frutti, e si
copiOSOP-(Discorro sopra lo Vicmde dclla Litteratura, del Sig. Cssno Dnnnu, p. 224, Glasgow edit. 1763.)
I was somewhat surprised to meet with the foregoing observations in the work of a foreigner; but, wherever he ac uired
his information, it evinces, in those from whom it was derived, a more intimate acquaintance with the traditionary history
of letters in this country than has fallen to the share of most of our own authors who have treated of that subject. I have
heard it con‘cctured, that the materials of his section on Scottish literature had been communicated to him by Mr Hume.
Another oreign writer, much better qualified than Denina to appreciate the merits of Hutcheson, has expressed him
self upon this subject with his usual precision. “ L'ecole Ecossaise a en quelque sorte pour fondateur Hutcheson, msitre
et prédécesseur dc Smith. C'est ce philosophc qui lui a imprimé son caractére, et qui a commencé ll lui donner de
Pee at.“ In a note upon this passage, the author observes,_“ C’est en ce scul sens qu'on peut donner un chef h une
école de philosophic qui, comme on le vcrru, professe d'silleurs la plus parfaite indé ndance dc l‘sutorité.-(See the
exillpnt reflections upon the posthumous works of Adam Smith, annexed by M. revost to his translation of that
wo —.
Dr called
ingly Hutcheson's first “course
by Denina of lectures
un dotto at Glasgow
Irlandeseg" was oflSt-otch
but he was 'ven in extraction
1730. He (his
was father
a native of Ireland, and
or grandfather is accord
having been a
youqge; son of arespectable family in Ayrshire), and he was sent over when very young to receive his education in
Scot an .
' One of the chief objects of Hutcheson's writings was to oppose the licentious system of Mandeville; a system
which was the natural ofi'spring of some of Locke's reasonings against the existence of innate practical principles
As a moralist, Hutcheson was a warm admirer of the ancients, and seems to bus been particularly smitten with
that favourite doctrine of the Socratic school which identifies the good with the beaullful. Hence he was led to follow
much too closely the example of Shaftesbury, in considering moral distinctions as founded more on sentiment than
on reason, and to speak vaguely of virtue as a sort of noble enthusiasm ,- but he was led, at the some time, to connect
with his ethical speculations some collateral inquiries concerning Beauty and Harmony, in which he pursued, with con
siderable success, the path recently struck out by Addison in his Buoy: on the Pi’mmrn of the Imagination. These in
quiries of Hutchcson, together with his Thought: on Laughter, although they may not be very highly prized for their
depth, bear everywhere the marks of an enlarged and cultivated mind, and, whatever may have been their eifccts else
where, certainly contributed powerfully, in our Northern seats of learning, to introduce a taste for more liberal and
elegant pursuits than could have been espected so soon to succeed to the intolerance, bigotry, and barbansm of the
precedin century. ‘
1 See 'sauuaron‘s Divine Legacies ofMom demonstrated, p. 895 of the first edition.
206 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

plied to the material univere, where matter and author himself, “ never literary attempt was
motion only (or mechanism, as it is called) comes more unfortunate. It fell dead-born from the
in competition with the Deity.”1 press, without reaching such distinction as even
Notwithstanding, however, these and other to excite a murmur among the zealots.” It
merits, Baxter has contributed so little to the forms, however, a very important link in this
advancement of that philosophy which has since Historical Sketch, as it has contributed, either
been cultivated in Scotland, that I am afraid the directly or indirectly, more than any other single
very slight notice I have now taken of him may work, to the subsequent progress of the Philo
be considered as an unseasonable digression. sophy of the Human Mind. In order to adapt
The great object of his studies plainly was, to his principles better to the public taste, the author
strengthen the old argument for the soul’s im afterwards threw them into the more popular
materiality, by the new lights furnished by New form of Essays; but it is in the original work
ton’s discoveries. To the intellectual and moral that philosophical readers will always study his
phenomena of Man, and to the laws by which system, and it is there alone that the relations
they are regulated, he seems. to have paid but and bearings of its different parts, as well as its
little attention.9 , connection with the speculations of his imme
While Dr Hutcheson’s reputation as an ‘ au diate predecessors, can be distinctly traced. It
thor, and still more as an eloquent teacher, was is there, too, that his metaphysical talents ap
at its zenith in Scotland, Mr Hume began his pear, in my opinion, to the greatest advantage;
literary career, by the publication of his Treatise nor am I certain that he has anywhere else dis
of Human Nature. It appeared in 1739, but played more skill or a sounder taste in point of
seems at that time to have attracted little or no composition.I
attention from the public. According to the The great objects of Mr Hume’s Treatise of

1 Appendix to the first art of the Inquiry into the Nature qfthr Human Son], pp. 109, 110.
' Baxter was born at 0 d Aberdeen, in 1686 or 1687, and died at Whittingham, in East Lothian, in 1750. I have not
been able to discover the date of the first edition of his Inquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul, but the second edition ap
peared in 1737, two years before the publication of Mr Hume‘s Trcalire oflluman lVaiure.
‘ A gentleman, who lived in habits of great intimacy with Dr Reid towards the close of his life, and on whose accuracy
I can fully depend, remembers to have heard him say re atedly, that “ Mr Hume, in his Euogr, appeared to have forgot
ten his Metaphysics.” Nor will this supposition be though): improbable, if, in addition to the subtle and fugitive nature of
the suh'ects canvassed in the Treaties qf Human Nature, it be considered that long before the publication oi his Buoys, Mr
Hume ad abandoned all his metaphysical researches. In proof of this, I shall quote a passage from a letter of his to Sir
Gilbert Elliot, which, though without a date, seems from its contents to have been written about 1750 or 1751. The pas
sage is interesting on another account, as it serves to show how much Mr Hume undervalued the utility of mathematical
learning, and consequently how little he was aware of its importance, as an organ of physical discovery, and as the foundas
tion of some of the most necessary arts of civilised life. “ I am sorry that our correspondence should lead us into these ab
stract speculations. I have thought, and read, and composed very little on such questions of late. Morals, politics, and
literature, have employed all my time 5 but still the other topics I must think more curious, important, entertaining, and
useful, than any geometry that is deeper than Euclid.”
I have said that it is in Mr Hume's earliest work that his metaphysical talents appear, in my opinion, to the greatest
advantage. From the followin advertisement, however, prefixed, in the latest editions of his works, to the second volume
of his Euay: and Treatinci, Mr ume himself would appear to have thought differently. “ Most of the principles and res
sonings contained in this volume were published in a work in three volumes, called A Treatiu of Human Nature ,~ :1 work
which the author had projected before he left College, and which he wrote and published not long after. But not finding
it successful, he was sensible of his error in going to the press too early, and be cast the whole anew in the following pieces,
wherewho
ters, some ne ligencies in
havephonoured thehis formerphiloso
author‘s reasoning, and some
h with in the
answers, expression,
have taken careare, he hopes,
to direct corrected-
all their batteriesYet several
against thatwri
ju
venile work, which the author never acknowlled' , and have affected to triumfph in any advantage which they imagined
they had obtained over it; a practice very contrary to all rules of candour and air dealin , and a strong instance of those
polemical artifices which a bigoted zeal thinks itself authorised to employ. Henceforth, t e author desires, that the follow
ing pieces may alone be regarded as containing his hilosophical sentiments and principles.”
Aficr this declaration, it certainly would be big ly uncandid to impute to Mr Hume any philosophical sentiments or
principles not to be found in his Philomphical Erlayr, as well as in his Treatise. But where is the unfairness of replying to any
plausible arguments in the latter work, even although llIr Hume may have omitted them in his subsequent publications;
more especially where these arguments supply any useful lights for illustrating his more popular compositions ? The
Treatise qf'Hunum Nature will certainly be remembered as ion as any of Air Hume‘s philosophical writings; nor is any
person qualified either to approve or to reject his doctrines, w 0 has not studied them in the systematical form in which
they were originally cast. That Mr Hume's remonstrance may be just with respect to some of his adversaries, I believe,
to be true ; but it is surely expressed in a tone more querulous and peevish than is justified by the occasion.
I shall take this opportunity of preserving anotherjudgment of Mr Hume's (still more fully stated) on the-merits of this
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 20']

Human Nature will be best explained in his own come acquainted with that science. In pre
words. tending, therefore, to explain the principles of
“ ’Tis evident that all the sciences have a re Human Nature, we, in efl'eet, propose a com
lation, greater or less, to human nature, and plete system of the sciences, built on a foun
that, however wide any of them may seem to dation almost entirely new, and the only one
run from it, they still return back by one pas upon which they can stand with any security.
sage or another. Even Mathematics, Natural “ And, as the science of man is the only solid
Philosophy, and Natural Religion, are in some foundation for the other sciences, so the only
measure dependent on the science of Man, since solid foundation we can give to this science it
they lie under the cognisanee of men, and are self must be laid on experience and observa
judged of by their powers and faculties...........
tion. ’Tis no astonishing reflection to consider,
If, therefore, the sciences of Mathematics, Na that the application of experimental philosophy
tural Philosophy, and Natural Religion, have to moral subjects should come after that to na
such a dependence on the knowledge of man, tural, at the distance of above a whole century ;
what may be expected in the other sciences, since we find, in fact, that there was about the
whose connection with human nature is more same interval betwixt the origin of these sci
close and intimate? The sole end of logic is to ences; and that, reckoning from Thales to So
explain the principles and operations of our reacrates, the space of time is nearly equal to that
soning faculty, and the nature of our ideas: betwixt my Lord Bacon and some late philoso
Morals and criticism regard our tastes and sen phers in England, 1 who have begun to put the
timents, and politics consider men as united in science of man on a new footing, and have en
society, and dependent on each other............ gaged the attention, and excited the curiosity of
Here, then, is the only expedient from which the public."
we can hope for success in our philosophical re I am far from thinking, that the execution of
searches, to leave the tedious lingering method Mr Hume’s work corresponded with the mag
which we have hitherto followed, and, instead nificent design sketched out in these observa
of taking new and then a castle or village on tions; nor does it appear to me that he had form
the frontier, to march up directly to the capital ed to himself a very correct idea of the manner
or centre of these sciences, to human nature it in which the experimental mode of reasoning
self; which, being once masters of, we may ought to be applied to moral subjects. He had,
evarywhere else hope for an easy victory. From however, very great merit in separating entire
this station we may extend our conquests over ly his speculations concerning the philosophy of
all those sciences which more intimately concern the mind from all physiological hypotheses about
human life, and may afterwards proceed at lei the nature of the union between soul and body;
sure to discover more fully those which are the and although, from some of his casual expres
objects of pure curiosity. There is no question sions, it may be suspected that he conceived our
of importance whose decision is not comprised intellectual operations to result from bodily or
in the Science of Man, and there is none which ganisation,’ he had yet much too large a share of
can be decided with any certainty before we be good sense and sagacity to suppose, that, by study

juvenile work. I copy it from a private letter written by himself to Sir Gilbert Elliot, soon otter the publication of his
Philosophical Enayr. '
“ I believe the Philomphical Eunyr contain every thing of consequence relating to the Understanding, which you would
meet with in the Trcafin ,' and I give you my advice against reading the latter. By shortenin and simplifying the ques—
tions, 1' really render them more com lete. Adda dum miuuo. The philosophical principles are t is same in both ; but I was
carried away by the heat ofyouth an invention to publish too precipitate-1y. So vast an undertaking, planned before I was
one and meaty, and composed before twenty-five, must necessarily be very defective. I have repented my haste a bun
dred and a hundred times."
I “ Mr Locke, Lord Shaflesbury, Dr Mandeville, Mr Hutcheson, Dr Butler," M.
' The only expression in his works I can recollect at present. that can give any reasonable countenance to such a suapi
cion, occurs in his Poxfbummu Dialoguu, where he speaks of “ that little agitation of the brain which we call thou ht."
(2d Edition, pp. 69, 61.) But no fair inference can be drawn from this, as the expression is put into the mouth 0 Philo
the Sceptic; whereas the author intimates that Cleanthcs speaks his own sentiments
208 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ing the latter, it is possible for human ingenuity than in the style of his principal antagonists, all
to throw any light upon the former. His works, of whom, in studying his system, have caught,
accordingly, are perfectly free from those gra in no inconsiderable degree, the purity, polish,
tuitous and wild conjectures, which a few years and precision of his diction. Nobody, I believe,
afterwards were given to the world with so much will deny, that Locke himself, considered as an
confidence by Hartley and Bonnet. And in this English writer, i far surpassed, not only by
respect his example has been of infinite use to Hume, but by Reid, Campbell, Gerard, and
his successors in this northern part of the island. Beattie; and of this fact it will not be easy to
Many absurd theories have, indeed, at different find a more satisfactory explanation, than in the
times been produced by our countrymen; but I critical eye with which they were led to canvass
know of no part of Europe where such systems a work, equally distinguished by the depth of
as those of Hartley and Bonnet have been so its reasonings, and by the attractive form in
uniformly treated with the contempt they de which they are exhibited.
serve as in Scotland.1 The fundamental principles from which Mr
Nor was it in this respect alone, that Mr Hume sets out, difl'er more in words than in
Hume’s juvenile speculations contributed to for substance from those of his immediate prede
ward the progress of our national literature. cessors. According to him, all the objects of
Among the many very exceptionable doctrines our knowledge are divided into two classes, im
involved in them, there are various discussions, pressions and ideas .- the former, comprehending
equally refined and solid, in which he has hap our sensations, properly so called, and also our
pily exemplified the application of metaphysical perceptions of sensible qualities (two things be
analysis to questions connected with'taste, with twixt which Mr Hume’s system does not lead
the philosophy of jurisprudence, and with the him to make any distinction); the latter, the
theory of government. Of these discussions objects of our thoughts when we. remember or
some afterwards appeared in a more popular imagine, or in general exercise any of our intel
form in his philosophical and literary Essays, lectual powers on things which are past, ab
and still retain a place in the latest editions of sent, or future. These ideas he considers as
his works; but others, not less curious, have copies of our impressions, and the words which
been suppressed by the author, probably from denote them as the only signs entitled to the at
an idea, that they were too abstruse to interest tention of a philosopher; every word professing
the curiosity of ordinary readers. In some of to denote an idea, of which the corresponding
these practical applications of metaphysical impressions cannot be pointed out, being ipso
principles, we may perceive the germs of several facto unmeaning and illusory. The obvious re
inquiries which have since been successfully sult of these principles is, that what Mr Hume
prosecuted by Mr Hume’s countrymen; and, calls impressirms, furnish, either immediately or
among others, of those which gave birth to Lord mediately, the whole materials about which our
Kames’s Historical Law Tracts, and to his Ele thoughts can be employed; a conclusion coin
ments of Criticism. ' ciding exactly with the account of the origin of
The publication of Mr Hume’s Treatise was our ideas borrowed by Gassendi from the an—
attended with another important effect in Scot cient Epicureans. ~
land. He had cultivated the art of writing with With this fundamental principle of the Gas
much greater success than any of his predeces sendists, Mr Hume combined the logical method
sors, and had formed his taste on the best models recommended by their great antagonists the
of English composition. The influence of his Cartesians, and (what seemed still more remote
example appears to have been great and gene from his Epicurean starting ground) a strong
ral; and was in no instance more remarkable leaning to the idealism of Malebranche and of

‘ In no part of Mr Hume's metaphysical writings is there the slightest reference to either of these systems, although he
survived the date of their publication little less than thirty years.
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
- Berkeley. Like Descartes, he began with doubt
ing of every thing, but he was too quick-sighted
- to be satisfied, like Descartes, with the solutions
given by that philosopher of his doubts. On
the contrary, he exposes the futility not only of
the solutions proposed by Descartes himself, but
of those suggested by Locke and others among
his successors; ending at last where Descartes
began, in considering no one proposition as more
'certain, or even as more probable than another.
That the proofs alleged by Descartes of the ex
istence of the material world are quite incon
clusive, had been already remarked by many.
Nay, it had been shown by Berkeley and others,
that if the principles be admitted on which Des
,cartes, in common with all philosophers, from
Aristotle downwards, proceeded, the existence
of the material world is impossible. Afew bold
thinkers, distinguished by the name of Egoists,
_ had gone still farther than this, and had pushed
their scepticism to such a length, as to doubt
of everything but their own existence. Accord
ing to these, the proposition, cogilo, ergo sum, is
the only truth which can be regarded as abso
lutely certain. It was reserved for Mr Hume
to call in question even this proposition, and to
admit only the existence of impressions and ideas.
To dispute against the existence of these be
conceived to be impossible, inasmuch as they
are the immediate subjects of consciousness.
-But to admit the existence of the thinking and
percipient I, was to admit the existence of that
imaginary substance called Mind, which (ac
cording to him) is no more an object of human
knowledge, than the imaginary and exploded
substance called Matter.
209
From what has been already said, it may be
seen, that we are not to look in Mr Hume’s
Deata'se for any regular or connected system.
It is neither a scheme of Materialism, nor a
scheme of Spiritualism; for his reasonings strike
equally at the root of both these theories. His
aim is to establish a universal scepticism, and
to produce in the reader a complete distrust in
his own faculties. For this purpose be avails
himself of the data assumed by the most op
posite sects, shifting his ground skilfully from
one position to another, as best suits the scope
of his present argument. With the single ex
ception of Bayle, he has carried this sceptical
mode of reasoning farther than any other m0
dern philosopher. Cicero, who himself belong
ed nominally to the same school, seems to have
thought, that the controversial habits imposed
on the Academical sect by their profession of
universal doubt, required a greater versatility of
talent and fertility of invention, than were ne
cessary for defending any particular system of
tenets;l and it is not improbable, that Mr Hume,
in the pride'of youthful genius, was misled by
this specious but very fallacious idea. On the
other hand, Bayle has the candour to acknow
ledge, that nothing is so easy as to dispute after
the manner of the sceptics ;" and to this propo
sition every man of reflection will find himself
more and more disposed to assent, as he ad
vances in life. It is experience alone that can
convince us, how much more difiicult it is to
make any real progress in the search after
truth, than to acquire a talent for plausible dis
putation.‘
That this spirit of sceptical argument has been

' “ Nam si singulas disciplines percipere magnum est, quanta mains omnes P quod facere iis necesse est, quibus proposi.
tum est, veri reperiendi causa, et contra omncs philosophos et pro omnibus dicere.-Cujus rei tantse tamque diflicihs facul
tatem consecutum ease me non profiteor: Secutum esse rm me fero."—(Clc£no Do Not. Bear. I. i. v.)
' See the passage quoted from Burrs, in 86 of t is Dinerialimu.
' In the ver interesting account, 'veu by r Holland, of Velara, a modern Greek physician, whom he met with at La
rissa in Thessa y, a few sl ht articu ars are mentioned, which let us completely into the character of that ingenious per
son. “ It appeared," says r Holland, “ that Velara had thought much on the various topics of Metaphysics and Moi-als;~
and his conversation on these topics bore the same tone of satirical scepticism which was a parent as the general feature 0
' his opinions. We spoke of the questions of Materialism and Necessity, on both of whi he declared an aflirmstive opi
nion."--(Hor.r.lmn’s Travel: in the Ionian Ida, 814:. p. 275.) “ I passed this evening with Velara at his own house, and sat
with him till a late hour. During part of the time our conversation turned upon metaph sical topics, and chiefly on the
old Pyrrhonic doctrine of the non-existence of Matter. Velara, as usual, took the sceptl side of the argument, in which
he showed much ingenuity and rest knowledge of the more eminent controversialists on this and other collateral subjects."
(Ibid. p. 310.) \Ve see here alively picture of a character daily tohe met with in more polished and learned societies, dls
puting not for truth but for victory; 1n the first conversation professing himselfa Materialism and in the second den mg
the existence of Matter; on both occasions, taking u that ground where he was most likely to provoke opposition. I any
inference is to be drawn from the conversation of me an individual, with respect to his real creed, it is in favour of those
was. 1. PART II. 2 n
210 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

carried to a most pernicious excess in modern ‘ decessors, should have fancied that the incon
Europe, as well as among the ancient Academics, clusiveness of the proofs argued some unsound
will, I presume, be now very generally allowed; ness in the propositions which they were em
but in the form in which it appears in Mr Hume’s ployed to support. It would, indeed, have done
Treatise, its mischievous tendency has been more still greater honour to his sagacity if he had as
than compensated by the importance of those re cribed this to its true cause—the impossibility
sults for which it has prepared the way. The of confirming, by a process of reasoning, the
principles which he assumes were sanctioned in fundamental laws of human belief; but (as Bacon
common by Gassendi, by Descartes, and by remarks) it does not often happen to those who
Locke ; and from these, in most instances, he labour in the field of science, that the same per—
reasons with great logical accuracy and force. son who sows the seed should reap the harvest.
The conclusions to which he is thus led are often From that strong sceptical bias which led this
so extravagant and dangerous, that he ought to most acute reasoner, on many important ques
have regarded them as a proof of the unsoundness tions, to shift his controversial ground according
of his data; but if he had not the merit of draw to the humour of the moment, one favourable
ing this inference himself, he at least forced it consequence has resulted—that we are indebted
to him for the most powerful antidotes we pos
so irresistibly on the observation of his successors,
as to be entitled to share with them in. the ho sess against some of the most poisonous errors
nour of their discoveries. Perhaps, indeed, it of modern philosophy. I have already made a
may be questioned if the errors which he adopted similar remark in speaking of the elaborate re
from his predecessors would not have kept their futation of Spinozism by Bayle; but the argu
ground till this day, had not his sagacity display ment stated by Hume, in his Essay on the Idea
ed so clearly the consequences which they ne Qf Necessary Connectima (though brought forward
cessarily involve. It is in this sense that we by the author with a very difl'erent view), forms
must understand a compliment paid to him by a still more valuable accession to metaphysical
the ablest of his adversaries, when he says, that science, as it lays the axe to the very root from
“ Mr Hume’ premises often do more than atone which Spinozism springs. The cardinal prin
for his conclusions.”l ciple on which the whole of that system turns
The bias of Mr Hume’s mind to scepticism is, that all events, physical and moral, are m
seems to have been much encouraged, and the oessarily linked together as causes and efi'ects;
success of his sceptical theories in the same pro from which principle all the most alarming con
portion promoted, by the recent attempts of clusions adopted by Spinoza follow as unavoid
Descartes and his followers to demonstrate Self able and manifest corollaries. But, if it be true,
evident Truths ;—attempts which Mr Hume as Mr Hume contends, and as most philosophers
clearly perceived to involve, in every instance, now admit, that physical causes and effects are
that sort of paralogism which logicians call rea known to us merely as antecedents and conse
soning in a circle. The weakness of these pre qucnts ; still more, if it be true that the word ne
tended demonstrations is triumphantly exposed cessity, as employed in this discussion, is alto
in the Treatise of Human Nature; and it is not gether unmeaning and insignificant, the whole
very wonderful that the author, in the first en system of Spinoza is nothing better than a rope
thusiasm of his victory over his immediate pre of sand, and the very proposition which it pro

opinions which he controverts. These opinions, at least, we may confidently conclude to be agreeable to the general belief
o the country where he lives.
‘ Mr Hume himself (to whom Dr Reid‘s Inquiry was communicated previous to its publication, by their common friend
Dr Blair) seems not to have been dissatisfied with this apology for some of his speculations. “ I shall only say (he ob
serves in a letter addressed to the author), that if you have been able to clear up these nbstruse and important subjects,
instead of being mortified, I shall be so vain as to pretend to a share of the praise, and shall think that my errors, by hav~
ing at least some coherence, had led you to make a more strict review of my principles, which were the common ones, and
to perceive their futility."-(For the whole of Mr Hume’s letter, see Biographical lllcmoin of Smith, Robertson, and Reid,
by the author of this Dissertation, p. 417-)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. . 211
fesses to demonstrate is incomprehensible by our resemblance, proportiorw in quantity and number,
faculties. Mr Hume’s doctrine, in the unquali degrees of any quality, and contrariety ; none of
fied form in which he states it, may lead to other which are- implied in this proposition, whatever
consequences not less dangerous: but, if he had has a beginning has also a cause qfez-istenee. That
not the good fortune to conduct metaphysicians proposition, therefore, is not intuitively certain.
to the truth, he may at least be allowed the merit At least, any one who would assert it to be in
of having shut up for ever one of the most fre tuitively certain, must deny these to be the only
quented and, fatal paths which led them astray. infallible relations, and must find some other
In what I have now said, I have supposed my relation of that kind to be implied in it, which
readers to possess that general acquaintance with it will be then time enough to examine.”
Mr Hume’s Theory of Causation which all well Upon this passage, it is suflicient for me to
educated persons may be presumed to have ac observe, that the whole force of the reasoning
quired. But the close connection of this part of hinges on two assumptions, which are not only
his work with some of the historical details which gratuitous, but false. 1st, That all certainty
are immediately to follow, makes it necessary arises from the comparison of ideas. 2dly, That
for me, before I proceed farther, to recapitulate all the unalterable relations among our ideas are
a little more particularly some of his most im comprehended in his own arbitrary enumeration;
portant conclusions. Resemblarwe, pmportz'ons in quantity and number,
It was, as far as I know, first shown in a sa degrees of any qualitl , and eontrariety. When
tisfactory manner by Mr Hume, that “ every de the correctness of these two premises shall be
monstration which has been produced for the ne fully established, it will be time enough (to bor
cessity of a cause to every new existence, is fal row Mr Hume’s own words) to examine the just
lacious and sophistical.”1 In illustration of this ness of his conclusion.
assertion, he examines three different arguments From this last reasoning, however, of Mr
which have been alleged as proofs of the propo Hume, it may be suspected, that he was aware
sition in question ; the first by Mr Hobbes; the of the vulnerable point against which his adver
second by Dr Clarke ; and the third by Mr saries were most likely to direct their attacks.
Locke. And I think it will now be readily ac From the weakness, too, of the entrenchments
knowledged by every competent judge, that his which he has here thrown up for his own secu
objections to all these pretended demonstrations rity, he seems to have been sensible, that it was
are conclusive and unanswerable. not capable of a long or vigorous resistance. In
When Mr Hume, however, attempts to show the mean time, he betrays no want of confidence
that the proposition in question is not intuitively in his original position; but repeating his as
certain, his argument appears to me to amount sertion, that “ we derive the opinion of the ne
to nothing more than a logical quibble. Of this cessity of a cause to every new production,
one would almost imagine that he was not in neither from demonstration nor from intuition,"
sensible himself, from the short and slight man he boldly cencludes, that “ this opinion must
ner in which he hurries over the discussion. necessarily arise from observation and experi~
“ All certainty (he observes) arises from the ence.”—-(Vol. I. p. 147.) Or, as he elsewhere
comparison of ideas, and from the discovery of expresses himself, “ All our reasonings concern
such relations as are unalterable, so long as the '_ ing causes and efl'eets are derived from nothing
ideas continue the same. These relations are but custom; and, consequently, belief is more

' Treatilc qflluman Nalurc, Vol. I. p. 14L-Although Mr Hume, however, succeeded better than any of his predeces
sors, in calling the attention of philosophers to this discussion, his opinion on the subject does not possess the merit, in
int of ori 'nality, which was supposed to belong to it either by himself or by his antagonists. See the passages which I
ave quot in proof of this, in the first volume of the Philomphg qflhe Human Mind, p. 542. r! “9. fourth edit. and also in
the second volume of the same work, p. 556. ct nq. second edit. Among these, I request the attention of my readers more
particularly to a passage from a book entitled, The Procedure, Erlrnt, and Limit: qf the Human Understanding, published two
years before the T780”!!! of [Inman Nature, and commonly ascribed to Dr Browne, Bishop of Cork. The coincidence is
truly wonderful, as it can scarcely, by any possibility, be supposed that this book was ever heard of by Mr Hume.
212 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

properly an act of the sensitive than of the 009i yet dawned, what can be more delightful than
tative part of our natures.”—(1bid. p. 321.) to find this suggestion of our sensitiveframe, ‘
The distinction here alluded to between the verified by every step which our reason afterwards
sensitive and the cogitatz've parts of our nature (it makes in the study of physical science ; and con
may be proper to remind my readers) makes a firmed with mathematical accuracy by the never
great figure in the works of Cudworth and of failing accordance of the phenomena of the
Kant. By the former it was avowedly borrowed heavens with the previous calculations of astro
from the philosophy of Plato. To the latter, it nomers ! Does not this afford a satisfaction to
is not improbable, that it may have been sug the mind, similar to what it experiences, when
gested by this passage in Hume. Without dis we consider the adaptation of the instinct of suc
puting its justness or its importance, I may be tion, and of the organs of respiration, to the
permitted to express my doubts of the propriety physical properties of the atmosphere P So far
of stating, so strongly as has frequently been from encouraging scepticism, such a view of hu
done, the one of these parts of our nature in man nature seems peculiarly calculated to silence
contrast with the other. Would it not be more every doubt about the veracity of our faculties.‘
philosophical, as well as more pleasing, to con It is not my business at present to inquire
template the beautiful harmony between them, into the soundness of Mr Hume’s doctrines on
and the gradual steps by which the mind is train this subject. The rashncss of some of them has,
ed by the intimations of the former, for the de in my opinion, been sufficiently shown by more
liberate conclusions of the latter? If, for example, than one of 'his antagonists. I wish only to re
our conviction of the permanence of the laws mark the important step which he made, in ex
of nature be not founded on any process of posing the futility of the reasonings by which
reasoning (a proposition which Mr Hume seems Hobbes, Clarke, and Locke, had attempted to
to have established with demonstrative evidence), demonstrate the metaphysical axiom, that “every
but be either the result of anvinstinctive principle thing which begins to exist must have a cause ;”
of belief, or of the association of ideas, opera and the essential service which be rendered to
ting at a period when the light of reason has not true philosophy, by thus pointing out indirectly

' Upon either of these suppositions, Mr Hume would, with equal propriety, have referred our anticipation of the future
event to the nmitive part of our nature ,- and, in point of fact, the one supposition would have answered his purpose as well -
as the other. »
’ It is but justice to Mr Hume to remark, that, in his later publications, he has himself su ested this very idea as the
best solution he could give of his own doubts. The following passage, which appears to me to eminently philosophical
and beautiful, I beg leave to recommend to the particular attention of Kent‘s disciples :
“ Here, then, is a kind of pre-established harmony between the course of nature and the succession of our ideas ; and
though the powers and forces by which the former is governed be wholly unknown to us, yet our thoughts and conceptions
have still, we find, gone on in the same train with the other work of nature. Custom is that princip e by which this cor
respondence has been efl'ected: so necessary to the subsistence of our species, and the regulation of our conduct in every
circumstance and occurrence of human life. Had not the presence of an object instantly excited the idea of those objects
commonly conjoined with it, all our knowledge must have been limited to the narrow sphere of our memory and senses; and
we should never have been able to adjust means to ends, or employ our natural powers, either to the producing of good, or
avoiding of evil. Those who delight in the discovery and contemplation of final came: have here ample subject to employ
their wonder and admiration.
“ I shall add, for a. further confirmation of the fo ing theory, that, as this operation of the mind, by which we infer
like effects from like causes, and vice verse, is so essential to the subsistence of all human creatures, it is not probable that
it could be trusted to the fallacious deductions of our reason, which is slow in its operations, a pears not in any degree
during the first years of infancy, and at best is, in every age and period of human life, extreme y liable to error and mis
take. It is more conformable to the oannmnv wrwom or NATURE to secure so necessary an act of the mind by some in
stinct or mechanical tendency which may be infallible in its operations, may discover itself at the first appearance of life
and thought, and may be independent of all the laboured deductions of the understanding. As nature has taught us the
use of our limbs, without giving us the knowledge of the muscles and nerves by which they are actuated, so has she im
planted in us an instinct which carries forward the thoughts in a correspondent course to that which she has established
among external objects; though we are ignorant of those powers and forces on which this re lar course and succession of
objects totally depends."_(See, in the last editions of Mr Huun's Philosophical Essays, pubhshed during his own lifetime,
the two sections entitled Scoplical Doubt: concerning the Operation: of the Understanding; and Supriml Solution of time Death.
The title of the latter of theSe sections has, not altogether without reason, incurred the ridicule of Dr Beattie, who
translates it, Doubtful Solution qfDoubtful Doubtr. But the essay contains much sound and important matter, and throws
a strong light on some of the chief difiiculties which Mr Hume himself had started. Sufficient justice has not been done
to it by his antagonists.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 213
to his successors the only solid ground on which reason for our faith in the permanence of the laws
that principle is to be defended. It is to this of nature, to be closely connected with his scep
argument of Hume’s, according to Kant’s own tical conclusions concerning causation, is quite
acknowledgment, that we owe the Critique of evident from the general strain of his argument;
Pure Reason f and to this we are also indebted and it is, therefore, not surprising that this re
for the far more luminous refutations of scep— futation hould have been looked on with a sus
ticism by hIr Hume’s own countrymen. picious eye by his antagonists. Dr Reid was, I
In the course of Mr Hume’s very refined dis believe, the first of these who had the sagacity
cussions on this subject, he is led to apply them to perceive, not only that it is strictly and in
to one of the most important principles of the controvertibly logical, but that it may be safely
mind,—our belief of the continuance of the laws admitted, without any injury to the doctrines
of nature; or, in other words, our belief that which it was brought forward to subvert.
the future course of nature will resemble the Another of Mr Hume’s attacks on these doc
past. And here, too (as I already hinted), it is trines was still bolder and more direct. In con
very generally admitted, that he has succeeded ducting it he took his vantage ground from his
completely in overturning all the theories which own account of the origin of our ideas. In this
profess to account for this belief, by resolving it way he was led to expunge from his Philosophi
into a process of reasoning.1 The only differ cal Vocabulary every word of which the mean
ence which seems to remain among philosophers ing cannot be explained by a reference to the
is, whether it can be explained, as Mr Hume impression from which the corresponding idea was
imagined, by means of the association of ideas; originally copied. Nor was he startled in the
or, whether it must be considered as an original application of this rule, by the consideration,
and fundamental law of the human understand that it would force him to condemn, as insigni
ing ;—a question, undoubtedly abundantly curi ficant, many words which are to be found in all
ous,as a problem connectcdwith the Theoryqf'tlte languages, and some of which express what are
Mind; but to which more practical importance commonly regarded as the most important ob
has sometimes been attached than I conceive jects of human knowledge. Of this number
to be necessary.“ are the words cause and we“ ; at least, in the
That Mr Hume himself conceived his refuta sense in which they are commonly understood
tion of the theories which profess to assign a both by the vulgar and by philosophers. “ One

‘ The incidental reference made, by way of illustration, in the followin passage, to our iminctivc conviction of the per
manency of the laws of Nature, encourages me to hope, that, among candi and intelligent inquirera, it is now received as
an acknowled fact in the Theory of the Human Mind.
“ "l‘he anxrety men have in all ages shown to obtain a fixed standard of value, and that remarkable agreement of nations,
dissimilar in all other customs, in the use of one medium, on account of its superior fitness for that purpose, is itselfa con
vincing proof how essential it is to our social interests. The notion of its permanency. althou h it be conventional and ar
bitrary, and liable, in reality, to many causes of variation, yet had gained so firm a hold on t e minds of men, as to re.
semble, in its effects on their conduct, that ‘ “ “' 4-“ of the yt- _., qfthe law: of nature which h the fimndalion
ofoll our rmmnigg."_(A Letter to the Right Hull R. Peel, M. P. for the University of Oxford, by one of his Constituents
Second edition, p. 23.)
* The difference between the two opinions amounts to nothing more than this, whether our expectation of the conti
nuance of the laws of nature results from a principle coe'vsl with the first exercise of the senses; or whether it arises ‘
dually from the accommodation of the order of our thoughts to the established order of physical events. “ Nature (as Mr
Hume himself observes) may certainly produce whatever can arise from habit; nay, habit is nothing but one of the rin
ciples of nature, and derives all its force from that origin._( Treatire of Human Nature, Vol. I. 313.) \Vhntever i ens,
therefore, and whatever principles we are unavoidably led to acquire by the circumstances in which we are placed, and by
the exercise of those faculties which are essential to our preservation,are to be considered as parts of human nature, no less
than those which are implanted in the mind at its first formation. Are not the acquired perceptions of sight and of hear
ing as much parts of human nature as the ori ‘nal perceptions of external objects which we obtain by the use of the hand ?
The passage quoted from Mr Hume, in hote 2. p. 2l2, if attentively considered, will be found, when combined with
these remarks, to throw a strong and pleasing light on his latest views with res t to this part of his philosophy.
In denying that our expectation of the continuance of the laws of nature is ounded 0n reasoning, as well as in asserting
our ignorance of any necessary connections among physical events, Mr Hume had been completcl antici ted by some of
his predecessors. See the references mentioned in the Note, p. 2".) I do not, however, think at, be ore his time, phi
looophers were at a l aware of the alarming consequences whic , on a superficial view, “cm to follow from this part of his
system. Indeed, these con uences would never have been a prehended, had it not been supposed to form an essential
link in his argument against e commonly received notion of oration.
 214 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

event (says he) follows another; but we never are indeed too obvious to escape the notice of a
observe any tie between them. They seem con far less acute inquirer.
joined, but never connected. And as we can have In a private letter of Mr Hume’s, to one of
no idea of any thing which never appeared to his most intimate friends,1 some light is thrown
our outward sense or inward sentiment, the ne~ on the circumstances which first led his mind
ccssary conclusion seems to be, that we have no into this train of sceptical speculation. As his
.idea of connection or power at all; and that narratiiie has every appearance of the most per
these words are absolutely without any meaning, fect truth and candour, and contains several
when employed either in philosophical reasonings passages which I doubt not will be very gene
or common life.”(—-HUME’s Essays, Vol. II. rally interesting to my readers, I shall give it a
p. '79. Ed. of Land. 1784.) place, together with some extracts from the cor
When this doctrine was first proposed by Mr respondence to which it gave rise, in the Notes
Hume, he appears to have been very strongly at the end of this Dissertation. Every thing
impressed with its repugnance to the common connected with the origin and composition of a
apprehensions of mankind. “ I am sensible (he work which has had so powerful an influence on
observes) that of all the paradoxes which I have the direction which metaphysical pursuits have
had, or shall hereafter have occasion to advance since taken, both in ScotlandI and in Germany,
in the course of this treatise, the preent one is will be allowed to form an important article of
the most violent.”--( Treatise of Human Nature, philosophical history; and this history I need
Vol. I. p. 291.) It was probably owing to this not offer any apology for choosing to communi
impression that he did not fully unfold in that cate to the public rather in Mr Hume’s words
work all the consequences which, in his subse than in my own.“
quent publications, he deduced from the same From the reply to this letter by Mr Hume’s
paradox ; nor did he even apply it to invalidate very ingenious and accomplished correspondent,
the argument which infers the existence of an we learn that he had drawn from Mr Hume’s
intelligent cause from the order of the universe. metaphysical discussions the only sound and
There cannot, however, be a doubt that he was philosophical inference : that the lameness of
aware, at this period of his life, of the conclu the proofs ofi'ered by Descartes and his succes
sions to which it unavoidably leads, and which sors, of some fundamental truths universally

‘ Sir Gilbert Elliot. Bart- grandfather of the present Earl of Minto- The originals of the letters to which I refer are in
Lord Minto’s possession.
2 A foreign writer, of great name (M. Frederick Sch‘l 1), seems to think that the influence of Mr Hume's Trcamc of
Human Nature on the Plulosophy of England has been sti more extensive than I had conceived it to be. His opinion on
this point I transcribe as a sort of literary curiosity :
“ Since the time of Hume, nothing more has been attempted in England, than to erect all sorts of bulwarks against the
practical influence of his destructive scepticism; and to maintain, by various substitutes and aids, the pile of moral prin
ciple uncorrupted and entire. Not only with Adam Smith, but with all their latc philosophers, national incl/"arc i: the ruling and
antral principle of thought ;_a principle excellent and praiamorthy in 6!: due situation, but quite unfilled for being the centre and
oracle qf all knowledge and science." From the connection in which this last sentence stands with the context, would not one
imagine that the writer conceived the Wealth qfNatiom to be a new moral or metaphysical system, devised by Mr Smith, for.
the urpose of counteracting Mr Hume's scepticism ? '
I ave read this translation of Mr Schle el's lectures With much curiosity and interest, and flatter myself that we shall
soon have En lish versions of the works 0 Kant, and of other German authors, from the pens of their English disciples.
Little more, am fully persuaded, is necessary, in this country, to bring down the philosophy of Germany to its proper
level.

In treating of literary and historical subjects, Mr Schlegel seems to be more in his element, than when he ventures to
pronounce on philosophical questions. But even in cases 0 the former description, some of his dashing judgments on Eng
ish writers can be accounted for only by haste, caprice, or prejudice. “ The English themselves (we are told) are now
pretty well convinced, that Robertson is a careless, superficial, and blundering historian: althou h they study his works.
and are right in doing so, as models of ure composition, extremel deserving of attention during t e present declining state
of English style . . . . . . . . With a the abundance of his Ita ian elegance, what is the overloaded and affected Roscoe
when compared with Gibbon ? Coxe, although master of a good and classical style, resembles Robertson in no respect so
much as in the superficialness of his researches; and the statesman Fox has nothing in common with Hume but the bigotry
of his party zeal.” Such criticisms may perhaps be applauded by a German auditory, but in this country they can injure
the reputation of none but their author.
‘ See Note C C C.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 215
acknowledged by mankind, proceeded, not from that the plan of their works was, in some mea
any defect in the evidence of these truths, but, sure, suggested by his ; but it is infinitely more
on the contrary, from their being self’evident, probable, that the argument which runs, in
and consequently unsusceptible of demonstra common, through the speculations of all of them,
tion. We learn, farther, that the same conclu was the natural result of the state of metaphy
sion had been adopted, at this early period, by sical science when they engaged in their philo
another of Mr Hume’s friends, Mr Henry ophical inquiries.g
Home, who, under the name of Lord Kames, The answer which Mr Hume made to this
was afterwards so well known in the learned argument, when it was first proposed to him in
world. Those who are acquainted with the the easy intercourse of private correspondence,
subsequent publications of this distinguished seems to me an object of so much curiosityras
and most respectable author, will immediately to justify me for bringing it under the eye of
recognise, in the account here given of the im my readers in immediate connection with the
pression left on his mind by Mr Hume’s scepti foregoing details. Opinions thus communicat
cism, the rudiments of a peculiar logic, which ed in the confidence of friendly discussion, pos~
runs more or less through all his later works; sees a value which seldom belongs to proposi
and which, it must he acknowledged, he has, in tions hazarded in these public controversies
various instances, carried to an unphilosophical where the love of victory is apt to mingle, more
extreme.l or less, in the most candid minds, with the love
The light in which Mr Hume’s scepticism of truth.
appears from these extracts to have struck his “ Your notion of correcting subtlety by sen
friends, Sir Gilbert Elliot and Lord Kames, was timent is certainly very just with regard to mo
very nearly the same with that in which it was rals, which depend upon sentiment: And in
afterwards viewed by Reid, Oswald, and Beat politics and natural philosophy, whatever con
tie, all of whom have manifestly aimed, with clusion is contrary to certain matters of fact,
greater or less precision, at the same logical must certainly be wrong, and there must some
doctrine which I have just alluded to. This, error lie somewhere in the argument, whether
too, was the very ground on which Father Buf we be able to show it or not. But, in metaphy
fier had (even before the publication of the sics or? theology, I cannot see how either of these
Treatise of Human Nature) made his stand plain and obvious standards of truth can have
against similar theories, built by his. predeces place. Nothing there can correct bad reason
sors on the Cartesian principles. The coinci ing but good reasoning; and sophistry must be
deuce between his train of thinking, and that opposed by syllogism.‘ About seventy or eighty
into which our Scottish metaphysicians soon years ago,‘ I observe a principle like that which
after fell, is so very remarkable, that it has been you advance prevailed very much in France,
considered by many as amounting to a proof amongst some philosophers and beam: esprits.

' I allude particularly to the unnecessary multiplication, in his philosophical arguments, of internal senses and of in.
stinctive principles.
' Voltaire, in his catalogue of the illustrious writers who adorned the reign of Louis XIV. is one of the very few French
authors who have spoken of Buflier with due respect : “ ll y a dans ses traités de metaphysique des moreeaux que Locke
n‘aurait pas désavoués, et c'est le seul jésuite qui ait mis une philosophie raisonnable dans sea oumgps."-Another French
philosopher, too, of a very different school, and certainly not disposed to overrate the talents of u flier,‘ has, in a work
published as lately as 1805, candidly acknowledged the lights which he mi ht have derived from the labours of his prede
cessor, if he had been acquainted with them at an earlier period of his stu ies. Condillac, he also observes, might have
profited greatly by the same lights, if he had availed himself of their guidance, in his inquiries concerning the human un
derstanding. “ Du moins est il certain que pour ma part, je suis fort faché de ne conn6itre que depuis tres peu de temps ces
opinions du Pére Bufiier; si jc les avais vues plutet énoncées quelque part, elles m‘auraient é gné besucou dc peines
et d‘hésitations.”_“ Je rcgrette beaucoup ue Condillac, dans ses profcudes et sagaces meditations sur l‘intel igence hu
maine, n‘ait pas fait plus d‘attention aux idges du Pere Buflier," 6w. Br.c.-Elémcm d‘ldéolog-ie, par M. Dzs'ro'rr-Taacr,
Tom. III. pp. 136, 137. (Sec Elcmcnh of the Philoaophy oflhc Human Mind, Vol. II. pp. 88, 89, 2d edit.)
' May not sophistry be also opposed, by a peeling to the fundamental lam qfhuman belief; and, in some cases, by a pal
ing tofacu for which we have the evidence 0 our own consciousness? The word lentimcnt does not express, with an cient
precision, the test which Mr Hume's correspondent had manifestly in view.
‘ This letter is dated 1751.
216 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

The occasion of it was this: The famous M. as improper to hint, that there is a wide and
Nicole of the Port Royal, in his Papetuiié de la essential difference between those articles of
Foi, pushed the Protestants very hard upon faith which formed the subjects of dispute be
the impossibility of the people’s reaching a con tween Nicole and Claude, and those lawsqfbe
viction of their religion by the way of private lie]; of which it is the great object of the Trea
judgment, which required so many disquisi tise of Human Nature to undermine the autho
tions, reasonings, researches, erudition, impar rity. The reply of Mr Hume, therefore, is
tiality, and penetration, as not one of a hundred, evasive, and although strongly marked with the
even among men of education, is capable of. M. writer’s ingenuity, does not bear upon the point
Claude and the Protestants answered him, not in question.
byQolvirig his difficulties (which seems impos As to the distinction alleged by Mr Hume
sible), but by retorting them (which is very between the criteria of truth in natural philo
easy.) They showed, that to reach the way of sophy and in metaphysics, I trust it will now be
authority which the Catholics insist on, as long pretty generally granted, that however well
a train of acute reasoning, and as great erudi founded it may be when confined to the meta
tion was requisite, as would be sufficient for a physics of the schoolmen, it will by no means
Protestant. We must first prove all the truths hold when extended to the inductive philosophy
of natural religion, the foundation of morals, of the human mind. In this last science, no
the divine authority of the Scripture, the de less than in natural philosophy, Mr Hume’s
ference which it commands to the church, the logical maxim may be laid down as a funda
tradition of the church, 81c. &c. The compari mental principle, that “ whatever conclusion is
son of these controversial writings begat an idea contrary to matter of fact must be wrong, and
in some, that it was neither by reasoning nor there must some error lie somewhere in the ar
authority we learn our religion, but by senti gument, whether we be able to show it or not.”
ment; and this was certainly a very convenient It is a remarkable circumstance in the history
way, and what a philosopher would be very of Mr Hume’s literary life, and a proof of the
well pleased to comply with, if he could dis sincerity with which he was then engaged in the
tinguish sentiment from education. But, to search of truth, that, previous to the publication
all appearance, the sentiment of Stockholm, of his Treatise qf Human Nature, he discovered
Geneva, Rome, ancient and modern Athens, and a strong anxiety to submit it to the examination
Memphis, have not the same characters; and of the celebrated Dr Butler, author of the Ana
no thinking man can implicitly assent to any of logy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, t0 the
them, but from the general principle, that, as Constitution and Course of Nature. For this pur
the truth on these subjects is beyond human pose he applied to Mr Henry Home, between
capacity, and that, as for one’s own ease, he whom and Dr Butler some friendly letters ap
must adopt some tenets, there is more satisfac pear to have passed before this period. “ Your
tion and convenience in holding to the cate thoughts and mine (says Mr Hume to his cor
chism we have been first taught. Now, this I respondent) agree with respect to Dr Butler,
have nothing to say against. I would only and I would be glad to be introduced to him.
observe, that such a conduct is founded on the I am at present castrating my work, that is, cut
most universal and determined scepticism. For ting of? its nobler parts; that is, endeavouring
more curiosity and research give a direct oppo it shall give as little ofl'ence as possible, before
site turn from the same principles.” which I could not pretend to put it into the doc
On this careless effusion of Mr Hume’s pen, tor’s hands.”1 In another letter, he acknow
it would be unpardonable to offer any critical ledges Mr Home’s kindness in recommending
strictures. It cannot, however, be considered him to Dr Butler's notice. “ I shall not trouble

' ‘ For the rest. of the letter, see Illcmoir: qf the Life and Writing: of Lord Kama, by Lord Woodhouselee, Vol. 1. p. 84,
d “9.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 217
you with any formal compliments or thanks, quiry in this island, than might be suspected by
which would be but an ill return for the kind those who have not a very intimate acquaintance
ness you have done me in writing in my behalf, with the writings of both. Dr Butler was, I
to one you are so little acquainted with as Dr think, the first of Mr Locke’s successors who
Butler; and, I am afraid, stretching the truth clearly perceived the dangerous consequences
in favour of a friend. I have called on the doc likely to be deduced from his account of the ori
tor, with a design of delivering your letter, but gin of our ideas literally interpreted; and al
find he is at present in the country. I am a little though he has touched on this subject but once,
anxious to have the doctor‘s opinion. My own and that with his usual brevity, be has yet said
I dare not trust to; both because it concerns enough to show, that his opinion with respect to
myself, and because it is so variable, that I it was the same with that formerly contended
know not how to fix it. Sometimes it elevates for by Cudworth, in opposition to Gassendi and
me above the clouds; at other times it depresses Hobbes, and which has since been revived in
me with doubts and fears; so that, whatever be different forms by the ablest of Mr Hume’s an
my success, I cannot be entirely disappointed.”tagonists.‘ \Vith these views, it may be rea
Whether Mr Hume ever enjoyed the satisfac sonably supposed, that he was not displeased to
tion of a personal interview with Dr Butler, I see the consequences of Locke’s doctrine so very
have not heard. From a letter of his to Mr logically and forcibly pushed to their utmost
Home, dated London, 1739, we learn that if limits, as the most elfectual means of rousing
any intercourse took place between them, it the attention of the learned to a re—examination
must have been after the publication of the of this fundamental principle. That he was
Treatise of Human Nature. “ I have sent the perfectly aware, before the publication of Mr
Bishop of Bristol a copy; but could not wait Hume’s work, of the encouragement given to
upon him with your letter after he had arrived scepticism by the logical maxims then in vogue,
at that dignity. At least, I thought it would be is evident from the concluding paragraph of his
to no purpose after I began the printing.”1 In short Essay on Personal Identity. Had it been
a subsequent letter to the same correspondent, published a few years later, nobody would have
written in 174-2, he expresses his satisfaction at doubted, that it had been directly pointed at the
the favourable opinion which he understood Dr general strain and spirit of Mr Hume’s philo
Butler had formed of his volume of Essays, then sophy.
recently published, and augurs well from this “ But though we are thus certain, that we
circumstance of the success of his book. “ I am are the same agents or living beings now, which
told that Dr Butler has everywhere recommend we were as far back as our remembrance reaches:
ed them, so that I hope they will have some yet it is asked, Whether we may not possiblybe
success." deceived in it P And this question may be ask
These particulars, trifling as they may ap ed at the end of any demonstration whatever,
pear to some, seemed to me, for more reasons because it is a question concerning the truth of
than one, not unworthy of notice in this sketch. perception by memory. And he who can doubt,
Independently of the pleasing record they afford whether perception by memory can in this case
of the mutual respect entertained by the eminent be depended on, may doubt also whether per
men to whom they relate, for each other’s philo ception by deduction and reasoning, which also
sophical talents, they have a closer connection includes memory, or indeed whether intuitive
with the history of metaphysical and moral in perception can. Here then we can go no far

‘ Memoir: qflhe Life and Writing: of Lord Kamn, Vol. I. p. 92.

' Ibid. p. 404. The Emmy: here referred to were the first part of the Essays Moral, Political, and Literary, published
in 1742. The ele t author of these Memoirs has inadvertently confounded this volume with the second part of that
work, containing e Political DI'JCOMHU (properly so called), which did not appear till ten years afterwards
‘ See the short Enay on Pcmma! Idenfily, at the end of Butler's Analogy ,- and compare the second paragraph with the
remarks on this part of Locke's Buoy by Dr Price. (Review qf the Principal Question: and Dificultia relating to Norah, pp
49, 50. 3d ed. Lond. 1187.)
D188. 1. PART 11. 2s
 218 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ther. For it is ridiculous to attempt to prove here, that its great object is to refute the Ideal
the truth of those perceptions whose truth we Theory which was then in complete possession
can no otherwise prove than by other percep of the schools, and upon which Dr Reid con
tions of exactly the same kind with them, and ceived that the whole of Mr Hume’s philosophy,
which there is just the same ground to suspect; as well as the whole of Berkeley’s reasonings
' or to attempt to prove the truth of our facul against the existence of matter, was founded.
ties, which can no otherwise be proved, than by According to this theory we are taught, that
the use or mean of those very suspected facul “ nothing is perceived but what is in the mind
ties themselves.”1 which perceives it; that we do not really per
It is, however, less as a speculative meta ceive things that are external, but only cer
physician, than as a philosophical inquirer into tain images and pictures of them imprinted
the principles of morals, that I have been in upon the mind, which are called impressions and
duced to associate the name of Butler with that ideas."—“ This doctrine (says Dr Reid on ano
of Hume. And, on this account, it may be ther occasion) I once believed so firmly, as to
thought that it would have been better to delay embrace the whole of Berkeley’s system along
what I have now said of him till I come to trace with it; till finding other consequences to fol
the progress of Ethical Science during the eigh low from it, which gave me more uneasiness than
teenth century. To myself it seemed more na the want of a material world, it came into my
tural and interesting to connect this historical mind, more than forty years ago, to put the
or rather biographical digression, with the ear question, What evidence have I for this doc
liest notice I was to take of Mr Hume as an trine, that all the objects of my knowledge are
author. The numerous and important hints on ideas in my own mind? From that time to
metaphysical questions which are scattered over the present, I have been candidly and impartial
Butler’s works, are sufficient of themselves to ly, as I think, seeking for the evidence of this
account for the space I have allotted to him principle; but can find none, excepting the
among Locke’s successors; if, indeed, any apo authority of philosophers.”
logy for this be necessary, after what I have al On the refutation of the ideal theory, con
ready mentioned, of Mr Hume’s ambition to tained in this and his other works, Dr Reid
submit to' his udgment the first fruits of his himself was disposed to rest his chief merit as
metaphysical studies. an author. “ The me;it (says he in aletter
The remarks hitherto made on the Treatise of to Dr James Gregory). of what you are pleased
Human Nature are confined entirely to the first to call my Philosophy, lies, I think, chiefly in
volume. The speculations contained in the two having called in question the common theory of
others, on Morals, on the Nature and Founda ideas or images of things in the mind being the
tions of Government, and on some other topics only objects of thought; a theory founded on
connected with political philosophy, will fall natural prejudices, and so universally received as
under our review afterwards. to be interwoven with the structure of lan
Dr Reid’s Inquiry into the Human llIind (pub guage. Yet were I to give you a detail of what
lished in 1764) was the first direct attack which led me to call in question this theory, after I
appeared in Scotland upon the sceptical conclu had long held it as selféevident and unquestion
sions of Mr Hume’s philosophy. For my own able, you would think, as I do, that there was
opinion of this work I must refer to one of my much of chance in the matter. The discovery
former puhlications.‘I It is enough to remark was the birth of time, not of genius; and Berke

, l I must not, however, ,be understood as giving unqualified praise to this Essay. It is by no means free from the old
scholastic jargon, and contains some reasoning which, I may con dently assert, the author would not have employed, had it
been written fifty years later. Whoever takes the trouble to read the paragraph 'nuing with these words, “ Thirdly,
Every person is conscious," &c. will immediately perceive the truth of this remark. mention it as a proof of the change
to the better, which has taken lsce since Butler's time, in the mode of thinking and writing on Metaphysical questions.
> t See Biographical Mamet", din. 1811.
 DISSERTA TION FIRST.
ley and Hume did more to bring it to light than
the man that hit upon it. I think there is hard
ly any thing that can be called mine in the phi?
losophy of the mind, which does not follow with
ease from the detection of this prejudice.
“ I must, therefore, beg of you, most earnest
ly, to make no contrast in my favour to the dis
paragement of my predecessors in the same pur
suits. I can truly say of them, and shall al
ways avow, what you are pleased to say of me,
that, but for the assistance I have received from
their writings, I never could have wrote or
thought what I have done.”1
When I reflect on the stress thus laid by Dr
Raid on this part of his writings, and his fre
quent recurrence to the same argument when
ever his subject affords him an opportunity of
forcing it upon the attention of his readers, I
cannot help expressing my wonder, that Kant
and other German philosophers, who appear to
have so carefully studied those passages in Reid, _ theory. Such, however, it would appear, is the
which relate to Hume’s Theory of Causation, fact. The word
219
should have overlooked entirely what he him
self considered as the most original and im
portant of all his discussions; more especially
as the conclusion to which it leads has been
long admitted, by the best judges in this island,
as one of the few propositions in metaphysical
science completely established beyond the reach
of controversy. Even those who affect to speak
the most lightly of Dr Reid’ contributions to
the philosophy of the human mind, have found
nothing to object to his reasonings against the
ideal theory, but that the absurdities involved
in it are too glaring to require a serious ex
amination.‘ Had these reasonings been consi
dered in the same light in Germany, it is quite
impossible that the analogical language of Leib
nitz, in which he speaks of the soul as a living
mirror of the universe, could have been again re
vived; a mode of speaking liable to every oh
jection which Reid has urged against the ideal
( Vorstellung) is

' An ingenious and profound writer, who, though intimately connected with Mr Hume in habits of friendshi , was not
blind to the vulnerable parts of his Metaphysical System, has bestowed, in the latest of his publications, the-f0 owing en~
comium on Dr Reid‘s Philosophical Works.
“ The author of an Inquiry into the bfind, and of subsequent Enay: on the Intellectual and Active Powers of Man, has great
merit in the effect to which he has pursued this history. But, considering the int at which the science stood when he
began his inquiries, he has, perhaps, no less merit in havin removed the mist o hypothesis and metaphor, with which the
subject was enveloped; and, in having taught us to state t e facts of which we are conscious, not in figurative lsn ,
but in the terms which are re r to the subject. In this it will be our advantage to follow him; the more that, in ormer
theories, so much attention it been paid to the introduction of idea: or imagn as the elements of knowled , that the be
llef of any external existence or prototype has been left to be inferred from the mere idea or i ; an this inference,
indeed, is so little founded, that many who have come to examine its evidence have thought themse ves warranted to deny
it altogether. And hence the scepticism of ingenious men, who, not seeing a pro r access to knowled through the me
dium of ideas, without considering whether the road they had been directed to e was the true or a lse one, denied the
possibility of arriving at the end.“-(I’rinciplu offlloml and Political Sm'cnrr, by Dr ADAM l*'t:ucl:soy, Vol. I. pp. 75, 76.)
The work from w ich this pas is taken contains various important observations connected with the Philosophy of the
Human Mind; but as the taste 0 the author led him much more strongly to moral and political speculations, than to re
searches concerning the intellectual powers of man, I have thought it right to reserve any remarks which I have to offer
on his philosophical merits for theisst part of this Discourse.
' I allude here more ‘particularly to Dr Priestley, who, in a work published in 1774, alleged, that when philosophers
called ideas the image: 4; external things, they are only to be understood as speakin figuratively; and that Dr Reid has
gzvely argued 'nst this metaphorical lan age, as if it were meant to convey a t eory of perception. The same remark
been repeat over and over since Priest ey‘s time, by various writers. I have nothing to add in reply to it to what I
long ago stated in my Philosophical Essays (see Note H. at the end of that work), but the following short quotation
from Mr Hume:
“ It seems evident, that, when men follow this blind and powerful instinct of nature, the always suppose the very
images, presented by the senses, to be the external objects, and never entertain any suspicion, t not the one are nothing but
representation: of the other. ' ' ' ' But this universal and primary opinion of all men is soon destroyed by the slightest phi.
losophy, which teaches us, that nothing can ever be present to the mind but an image or perception, and that the senses are
only the inlets through which these images are conveyed, without being able to produce any immediate intercourse between
the mind and the object. The table which we see seems to diminish as we remove farther from it; but the real table,
which exists independent of us, suffers no alteration. It was, therefore, nothing but its image which was present to the
mind. These are the obvious dictates of reason."--(Euay 0n the Academic-at Philoaophy.)
Is not this analogical theor of perception the princi le on which the whole of Berkeley‘s rcasonings against the existence
of the material world, and ofy Hume's scepticism on the same sub‘ect, are founded ?
The same analogy still continues to be sanctioned b some Eng ish philosophers of no small note. Lon after the publi.
cation of Dr Reid‘s Inquiry, Mr Horne Tooltc quot with approbation the following words of J. C. S iger : “ Sicut in
speculo es qua": videntur non sunt, sed eorum main,- ita qua: intelligimus, ea sunt re ipsa extra nos, eorumque specie: in
hobis. In sum QUASl unaun SPECULL‘M lxrtttsc-rus nos-ran; cur, nrsr rrn ssnsnn IEI'IEIIIITEITUI III,
stun. sctr irss."_(J. C. Scatter-2n, dc Cfllfl'll, L. I. cap. lXvi.) Diversions of Parley, Vol. I. p. 35, 2d. Edition.
220 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

now the German substitute for Idea ,' nay, one On comparing the opposition which Mr
of the most able works which Germany has pro— Hume’s scepticism encountered from his own
duced since the commencement of its new phi countrymen, with the account formerly given
losophical era, is entitled Nora Theoria Facul~ of the attempts of some German philosophers to
tatis Representative IIumanm. In the same work, refute his Theory of Causation, it is impossible
the author has prefixed, as a motto to the second not to be struck with the coincidence between
book, in which he treats of “ the Rmesentative the leading views of his most eminent antago
Faculty in general,” the following senten'ce from nists. This coincidence one would have been
Locke, which he seems to have thought himself disposed to consider as purely accidental, if
entitled to assume as a first principle: “ Since Kant, by his petulant sneers at Reid, Beattie,
the mind, in all its thoughts and reasonings, and Oswald, had not expressly acknowledged,
hath no other immediate object but its own ideas that he was not unacquainted with their writ
(representations), which it alone does or can ings. As for the great discovery, which he
contemplate, it is evident that our knowledge is seems to claim as his own,—that the ideas of
only conversant about them.”—(Locru:’s Essay, Cause and Effect, as well as many others, are
B. IV. ch. 1.) In a country where this meta. derived from the pure understanding without any
physical jargon still passes current among wri aid from experience, it is nothing more than a
ters of eminence, it is vain to expect that any repetition, in very nearly the same terms, of
solid progress can be made in the inductive phi what was advanced a century before by Cud
losophy of the human mind. A similar remark worth, in reply to Hobbes and Gassendi; and
may be extended to another country, where borrowed avowedly by Cudworth from the rea
the title of Ideologie (a word which takes for sonings of Socrates, as reported by Plato, in
granted the truth of the hypothesis which it answer to the scepticism of Protagoras. This
was Reid’s great aim to explode) has been lately recurrence, under different forms, of the same
given to the very science in which_the theory metaphysical controversies, which so often sur
of Ideas has been so clearly shown to have been, prises and mortifies us in the history of litera
in all ages, the most fruitful source of error and ture, is an evil which will probably always con
absurdity.1 tinue, more or less, even in the most prosperous
Of the other works by Scottish metaphysi state of philosophy. But it affords no objection
cians, which appeared soon after the Inquiry into to the utility of metaphysical pursuits. While
the Human Mind, I have not left myself room the sceptics keep the field, it must not be aban
to speak. I know of none of them from which doned by the friends of sounder principles; nor
something important may not be learned ; while ought they to be discouraged from their un
several of them (particularly those of Dr Camp grateful task, by the reflection, that they have
bell) have- struck out many new and interesting probably been anticipated, in everything they
views. To one encomium all of them are well have to say, by more than one of their predeces
entitled, that of aiming steadily at the advance sors. If any thing is likely to check this perio
ment of useful knowledge and of human happi dical return of a mischief so unpropitious to the
ness. But the principles on which they have progress of useful knowledge, it seems to be
proceeded have so close an afiinity to those of the general diffusion of that historical informa
Dr Reid, that I could not, without repeating tion concerning the literature and science of
what I have already said, enter into any ex— former times, of which it is the aim of these
planation concerning their characteristieal doc Preliminary Dissertations to present an outline.
trines. Should it fail in preventing the occasional re

' In censuring these meta horical terms, I am far from supposing that the learned writers who have em loyed them
have been all misled by the t eoretical opinions involved in their luggage. Reinhold has been more particu arly careful
in guarding against such a misapprehension. But it cannot, I think, oub ted that the prevalence of such a phraseology
must have a tendency to divert the attention from a just view of the mental phenomena, and to infuse into’ the mind of
the young inquirer very false conceptions of the manner in which these phenomena ought to be studied.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 221
vival of obsolete paradoxes, it will, at. least, di faulty; and when those places are properly re
minish the wonder and admiration with which paired, the whole building becomes more firm
they are apt to be regarded by the multitude. and solid than it was formerly.”-—(Inquiry into
And here I cannot refrain from remarking the Human Mind. Dedication.)
the injustice with which the advocates for truth There is, indeed, one point of view, in which
are apt to be treated; and by none more re~ it must be owned that Mr Hume’s Treatise has
markably than by that class of writers who pro had an unfavourable efl'ect (and more especially
fees the greatest zeal for its triumph. The im in Scotland) on the progress of Metaphysical
portance of their labours is discredited by those Science. Had it not been for the zeal of some
who are the loudest in their declamations and of his countrymen to oppose the sceptical con
invectives against the licentious philosophy of clusions, which they conceived it to be his aim
the present age; insomuch that a careless ob to establish, much of that ingenuity which has
server would be inclined to imagine (if I may been wasted in the refutation of his sophistry
borrow Mr Hume’s words on another occasion), (or, to speak more correctly, in combating the
that the battle was fought “ not by the men at mistaken principles on which he proceeded)
arms, who manage the pike and the sword; but would, in all probability, have been directed to
by the trumpeters, drummers, and musicians, speculations more immediately applicable to the
of the army.” business of life, or more agreeable to the taste
These observations may serve, at the same of the present age. What might not have been
time, to account for the slow and (according to expected from Mr Hume himself, had his power
some persons) imperceptible advances of the ful and accomplished mind been more frequent
philosophy of the human mind, since the publi ly turned to the study of some parts of our na
cation of Locke’s Essay. With those who till ture (of those, for example, which are connected
attach themselves to that author, as an infallible with the principles of criticism), in examining
guide in metaphysics, it is in vain to argue; which, the sceptical bias of his disposition would
but I would willingly appeal to any of Locke’s have had fewer opportunities of leading him
rational and discriminating admirers, whether astray ! In some fragments of this sort, which
much has not been done by his successors, and, enliven and adorn his collection of Essays, one
among others', by members of our northern uni is at a loss whether more to admire the subtlety
versities, towards the illustration and correction of his genius, or the solidity and good sense of
of such of his principles as have furnished, both his critical judgments.
to English and French sceptics, the foundation Nor have these elegant applications of meta
of their theories.‘ If this be granted, the way physical pursuits been altogether overlooked by
has, at least, been cleared and prepared for the Mr Hume’s antagonists. The active and ad
labours of our posterity; and neither the cavils venturous spirit of Lord Kames, here, as in
of the sceptic, nor the refutation of them by the many other instances, led the way to his coun
sounder logician, can be pronounced to be use trymen ; and, due allowances being made for
less to mankind. Nothing can he juster or more the novelty and magnitude of his undertaking,
liberal than the following reflection of Reid : with a success far greater than could have been
“ I conceive the sceptical writers to be a set of reasonably anticipated. The Elements qf Criti
men, whose business it is to pick holes in the cism, considered as the first systematical attempt
fabric of knowledge wherever it is weak and to investigate the metaphysical principles of the

' According to Dr Priestley, the labours of these commentators on Locke have done more harm than good. “ I think
Mr Locke has been hasty in concluding that there is some other source of our ideas besides the external senses ; but the rest
of his system appears to me and others to be the corner stone of all just and rational knowledge of ourselves."
“ This solid foundation, however, has lately been attempted to be overturned by a set of pretended philosophers, of
whom the most conspicuous and assuming is Dr Reid, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow.“
(Exam. of fluid, llmltir, and Oswald, p. 6. As to Mr Hume, Dr Priestley says, “ in my opinion, he has been very ably
answered, again and again, upon more so id principles than those of this new common u'mc ,- and I beg have to refer to the
twojint column qf my Institute: of Natural and Revealed Rdig'iMl.“-(Eraminati0n qf Reid, (it. Preface, p. xxvii.
 222 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

fine arts, possesses, in spite of its numerous de as a rough draught of the field to be examined,
fects both in point of taste and of philosophy, but by the example they exhibit of a method of
infinite merits, and will ever be regarded as a investigation on such subjects, hitherto very im
literary wonder by those who know how small perfectly understood, even by those philosophers
a portion of his time it was possible for the au who call themselves the disciples of Locke. It
thor to allot to the composition of it, amidst the is by the logical rigour of this method, so syste
imperious and multifarious duties of a most ac matically pursued in all his researches, still
tive and useful life. Campbell and Gerard, with more than by the importance of his particular
a sounder philosophy, and Beattie, with a much conclusions, that he stands so conspicuously dis
_ more lively relish for the Sublime and the Beau tinguished among those who have hitherto pro
tiful, followed afterwards in the same path ; and secuted analytically the study of man.” 1
have all contributed to create and to diffuse over His acquaintance with the metaphysical doc
this island a taste for a higher and more en trines of his predecessors does not appear to have
lightened species of criticism than was known been very extensive; with those of his own con
to our forefathers. Among the many advan temporaries it was remarkably deficient. I do
tageous results with which this study has been not recollect that he has anywhere mentioned
already attended, the most important, undoubt the names either of Condillac or of D’Alembert.
edly, is the new and pleasing avenue which it It is impossible not to regret this, not only as it
has opened to an analysis of the laws which re has deprived us of his critical judgments on some
gulate the intellectual phenomena; and the in celebrated theories, but as it has prevented him
terest which it has thus lent, in the estimation from enlivening his works with that variety of
of men of the world, to inquiries which, not historical discussion so peculiarly agreeable in
many years before, were seldom heard of, but these abstract researches.
within the walls of an university. On the other hand, Dr Reid’s limited range
Dr Reid’s two volumes of Essays on the Intel of metaphysical reading, by forcing him todraw
lectual and on the Active Powers of Man (the for the materials of his philosophical speculations
mer of which appeared in 1785, and the latter almost entirely from his own reflections, has
in 1'788) are the latest philosophical publications given to his style, both of thinking and of writ
from Scotland of which I shall at present take ing, a characteristical unity and simplicity sel
notice. They are less highly finished, both in dom to be met with in so voluminous an author.
matter and in form, than his Inquiry into the He sonfetimes, indeed, repeats, with an air of
Human Mind. They contain also some repeti originality, what had been previously said by
tions, to which, I am afraid, I must add a few his predecessors; but on these, as on all other
trifling inconsistencies of expression, for which occasions, he has at least the merit of thinking
the advanced age of the author, who was then for himself, and of sanctioning, by the weight
approaching to fourscore, claims every indul of his unbiassed judgment, the conclusions
gence from a candid reader. Perhaps, too, it which he adopts. It is this uniformity of thought
may be questioned, whether, in one or two in and design, which, according to Dr Butler, is
stances, his zeal for an important conclusion has the best test of an author’s sincerity; and I am
not led him to avail himself of some dubious apt to regard it also, in these abstruse disquisi
reasonings, which might have been omitted with tions,as one of the surest marks of liberal and un
out any prejudice to his general argument. fettered inquiry.
“ The value of these volumes, however (as I In comparing Dr Reid’s publications at differ
have elsewhere remarked), is inestimable to fu ent periods of his life, it is interesting to observe
ture adventurers in the same arduous inquiries, his growing partiality for the aphoristical style.
not only in consequence of the aids they furnish Some of his Essays on the Intelkctual and Active

' Biographical Armani Qf' Reid.

 DISSERTATION FIRST. 223
Powers of Man are little more than a series of to be hoped, will at no distant period he sup
detached paragraphs, consisting of leading plied. It i a work, certainly, of which the exe
thoughts, of which the reader is left to trace cution has been greatly facilitated by the philo
the connection by his own sagacity. To this sophical labours of the last century. The varie
aphoristical style it is not improbable that he ties of intellectual character among men present
was partly led by the indolence incident to ad another very interesting object of study, which,
vanced years, as it relieved him from what considering its practical utility, has not yet ex
Boileau justly considered as the most diflicult cited, so mueh as might have been expected,
task of an author, the skilful management of the curiosity of our countrymen. Much, too, is
transition-8.1 In consequence of this want of still wanting to complete the theory of evidence.
continuity in his compositions, a good deal of Campbell has touched upon it with his usual
popular efl'eet is unavoidably lost; but, on the aeuteness, but he has attempted nothing more
other hand, to the few who have a taste for such than an illustration of a very few general prin
inquiries, and who value books chiefly as they ciples. Nor has he turned his attention to the
furnish exercise to their own thoughts (a class various illusions of the imagination, and of the
of readers who are alone competent to pronounce passions, by which the judgment is liable to be
a judgment on metaphysical questions), there is warped in the estimates it forms of moral evi
apeculiar charm in a mode of writing, so ad— dence in the common affairs of life. This is a
mirably calculated to give relief to the author’s most important inquiry, considering how often
ideas, and to awaken, at every sentence, the re the lives and fortunes of men are subjected to
flections of his readers. the decisions of illiterate persons concerning cir
When I review what I have now written on the cumstantial proofs; and how much the success
history of Metaphysics in Scotland, since the or failure of every individual in the conduct of
publication of Mr Hume’s Treatise, and at the his private concerns turns on the sagacity or
same time recollect the laurels which, during the rashness with which he anticipates future con
same period, have been won by Scottish authors, tingencies. Since the time when Campbell wrote,
in every other department of literature and of an attempt has been made by Condorcet' and
science, I must acknowledge that, instead of some other French writers, to apply a mathema
being mortified at the slender amount of their tical calculus to moral and political truths; but
contributions to the philosophy of the human though much metaphysical ingenuity, as well as
mind, I‘am more disposed to wonder at their mathematical skill, have been displayed in carry
successful perseverance in cultivating a field of ing it into execution, it has not yet led to any
study, where the approbation of a. few enlight useful practical results. Perhaps it may even
ened and candid judges is the only reward to be questioned, whether, in investigating truths
which their ambition could aspire. Small as of this sort, the intellectual powers can derive
their progress may hitherto have been, it will at much aid from the employment of such an organ.
least not suffer by a comparison with what has To define accurately and distinctly the limits of
been accomplished by their contemporaries in its legitimate province, still remains a deeidera
any other part of Europe. tum in this abstruse part of logic.
It may not be useless to add in this place, that, Nearly connected with this subject are the
if little has as yet been done, the more ample is metaphysical principles assumed in the mathe
the field left for the industry of our successors. matical Calculation of Probabilities; in deliver
The compilation of a llIamull of Rational Logic, ing which principles, some foreign mathemati
adapted to the present state of science and of cians, with the illustrious La Place at their
society in Europe, is a. desideratum which, it is head, have blended, with many unquestionable

‘ Boileau is said, by the younger Racine, to have made this remark in speaking of La Bruyere: “ Il disoit que La
Bruyere s'etoit épsrgné I: phu dg'flicile d’un ouvragc en s‘épargnant los transitions."_M{moirc mr la Vie dc .Ican Racine.)
" Euai mr I'Applimtion dc I‘Analyu: 3 la Probabllité da Decision: renduu 8 la pluralitc du Votr.
224 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and highly interesting conclusions, various moral ed, “ in opposition to his systematical principles,
paralogisms of the most pernicious tendency. that a certain constitution or state of the brain is
A critical examination of these paralogisms, necessary to memory.” In reply to this charge,
which are apt to escape the attention of the it may be confidently asserted, that no set of
reader amid the variety of original and luminous philosophers, since the time of Lord Bacon, have
discussions with which they are surrounded, entertained juster vieWs on this subject than
Would, in my humble apprehension, be one of the school to which Dr Reid belonged. In proof
the most essential services which could at pre of this, I need only appeal to the Lectures on the
sent be rendered to true philosophy. In the Duties and Qualifications ofa Pkysiciml, by the late
mind of La Place, their origin may be fairly learned and ingenious Dr John Gregory. Among
traced to an ambition, not altogether unnatural the different articles connected with the natural
in so transcendant a genius, to extend the empire history of the human species, which he has there
of his favourite science over the moral as well recommended to the examination of the medical
as the material world.1 I have mentioned but a student, he lays particular stress on “ the laws
few out of the innumerable topics which crowd of union between the mind and body, and the
upon me as fit objects of inquiry for the rising mutual influence they have upon one another."
generation.B Nor have I been guided in my “ This (he observes) is one of the most impor
selection of these by any other consideration, tant inquiries that ever engaged the attention
than their peculiar adaptation to the actual cir of mankind, and almost equally necessary in
cumstances of the philosophical world. the sciences of morals and of medicine.” It
Should such men as Hume, Smith, and Reid must be remarked, however, that it is only the
again arise, their curiosity would, in all proba klws which regulate the union between mind
bility, be turned to some applications of meta and body (the same class of facts which Bacon
physical principles of a more popular and prac called the doctrine de faedere), which are here
tical nature than those which chiefly engaged pointed out as proper objects of philosophical
their curiosity. At the same time, let us not curiosity; for as to any hypothesis Concerning
forget what a step they made beyond the scho the manner in which the union is carried on,
lastic philosophy of the preceding age; and this most sag-acious writer was well aware, that
how necessary this step was as a preliminary they are not more unfavourable to the improve
to other researches hearing more directly and ment of logic and of ethics, than to a skilful
palpably on human affairs. and judicious exercise of the healing art.
The most popular objection hitherto made to I may perhaps form too high an estimate of
our Scottish metaphysicians is, that, in treating the progress of knowledge during the last fifty
of human nature, they have overlooked altoge years; but I think I can perceive, within the
ther the corporeal part of our frame. From the period of my own recollection, not only a
contempt which they have uniformly expressed change to the better in the Philosophy of the
for all physiological theories concerning the in Human Mind, but in the speculations of me
tellectual phenomena, it has been concluded, dical inquirers. Physiological theories concern
that they were disposed to consider the human ing the functions of the nerves in producing
mind as altogether independent of the influence the intellectual phenomena have pretty gene
of physical causes. Mr Belsham has carried rally fallen into contempt: and, on the other
this charge so far, as to sneer at Dr Reid’s in hand, a large accession has been made to our
consistency for having somewhere acknowledg stock of well authenticated facts, both with re

' The paralogisms to which I allude did not fall within the scope of the admirable criticism on this work in the Edin
burgh Review.
' Among these, the most prominent is the Natural or Theoretical Historéyl of Language (including under this title writ
ten as well as oral language), a subject which will probably continue to furni new problems to human ingenuity, in the
most improved state of human knowled e. It is not surprising that an art which lays the foundation of all the others, and
which is so intimately connected with e exercise of reason itself, should leave behind it such faint and obscure traces of
its origin and infancy.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 225
spect to the influence of body on mind, and of sophical publication, yielded so far to the preju
mind upon body. As examples of this, it is dices in which he had been educated, as to dis
sufficient to mention the experimental inquiries pute the existence of the moral faculty ;' al
instituted, in consequence of the pretended cures though, in his more advanced years, he amply
efl'ected by means of Animal Magnetism and of atoned for this error of his youth, by the inge
Tractors; to which may be added, the philo nuity and acuteness with which he combated
sophical spirit evinced in some late publications the reasonings employed by some of his con
on Insanity. temporaries, to invalidate the proofs afforded
Another objection, not so entirely ground by the phenomena of instinct, of the existence of
less, which has been made to the same school, a designing and provident cause. In this part
is, that their mode of philosophising has led to of his work, he has plainly in his eye the Zoo
an unnecessary multiplication of our internal nomia of Dr Darwin,‘ where the same prin
senses and instinctive determinatitms. For this ciples, of which Paley and others had availed
error, I have elsewhere attempted to account themselves to disprove the existence of instinct
and to apologise.‘ On the present occasion I and instinctive propensities in man, are eagerly
shall only remark, that it is at least a safer er laid hold of to disprove the existence of instinct
ror than the opposite extreme, so fashionable of in the brutes. Without such an extension of
late among our southern neighbours, of endea the argument, it was clearly perceived by Dar
vouring to explain away, without any excep win, that snfficient evidences of the existence of
tion, all our instinctive principles, both specula a Designing Cause would be afforded by the
tive and practical. A literal interpretation of phenomena of the lower animals; and, accord
Locke’s comparison of the infant mind to a ingly, he has employed much ingenuity to show,
sheet of white paper (a. comparison which, if I that all these phenomena may be accounted for
am rightly informed, has not yet wholly lost its by experience, or by the influence of pleasurable
credit in all our universities), naturally predis or painful sensations, operating at the moment
posed his followers to embrace this theory, and on the animal frame.
enabled them to shelter it from a free examina In opposition to this theory, it is maintained
tion, under the sanction of his supposed autho by Paley, that it is by instilwt, that is, accord
rity. Dr Paley himself, in his earliest philo ing to his own definition, “ by a propensity

' Biographical Memoirs, p. 47 2.

' Atter relating, in the words of Valerius Maximus, the noted story of Cains Toranius, who betrayed his sfi'ectionste
and excellent father to the triumvirnte, Dr Paley thus roceeds :—
“ Now, the question is, whether, if this story were re ted to the wild boy caqght some years ago in the woods of Hano
ver, or to a savage without experience and without instruction, cut off in his in my from all intercourse with his species,
and consequently under no ossiblc influence of example, authority, education, sympathy, or habit; whether, I say, such a
one would feel, upon the re ation, any degree of that sentiment ofdllnpprabation of Toranilu'l conduct which we feel or not ?
“ They who maintain the existence of a moral sense, of innate maxims, of a natural conscience-that the love of virtue
and hatred of vice are instinctive, or the percjpltlion of right or wrong intuitive (all of which are only ditferent ways of
expressing the same opinion), affirm that he wo
“ They who deny t e existence of a moral sense, 8w. atlirm that he would not.
“ And upon this issue is jammy-(Principle: Qf Moral and Political Philosophy, B. I. chap. 5.)
To those who are at all acquainted with the history of this dispute, it must appear evident that the question is here com
pletely min-stated; and that, in the whole of Dr Paley's subsequent argument on the subject, he combats a phantom 'of his
own imagination. The opinion which he ascribes to his antagonists has been loudly and repeatedl disavowed by all the
most eminent moralists who have disputed Locke’s reasoning: against innate practical principlu; an is, indeed, so very ob
viously absurd, that it never could have been for a moment entertained by any person in his senses.
Did it ever enter into the mind of the wildest theorist to imagine that the sense of seein would enable a man brought
up, from the moment of his birth, in utter darkness, to form a conczption of light and co ours? But would it not be
equally rash to conclude from the extravagance of such a supposition, at the sense of seeing is not an original part of the
human frame 7
The above quotation from Paley forces me to remark, further, that, in combating the supposition of a me, he has
confounded together, as only dim'ml! u-ny: qfnprcuing the lame opinion, a variety 0 systems, which are regarded by all our
best philosophers, not only as essentially distinct, but as in some measure standing in opposition to each other. The sys
tem of Hutcheson, for example, is identified with that of Cudworth. But although, in this instance, the author's logical
discrimination does not appear to much advantage, the sweeping censure thus bcstowcd on so many of our most celebrated
ethical theories, has the merit of throwing a very strong light on that particular view of the subject which it is the aim of
his reasonings to establish, in contradiction to them all.
I See the section on Instinct. Sect. XVI. of that work.
mss. 1. PART u. 2 P
226 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS,

prior to experience, and independent of instruc been ironically called Scottish philosophy,‘ than
tion,” “ that the sexes of animals seek each any of Mr Locke’s English disciples, since the
other; that animals ' cherish their offspring; time of Dr Butler; a circumstance which, when
that the young quadruped is directed to the teat compared with the metaphysical creed of his ear
of its dam; that birds build their nest, and lier years, reflects the greatest honour on the can
brood with so much patience upon their eggs; dour and fairness of his mind, and encourages the,
that insects, which do not sit upon their eggs, hope, that this philosophy, where it is equally
deposit them in those particular situations in sound, will gradually and silently work its way
which the young, when hatched, find their ap among sincere inquirers after truth, in spite of
propriate food; that it is instinct which carriesthe strong prejudices which many of our south
the salmon, and some other fish, out of the sea ern neighbours still appear to entertain against
into rivers, for the purpose of shedding their it. The extravagancies of Darwin, it is pro
spawn in fresh water.”1 bable, first opened Dr Paley’s eyes to the dan
In Dr Paley’s very able and convincing rea gerous tendency of Locke’s argument against
sonings on these various points, he has undoubt innate principles, when inculcated without due
edly approached nearer to the spirit of'what has limitations. '

With this very faint outline of the specula many years in a state of almost total ignorance.
tions of Locke’s chief successors in Scotland, This chasm in our information concerning fo
prior to the close of Dr Reid’s literary labours, reign literature, it may not be a difiicult task
I shall for the present finish my review of the for younger men to supply. At my time of life
metaphysical pursuits of the eighteenth century. it would be folly to attempt it; nor, perhaps, is
The long period which has since elapsed has been any author who has himself been so frequently
too much crowded with great political events to before the public, the fittest person to form an
favour the growth of abstract science in any of impartial estimate of the merits of his living
its branches ; and of the little which appears to contemporaries. Now, however, when peace is
have been done, during this interval, in other at length restored to the world, it may reason
parts of Europe, towards the advancement of ably resume
be her
hopedformer
that the
career
human
with mind
renovated
will ener
true philosophy, the interrupted communication
between this island and the Continent left us for gy; and that the nineteenth century will not

I PALEY’s Natural Theology, p. 324.

' May I take the liberty of requesting the reader to compare a few pages of Dr Pale ‘s Section on Instinct, beginning
“ I am not ignorant qfthc theory which resolve: instinct into muafion,” Etc. with some remar 's made by the author of this Dis
sertation, in an Account of the Life and \Vritings of Dr Reid P See the passage in section second, beginning thus, “ In a
very original work, on which I have already hazardcd some criticinm,” 8a; As both publications appeared about the same time
(in the year 1802), the coincidence, in point of thought, must have been wholly accidental, and as such affords no slight
presum tion in favour of its soundness.
' ‘ eu Dr Paley published his Principle: qf Moral and Political Philoropby, he seems to have attached himself much too
slavishly to the opinions of Bisho Law, to whom that work is inscribed. Hence, probably, his anxiety to disprove the
existence of the moral fisculty- f the length to which Law was disposed to carry Locke’s argument against innate prin
ciples, he has enabled us to judge by his own explicit declaration : “ I take-implanted .Icuscr, instincts, appetites, passions,
and afl'ettiom, 8a:- to be a remnant of the old philosophy, which used to call every thin immit that it could not account for;
and therefore-heartily wish, that they were in one sense all eradicated, which was un oubtedly the aim of that great author
last mentioned (Mr Locke), as it was a natural consequence of his first hooky-(Laws Translation of Archbishop King
On the Origin of Evil, p. 79, note.)
In justice, however, to Dr Law, it must be observed, that he appears to have been fully aware that the dispute about in
nate principles was in a great measure verbal. “ It will really," says he, “ come to the same thing with regard to the mo
ral attributes of God and the nature of virtue and vice, whether the Deity has implanitd these instincts and affections in
us, or has framed and disposed us in such a manner, has given us such powers, and placed us in such circumstances, that
we must mcessarily acquire them."-(Ibid.) But if Dr Law was aware of this, why should he and his followers have attach
ed such infinite importance to the controversy ?
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 227
yield to the eighteenth in furnishing materials In all the other inquiries which fall under the
to those who may hereafter delight to trace the province of the Metaphysieian, the materials of
progressive improvement of their species. In his reasoning are drawn chiefly from his own
the meantime, instead of indulging myself in internal resources. Nor is this observation less
looking forward to the future, I shall conclude applicable to speculations which relate to things
this section with a few general reflections sug external, than to such as are confined to the
gested by the' foregoing retrospect. thinking and sentient principle within him. In
Among these reflections, what chiefly strikes carrying on his researches (for example) con
my own mind is the extraordinary change which cerning hardness, softness, figure, and motion,
has gradually and insensibly taken place since he finds it not less necessary to retire within
the publication of Locke’s Essay, in the mean himself, than in studying the laws of imagina
ing of the word .‘lIetap/aysz'cs ; a word former tion or memory. Indeed, in such cases, the
ly appropriated to the ontology and pneuma whole aim of his studies is to obtain a more pre
tology of the schools, but now understood as cise definition of his ideas, and to ascertain the
equally applicable to all those inquiries, which occasions on which they are formed.
have for their object to trace the various bran From this account of the nature and object of
ches of human knowledge to their first principles metaphysical science, it may be reasonably ex
in the constitution of our nature.1 This change pected, that those with whom it is a favourite
can be accounted for only by a change in the and habitual pursuit, should acquire a more than
philosophical pursuits of Locke’s successors; a ordinary capacity of retiring, at pleasure, from
change from the. idle abstractions and subtleties the external to the internal world. They may
of the dark ages, to studies subservient to the be expected also to acquire a disposition to ex
culture of the understanding; to the successful amine the origin of whatsoever combinations
exercise of its faculties and powers; and to a they may find established in the fancy, and a
knowledge of the great ends and purposes of our superiority to the casual associations which warp
being. It may be regarded, therefore, as a pal common understandings. Hence an accuracy
pable and incontrovertible proof of a corres and a subtlety in their distinctions on all sub
ponding progress of reason in this part of the jects, and those peculiarities in their views which
world. are characteristical of unbiassed and original
On comparing together the multifarious studies thinking. But, perhaps, the most valuable fruit
now classed together under the title of Meta of their researches, is that scrupulous precision
physics, in the use of language, upon which, more than
common itcircumstance
will be found
but difficult
this, thattothey
trace
all any,
rc-i
upon any one circumstance whatever, the logi
quire the same sort of mental exertion for their cal aceuracy of our reasonings, and the justness
prosecution ; the exercise, I mean, of that power of our conclusions, essentially depend. Accord
(called by Locke Reflection) by which the mind ingly it will be found, on a review of the history
turns its attention inwards upon its own opera of the moral sciences, that the most important
tions, and the subjects of its own consciousness. steps which have been made in some of those,
In researches concerning our intellectual and apparently the most remote from metaphysical
active powers, the mind directs its attention to pursuits (in the science, for example, of politi
the faculties which it exercises, or to the pro cal economy), have been made by men trained
pensities which put these faculties in motion. to the exercise of their intellectual powers by

' The following is the account of Metaphysics given by Hobbes :-“ There is a certain Philomp/n'a prima, on which all
other Philosophy ought to depend: and consisteth principally in right limiting of the significations of such appellationa, or
names, as are of all others the most universal: which limitations serve to avoid ambiguity and equivocation in reasonin ,
and are commonly called Definitions: such as are the Definitions of Body, Time, Place, Matter, Form, Essence, Su -
ject, Substance, Accident, Power, Act, Finite, Infinite, Quantity, Quality, Motion, Action, Passion. and divers others, ne
cessary to the explaining of a man‘s conceptions concemin the nature and generation of bodies. The explication (that is,
the settling of the meanmgLof which, and the like terms, is commonly in the schools culled Metaphyaia.“-(Moralaml Poli
tical WWkl- Folio Edit. udon, 1760, p. 899.)
228 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

early habits of abstract meditation. To this fact
Burke probably alluded, when he remarked, that
“ by turning the soul inward on itself, its forces
are concentered, and are fitted for stronger and
bolder flights of science; and that in such pur
suits, whether we take, or whether we lose the
game, the chase is certainly of service.”
names of Locke, of Berkeley, of Hume, of
Quesnai, of Turgot, of Morellet, and above all,
of Adam Smith, will at once illustrate the truth
of these observations, and show, that, in com
bining together, in this Dissertation, the sciences
of Metaphysics, of Ethics, and of Politics, I have
not adopted an arrangement altogether capri
cious.l
In farther justification of this arrangement, I
might appeal to the popular prejudices so in
dustriously fostered by many, against these
three branches of knowledge, as ramifications
from one common and most pernicious root.
How often have Mr Smith’s reasonings in fa
vour of the freedom of trade been ridiculed as
metaphysical and visionary ! Nay, but a few
years have elapsed, since this epithet (accom
panied with the still more opprobrious terms of
Atheistical and Democratical) was applied to
the argument then urged against the morality
and policy of the slave-trade; and, in general,
to every speculation in which any appeal was
made to the beneficent arrangements of nature,
or to the progressive improvement of the human
race. Absurd as this language was, it could
not, for a moment, have obtained any currency
with the multitude, had there not been an ob
vious connection between these liberal doc
trines, and the well known habits of logical
thinking, which so eminently distinguished their
authors and advocates. Whatever praise, there
fore, may be due to the fathers of the modern
science of political economy, belongs, at least in
part (according to the acknowledgment of their
most decided adversaries), to those abstract stu
dies by which they were prepared for an analy
tical investigation of its first and fundamental
principles.
The Other connections and affinities between Poli
tical Economy and the Philosophy of the Hu
man Mind will present themselves afterwards.
At present I purposely confine myself to that
which is most obvious and indisputable.
The influence of metaphysical studies may be
also perceived in the philosophical spirit so large
ly infused into the best historical compositions
of the last century. This spirit has, indeed,
been often perverted to pernicious purposes; but
who can doubt, that, on the whole, both history
and philosophy have gained infinitely by the
alliance P
How far a similar alliance has been advanta
geous to our poetry, may be more reasonably
questioned. But on the most unfavourable sup
position it must be admitted, that the number
of poetical readers has thereby been greatly in
creased, and the pleasures of imagination pro
portionally communicated to a wider circle.
The same remark may be extended to the study
of philosophical criticism. If it has not contri
buted to the encouragement of original genius
in the fine arts, it has been followed by a much
more beneficial result in diffusing a relish for the
beautiful and the elegant; not to mention its in
fluence in correcting and fixing the public taste,
by the precision and steadiness of the principles
to which it appeals.“
Another instance, still more important, of the
practical influence of metaphysical science, is
the improvement which, since the time of Locke,
has become general in the conduct of education,

' It furnishes no objection to these remarks, that some of our best treatises on questions of political economy have pro
ceeded from men who were stran rs to meta hysical studies. It is enough for my purpose ifit be granted, that it was by
habits of metaphysical thinking t at the min 5 of those authors were formed, by whom political economy was first exalted
to the dignity of a science. To a great roportion even of the learned, the rules of a sound logic are best taught by ex
amples ; and when a precise and well-de ned phraseology is once introduced, the speculations of the most ordinary writers
assume an appearance (sometimes, it must be owned. a very fallacious one) of depth and consistenc . ,
Fontenelle remarks, that a single great man is sufficient to accomplish a change in the taste of his age, and that the per
spicuity and method for which Descartes was indebted to his mathematical researches, were successful y copied by many of
his contemporaries who were ignorant of mathematics. A similar observation will be found to apply, With still greater
three, to the models of metaphysical analysis and of logical discussion, exhibited in the political works of Hume and of
Smith.
M" See so)me admirable remarks on this subject by Gray, in his comments on the 10 of Plato. (Edition of Gray, by
ATKIAB.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 229
both private and public. In the former case, them when they come to be men.” Many other
the fact is universally acknowledged. But even circumstances, no doubt, have contributed their
in our universities (notwithstanding the prover share in producing this revolution ; but what in
bial aversion of most of them to everything dividual can be compared to Locke in giving the
which savours of innovation) what a change has first impulse to that spirit of reform by which it
been gradually accomplished since the beginning has been established 2“
of the eighteenth century! The studies of On In consequence of the operation of these
tology, of Pneumatology, and of Dialectics, causes, a sensible change has taken place in the
have been supplanted by that of the Human style of English composition.” The number of
Mind, conducted with more or less success, on idiomatical phrases has been abridged; and the
the plan of Locke’s Essay ; and, in a few seats language has assumed a form more systematic,
of learning, by the studies of Bacon’s Method of precise, and luminous. The transitions, too, in
Inquiry, of the Principles of Philosophical Criti our best authors, have become more logical, and
cism, and of the Elements of Political Economy. less dependent on fanciful or verbal associations.
In all this an approach has been made or at If by these-means our native tongue has been
tempted, to what Locke so earnestlyrecommend rendered more unfitfor some of the lighter species
ed to parents, “ that their children’s time should of writing, it has certainly gained immensely as
be spent in acquiring what may be useful to an instrument of thought, and as a vehicle of

1 Under this head of education may also be mentioned the practical improvements which, during the course of the last
century, have taken place in what Lord Bacon calls the tradilive part of logic. I allude here not only to the new arran
ments in the Lancasterian Schools, by which the diffusion of the art of reading among the poorer classes of the commumty
is so wonderfully facilitated and extended, but to those admirable elementary works which ave opened a ready and speedy
access to the more recondite truths of the severer sciences. How much these have contributed to promote the progress of
mathematical knowledge in France may be jud d of from an assertion of Condorcet, that two years agent under an able
teacher now carry the student beyond the cone usions which limited the researches of Leibnitz and of ewton. The Es
says lately published on this subject by M. Lacroix (Ennis cur PEnu’ig'nemcnt en Ge'néral, at an cclni dc: Illathématiqun en
particulicr. Paris, 1805) contain many valuable suggestions; and, beside their utility to those who are concerned in the
task of instruction, may justly be considered as an accession to the Philosophy of the Human Mind.
’ See some judicious remarks on this subject, in Mr Godwin‘s Inquirer, p. 274. In the opinion of this author, “the
E lisb langu is now written with more grammatical propriety than by the best of our ancestors: and with a much
hig er de ee 0 energy and vigour. The spirit of philosophy has infused itself into the structure of our sentences." He
remarks arther, in favour of the present sty e of English composition, “ that it at once satisfies the understanding and the
ear.” The union of these two excellencies certainly constitutes the perfection of writing. Johnson boasts, and wrth truth,
in the concluding paper of the Rambler, that he had “ added something to our language m the elegance of its construction,
and something in the harmony of its cadence ;" but what a sacrifice did he make to these objects, of conciseness, of simpli.
city, and of (what he has himself called) Genuine Anglicilm. To accomplish the same ends, without any sacrifice of these
higher merits, has been one of the chief aims of the most eminent among his successors.
As an instrument of thought and a medium of scientific communication, the English languaghe appears to me, in its pre
sent state, to be far superior to the French. Diderot, indeed (a very high authority), has, wit much confidence, asserted
the contrary; and it is but fair to let him s ak for himself: “ J’ajouterois volontiers que la marche didactique et reglée
h laquelle notre lan e est assqjettie la ren plus propre aux sciences; et que par les tours et les inversions que lo Grec,
le Latin, l'Italien, ‘A lois, so rmettent, ces lan ues sont plus avantageuses pour les lettres: Que nous ouvons mieux
qu' sucun autre peuple sire par er l'esprit; et quede bon sens choisiroit la langue Francoise; mais que 1' maginntion et
les passions donneroient la preference aux langues anciennes et h celles de nos voisins: Qu‘il faut parler Francois dams la
société et dans les écoles de Philoso hie; et brec, Latin, Anglois, dans les chaires et sur le 'l'héaitre: Que notre langue
seroit celle de la vérité, si jamais 01 e revient sur la terre; et que la Grecque, la Latine, et les autres seroient les langues
de la fable et. du mensonge. Le Francois est fait ur instruire, éclairer, et convaincre; le Grec, 1e Latin, l'Italien, l‘Ang.
lois, pour persuader, émouvoir, et tromper; par ez Grec, Latin, Italien au peuple, mais parlez Francois au sage."
((Euvrc: de Diderot, Tome II. p . 70, 71. Amsterdam, 1772.)
These peculiar excellencies of1the French language are ascribed, in part, by Diderot, to the study of the Aristotelian Phi
losophy._(1bid. p. 7.) I do not well see what advantage France should, in this respect, have enjo ed over England; and
since that philosophy fell into disrepute, it will scarcely be alleged that the habits of thinking cu tivatcd by Locke's dis
ciples have been less favourable to a logical rigour of expression than those of any contemporary sect of French metaphy
sicians.
A later French writer has, with for eater justice, acknowledged the important services rendered to the French lan
guage, by the gentlemen of the Port yal Society. " L‘Ecole de Port Royal, féconde en penseurs, illustrée par les écri
vains les lus purs, par les erudits les plus laborieux du siecle de Louis XIV. etlt dé's rendu purmi nous un sssez nd
service is a philosophic par cola seul u'elle a puissament coneouru h fixer notre angue, h lui donner ce caract re de
precision, dc clarté, d‘exnctitude, qui 1a rend si favorable aux operations de l‘eapri '1._Hiu. Comparéc, ac. Tome II.
45.
p bir)Gibbon also has remarked, how much “ the learned Society of Port Royal contributed to establish in France a taste
for just reasoning, simplicity of style, and philosophical method." The improvement, in all these respects, of our English
writers, during the same period, is, in my opinion, much more remarkable. -
230 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

knowledge. May I not also add, that the study searches; and a demonstrated conviction of the
of it has been greatly facilitated to foreigners; impossibility of raising an edifice on a soil so
and that in proportion to its rejection of colloqui void of consistency, and so completely surrounded
al anomalies, more durable materials are sup bythe mostfrightfulprecipices. About what then
plied to the present generation for transmitting are philosophers agreed? What single point
their intellectual acquisitions to posterity? have they placed beyond the reach of dispute?
But granting the truth of these reflections, it Plato and Aristotle inquired, What is science?
may still be asked, what is the amount of the What is knowledge ? And we, so many ages after
discoveries brought to light-by the metaphysical these fathers of philosophy; we, so proud of the
speculations of the eighteenth century ? Or progress of human reason, still continue to re
rather, where are the principles to be found, of peat the samc questions; vainly pursuing the
which it can be justly said, that they unite the same phantoms which the Greeks pursued two
sufi‘rages, not of the whole, but even of the ma thousand years ago.”'
jority of our present philosophers ? The question In reply to this bold attack on the evidence of
has been lately put and urged, with no common the moral sciences, it may sutlice to recal to our
ability, by a foreign academieian. recollection the state of physical science not more
“ The diversity of doctrines (says M. de than two centuries ago. The argument of M.
Bonald) has increased, from age to age, with the de Bonald against the former is, in fact, precisely
number of masters, and with the progress of the same uith that ascribed by Xenophon to So
knowledge ; and Europe, which at present pos crates against those studies which have immor
sesses libraries filled with philosophical works, talised the names of Boyle and Newton ; and
and which reckons up almost as many philoso which, in our own times, have revealed to us all
phers as writers; poor in the midst of so much the wonders of the modern chemistry. \Vhat
riches, and uncertain, with the aid of all its ever contradictions, therefore, may yet exist in
guides, which road it should follow; Europe, our metaphysical doctrines (and of these con- -
the centre and the focus of all the lights of the tradictions many more than is commonly sus
world, has yet its philosophy only in expecta pected will be found to be merely verbal), why
tion.”I ' - should we despair of the success of future ages
In proof of this assertion, the author appeals in tracing the laws of the intellectual world,
to the Comparative History of Philosophical Sys which, though less obvious than those of the
tems relative to the Principles ofHuman Knowledge, material world, are not less the natural and le
by M. Degerando; and after a variety of acute gitimate objects of human curiosity?
strictures on the contradictory systems there de Nor is it at all wonderful that the beneficial
scribed, sums up his argument in the following effects of metaphysical habits of thinking should
words: have been first perceived in political economy,
“ Thus, the Comparative History of Philosophi and some other sciences to which, on a super
cal Systems is nothing else than a History of the ficial view, they may seem to have a very remote
Variations of philosophical schools, leaving no relation ; and that the rise of the sap in the tree
other impression upon the reader than an in of knowledge should indicated by the germs
surmountable disgust at all philosophical re at the extremities of the branches, before any

1 Recherche: Philomphiquer, &c. p. 2. Paris, 1818.

1 Ibid. pp. 58, 59. »
On the other hand, may it not be asked, if the number of philosophical systems be greater than that of the sects which
at present divide the Christian church ? The allusion here made to Bossuet’s celebrated Hinory of the Variation, shows
plainly that the similarity of the two cases had not been overlooked by the ingenious writer; and that the only effectual
remedy which, in his opinion, can he applied to either, is to subject once more the reason, both of philosophers and of di
vines, to the paramount authority of an infallible guide. The conclusion is such as might have been expected from a good
Catholic; but I trust that, in this country, it is not likely to mislead many of m readers. Some recent conversions to
Popery, however, which, in consequence of views similar to those of M. de Bonal , have taken place amen the philoso
phers of German , afford a proof that, in the resent political state of Europe, the danger of a temporary re apse into the
superstitions of t e Church of Rome, how slight soever, on ht not to be regarded as alto ther visionary._(See Lecture: 01:
the Hiuory of Literature, by Fannnarcx SCHLEGEL, Vol. I . pp.'65, 88, 89, 175, 187. iii'iglish Translation, Edinburgh.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 231
visible change is discernible in the trunk. The the reasoningpowers, strictly so called, than from
sciences, whose improvement during the last the prevention, in early life, of those artificial
century has been generally acknowledged, are impressions and associations, by means of which,
those which are most open to common observa when once rivetted by habit, the strongest rea
tion ; while the change which have taken place son may be held in perpetual bondage. These
in the state of metaphysics, have attracted the impressions and associations may be likened to
notice of the few alone who take a deep interest the slender threads which fastened Gulliver to
in these abstract pursuits. The swelling of the the earth; and they are to be overcome, not by
buds, however, afi'ords a sufficient proof that the a sudden exertion of intellectual force, but by
roots are sound, and encourages the'hope that the gradual efi'ect of good education, ‘ in break
the growth of the trunk, though more slow, will, ing them asunder one by one. Since the re
in process of time, be equally conspicuous with vival of letters, seconded by the invention of
that of the leaves and blossoms. printing, and by the Protestant Reformation,
I shall close this part of my Dissertation with this process has been incessantly going on, all
remarking, that the practical influence of such over the Christian world; but it is chiefly in
speculations as those of Locke and of Bacon is the course of the last century that the result has
to be traced only by comparing, on a large scale, become visible to common observers. How many
the state of the human mind at distant pe are the threads which, even in Catholic coun
riods. Both these philosophers appear to have tries, have been broken by the writings of Locke!
been fully aware (and I know of no philosopher How many still remain to be broken, before the
before them of whom the same thing can be mind of man can recover that moral liberty which,
said), that the progressive improvement of the at some future period, it seems destined to en
species is to be expected less from the culture of joy !

NOTES.
 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

New, THE chief purpose of these Ngtes and Illus~
and .
Illustrations.trations, . to verify
1s . -
some of the more Important
Wmews contained in the foregoing Historical
Sketch. The errors into which I have frequent
ly been led by trusting to the information of
writers, who, in describing philosophical sys
tems, profess to give merely the general results
of their researches, unauthenticated by particu
lar references to the original sources, have long
convinced me of the propriety, on such occa
sions, of bringing under the eye of the reader,
the specific authorities on which my statements
proceed. Without such a check, the most faith
ful historian is perpetually liable to the suspi
cion of accommodating facts to his favourite
theories; or of unconsciously blending with the
opinions he ascribes to others, the glosses of his
own imagination. The quotations in the fol- Note,
-
lowmg ' '
pages, selected principally nd
from. booksluus't‘mions‘
not now in general circulation, may, I hope, atVW
the same time, be useful in facilitating the la
bours of those who shall hereafter resume the
same subject, on a scale more susceptible of the
minuteness of literary detail.
For a few short biographical digressions, with
which I have endeavoured to give somewhat of
interest and relief to the abstract and unattrac
tive topics which occupy so great a part of my
Discourse, I flatter myself that no apology is
necessary; more especially, as these digressions
will in general be found to throw some addi
tional light on the philosophical or the political
principles of the individuals to whom they re
late.

NOTE A, p. 15.

Sir Thomas More, though, towards the close of in worship, he has expressed himself more de
his life, he became “ a persecutor even unto blood, cidedly than could well have been expected from
defiling with cruelties those hands which were a man placed in his circumstances. But these
never polluted with bribes ;”1 was, in his earlier were not the whole of his merits. His ideas on
and better days, eminently distinguished by the Criminal Law are still quoted with repect by
humanity of his temper, and the liberality of his the advocates for a milder code than has yet
opinions. Abundant proofs of this may be col been introduced into this country; and, on the
lected from his Letters to Erasmus ; and from the subject of toleration, no modern politician has
sentiments, both religious and political, indirect gone farther than his Utopian Legislators.
ly inculcated in his Utopia. In contempt for the The disorders occasioned by the rapid pro
ignorance and profligacy of the, monks, he was gress of the Reformation, having completely
not surpassed by his correspondent; and against shaken his faith in the sanguine speculations of
, various superstitions of the Romish church, such his youth, seem at length, by alarming his fears ‘
as the celibacy of priests, and the use of images as to the fate of existing establishments, to have

' Bumet.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 233
Notes unhinged his understanding, and perverted his nerat alteram anuuam pecuniam? Unde vero Notes
mugging moral feelings. The case was somewhat the mercatoris lucrum? Ex ipsius, inquies, dili- Inmate“;
W same with his friend Erasmus, who, as Jortin gentia atque industria. Quis dubitat pecuniam \AN
remarks, “ began in his old days to act the vacuam inutilem omuino esse? neque qui a me
zealot and the missionary with an ill grace, and mutuam rogat, vacuam apud se habere a me
to maintain, that there were certain heretics who acceptam cogitat. Non ergo ex pecunia illa.
might be put to death as blasphemers and riot lucrum accedit, sed ex proventu. Illa: igitur
ers” (pp. 428, 481). In the mind of Erasmus, rationes subtiles quidem sunt, et speciem quan~'
other motives, it is not improbable, concurred; dam habent, sed ubi propius expenduntur, reipsa
his biographer and apologist being forced to ac concidunt. Nunc igitur concludo, judicandum
knowledge, that “ he was afraid lest Francis, de usuris esse, non ex particulari aliquo Scrip
and Charles, and Ferdinand, and George, and tura: loco, sed tantum ex aaquitatis regula."—
Henry VIII., and other persecuting princes, (Calvini Epistolw.)
should suspect that he condemned their cruel
conduct.”—(Ibid. p. 481.) NOTE C, p. 22.
Something, it must at the same time be ob
served, may be alleged in behalf of these two ' The prevailing idea among Machiavel’s con
illustrious persons: not, indeed, in extenuatiou temporaries and immediate successors certainly
of their unpardonable defection from the cause was, that the design of the Prince was hostile to
of religious liberty, but of their estrangement the rights of mankind; and that the author was
from some of their old friends, who scrupled not either entirely unprincipled, or adapted his pro
to consider as apostates and traitors, all those fessed opinions to the varying circumstances of
who, while they acknowledged the expediency his own eventful life. The following are the
of ecclesiastical reform, did not approve of the words of Bodinus, born in 1580, the very year
violent measures employed for the accomplish when Machiavel died; an author whose judg
ment of that object. A very able and candid ment will have no small weight with those who
argument on this point may be found in Bayle, are acquainted with, his political writings:
Article Castellan, Note Q. “ Machiavel s’est bien fort mésconté, de dire que
l’éstat populaire est le mcilleur : ‘ et uéantmoins
NOTE B, p. 16. uyant oublié sa premiere opinion, il a tenu en
un autre lieu,‘ que pour restituer l’Italie en sa
The following short extract will serve to con liberté, il faut qu’il n’y ait qu’un Prince; et de
vey a general idea of Calvin's argument upon fait, il s'est efi'orcé de former un éstat le plus
the subject of usury. tyrannique du monde; et en autre lieuI il con
“ Pecunia non parit pecuniam. Quid mare? fesse, que l’éstat do Venice est le plus beau de
quid domus, ex cujus locatione pensionem per tous, lequel est une pure Aristocratie, s’il en fut
cipio? an ex tectis et parietibus argentum pro onques: tellement qu’il ne scait a quoi se tenir.”
prie nascitur? Sed et terra producit, et mari —(De la République, Liv. vi. chap. iv. Paris,
advehitur quod pecuniam deinde producat, et 1576). In the Latin version of the above pas
habitationis commoditas cum certa pecunia pa sage, the author applies to Machiavel the phrase,
rari commutarive solet. Quod si igitur plus ex Homo lwissimus ac nequissimus.
negotiatione lucri percipi possit, quam ex fundi One of the earliest apologists for Machiavel
cujusvis proventu: an feretur qui fundum ste was Albericus Gentilis, an Italian author of
rilem fortasse colono locaverit ex quo mercedem whom some account will be given afterwards.
vel proventum reeipiat sibi, qui ex pecunia His words are these: “ Machiavel, a warm pa
fructum aliquem perceperit, non feretur? et qui negyrist and keen asserter of democracy; born,
pecunia fnndum acquirit, annon pecunia illa ge educated, promoted under a republican govern

' Dinounu upon Livy. '7 Prince, Book 1. c- ix. , Dinourm up” Livy.
DISS- I. PART II. 2 o
234 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes ment, Was in the highest possible degree hostile sidering the two opposite hypotheses referred to Notes
“basic” to tyranny. The scope of his work, according in the above extract, as alike untenable; and have mutate“
“ ly, is not to instruct tyrants; but, on the con only to add to his remarks, that, in writing the M
trary, by disclosing their secrets to their op Prince, the author seems to have been more un
pressed subjects, to expose them to public view, der the influence of spleen, of ill-humour, and
stripped of all their trappings.” He afterwards of blasted hopes, than of any deliberate or sys
adds, that “ Machiavel’s real design was, under tematical purpose, either favourable or adverse
the mask of giving lessons to sovereigns, to open to human happiness. The prevailing sentiment
the eyes of the people ; and that he assumed in his mind probably was, Si populus vult dwfii,
this mask in the hope of thereby securing a freer decipiatur."
circulation to his doctrines.”—(De Legationibus, According to this view of the subject, Ma
Lib. iii. 0. ix. Lond. 1585). The same idea was chiavel’s Prince, instead of being considered as
afterwards adopted and zealously contended for a new system of political morality, invented by
by Wicquefort, the author of a noted book en himself, ought to be regarded merely as a di
titled the Ambassador; and by many other wri gest of the maxims of state policy then univer
ters of a later date.1 Bayle, in his Dictionary, sally acted upon in the Italian courts. If I be
has stated ably and impartially the arguments not mistaken, it was in this light that the book
on both side of the question: evidently leaning, was regarded by Lord Bacon, whose opinion
however, very decidedly, in his own opinion, to concerning it being, in one instance, somewhat
that of Machiavel’s apologists. ambiguously expressed, has been supposed by
The following passage from the excellent work several writers of note (particularly Bayle and
of M. Simonde de Sismondi on the Literature of Mr Roscoe) to have coincided with that quoted
the South, appears to me to approach very near above from Albericus Gentilis. To me it ap
to the truth in the estimate it contains both of pears, that the very turn of the sentence ap
the spirit of the Pn'me, and of the character of pealed to on this occasion is rather disrespectful
the author. “ The real object of Machiavel can than otherwise to Machiavel’s character. “ Est
not have been to confirm upon the throne a ty itaque quod gratias agamus Machiavellio et hu
rant whom he detested, and against whom he jusmodi scriptoribus, qui aperte et indissimulanter
had already conspired; nor is it more probable proferunt, quid homines facere soleant, non quid
that he had a design to expose to the people the debeant.”—(De Aug. Scient. Lib. cap. ii.)
maxims of tyranny, in order to render them The best comment, however, on these words, is
odious. Universal experience made them at to be found in another passage of Bacon, where
that time sufficiently known to all Italy; and he has expressed his opinion of Machiavel’s mo
that infernal policy which Machiavel reduced to ral demerits in terms as strong and unequivocal
principles, was, in the sixteenth century, prac as language can furnish. “ Quod enim ad ma
tised by every government. There is rather, in las artes attinet; si quis Machiavellio se dederit
his manner of treating it, a universal bitterne in disciplinam; qui praacipit,” 8m. 8:0. 8:0. See
against mankind; a contempt of the whole hu the rest of the paragraph (De Aug. Scient- Lib.
man race; which makes him address them in viii. chap.cap.
viii. ii.)
beginning
See also
thusa: passage
“ An non
in et
Book
hoc ve
the language to which they had debased them
selves. He speaks to the interests of men, and to rum est, juvenes multo minus Politiczz quam
their. selfish calculations, as if he thought it use Ethicw auditores idoneos esse, antequam reli
less to appeal to their enthusiasm or to their gione et doctrine do moribus et ofliciis plane im
moral feelings.” buantur; ne forte judicio depravati et corrupti,
I agree perfectly with M. de Sismondi in con in eam opinionem veniant, non esse rerum dif—

' See in particular Rousseau Du Contrat Social, Liv. iii. 0. vi.

' Many traces of this misanthro ic disposition occur in the historical and even in the dramatic works of IMachiavel. It
is very justly observed by M. de Slsrnondi, that “ the pleasantry of his comedies is almost always mingled with gall. His
laughter at the human race is‘but the laughter of contempt."
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 235
Notes ferentias morales veras et solidas, sed omnia ex As the translation of Machiavel, from which Notes
and and
llluscmiom. utilitate.--Sie enim Machiavellio dieere placet, this advertisement is copied, is still in the hands 111,, stations.
Quad si emitigisset Ccesarem bello superatumfuisse, of many readers in this country, it may not be WV
Catilina ipso fuisset odiosior,” &c. &c. After improper to mention here, that the letter in
these explicit and repeated declarations of his question is altogether of English fabrication;
sentiments on this point, it is hard that Bacon and (as far as I can learn) is quite unknown on
should have been numbered among the apolo the Continent. It is reprinted at the end of the
gists of MachiaVel, by such high authorities as second volume of Farneworth’s Translation of
Bayle, and the excellent biographer of Lorenzo Machiavel’s works, 1762, with the following
de Medicis. statement prefixed to it.‘
“ The following letter having been printed in
all the editions of the old translation, it is here
given to the reader, though it certainly was not
It has been objected to me, that in the fore written by Machiavel. It bears date in 1537,
going observations on the design of the Prince, I and his death is placed by all the best historians
have taken no notice of the author’s vindication in 1530. There are, besides, in it many internal
of himself and his writings, in his letter to marks, which to the udicious will clearly prove
Zssomus Buonnsmuon'rws, annexed to the it to be the work of some other writer, vainly
old English translation of Machiavel, printed endeavouring at the style and manner of our
at London in 1675 and 1680. In the preface to excellent author. The letter is indeed a spirited
this translation, we are told, that the letter in and judicious defence of Machiavel and his
question “ had never before been published in writings; but it is written in a style too inflated,
any language, but lurked for above eighty years in and is utterly void of that elegance and precision
the private cabinets of his own kindred, or the which so much distinguish the works of the
descendants of his admirers in Florence, till, in Florentine secretary.”
the Pontificate of Urban VIII., it was procured by To the author of this last translation we are
the Jesuits and other busy bodies, and brought farther indebted for a very curious letter of Dr
to Rome with an intention to divert that wise Warburton’s, which renders it probable that the
Pope from his design of making one of Nicholas forgery was contrived and carried into execution
Machiavel’s name and family cardinal, as (not by the Marquis of Wharton. I shall transcribe
withstanding all their opposition) he did, not the letter in Warburton’s words.
long after. When it was gotten into that city, “ There is at the end of the English transla
it wanted not those who had the judgment and tion of Machiavel’s works, printed in folio, 1680,
curiosity to copy it, and so at length came to en-' a translation of a pretended letter of Machiavel
joy that privilege which all rare piece (even to Zenobius Buondelmontius, in vindication of
the sharpest libels and pasquins) challenge at himself and his writings. I believe it has been
that court, which is to be sold to strangers, one generally understood to be a feigned thing, and
of which, being a gentleman of this country, has by some been given to Nevil, he who wrote,
brought it over with him at his return from if I do not mistake, the Plato Redivimw. But
thence in 1645, and having translated it into many years ago, a number of the famous Marquis
English, did communicate it to divers of his of Wharton's papers (the father of the Duke)
friends; and by means of some of them, it hath were put into my hands. Amongst these was
been my good fortune to be capable of maln'ng the press copy (as appeared by the printer’s marks,
thee a present of it; and let it serve as an where any page of the printed letter began and
apology for our author and his writings, if thou ended) of this remarkable letter in the Marquis’s
thinkest he need any.” hand-writing, as I took it to be, compared with

' In a book published 1816, this letter is referred to without any expression of doubt as to its suthenticity- See
Mann's Lecture: on the Philomhy qfModcm Hillary, Dublin, 1816, p- 17.
236 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notdes other papers of his. The person who intrusted qu’il ecrivit de la campagne où il s’etoit retiré Notes
Illusfafionm me with these papers, and who I understood had après la rentrée des Médicis à Florence. Il mmfmimm
\MJ given' them to me, called them back out of my venoit d’être destitué de ses emplois; impliqué WV
hands. This anecdote I communicated to the dans une conspiration contre ces princes, i1
late Speaker; and, at his desire, wrote down the innocent,
avoit été incarcéré,
soit qu’il lemis
fut en
à. laeffet,
torture,
soit et
que les
substance of what I have told you, in his book
of the above edition.—W. GLOUCESTER.”l tourmens n’eussent pu lui arracher l’aveu de
From a memoir read before the French Insti sa faute. Il trace dans ce lettre le tableau de ses
tute in July 1814, by M. Daunou,g it appears occupations et de ses projets, des travaux et des
that some new light has been lately thrown on distractions qui remplissent ses journées. Pour
the writings and life of Machiavel by the dis sortir d’une position voisine de la misère, il sent
covery of some of his unpublished papers. The la nécessité de rentrer en grace avec les Medicis,
following particulars cannot fail to be gratifying et n’en trouve pas de meilleur moyen que de
to many of my readers. _ dedier le Traité du Prince qu'il vient d’achever
“ M. Ginguené continue son Histoire de la Lit à Julien le Jeune, frère du Leon X., et a qui
térature Italienne, et vient de communiquer à. ce Pape avoit confié le gouvernement de Flo
la classe l’un des articles qui vont composer le rence. Machiavel croit que son Traité ne peut
septième tome de cette histoire. C’est un tableau manquer d’être agréable et utile à un prince,
de la vie et des écrits de Nicolas Machiavel. La et surtout à un nouveau prince. Quelque tems
vie de cet écrivain célèbre est le véritable com après, il lit en effet homage de ce livre, non à.
mentaire de ses livres; et jusqu’ici ce commen Julien, mais à. Laurent 11. Cette lettre, qui
taire étoit resté fort incomplet. Par exemple, on n'est connue en Italie, que depuis peu d’années,
se bornait à. dire, que la république de Florence, etoit encore ignorée en France. M. Ginguené
dont il étoitle secrétaire, l’avoit chargé de diverses l’a traduite: il pense qu’elle ne laisse aucune
missions politiques à la cour de France, à. la incertitude sur le but et les intentions de l’au
cour de Rome, auprès du Duc de Valentinois, teur du Traité du Prince.”-—Some farther de—
auprès de l’Empereur, au camp de Pise, &c. 810. tails on this subject are to be found in a subse—
M. Ginguené le suit année par année dans toutes quent memoir by the same author, read before
ses legations, il en fait connôitre l’objet ‘et les the French Institute in July 1815.
principales circonstances. Cette vie devient ainsi Soon after reading the above passage in M.
une partie essentielle de l’histoire de Florence, Daunou’s Report, I received nearly the same in
et tient même à celle des puissances qui étoient formation from the north of Italy. It cannot heso
alors en relation avec cette république. On lit peu well expressed as in the words of the writer :—
dans la collection des Œuvres de Machiavel, ses “ Pray tell Mr Stewart that there is a very
correspondances Politiques, qui neanmoins ofl'rent remarkable letter. of Machiavel's lately publish
tous ces details et jettent un grand jour sur ed, written to a private friend at the very time
son caractère et sur ses intentions. Malheu he was engaged in the composition of the
reusement, ce jour lui est peu favorable, et ne Prince, and not only fixing the date of that
nous éclaire que trop sur le véritable sens dans work, but explaining in a manner disgraceful
lequel doit être pris son Traité du Prince si to the author, the use he made of it, in putting
diversement jugé. L’une des pièces les plus it into the hands of the Medicis family. The
curieuses et les plus décisives est une lettre letter is besides full of character, and describes,

' In a letter from lVarhurton to the Reverend Mr Birch, there is the following passage :—“ I told you, I thinlr, I had
several of old Lord Wharton's papers- Amongst the rest is a manuscript in his own handwriting, a pretended translation
of a manuscript spologetical epistle of Machiavel’s, to his friend Zenobio. It is a wonderful fine thin . There are the
printer's marks on the manuscript, which makes me think it is rinted. There is a postscript of Lord \ harton’s to it, by
which it appears this pretended translation was designed to pre x to an En lish edition of his worlrs. As l know nothing of
the English edition of Machiavel, I wish you Would make this out, an let me know.”_(lllmtratiom qf the Literary
History qfthc 18th century, intended as a sequel to the Literary Anecdote: by Joan NicnoLs. Vol. II. p. 88.)
’ Rapport au la Travaux de la Clam d‘Hinoirc, &c. 1 Juillet, 1814.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 237

Notes in a very lively manner, the life he was leading opponents, to his short but brilliant and spotless Notes
mmra‘zom when driven away from Florence. This parti- career in public life, renders all additional eulo- mutation
\IW cular letter may be read at the end of the last gies on his merits as a statesman, equally feeble \IW
volume of Pignotti’s Sloria della Toscana; a and superfluous. Of the extent and variety
book published here, but which was in all of his learning, the depth and accuracy of his
the London shops before I came away. It is scientific attainments, the classical (perhaps
to be found also with several others, which are somewhat severe) purity of his taste, and the
entertaining and curious, in a new collection truly philosophical cast of his whole mind, none
published at Florence in 1814, of Machiavel’s had better opportunities than myself to form a.
public dispatches and familiar letters. By the judgment, in the course of a friendship which
way, I must likewise tell Mr Stewart that my commenced before he left the University, and
late reading has suggested a slight criticism which grew till the moment of his death. But
upon one expression of his with regard to Ma on these rare endowments of his understanding,
chiavel’s Prince, where he calls it one of the or the still rarer combination of virtues which
“ latest of his publications." The fact is, that shed over all his mental gifts a characteristi
the three great works were none of them pub cal grace and a moral harmony, this is not the
lished in his lifetime, nor for four years after proper place to enlarge. Never certainly was
his death. They appear to have been all writ more completely realized the ideal portrait so
ten at the same period of his life, during the nobly imagined by the Roman poet : “ A calm
eight or ten years of leisure that were forced devotion to reason and justice, the sanctuary of
upon him; and I believe it may be made out the heart undefiled, and a breast glowing with
from the works themselves, that the Prince was inborn honour.”
composed and finished first of the three, then Compositum jus fasque anime, sauctosque recessus
the Discourses, and last of all the History. This Mentis, et incoctum generoso pectus honesto.
and the first having been written for the Medicis
family, the M38. were in their hands, and they No'rn D, p. 27.
published them ; the Discourses were printed by
the care of some of his personal friends. If Mr The charge of plagiarism from Bodin has been
Stewart wishes to have the proof of all this in urged somewhat indelicately against Montes
detail, I can draw it out without any trouble." quieu, by a very respectable writer, the Cheva
The foregoing passage will be read by many lier de Filangieri. “ On a cru, et l'on croit
with no common interest, when it is known peut-étre encore, que Montesquieu a parlé le
that it formed part of a letter from the late premier de l’infiuence du climat. Cette opinion
Francis Homer, written a very few weeks be est une errcur. Avant lui, 1e délicat et inge
,fore his death. Independently of the satisfac nieux Fontenclle s’étoit exercé sur cet objet.
tion I feel in preserving a memorial of his kind Machiavel, en plusieurs endroits de ses ouvrages,
attention to his friends, at a period when he parle aussi de cette influence du climat sur le
was himself an object of such anxious solicitude physique et sur le moral des pcuples. Chardin,
to his country, I was eager to record the opi un de ces voyageurs qui savent observer, a fait
nion of so perfect and accomplished a judge on beaucoup de réflexions sur l’influence physique
a question which, for more than two centuries, et moral des climats. L’Abbé Dubos a soutenu
has divided the learned world; and which, his et dévcloppé les pensées de Chardin; et Bodin,
profound admiration of Machiavel’s genius, com qui peut-étre avoit lu dans Polybe que le climat
bined with the most unqualified detestation of determine les formes, la couleur, et les maeurs
Machiavel’s principles, had led him to study des pcuples, en avoit deja fait, cent cinquante
with peculiar care. The letter is dated Pisa, ans auparavant, la base de son systeme, dans
December 17. 1816. son livre de la Républiquc, et dans sa Methods
The united tribute of respect already paid by . de l’Histoire. Avant tous ces ecrivains, l’im
Mr Homer’s political friends and his political mortel Hippocrate avoit traite' fort au long cetm
238 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes matiere dans son fameux ouvrage de l’air, des by such of his followers as have regretted the Not!
InulmiionbtiflW, 8t 1188 lieuar. L’auteur de l’Esprit des Lois, indiscreet communication to the public, of his Imam".
\IV‘V sans citer un seul de ces philosophes, établit a unreserved table-talk with his confidential com- W
son tour un systéme ; mais il ne fit qu’altérer panions. The very accurate Seckendorfi‘ has
les principes d’Hippocrate, et donner une plus not called in question its authenticity; but on
grande extension aux idées de Dubos, de Chardin, the contrary, gives it his indirect sanction, by
et de Bodin. Il voulut faire croire au public remarking, that it was collected with little pru
qu’il avoit eu le premier quelques idées sur ce dence, and not less imprudentlyprinted : “ Libro
sujet; et le public l’en crut sur sa parole.”—La Colloquiorum Mensalium minus quidem caute
Science de la Législation, ouvrage traduit de l’Ita composito et vulgato.” (BAYLE, article LUTHER,
lien. Paris, 1786. Tom. I. pp. 225, 226. Note L.) It is very often quoted as an autho
The enumeration here given of writers whose rity by the candid and judicious Dr Jortin.
works are in every body’s hands, might have In confirmation of what I have said of Luther’s
satisfied Filangieri, that, in giving his sanction credulity, I shall transcribe, in the words of the
to this old theory, Montesquieu had no wish to English translator, the substance of one of
claim to himself the praise of originality. It is Luther’s Divine Discourses, “ concerning the
surprising, that, in the foregoing list, the name devil and his works.” “ The devil (said Lu
of Plato should have been omitted, who concludes ther) can transform himself into the shape of a
his fifth book, De Legibus, with remarking, that man or ayvoman, and so deceiveth people; in~
“ all countries are not equally susceptible of the somuch that one thinketh he lieth by a right
same sort of discipline; and that a wise legisla woman, and yet is no such matter; for, as St
tor will pay a due regard to the diversity of na Paul saith, the devil is strong by the child of
tional character, arising from the influence of unbelief. But inasmuch as children or devils
climate and of soil.” It is not less surprising, are conceived in such sort, the same are very
that the name of Charron should have been over horrible and fearful examples. Like unto this
looked, whose ohservations on the moral influ it is also with what they call the Nix in the wa
ence of physical causes discover as much ori ter, who draweth people unto him as maids and
ginality of thought as those of any of his succes virgins, of whom he begetteth devils’ children.
sors.—See De la Sagesse, Livre i. chap. xxxvii. The devil can also steal children away; as
sometimes children within the space of six weeks
Nora E, p. 29. after their birth are lost, and other children,
called supposilitii, or changelings, laid in their
Innumerable instances of Luther’s credulity places. Of the Saxons they were called Ki”
and superstition are to be found in abook en crops. .
titled Martini Lutheri Colloquia Mensalia, tyc “ Eight years since,” said Luther, “ at Des
first published, according to Bayle, in 1571. sau, I did see and touch such a changed child,
The only copy of it which I have seen, is a trans which was twelve years of age; he had his eyes,
lation from the German into the English tongue and all members, like another child; he did no
by Captain Henrie Bell. (London 1652.) This thing but feed, and would eat as much as two
work, in which are “ gathered up the fragments clowns were able to eat. I told the Prince of
of the divine discourses which Luther held at Anhalt, if I tvere prince of that country, I would
his table with Philip Melanchthon, and divers venture homicidium thereon, and would throw it
other learned men,” bears to have been origi into the river Moldaw. I admonished the people
nally collected “ out of his holy month” by Dr dwelling in that place devoutly to pray to God
Anthony Lauterbach, and to have been after— to take away the devil. The same was done ac
wards “ digested into common-places” by Dr cordingly, and the second year after the change
Aurifaber. Although not sanctioned with Lu ling died.
ther’s name, I do not know that the slightest “ In Saxony, near unto Halberstad, was a
doubts of its details have been suggested, even . man that also had a Iu'llcrqr, who sucked the
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 239

mother and five other women dry, and besides man ever spoke more neatly, more pressly, more N01,,
Notes
lunatic“ devoured very much.This man was advised weightily, or suffered less emptiness, lest idle- “‘1
. Ill .
WV that he should, in his pilgrimage at Halberstad, ness m what he uttered. No member of his w
make a promise of the killcrop to the Virgin speech but consisted of its own graces. His
Marie, and should cause him there to be rocked. hearers could not cough, or look aside from him,
This advice the man followed, and carried the without loss. He commanded where he spoke,
changeling thither in a basket. But going over and had his judges angry and pleased at his de
a river, being upon the bridge, another devil votion. The fear of every man that heard him
that was below in the river, called and said, was, that he should make an end.” N0 finer
Killcrop! killcrop! Then the child in the bas description of the perfection of this art is to be
ket (which never before spoke one word), an found in any author, ancient or modern.
swered, Ho, ho. The devil in the water asked The admiration of Jonson for Bacon (whom
further, Whither art thou going? The child in he appears to have known intimatelyl) seems
the basket said, I am going towards Hocklcstad almost to have blinded him to those indelible
to our loving mother, to be rocked. The man shades in his fame, to which, even at this dis
being much afi'righted thereat, threw the child, tance of time, it is impossible to turn the eye
with the basket, over the bridge into the water. without feelings“ of sorrow and humiliation.
Whereupon the two devils flew away together, Yet it is but candid to conclude, from the post
and cried Ho, ho, ha, tumbling themselves over humous praise lavished on him by Jensen and
one another, and so vanished.”—(pp. 386, 387.) by Sir Kenelm Digby,’ that the servility of the
With respect to Luther’s Theological Disputes courtier, and the laxity of the judge, were, in
with the Devil, see the passages quoted by Bayle, the relations of private life, redeemed by many
Art. Luther, Note U. estimable and amiable qualities. That man
Facts of this sort, so recent in their date, and must surely have been marked by some rare fea
connected with the history of so.great a charac tures of moral as well as of intellectual great
ter, are consolatory to those who, amid the fol ness, of whom, long after his death, Jonson
could write in the following words :
lies and extravagancies of their contemporaries,
are sometimes tempted to despair of the cause “ My conceit of his person was never increas
of truth, and of the gradual progress of human ed toward him by his place or honours; but I
reason. have and do reverence him, for the greatnes
that was only proper to himself, in that he
Note F, p. 38. seemed to me ever, by his works, one of the
greatest men, and most worthy of admiration,
Ben Jonson is one of the few contemporary that had been in many ages. In his adversity,
writers by whom the transcendent genius of Ba I ever prayed that God would give him strength,
con appears to have been ustly appreciated ; for greatness he could not want. Neither could
and the only one I know of, who has transmit I condole in a word or syllable for him, as know
ted any idea of his forensic eloquence; a subject ing no accident could do harm'to virtue, but
on which, from his own professional pursuits, rather help to make it manifest.”
combined with the reflecting and philosophical In Aubrcy’s anecdotes of Bacon,‘ there are
cast of his mind, Jonson was peculiarly qualified several particulars not unworthy of the atten
to form a competent judgment. “ There hap tion of his future biographers. One expression
pened,” says he, “ in my time, one noble speak of this writer is more peculiarly striking: “ In
er, who was full of gravity in his speaking. No short, all that were great and good loved and

' Jonson is said to have translated into Latin t part of the books Dc Augmnli: Scientiarum. Dr Warton states
this (I do not know on what authority) as an undou ted fact. Euay on the Gcniu: and Writing: q/l’vpe.
' See his letters to M. de Fermat, printed at the end of Fsnxa'r‘s Opera Mathematics, Tolosw, 1679.
. ' Lately published in the extracts from the Bodleian library.
\l

240 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes honoured him.” When it is considered, that disgrace, that so little notice was taken of Ba
and
Illustrations. Aubrey’s knowledge of Bacon was derived chief con, for some time after his death, by those Eng
_ . . _ Illustrations
\IW ly through the medium of Hobbes, who had llSh writers who availed themselves, Without vw
lived in habits of the most intimate friendshipany scruple, of the lights struck out in his
with both, and whose writings shew that he was works. A very remarkable example of this oc
far from being an idolatrous admirer of Bacon’scurs in a curious, though now almost forgotten
philosophy, it seems impossible for a candid book (published in 1627), entitled, An Apology
mind, after reading the foregoing short but comor Declaration of the Power and Providence of
prehensive eulogy, not to feel a strong inclinaGod in the Government of the World, by George
tion to dwell rather on the fair than on the dark
Hakewill, D. D. Archdeacon of Surrey. It is
side of the Chancellor’s character, and, before plainly the production of an uncommonly liberal
pronouncing an unqualified condemnation, care and enlightened mind; well stored with various
fully to separate the faults of the age from those and choice learning, collected both from ancient
of the individual. and modern authors. Its general aim may be
An affecting allusion of his own, in one of his guessed at from the text of Scripture prefixed to
greatest works, to the errors and misfortunes of it as a motto, “ Say not thou, what is the cause
his public life, if it does not atone for his faults, that the former days are better than these, for
may, at least, have some effect in softening the thou dost not inquire wisely concerning this ;”
asperity of our censures. “ Ad literas potius and from the words of Ovid, so happily applied
quam ad aliud quicquam natus, et ad res ge by Hakewill to the “ common error touching
rendas nescio quo fato contra genium suum ab the golden age,”
reptus.”--De Aug. Scient. L. viii. 0. iii. Prisca juvent alios, ego me nunc denique natum
Even in Bacon’s professional line, it is now Gratulor.
admitted, by the best judges, that he was great That the general design of the book, as well
ly underrated by his contemporaries. “ The as many incidental observations contained in it,
Queen did acknowledge,” says the Earl of Es was borrowed from Bacon, there cannot, I ap
sex, in a letter to Bacon himself, “ you had a prehend, be a doubt; and yet I do not recollect
great wit, and an excellent gift of speech, and more than one or two references (and these very
much other good learning. But in law, she ra slight ones) to his writings, through the whole
ther thought you could make shew, to the utmost volume. One would naturally have expected,
of your knowledge, than that you were deep.” that, in the following passage of the epistle de
“ If it be asked,” says Dr Hurd, “ how the dicatory, the name of the late unfortunate Chan
Queen came to form this conclusion, the answer cellor of England, who had died in the course
is plain. It was from Mr Bacon’s having a of the preceding year, might have found a place
great wit, an excellent gift of speech, and much along with the other great clerks there enume—
other good learning.”—(Hunn’s Dialogues.) rated: “ I do not believe that all regions of the
The following testimony to Bacon’s legal world, or all ages in the same region, afl'ord
knowledge (pointed out to me by a learned wits always alike; but this I think (neither is
friend) is of somewhat more weight than Queen it my opinion alone, but of Scaliger, Vives, Bu
Elizabeth’s judgment against it : “ What might dseus, Bodin, and other great clerks), that the
we not have expected,” says Mr Hargrave, af Wits of these latter ages, being manured by in
ter a high encomium on the powers displayed dustry, directed by precepts, and regulated by
method, may be as capable of deep speculations,
by Bacon in his ‘ Reading on the Statute of Uses ;’
“ what might we not have expected from the and produce as masculine and lasting births, as
hands of such a master, if his vast mind had not any of the ancienter times have done. But if
so embraced within its compass the whole field we conceive them to be giants, and ourselves
of science, as very much to detach him from dwarfs; if we imagine all sciences already to
professional studies 1" have received their utmost perfection, so as we
It was probably owing in part to his court need not but translate and comment on what
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 241

Notes they have done, surely there is little hope that part, it describes men’s minds, as well as pic- Nate:
Inmfim.‘ we should ever come near them, much less tures do their bodies, so it did his above all mugging,
\AN match them. The first step to enable a man to men living. The course of it vigorous and ma- W
the achieving of great designs, is to be persuad jestical ; the wit bold and familiar ; the compa
ed that he is able to achieve them; the next risons fetched out of the way, and yet the more
not to be persuaded, that whatsoever hath not easy:1 In all expressing a. soul equally skilled
yet been done, cannot therefore be done. Not in men and nature.”
any one man, or nation, or age, but rather
mankind is it, which, in latitude of capacity, Norn G, p. 4-0.
answers to the universality of things to be
known.” In another passage, Hakewill ob The paradoxical bias of Hobbes’s understand
serves, that, “ if we will speak properly and ing is never so conspicuous as when he engages
punctually, antiquity rather consists in old age, in physical or in mathematical discussions. On
than in the infancy or youth of the world.” I such occasions, he expresses himself with even
need scarcely add, that some of the foregoing more than his usual confidence and arrogance.
sentences are almost literal transcripts of Bacon’s Of the Royal Society (the Virtuosi, as he calls
words. them, that meet at Gresham College) he writes
The philosophical fame of Bacon in his own thus: “ Conveniant, studia conferant, experi
country may be dated from the establishment of menta faciant quantum volunt, nisi et principiis
the Royal Society of London; by the founders utantur meis, nihil proficient.” And elsewhere:
of which, as appears from their colleague, Dr “ Ad causas autem propter quas proficere ne
Sprat, he was held in so high estimation, that paullum quidem potuistis nec poteritis, acce
it was once proposed to prefix to the history of dunt etiam alia, ut odium Hobbii, quia nimium
their labours some of Bacon’s writings, as the libere scripserat de acadelniis veritatem: Nam
best comment on the views with which they ex eo tempore irati physici et mathematici veri
were undertaken. Sprat himself, and his illus tatem ab eo venientem non recepturos se palam
trious friend Cowley, were among the number professi sunt.” In his English publications, he
of Bacon’s earliest eulogists; the latter in an indulges in a vein of coarse scurrility, of which
Ode to the Royal Society, too well known to his own words alone can convey any idea.
require any notice here; the former in a very “ So go your ways," says be, addressing him
splendid passage of his History, from which I self to Dr Wallis and Dr Seth Ward, two of
shall borrow .a few sentences, as a conclusion the most eminent mathematicians then in Eng
and ornament to this note. land, “ you uncivil ecclesiastics, inhuman di
“ For, is it not wonderful, that he who had vines, de-doctors of morality, unasinous col
run through all the degrees of that profession, leagues, egregious pair of Issaehars, ‘most
which usually takes up men’s whole time; who wretched indices and vindices acadmniarum ; and
had studied, and practised, and governed the remember Vespasian’s law, that it is unlauful to
common law; who had always lived in the give ill language first, but civil and laugful to re
crowd, and home the greatest burden of civil turn it.”
business; should yet find leisure enough for
these retired studies, to excel all those men, Now»: H. p. 42.
who separate themselves for this very purpose?
He was a man of strong, clear, and powerful With respect to the Leviathan, a very curious
imaginations; his genius was searching and in anecdote is mentioned by Lord Clarendon.
imitable; and of this I need give no other proof “ \Vhen I returned,” says he, “ from Spain by
than his style itself; which as, for the most Paris, Mr Hobbes frequently came to me, and

' By the word any, I presume Sprat here means the native and spontaneousegrowth of Bacon‘s own fancy, in opposi
tion to the traditionary sxmiles borrowed by common-place writer: from their pr ec 8880f!
mss. 1. PART 11. ' 2n
242 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes told me that his book, which he would call Le- tance I have in the world, and of whom I have Notes
muggiomviathan, was then printing in England, and that always had a great esteem, as a man, who, be- “burgh”
W he received every week a sheet to correct; and sides his eminent learning and knowledge, hath \M/
thought it would be finished within a little more been always looked upon as a man of probity,
than a month. He added, that he knew when I and of a life free from scandal.”
read the book I would not like it; and there
upon mentioned some conclusions; upon which I Nora I, p. 58.
asked him why he would publish such doctrines;
to which, after a discourse between jest and ear It is not easy to conceive how Descartes re
nest, he said, ‘ The truth is, I have a mind to go conciled, to his own satisfaction, his frequent
home.’ ” In another passage, the same writer ex use of the word substance, as applied to the mind,
presses himself thus 2—“ The review and con with his favourite doctrine, that the essence of
clusion of the Leviathan is, in truth, a sly ad the mind consists in thought. Nothing can be
dress to Cromwell, that, being out of the king well imagined more unphilosophical than this
dom, and so being neither conquered nor his last doctrine, in whatever terms it is expressed;
subject, he might, by his return, submit to his but to designate by the name of substance, what
government, and be bound to obey it. This re is also called thought,.in the course of the same
view and conclusion he made short enough to argument, renders the absurdity still more gla
hope that Cromwell might read it; where he ring than it would otherwise have been.
should not only receive the pawn of his new I have alluded, in the text, to the difference
subject’s allegiance, by declaring his own obli between the popular and the scholastic notion
gations and obedience; but by publishing such of substance. According to the latter, the word
doctrines as, being diligently infused by such a substance corresponds to the Greek word own, as
master in the art of government, might secure employed by Aristotle to denote the first of the
the people of the kingdom (over whom he had predicaments; in which technical sense it is
no right to command) to acquiesce and submit said, in the language of the schools, to signify
to his brutal power.” ' that which supports attributes, or which is sub
That there is no exaggeration or misrepresen ject to accidents. At a period when every person
tation of facts in these passages, with the view liberally educated was accustomed to this bar
of injuring the character of Hobbes, may be barous jargon, it might not appear altogether
confidently presumed from the very honourable absurd to apply the term substance to the human
testimony which Clarendon bears, in another soul, or even to the Deity. But, in the present
part of the same work, to his moral as Well as times, a writer who so employs it may be as
intellectual merits. “ Mr Hobbes,” he observes, sured, that, to a great majority of his readers, it
“ is a man of excellent parts; of great wit; of will be no less puzzling than it was to Crambe,
some reading; and of somewhat more thinking; in Martinus Scriblerus, when he first heard it
one who has spent many years in foreign parts thus defined by his master Cornelius.1 How
and observations; understands the learned as extraordinary does the following sentence new
well as modern languages; hath long had the sound even to a philosophical ear? and yet it is
reputation of a great philosopher and mathema copied from a work published little more than
tician; and in his age hath had conversation seventy years ago, by the learned and judicious
with many worthy and extraordinary men. In Gravcsande: “ Substantim sunt aut cogitantes,
a word, he is one of the most ancient acquain aut non cogitantes; cogitantes duas novimus,

' “ \Vhen he was told, a subslancc was that which was when to accidents, then soldiers, quoth Crumbe, are the most sub
' stantial people in'thc world.” I.ct me add, that, in the list of philosophical reformers, the authors of Martinus Scriblcrus
ought not to be overlooked. Their happy ridicule of the scholastic Logic and Metaphysics is universally known; but few
are aware of the acuteness and sagacity displayed in their allusions to some of the most vulnerable passages in Locke's
Essay. In this part of the work it is commonly understood that Arbuthnot had the principal share.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 243
Notes Deum et mentem nostram. Dua: etiam sub thing else, is a contradiction in terms. It was Notes
and
Illustrations.
stantiae, qua: non cogitant, nobis notes sunt, thus that St Augustine felt, when he said, “ Quid In";nd
ations.
\IW spatium et corpus.”—Introd. ad Phil. § 19. sit tempus, si nemo quaerat a me, scio; si quis WV
The Greek word 06m. (derived from the parti interroget, nescio.” His idea evidently was,
ciple of in“) is not liable to these objections. It that, although he annexed as clear and precise a
obtrudes no sensible image on the fancy; and, notion to the word time, as he could do to any ob
in this respect, has a great advantage over the ject of human thought, he was unable to find
Latin word substantia. The former, in its logical any term more general, under which it could be
acceptation, is an extension to Matter, of an idea comprehended; and, consequently, unable to
originally derived from Blind. The latter is an give any definition, by which it might be ex
extension to Mind of an idea originally derived plained.
from Matter.
Instead of defining mind to be a thinkingsub No'rr: K, p. 58.
stance, it seems much more logically correct to
define it a thinking being. Perhaps it would be “ Les Meditations de Descartes pariirent en
better still, to avoid, by the use of the pronoun
1641. C’étoit, de tous ses ouvrages, celui qu’il
that, any substantive whatever, “ Mind is that cstimoit le plus. Ce qui characterise sur tout
which thinks, wills,” &c. cet ouvrage, c’est qu’il contient sa fameuse dé
The foregoing remarks afford me an opportu monstration de Dieu par l’idée, demonstration si
nity of exemplifying what I have elsewhere répétée depuis, adoptée par les unes, et rejettée
observed concerning the effects which the scho par les autres ; et qu’il est le premier 022 la distinc
lastic philosophy has left on the present habits of tion de l’esprit et de la matie‘re soit palfaitement
thinking, even of those who never cultivated that développe'e, car avant Descartes on n’avoit encore
branch of learning. In consequence of the stress bien approfondi les preuves philosophiques de la
laid on the predicaments, men became accustom spiritualité de l’ame.”—Eloge de Descartes, par
ed in their youth to imagine, that in order to M. Tnomss. Note 20.
know the nature of any thing, it was suflicient If the remarks in the text be correct, the cha
to know under what predicament or category it racteristical merits of Descartes’ Meditations do
ought to be arranged; and that, till this was not consist in the novelty of the proofs contained
done, it remained to our faculties a subject mere in them of the spirituality of the soul (on which
ly of ignorant wonder. Hence the impotent point Descartes has added little or nothing to
attempt to comprehend under some common what had been advanced by his predecessors),
name (such as that of substance) the heterogene but in the clear and decisive arguments by which
ous existences of matter, of mind, and even of they expose the absurdity of attempting to ex
empty space ; and hence the endless disputes to plain the mental phenomena, by analogies bor
which the last of these words has given rise in rowed from those of matter. Of this distinction,
the Schools. neither Thomas, nor Turgot, nor D’Alembert,
In our own times, Kant and his followers nor Condorcet, seem to have been at all aware.
seem to have thought, that they had thrown a I quote from the last of these writers an ad
new and strong light on the nature of .space and ditional proof of the confusion of ideas upon this
also of time, when they introduced the Word point, still prevalent among the most acute lo
form (firms of the intellect) as a common term gicians. “ Ainsi la spiritualite' de I’dme, n’est
applicable to both. Is not this to revert to the pas une opinion qui ait besoin de preuves, mais
scholastic folly of verbal generalization? And le resultat simple at naturel d’un analyse exacte
is it not evident, that of things which are unique de nos idées, ct de nos facultés.”-—(Vie de M
(such as matter, mind, space, time) no classifica Turgot.) Substitute for spirdvalily the word
tion is practicable? Indeed to speak of classi immaterialily, and the observation becomes equal
fying what has nothing in common with any ly just and important.
244 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes Nors L, p. 59. Nora M, p. 65. Notes

and
and
Illustrations. Illustrations.
M The following extract from Descartes might From the indissoluble union between the no \N‘J

be easily mistaken for a passage in the Novum tions of colour and extension, Dr Berkeley has
Organon. drawn a curious, and, in my opinion, most il
“ Quoniam infantes nati surnus, et varia de logical argument in favour of his scheme of ideal
rebus sensibilibus judicia prius tulimus, quam ism ;—whieh, as it may throw some additional
integrum nostra: rationis usum haberemus, mul light on the phenomena in question, I shall trans
tis prmjudiciis a 'veri cognitione avertimur, qui cribe in his own words.
bus non aliter videmur posse liberari, quam si “ Perhaps, upon a strict inquiry, we shall
some] in vita, de iis omnibus studeamus dubitare, not find, that even those who, from their birth,
‘ in quibus vel minimam incertitudinis suspicionem have grown up in a continued habit of seeing,
reperiemus. are still irrevocably prejudiced on the other side,
“ Quin et illa etiam, de quibus dubitabimus, to wit, in thinking what they see to be at a dis
utile erit habere pro falsis, ut tanto clarius, quid tance from them. For, at this time, it seems
nam certissimum et cognitu facillimum sit, in agreed on all hands, that colours, which are the
veniamus. proper and immediate objects of sight, are not
“ Itaque ad serio philosophandum, veritatem without the mind. But then, it will be said, by
que omnium rerum cognoscibilium indagandam, sight we have also the ideas of extension, and
primo omnia prmjudicia sunt deponcnda ; sive figure, and motion; all which may well be
accurate est cavendum, ne ullis ex opinionibus thought without, and at some distance from the
olim a nobis receptis fidem habeamus, nisi priusp mind, though colour should not. In answer to
iis ad novum examen revocatis, veras essc com this, I appeal to any man’s experience, whether
periamus.”—Princ. Phil. Pars Prima, §§ lii. lxxv. the visible extension of any object doth not ap
Notwithstanding these and various other si pear as near to him as the colour of that object;
milar coincidences, it has been asserted with nay, whether they do not both seem tobe in the
some confidence, that Descartes had never read same place. Is not the extension we see co
the works of Bacon. “ Quelques auteurs as loured; and is it possible for us, so much as
surent que Descartes n’avoit point lu les ouvrages in thought, to separateand abstract colour from
de Bacon; et il nous dit lui-meme dans une de extension P Now, where the extension is, there ‘
ses letters, qu’il ne lut que fort tard les prin surely is the figure, and there the motion too.
cipaux ouvrages de Galilée."—(Eloge de Des I speak of those which are perceived by sight.”1
cartes, par THOMAS.) Of the veracity of Des Among the multitude of arguments advanced
cartes I have not the slightest doubt; and there_ by Berkeley, in support of his favourite theory,
fore I consider this last fact (however extraor I do not recollect any that strikes me more with
dinary) as completely established by his own the appearance of a wilful sophism than the
testimony. But it would require more evidence foregoing. It is difficult to conceive how so
than the assertions of those nameless writers al very acute a reasoner should not have perceived
luded to by Thomas, to convince me that he had that his premises, in this instance, lead to a con
never looked into an author, so highly extolled clusion directly opposite to what he has drawn
as Bacon is, in the letters addressed to himself from them. Supposing all mankind to have an
by his illustrious antagonist, Gassendi. At any irresistible conviction of the oubwss and distance
rate, if this was actually the case, I cannot sub of extension and figure, it is very easy to explain,
scribe to the reflection subjoined to the fore from the association of ideas, and from our early
going quotation by his eloquent eulogist: “ Si habits of inattention to the phenomena of con
cela est, il faut convenir, que la gloire de Des sciousness, how the sensations of colour should
cartes en est bien plus grande.” appear to the imagination to be transported

l Euay toward a New Theory of Vision, p. 256.

c
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 245

No!“ out of the mind. But if, according to Berkeley’s Theory to the primary qualities of matter; its New
magic“ doctrines, the constitution of human nature secondary qualities (of colour, sound, smell, mastic“.
WV leads men to believe that extension and figure, taste, heat, and cold) having, according to him, W
and every other quality of the material universe, no more resemblance to the sensations by means
exists only Within themselves, whence the ideas of which they are perceived, than arbitrary
of external and of internal; of remow or of near .9 sounds have to the things they denote, or the
When Berkeley says, “ I appeal to any man’s edge of a sword to the pain it may occasion.
experience, whether the visible extension of any (Princ. Pars iv. §§ 197, 198.) To this doc
object doth not appear as near to him as the trine he frequently recurs in other parts of his
colour of that object ;” how much more reason works.
able would it have been to have stated the in In these' modifications of the Aristotelian
disputable fact, that the colour of the object ap Theory of Perception, Locke acquiesced entire
pears as remote as its extension and figure? No ly; explicitly asserting, that “ the ideas of pri
thing, in my opinion, can afford a more conclu mary qualities are resemblances of them, but
sive proof, that the natural udgment of the that the ideas of secondary qualities have no re~
mind is against the inference just quoted from semblance to them at all.” —Essay, B. ii. c.
Berkeley, than the problem of D’Alembert, § 15.
which has given occasion to this discussion. \Vhen pressed by Gassendi to explain how
images of extension and figure can exist in an
Nora N, p. 68. unextended mind, Descartes expresses himself
thus: “ Queeris quomodo existimem in me sub
It is observed by Dr Reid, that “ the system jecto inextcnso recipi posse speciem ideamve
which is now generally received with regard to corporis quod extensum est. Respondeo nullum
the mind and its operations, derives not only its speciem corpoream in mente recipi, sed puram
spirit from Descartes, but its fundamental prin intellectionem tam rei corporew quam incorpo
ciples; and that, after all the improvements rem fieri absque ulla specie corporeae ; ad ima
made by Malebranche, Locke, Berkeley, and ginationem vero, qua: non nisi de rebus corpo
Hume, it may still be called the Cartesian sys reis esse potest, opus quidem esse specie qua:
tem.”—C'onclusi0n of the Inquiry into the Human sit verum corpus, et ad quam nwns 8e applicet,
Mind. sed non qua: in mente recipiatur.” Responsib
The part of the Cartesian system here alluded de iis qua in sextam Meditationem objecta
to is the hypothesis, that the communication be cunt, § 4.
tween the mind and external objects is carried In this reply it is manifestly assumed as an
on by means of ideas or images ;—not, indeed, indisputable principle, that the immediate ob
transmitted from without (as the Aristotelians jects of our thoughts, when we imagine or con
supposed) through the channel of the senses, ceive the primary qualities of extension and
but nevertheless bearing a relation to the quali figure, are ideas or species of these qualities;
ties perceived, analogous to that of an impres and, of consequence, are themselves extended
sion on wax to the seal by which it was stamp and figured. Had it only occurred to him to
ed. In this last assumption, Aristotle and Des apply (mutatis mutandis) to the perception of
cartes agreed perfectly; and the chief difl'er primary qualities, his own account of the per
ence between them was, that Descartes palliat ception of secondary qualities (that it is obtain
ed, or rather kept out of view, the more obvious ed, to wit, by the media of sensations more ana
absurdities of the old theory, by rejecting the logous to arbitrary signs, than to stamps or
unintelligible supposition of intentional species, pictures), he might have eluded the difficulty
and by substituting, instead of the word image, started by Gassendi, without being reduced to
the more indefinite and ambiguous word idea. the disagreeable necessity of supposing his ideas
But there was another and very important or images to exist in the brain, and not in the
step made by Descartes, in restricting the ideal mind. The language of Mr Locke, it is ob
246 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes servable, sometimes implies the one of these seventeenth century (Dr Henry More) accusing Nous
marsh“. hypotheses, and sometimes the other. _ him as an abettor of the dangerous heresy of In“ and
_ _ stratiotn.
'\/W It was plainly With the view of escaping from nulltbism. Of this heresy Dr More represents W
the dilemma proposed by Gassendi to Descartes, Descartes as the chief author; and, at the same
that Newton and Clarke were led to adopt a time, speaks of it as so completely extravagant,
mode of speaking concerning perception, ap that he is at a loss whether to treat it as the se
proaching very nearly to the language of Des rious opinion of the philosopher, or as the jest of
cartes. “ Is not,” says Newton, “ the sense a buffoon. “ The chief author and leader of
rium of animals the place where the sentient the Nullibists,” he tells us, “ seems to have
substance is present; and to which the sensible been that pleasant wit, Renatus Descartes, who,
species of things are brought, through the nerves by his jocular metaphysical meditations, has
and brain, that there they may be perceived by luxated and distorted the rational faculties of
the mindpresent in thatplace .9” And still more some otherwise sober and quick-witted persons."
confidently Dr Clarke: “ Without being pre To those who are at all acquainted with the phi
sent to the images of the things perceived, the losophy of Descartes, it is unnecessary to ob
soul could not possibly perceive them. A liv serve, that, so far from being a Nullibist, he
ing substance can only there perceive where it valued himself not a little on having fixed the
is present. Nothing can any more act or be precise uln' of the soul, with a degree of accu
acted upon where it is not present, than it can racy unthought of by any of his predecessors.
when it is not.” The distinction between pri As he held, however, that the soul was uneztend
mary and secondary qualities was afterwards re ed, and as More happened to conceive that no
jected by Berkeley, in the course of his argu thing which was unextended could have any re
ment against the existence of matter; but he ference to place, he seems to have thought him
continued to retain the language of Descartes self entitled to impute to Descartes, in direct
concerning ideas, and to consider them as the opposition to his own words, the latter of these
immediate, or rather as the only objects of our opinions as well as the former. “ The true no
thoughts, wherever the external senses are con tion of a spirit,” according to More, “ is that
cerned. Mr Hume’s notions and expressions of an extended penetrable substance, logically
on the subject are very nearly the same. and intellectually divisible, but not physically
I thought it necessary to enter into these discernible into parts.”
details, in order to show with what limitations Whoever has the curiosity to look into the
the remark quoted from Dr Reid in the be works of this once admired, and, in truth, very
ginning of this note ought to be received. It able logician, will easily discover that his alarm
is certainly true, that the Cartesian system may at the philosophy of Descartes was really occa
be said to form the groundwork of Locke’s sioned, not by the scheme of nullibism, but by
Theory of Perception, as well as of the scepti the Cartesian doctrine of the mn-exterwion of
cal conclusions deduced from it by Berkeley mind, which More thought inconsistent with a
and Hume; but it is not the less true, that it fundamental article in his own creed—the ex
forms also the groundwork of all that has since istence of witches and apparitions. To hint at
been done towards the substitution, in place of any doubt about either, or even to hold any
this scepticism, of a more solid fabric of meta opinion that seemed to weaken their credibility,
physical science. appeared to this excellent person quite a suffi
cient proof of complete atheism.
NOTE 0, p. 69. The observations of More on “ the true no
tion of a spirit” (extracted from his Enchiridion
After the pains taken by Descartes to ascer Ethicum) were afterwards republished in Glan
tain the seat of the soul, it is surprising to find ville’s book upon witchcraft ;—a work (as I be
one of the most learned English divines of the fore mentioned) proceeding from the same pen
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 247

Notes with the Scepsis Scienti , one of the most
mugging. acute and original productions of which English
MAN philosophy had then to boast.
If some of the foregoing particulars should, at
first sight, appear unworthy of attention in a
historical sketch of the progress of science, I
must beg leave to remind my readers, that they
belong to a history of still higher importance
and dignity—that of the progress of Reason,
and 0f the Human Mind.
NOTE P, p. '70.
and fancy, as well as of his classical taste. One Notes
of the most remarkable is a letter addressed to nlusa‘ziom'
Balzac, in which he gives his reasons for prefer- \M/
ring Holland to all other countries, not only as
a tranquil, but as an agreeable residence for a
philosopher; and enters into some very enga
ging details concerning his own petty habits.
The praise bestowed on this letter by Thomas
is by no means extravagant, when he compares
it to the best of Balzac’s. “_Je ne scais s’il y a
rien dans tout Balzac on il y ait autant d’esprit
et d'agrémen ”

For an interesting sketch of the chief events Nora Q, p. '73.

in the life of Descartes, see the Notes annexed
to his Eloge by Thomas; where also is to be It is an error common to by far the greater
found a. very pleasing and lively portrait of his number of modern metaphysicians, to suppose
moral qualities. As for the distinguishing me that there is no medium between the innate
rits of the Cartesian philosophy, and more par ideas of Descartes, and the opposite theory of
ticularly of the Cartesian metaphysics, it was a Gassendi. In a very ingenious and learned es
subject peculiarly ill adapted to the pen of this say on Philosophical Prejudices, by M. Trem
amiable and eloquent, but verbose and decla bley,l I find the following sentence :-—“ Mais
matory academician. l’expérience dément ce systems des idées innées,
I am doubtful, too, if Thomas has not gone puisque la privation d’un sens emporte avcc elle
too far, in the following passage, on a subject la privation des idées attachées a ce sens, comme
of which he was much more competent to judge l’a remarqué l’illustre auteur de I’Essai Analy
than of some others which he has ventured to tique sur les Facullés de l’Ame.”
discuss. “ L’imagination brillante de Descartes What are we to understand by the remark
se décele partout dans ses ouvrages ;_ et s’il here ascribed to Mr Bonnet? Does it mean
n’avoit voulu étre ni géométre ni philosophe, il nothing more than this, that to a person born
n’auroit tenu qu’a. lui d’étre le plus bel esprit blind, no instruction can convey an idea of co
de son temps.” Whatever opinion may be lours, nor to a person born deaf, of sounds? A
formed on this last assertion, it will not be dis remark of this sort surely did not need to be
puted by those who have tudied Descartes, that sanctioned by the united names of Bonnet and
his philosophical style is remarkably dry, con of Trembley: Nor, indeed, does it bear in the
cise, and severe. Its great merit lies in its sin slightest degree on the point in dispute. The
gular precision and perspicuity ;—a perspicuity, question is not about our ideas of the material
however, which does not dispense with a mo world, but about those ideas on metaphysical and
ment’s relaxation in the reader’s attention; the moral subjects, which may be equally imparted to
author seldom repeating his remarks, and hard— the blind and to the deaf; enabling them to arrive
ly ever attempting to illustrate or to enforce at the knowledge of the same truths, and exciting
them either by reasoning or by examples. In in their minds the same moral emotions. Thesigm
all these respects, his style forms a complete employed in the reasonings of these two classes
contrast to that of Bacon’s. of persons will of course excite by association,
In Descartes’ epistolary compositions, indeed, in their respective fancies, very different. male
ample evidences are to be found of his vivacity rial images; but whence the origin of the phy

l Eual nu la PréjugZ-s, 8w. Neuchatel, 1790.

 248 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

' Notes ' sical and moral mtizms of which these signs are B8ing, answered I‘iai/ufgsii rev 9:61. In the prose. Notes
and
muafiiom the vehicle, and for suggesting which, all sets cution of this argument, he expresses himself munmiom
\M/ of signs seem to be equally fitted? The asto thus on the doctrine of the Trinity. \M/
nishing scientific attainments of many persons, “ Anne proinde hoc adorandum Trinitatis
blind from their birth, and the progress lately mysterium habebimus rursus ut sphznram, cujus
made in the instruction of the deaf, furnish pal quasi centrum sit Pater 1Eternus, qui totius di
pable and incontestible proofs of 'the flimsiness of vinitatis fons, origo, principium accommodate
this article of the Epicurean philosophy;—-so com dicitur; circumferentia Filius, in quo legitur
pletely verified is now the original and profound habitare plenitudo Divinitatis; et radii centro
conclusion long ago formed by Dalgarno, “ That circumferentiaeque intercedentes Spiritns Sanc
the soul can exert her powers by the ministry tus, qui est Patris et Filii nexus, vinculumque
of any of the senses: And, therefore, when she mutuum? Anne potius dicendum est eminere
is deprived of her principal secretaries, the eye in hoc mysterio quicquid sublime magnificumque
and the ear, then she must be contented with humans geometria ctiamnum requirit? Perce
the service of her lackeys and scullions, the lebre est latere eam adhuc, quam quadraturam
other senses; which are no less true and faithful circuli vocant; atque idcirco in co esse, at de
to their mistress than the eye and the ear; but scribat triangulum, cujus si basin ostenderit cir
not so quick for dispatch.”—(Didascalocophus culi ambitui azqualem, tum demum esse circulo
8.20. Oxford, 1680.) ' triangulum mquale demonstrat. At in hoe mys
I was once in hopes of being able to throw a terio augustissimo gloriosissima Personarum
still stronger light on the subject of this note, Trias ita infinitaa essentiae, ipsiusque fecundi
by attempting to ascertain experimentally the tati, tanquam circulo exrequatur, seu, ut sic lo
possibility of awakening and cultivating the dor quar, et verius quidem, penitus identificatur;
mant powers of a boy destitute of the organs ut cum sit omnium, et cujusque una, atque
both of sight and of hearing; but unexpected eadem essentia, una proinde ac eadem sit im
occurrences have disappointed my expectations. mensitas, azternitas, et perfectionum plenitudo.
I have just learned, that a case somewhat si “ Sic, cum nondum norit humana geometria
milar, though not quite so favourable in all its trisecare angulum, dividereve, et citra accommo
circumstances, has recently occurred in the state dationem mechanicam, ostendere divisum esse
of Connecticut in New England ; and I have the in tria aequalia; habemus in hocce mysterio unam
satisfaction to add, there is some probability that essentiam non tam trisectam, quam integram
so rare an opportunity for philosophical observa communicatam in tria aequalia supposita, qua:
tions and experiments will not be overlooked in cum simul, sigillatimque totam individuamque
that quarter of the world. possideant, sint inter se tamen realiter distincta.”
The rest of the oration is composed in exactly
‘ Nora R, p. '74. the same taste.
The following interesting particulars of Gas
Of Gassendi’s orthodoxyas a Roman Catholic sendi’s death are recorded by Sorbiere.
divine, he has left a very curious memorial, in “ Extremam tamen horam imminentem sen
an inaugural discourse pronounced in 1645, be tiens, quod reliquum erat virium impendendum
fore Cerdinal Richelieu, when he entered on the existimavit prwparando ad mortem animo.
duties of his office as Regius Professor of Ma— Itaque significavit, nt quamprimum vocaretur
thematics at Paris. The great object of the ora Sacerdos, in cujus aurem, dum fari potcrat,
tion is to apologise to his auditors for his having peccata sua efi'underet.....................Dein, ut
abandoned his ecclesiastical functions, to teach nihil perfects: Christiani militis armaturm deesset,
and cultivate the profane science of geometry. sacro inungi oleo efiagitavit. Ad quam cmre
With this view, he proposes to explain and il moniam animo attendens, cum sacerdos aures
lustrate the saying of Plato, who, being ques inungens prouuntiaret verba solennia, et lapsu
tioned about the employment of the Supreme quodam memoriae dixisset, Indulgeat tibi Dominus
 DISSERTATION FIRST. v24.9

Notes quidquid per odoratum peccasti, reposuit statim there was scarcely one who had not enjoyed the NM“
. . .
erat rei. benefit of a umversrty
. . . and
luummions_ anger, uno per audctum ,' adeo intentus education; and very few “hummus.
\IW gravissimse, et eluendarum sordium vel mini- of those who could afford the expence of foreign \M/
marum cupidum se et sitibundum gerebat.” travel, who had not visited France and Italy.
Sonnsan Pmfatio. Lord Monboddo somewhere mentions, to the
Having mentioned in the text the avowed honour of his father, that he sold part of his
partiality of Gassendi for the Epicurean ethics, estate to enable himself (his eldest son) to pursue
it is but ustice_ to his memory to add, that his his studies at the University of Groningen.
own habits were, in every respect, the reverse of The constant influx of information and of libera
those commonly imputed to this school. “ Ad lity from abroad, which was thus kept up in
privatam Gassendi vitam seepius attendens,” Scotland in consequence of the ancient habits
says Sorbiére, “ anachoretam aliquem cernere and manners of the people, may help to account
mihi videor, qui media in urbe vitam instituit for the sudden burst of genius, which to a
plane ad monachi severioris normam; adeo pau foreigner must seem to have sprung up in this
pertatem, castitatem et obedientiam coluit; quan country by a sort of enchantment, soon after the
quam sine ullo voto tria ista vota solvisse videa Rebellion of 174-5. The great step then made
,tur. Abstemius erat sponte sua, ptisanam was in the art of English composition. In the
tepidam bibens pulmoni refrigerando humectan mathematical sciences, where the graces of writ
doque. Carne raro, herbis saspius, ac macerata ing have no place, Scotland, in proportion to the
offa mane et vespere utebatur."—171ia'l number of its inhabitants, was never, from the
time of Nepcr, left behind by any country in
NOTE S, p. 105. Europe; nor ought it to be forgotten, that the
philosophy of Newton was publicly taught by
It deserves to be remarked, as a circumstance David Gregory at Edinburgh, and by his brother
which throws considerable light on the literary James Gregory at St Andrew’s, before it was able
history of Scotland during the latter half of the to supplant the vortices of Descartes in that
eighteenth century, that, from time immemorial, very university of which Newton was a member.1
a continued intercourse had been kept up be The case was similar in every other liberal pur
tween Scotland and the Continent. To all who suit, where an ignorance of the delicacies of the
were destined for the profession of law, an edu English tongue was not an insuperable bar to
cation either at a Dutch or French university distinction. Even in the study of eloquence, as
was considered as almost essential. The case far as it was attainable in their own vernacular
was nearly the same in the profession of physio; idiom, some of the Scottish pleaders, about the
and, even among the Scottish clergy, I have era when the two kingdoms were united, seem
conversed, in my youth, with some old men who ambitiously, and not altogether unsuccessfully,
had studied theology in Holland or in Germany. to have formed themselves upon models, which,
Of our smaller country gentlemen, resident on in modern times, it has been commonly suppos
their own estates (an order of men which, from ed to be more safe to admire than to imitate..
various causes, has now, alas ! totally vanished), Of the progress made in this part of the island

' For this we have the authority of \Vhiston, the immediate successor of Sir Isaac Newton in the Lucasian Professorship
at Cambri ; and of Dr Reid, who was a nephew of the two Gregorys. “ Mr Gregory had already caused several of his
scholars to eep Acts, as we call them, u on several branches of the Newtonian Philosophy ; while we at Cambridge, r
wretches, were ignominiously studying t e fictitious hypotheses of the Cartesians."_(\Vursrox's Memoirs qfhi: m ye.)
“ I have by me,” says Dr Reid, “:1 Thai: printed at Edinhu h, 1690, by James Gr ry, who was at that time Pro
fessor of Philosophy at St Andrew's, containin twenty-five positions: the first three relating to logic, and the abuse of itm
the Aristotelian and Cartesian philosophy. The remainin twenty-two positions are a compend of Newton‘s Principia.
This Thais, as was the custom at that time in the Scottish 'niversities, was to be defended in a public disputation, by the
candidates, previous to their taking their degree."-(Hurros‘s Illalhcmalical Dictiowry.—Suppk'mc1lt by Da Itrun to the
article Gregory. .
' See a splendid eulogium in the Latin language, by Sir George Mackenzie, on the most distinguished pleaders of his
time at the Scottish bar. Every allowance being made for the flattering touches of a friendly hand, his portraits pan
It‘srcely be supposed not to have bornelstrong and chmcteristical resemblance to the originals from which they were copied.
DISS. 1. PART 11. 2 I
250 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes in Metaphysical and Ethical Studies, at a period Or c’est la. faute, qu’ont fait tous les metaphy- Notes
and
Illultrations. long prior to that which is commonly considered siciens, et quoique M. Locke l’ait bien sentie, il "Mignon.
vw as the commencement of our literary history, I a mieux aimé se fachcr contre eux, et tirer contre km
shall afterwards have occasion to speak. At les girouettes de la place, que s’appliquer à
present, I shall only observe, that it was in the démêler ce galimatias. Que n’a-t—il dit, non
Scottish universities that the philosophy of seulement il n’y a point d’idées innées dans le
Locke, as well as that of Newton, was first sens de ces Messieurs; mais il n’y a point d’idées
adopted as a branch of academical education. du toutdam cesenslà; toute idée est un acte, une
vue, un coup d’œil de l’eqm't. Dès lors demander
Non: T, p. 107. s’il y a des idées innées, c’est demander s’il y a
certaines vérités si évidentes et si communes que
Extract of a letter from M. Allamand to Mr tout esprit non stupide puisse naturellement, sans
Gibbon.--(See GIBBON’s Miscellaneous Works.) culture et sans maître, sans discussion, sans
“ Vous avez sans doute raison de dire que les raisonnement, les reconnoitre d’un coup d’œil,
propositions évidentes dont il s’agit, ne sont pas et souvent même sans s’apperçevoir qu’on jette
de simples idées, mais des jugemens. Mais ayez ce coup d’œil. L’aflirmative me paroit incon
aussi la complaisance de reconnôitre que M. testable, et selon moi, la question estvuidée par là.
Locke les alleguant en exemple d’idées qui “ Maintenant prenez garde, Monsieur, que
passent pour innées, et qui ne le sont pas selon cette maniere d’entendre l’affaire, va au but des
lui, s’il y a ici de la méprise, c’est lui qu’il faut partisans des idées innées, tout comme la leur;
relever lis-dessus, et non pas moi, qui n’avois et par la même contredit M. Locke dans le sien.
autre chose à. faire qu’à. refuter sa. manière de Car pourquoi voudroit on qu’il y a en des idées
raisonner contre l’innéité de ces idées ou juge innées? C’est pour en opposer la certitude et
mens la. D’ailleurs, Monsieur, vous remarquerez, l’evidence au doute universel des sceptiques, qui
s’il vous plait, que dans cette dispute il s’agit en est ruiné d’un seul coup, s’il y a des vérités dont
effet, de savoir si certaines vérités évidentes et la vue soit nécessaire et naturelle à. l’homme.
communes, et non pas seulement certaines idées Or vous sentez, Monsieur, que je puis leur dire
simples, sont innées ou non. Ceux qui affirment, cela dans ma façon d’expliquer la chose, tout
ne donnent guère pour exemple d’idées simples aussi bien que les partisans ordinaires des idées
qui le soyent, que celles de Dieu, de l’unité, et innées dans la leur. Et voilà. ce que semble
de l’existence; les autres exemples sont pris de incommoder un peu M. Locke, qui, sans so
propositions completes, que vous appellez juge declarer Pyrrhonien, laisse apperçevoir un peu
mens. trop de foible pour le Pyrrhonisme, et a beaucoup
“ Mais, dites vous, y aura-t-il donc des juge contribué à le nourrir dans ce siècle. A force
mens innés? Le jugement est il autre chose de Vouloir marquer les bornes de nos connois
qu’un acte de nos facultés intellectuelles dans la sauces, ce qui etoit fort necessaire, il a quelque
comparison des idées ? Le jugement sur les fois tout mis en bornes.”
vérités évidentes, n’est il pas une simple vue de
ces vérités la, un simple coup d’œil que l’esprit NOTE U, p. 108.
jette sur elles ? J ’accorde tout cela. Et de grace,
qu’est ce qu’ idée P N’est ce pas vue, ou coup d’œil, “ A decisive proof of this is afl'orded by the
si vous voulez .9 Ceux qui définissent l’idée autre allusions to Locke’s doctrines in the dramatic
ment, ne s’eloignent-ils pas visiblement du sens pieces thenin possession of the French stage,” &c.
et de l’intention du mot? Dire que les idées In a comedy ofDestouches (entitled La Fausse
sont les espéces des choses imprimées dans l’esprit, Agnes), which must have been written long be
comme l’image de l’objet sensible est tracée dans fore the period in question,l the heroine, a live
l’œil, n’est ce pas jargonner plutôt que définir? ly and accomplished girl, supposed to he just
I This little piece was first published in 1767, three years añer the author's death, which took place in 1754, in the se
venty-fourth year of his age. But we are told by D'Alembert, that from the age of sixty, he had renounced, from senti
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
Korea arrived from Paris at her father’s house in Poi
and
Illustrations. tou, is introduced as first assuming the appear
\MJ ance of imbecility, in order to get rid of a dis
agreeable lover ; and, afterwards, as pleading
her own cause in a mock trial before an absurd
old president and two provincial ladies, to convince
them that she is in reality not out of her senses.
In the course of her argument on this subject,
she endeavours to astonish her judges by an
ironical display of her philosophical knowledge;
warning them of the extreme difiiculty and nieety
of the question upon which they were about to
pronounce. “ Vous voulez juger de moi ! mais,
pour juger sainement, il faut une grande éten
due de connoissances; encore est il bien dou
teux qu’il yen ait de certaines. . . . . . . . . Avant
donc que vous entrepreniez de prononcer sur mon
sujet, je demande préalablement que vous exa
miniez avec moi nos connoissances en general,
les degrés de ces connoissances, leur étendue,
leur réalité; que nous convenions de ee que c’est
que la vérité, et si la vérité se trouve effective
ment. Apres quoi nous traiterons des proposi
tions nniverselles, des maximes, des proposi
tions frivoles, et de la foiblesse, ou de la solidité
de nos lumiéres. . . . . . . . Quelque personnes
tiennent pour vérité, que l’homme nait avec cer
tains principes inées, certaines notions primitives,
certains caractéres qui sont comme gravés dans
son esprit, dés le premier instant de son exist
ence. Pour moi, j’ai longtcmps examine cc
sentiment, et j’entreprends de la. combattre, de
le refuter, de l’aneantir, si vous avez la patience
de m’ecouter.” I have transcribed but a part
of this curious pleading; but, I presume, more
than enough to show, that every sentence, and
almost every word of it, refers to Locke’s doc
trines. In the second and third sentences, the
titles of the principal chapters in the fourth book
of his Essay are exactly copied. It was impos
sible that such a scene should have produced the
slightest comic efi'cct, unless the book alluded
to had been in very general circulation among
the higher orders; I might perhaps add, in much
more general circulation than it ever obtained
ments of piety, all thoughts of writing for the stage—(Elms d: lkrlouchn.) This carries the date of all his dramatic
works, at east as far has as 1740. As for Destouches’s own familiarity with the writi n of Locke, it is easily accounted
for by his residence in England from 1717 to 1723. where he remained, for some time life: the departure of Cardinal Du
bois, as Chargé d‘Afl'airu. Voltaire did not visit. England till 1727.
20 1.
among that class of readers in England. At no Notes
period, certainly, since it was first published mugging.
(such is the difference of national manners), \IW
could similar allusions have been made to it, or
to any other work on so abstract a subject, with
the slightest hope of success on the London stage.
And yet D’Alembert pronounces La Fausse
Agnes to be apiece, pleine de mourement etde gaieté.
_ News X, p. 110.
“ Descartes asserted,” says a very zealous
Lockist, M. de Voltaire, “ that the soul, at its
coming into the body, is informed with the
whole series of metaphysical notions; knowing
God, infinite space, possessing all abstract ideas;
in a word, completely endued with the most su
blime lights, which it unhappily forgets at its
issuing from the womb.
“ With regard to myself,” continues the same
writer, “ I am as little inclined as Locke could be,
to fancy that, some weeks after I was conceived,
I was a very learned soul; knowing at that time
a thousand things which I forgot at my birth ;
and possessing, when in the womb (though to no
manner of purpose), knowledge which I lost the
instant I had occasion for it; and which I have
never since been able to recover perfectly.”—
Letters concerning the English Nation. Letter 13.
Whatever inferences may be deducible from
some of Descartcs’s expressions, or from the
comments on these expressions by some who as
sumed the title of Cartesians, I never can per
suade myself, that the system of innate ideas, as
conceived and adopted by him, was meant to
give any sanction to the absurdities here treated
by Voltaire with such just contempt. In no
part of Deseartes’s‘ Works, as far as I have been
able to discover, is the slightest ground given
for this extraordinary account of his opinions.
Nor was Descartes the first person who intro
duced this language. Long before the date of
his works, it was in common use in England ;
and is to be found in a Poem of Sir John Davis,
published four years before Descartes was born.
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes (See ' Sect. XXVI. of The Immortality of the Guasco.) The remark is applicable to other New.
In "‘4. Soul.) The title of this Section expressly as~ critics as well as to Voltaire. ““d_
uslrauons. Illustrations.
\IW serts, That there are innate ideas in the soul. The prevailing misapprehensions with respect W
In one of Descartes’s letters, he enters into to this, and some other principles of the Carte
some explanations with respect to this part of sian metaphysics, can only be accounted for by
his philosOphy, which he complains had been supposing, that the opinions of Descartes have
very grossly misunderstood or misrepresented. been more frequently judged of from the glosses
To the following passage I have no doubt that of his followers, than from his own works. It
Locke himself would have subscribed. It strikes seems to have never been sufficiently known to
myself as so very remarkable, that, in order to his adversaries, either in France or in England,
that, after his philosophy had become fashion
attract to it the attention of my readers, I shall
submit it to their consideration in an English able in Holland, a number of Dutch divines,
translation. whose opinions difi‘ered very widely from his,
“ When I said that the idea of God is innate found it convenient to shelter their own errors
in us, I never meant more than this, that Na under his established name; and that some of
ture has endowed us with a faculty by which we them went so far as to avail themselves of his
may lmow God; but I have never either said authority in propagating tenets directly oppo
or thought, that such ideas had an actual exist site to his declared sentiments. Hence a dis
ence, or even that they were species distinct from tinction of the Cartesians into the genuine and
the faculty of thinking. I will even go farther, the pseudo-Cartesians;_ and hence an inconsis
and assert that nobody has kept at a greater dis tcncy in their representations of the metaphysi
tance than myself from all this trash of scholas cal ideas of their master, which can only be
tic entities, insomuch that I could not help smil cleared up by a reference (seldom thought of)
ing when I read the numerous arguments which to his own very concise and perspicuous text.
Regius has so industriously collected to show (FABRICII Bib. Gr. lib. iii. cap. vi. p. 183.
that infants have no actual knowledge of God Hsmscc. El. Hist. Phil. § ex.)
while they remain in the womb. 7 Although the Many of the objections commonly urged against
idea of God is so imprinted on our minds, that the innate ideas of Descartes are much more ap
every person has within himself the faculty of plicable to the innate ideas of Leibnitz, whose
knowing him, it does not follow that there may language concerning them is infinitely more
not have been various individuals who have hypothetical and unphilosophical; and some
passed through life without ever making this times approaches nearly to the enthusiastic theo
idea a distinct object of apprehension; and, in logy of Plato and of Cudworth. Nothing in
truth, they who think they have an idea of a the works of Descartes bears any resemblance,
plurality of Gods, have no idea of God what in point of extravagance, to what follows: “ Pul
socver.”—(CAn'r1-:sn, Epist. Pars I. Epist. cherrima multa sunt Platonis dogmata,......esse
xcix.) in divina mcntc mundum intelligibilem, quem
After reading this passage from Descartes, ego quoque vocare soleo regionem idearum ; ob
may I request of my readers to look back to the jectum sapientia: esse rot om»; ovra, substantias
extracts in the beginning of this note, from Vol nempe simplices, qua: a me monades appellantur,
casionediby some strictures hazarded by this et semel cxistentes semper perstant, rrgwra bur/nu
taire’s letters? A remark of Montesquieu, oc
n]; time, id est, Deum et Animas, ct harum po¢
lively but very superficial philosopher on the tissimas mentes, producta a Deo simulacra divi
Spirit of Laws, is more peculiarly applicable to nitatis..... ..Porro quaavis mens, ut recte Plotinus,
him when he ventures to pronounce judgment qucndam in se mundum intelligibilem continet,
on metaphysical writers: “ Quant a Voltaire, imo mea sententia et hunc ipsum sensibilem sibi
il a trap d’esprit pour m’entendre ; tous les livres repraasentat... ...Sunt in nobis mnina eorum, qua:
qu’il lit, il les fait, apres quoi il approuve ou discimus, idea: nempe, et que: inde nascuntur,
critique ce qu’il a fait.”—(Lettre d M [’Abbé dc zeterna: veritates........Longe ergo prmferendse
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
Notes sunt Platonis mew 'innatw, quas reminiscentirz
and
nomine velavit, tabulze rasa: Aristotelis et Lockii,
Illustrations.
M aliorumque recentiorum, qui .gmgmu; philoso
phantur.”—(Lsin.‘ Opera, Tom. II. p. 223.)
Wild and visionary, however, as the forego
ing propositions are, if the names of Gassendi
and of Hobbes had been substituted instead of
those of Aristotle and of Locke, I should have
been disposed to subscribe implicitly to the
judgment pronounced in the concluding sen
tence. The metaphysics of Plato, along with a
considerable alloy of poetical fiction, has at least
the merit of containing a large admixture of im
portant and of ennobling truth; while that of
253
Elizabeth; and probably it is to he met with in Notes
and
English publications of a still earlier date.
Illustrationl.
\Nv
All things without which round about we see,
We seek to know, and have wherewith to do;
But. that whereby we reason, live, and he,
Within ourselves, we strangers are thereto.
Is it because the mind is like the eye,
Through which it gathers knowledge by degrees;
Whose rays reflect not, but spread outwardly ;
Not seeing itself, when other things it sees ?
No, doubtless; for the mind can backward cast
Upon herself her understanding light;
But she is so corrupt, and so defac‘d,
As her own image doth herself afi'right.

Gassendi and of Hobbes, besides its inconsis
tency with facts attested, every moment, by our
own consciousness, tends directly to level the
rational faculties of man with the instincts of
the brutes.
In the Ada Eruditorum for the year 1684,
Leibnitz observes, that “in the case of things
which we have never thought of, the innate ideas
in our minds may be compared to the figure of
Hercules in a block of marble.” This seem to
me to prove, that the difi'erence between him
As is the fable of the Lady fair,
Which for her lust was turned into a cow;
When thirsty, to a stream she did repair,
And saw herself transform‘d, she wist not how:
At first she startles, then she stands amaz‘d;
At last with terror she from hence doth fly,
And loathes the wat‘ry glass wherein she gaz'd,
And shuns it still, although for thirst she die.
For even at first reflection she espies
Such strange chimeras, and such monsters there;
Such toys, such antics, and such vanities,
As she retires and shrinks for shame and fear.‘

and Locke was rather in appearance than in

reality; and that, although he called those ideas I have quoted these verses, chiefly because I
innate which Locke was at pains to trace to sen think it not improbable that they may have
sation or to reflection, he would have readily suggested to Gray the following very happy
granted, that our first knowledge of their exis allusion in his fine Fragment De Pfincipiis C0
tence was coeval with the first impressions made gitandi :
on our senses by external objects. That this Qualis Hamsdryadum quondnm si forte sororum
was also the opinion of Descartes is still more Una, novos peregrans saltus, et devia rura
evident, notwithstanding the ludicrous point of (Atque illam in viridi suadet procumhere rips
view in which Voltaire has attempted to exhibit Fontis pura quies, et opaci frigoris umbra);
Dum prona in latices speculi de margins pendet,
this part of his system. Mirata est subitam venienti occurrere Nympham
Mox cosdem, quos ipsa, artus, eadem ora gerentem
NOTE Y, p. 111. Una inferre gradus, una succedere sylvs:
Aspicit alludens; seseque agnoscit in undis:
Sic sensu interno rerum simulucra suarum
Mr Locke seems to have considered this use Mens ciet, et proprios ohservst conscia vultus.
of the word reflection as peculiar to himself; but
it is perfectly analogous to the union; lull/MI of Nora Z, p. 122.
the Greek philosophers, and to various expres
sions which occur in the works of John Smith The chief attacks made in England on Locke’s
of Cambridge, and of Dr Cudworth. We find Essay, during his own lifetime, were by Edward
it in a Poem on the Immortality of the Soul, by Stillingfleet, Bishop of Worcester ; John Nor
Sir John Davis, Attorney-General to Queen ris,l Rector of Bemerton; Henry Lee, B. D.;
__.

‘ Of this person, who was a most ingenious and original thinker, I shall have occasion attemards to speak.
254 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes and the Reverend Mr Lowde (author of a Dis scheme; a singular clearness in his reasonings; Notes
mutant course concerning the Nature of Man Of these and above all, a natural elegancy of style; an “d
Illustruions.
WV four writers, the first is the only one whose oh unaffected beauty in his expressions; 8. just prm W
jections to Locke are now at all remembered in portion and tuneable cadence in all his periods.”
the learned world; and for this distinction, Stil —(See the Epistle Dedicatory.)
lingfieet is solely indebted (I speak of him here
merely as a metaphysician, for in some other No'rs AA, p. 125.
departments of study, his merits are universally
admitted) to the particular notice which Locke For the information of some of my readers,
has condescended to take of him, in the Notes it may be proper to observe, that the word influx
incorporated with the later editions of his Essay. came to be employed to denote the action of body
The only circumstance which renders these and soul on each other, in consequence of apre
Notes worthy of preservation, is the record they vailing theory which supposed that this action
furnish of Locke’s forbearance and courtesy, in was carried on by something intermediate (whe
managing a controversy carried on, upon the ther material or immaterial was not positively
other side, with so much captionsnes and aspe decided) flowing from the one substance to the
rity. An Irish bishop, in a letter on this sub other. It is in this sense that the word is un
ject to Mr Molyneux, writes thus: “ Iread Mr derstood by Leibnitz, when he states as an in
Locke’s letter to the Bishop of Worcester with surmountable objection to the theory of influx,
great satisfaction, and am wholly of your opi that “ it is impossible to conceive either mate
nion, that he has fairly laid the great bishop on rial particles or immaterial qualities to pass
his back, but it is with so much gentleness, as from body to mind, or from mind to body.”
if he were afraid not only of hurting him, but Instead of the term influx, that of influence
even of spoiling or tumbling his clothes." came gradually to be substituted by our English
The work of Lee is entitled “ Anti-scepticism, writers; but the two words were originally
or Notes upon each chapter of Mr Locke’s Es synonymous, and were used indiscriminately as
say concerning Human Understanding, with an late as the time of Sir Matthew Hale—(See his
explanation of all the particulars of which he Primitive Origination of Mankind.)
treats, and in the same order. By Henry Lee, In Johnson’s Dictimzary, the primitive and
B. D. formerly Fellow of Emanuel College in radical meaning assigned to the word influence
Cambridge, now Rector of Tichmarsh in North (which he considers as of French extraction) is
amptonshire.”—Lon(lon, 1702,, in folio. “ the power of the celestial aspects operating
The strictures of this author, which are often upon terrestrial bodies and aifairs ;” and in the
acute and sometimes just, are marked through Emyclopwdaa of Chambers, it is defined to be
out with a fairness and candour- rarely to be met “ a quality supposed to flow from the bodies
with in controversial writers. It will appear of the stars, either with their heat or light, to
remarkable to modern critics that he lays parti which astrologers vainly attribute all the events
cular stress upon the charms of Locke’ style, which happen on the earth.” To this astrolo
among the other excellencies which had conspir gical use of the word Milton had plainly a re
ed to recommend his work to public favour. ference in that fine expression of his L’Allegro,
“ The celebrated author of the Essay on Hu
man Understanding has all the advantages desir “ Store of ladies whose bright eyes
able to recommend it to the inquisitive genius “ Rain iryimcc.“
of this age ; an avowed pretence to new methods
of discovering truth and improving learning; an It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that a.
unusual coherence in the several parts of his word thus originating in the dreams of astro

‘ The explanation of the word influence, given in the Dictionary of the French Academy, accords perfectly with the tenor
of the above remarks. “ Vertu qui, suivant les Astrologues, découlc des Astres sur les corps sublunaires."
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 255

Notes logers and schoolmen, should now, in our lan cumstance would only reflect the greater lustre Notes
and
mmmions‘guage, be appropriated almost exclusively to on the soundness of his logical views concerning m ustratlons
“d.
\M/ politics. “ Thus," says Blackstone, “ are the the proper method of studying the mind ;—-in M
electors of one branch of the legislature secured the prosecution of which study, he has adhered
from any undue influence from either of the other much more systematically than either Descartes
two, and from all external violence and com or Leibnitz to the exercise of reflection, as the
pulsion; but the greatest danger is that in which sole medium for ascertaining the internal phe
themselves cO-operate by the infamous practice nomena; describing, at the same time, these
of bribery and corruption." And again, “ The phenomena in the simplest and most rigorous '
crown has gradually and imperceptibly gained terms which our language affords, and avoiding,
almost as much in influence as it has lost in pre in a far greater degree than any of his prede
rogativc.” . cessors, any attempt to explain them by analogies
In all these cases, there will be found at bot borrowed from the perceptions of the external
tom one common idea, the existence of some se senses.
cret and mysterious connection between two I before observed, that Leibnitz greatly under
things, of which connection it is conceived to be rated Locke as a metaphysician. It is with re
impossible or unwise to trace what Bacon calls gret I have now to mention, that Locke has by
the latens processus. no means done justice to the splendid talents
and matchless erudition of Leibnitz. In a letter
NOTE BB, p. 126. to his friend Mr Molyneux, dated in 1697, he
expresses himself thus: “ I see you and I agree
After these quotations from Locke, added to pretty well concerning Mr Leibnitz; and this
those which I have already produced from the sort of fiddling makes me hardly avoid thinking
same work, the reader may judge of the injustice that he is not that very great man as has been
v done to him by Leibnitz, in the first sentence of talked of him.” And in another letter, written
his correspondence with Clarke. in the same year to the same correspondent, after
“ Il semble que la religion naturelle méme referring to one of Leibnitz’s Memoirs in the
s’afl'oiblit extrémement. Plusieurs font les times Acta Eruditorum (De Prime Philosophim Emen
corporelles; d'autres font Dieu lui-meme cor datione), he adds, “ From whence I- only draw
pore]. this inference, that even great parts will not master
_ “ M. Locke et ses sectateurs, doutentau moins, any subject without great thinking, and that even
si les times ne sont matérielles, et naturellement the largest minds have but narrow swallows."
perissables.” Let me add, that in my quotations from Eng~
Dr Clarke, in his reply to this charge, admits lish writers, I adhere scrupulously to their own
that “ some parts of Locke’s writings may justly phraseology, in order to bring under the eye of
be suspected as intimating his doubts whether my readers, specimens of English composition
the soul be immaterial or no; but herein (he adds) at different periods of our history. I must re
he has been followed only by some Materialists, quest their attention to this circumstance, as
enemies to the mathematical principles of philo some expressions in the former part of this Dis
sophy, and who approve little or nothing in Mr sertation, which have been censured as Scot
Locke’s writings, but his errors.” ticisms, occur in extracts from authors who, in
To those who have studied with care the whole all probability, never visited this side of the
writings of Locke, the errors here alluded to will Tweed.
appear in a very venial light when compared
with the general spirit of his philosophy. Nor Nora CC, p. 131.
can I forbear to remark farther on this occasion,
that supposing Locke’s doubts concerning the After studying, with all possible diligence,
immateriality of the soul to have been as real as what Leibnitz has said of his monads in different
Clarke seems to have suspected, this very cir parts of his works, I find myself quite incom
256 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes petent to annex any precise idea to the word as - “ The knowledge of every soul (time) extends Notes
mum”. he has employed it. I shall, therefore, aim at to infinity, and to all things; but this know- “maxim”
VW nothing more in this note, but to collect, into as ledge is confused. As a person walking on the W
small a compass as I can, some of his most margin of the sea, and listening to its roar,
intelligible attempts to explain its meaning. hears the noise of each individual wave of
“ A substance is a thing capable of action. which the whole noise is made up, but without
It is simple or compounded. A simple substance being able to distinguish one sound from ano
is that which has no parts. A compound sub ther, in like manner, our confused perceptions
stance is an aggregate of simple substances or of are the result of the impressions made upon us
monads. by the whole universe. The case (he adds) is
“ Compounded substances, or bodies, are mul the same with each monad.”
titudes. Simple substances, lives, souls, spirits, “ As for the reasonable soul or mind (l’espril),
are units.1 Such simple substances must exist there is something in it more than in the monads,
everywhere; for without simple substances or even than in those souls which are simple. It
there could be no compounded ones. All nature is not only a mirror of the universe of created
therefore is full of life.”—(Tom. II. p. 32.) things, but an image of the Deity. Such minds
“ Monads, having no parts, are neither ex are capable of reflected acts, and of conceiving
tended, figured, nor divisible. They are the real what is meant by the words I, substance, mound,
atoms of nature, or, in other words, the elements soul, mind; in a word, of conceiving things and
of things.”——(Tom. II. p. 20.) truths unconnected with matter; and it is this
(It must not, however, be imagined, that the which renders as capable of science and of de
numads 0f Leibnitz have any resemblance to monstrative reasoning.
what are commonly called atoms by philoso “ What becomes of these souls, or forms, on
phers. On the contrary, he says expressly, that the death of the animal? There is no alterna
“ monads are not atoms of matter, but atoms tive (replies Leibnitz) but to conclude, that not
of substances ;—real units, which are the first only the soul is preserved, but that the animal
principles in the composition of things, and the also with its organical machine continues to exist,
last elements in the analysis of substances ;——of although the destruction of its grosser parts has
which principles or elements, what we call bo reduced it to a smallness as invisible to our eyes
dies are only the phenomena.”)—(Tom. II. pp. as it was before the moment of conception.
58. 825.) Thus neither animals nor souls perish at death;
In another passage we are told, that “ a mo nor is there such a thing as death, if that word
nad is not a material but aformal atom, it being he understood with rigorous and metaphysical
impossible for a thing to be at once material, accuracy. The soul never quits completely the
and possessed of a real unity and indivisibility. body with which it is united, nor does it pass
It is necessary, therefore,” says Leibnitz, “ to from one body into another with which it had
revive the obsolete doctrines of substantial forms no connection before; a metamomhosis takes
(the essence of which consists in force), separat place, but there is no metempsychosis.-—(Tom.
ing it, however, from the various abuses to which IL pp. 51, 52.)
it is liable.”—(Ibid. p. 50.) On this part of the Leibnitzian system,
“ Every monad is a living mirror, represent D’Alembert remarks, that it proves nothing
ing the universe, according to its particular more than that the author had perceived better
point of view, and subject to as regular laws as than any of his predecessors, the impossibility of
the universe itself.” forming a distinct idea of the nature of matter ;
“ Every monad, with a particular body, makes a subject, however (D’Alembert adds), on which
a living substance.” the theory of the monads does not seem calcu

1 “ Les substances simples, les vies, les since, 12: esprits, ‘sont des unites."
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 257
Not: lated to throw much light. I would rather say instant in the same place, the idea of some finite N03"
“made” (without altogether denying the justness of portion of time will, on the slightest reflection, IMMEMM,
\IN D’Alembert’s criticism), that this theory took its be found to enter as an essential element into \{W/
rise from the author’s vain desire to explain the our conception of the physical fact.
nature of forces ; in consequence of which he 2. Although it certainly would imply a con
suffers himself perpetually to be led astray from tradiction to suppose a body to be in two difl'er
those sensible (fists which are exclusively the ent states at the same instant, there does not
proper objects of physics, into conjectures con appear to be any inconsistency in asserting that
cerning their eflicient causes, which are altoge an indivisible instant may form the limit between
ther placed beyond the reach of our research. a state of rest and a state of motion. Suppose
one half of this page to'be painted white, and the
Nora D D, p. 134. other black, it might, I apprehend, be said with
the most rigorous propriety, that the transition
The metaphysical argument advanced by the from the one colour to the other was made per
.Leibnitzians in proof of the law of continuity has saltum ; nor do I think it would be regarded as
never appeared to me to be satisfactory. “ If a a valid objection to this phraseology, to repre
body at rest (it has been said) begins, per saltum, sent it & one of its implied consequences, that
to move with any finite velocity, then this body the mathematical line which forms their common
must be at the same indivisible instant in two limit, must at once be both black and white.
different states, that of rest and of motion, which It seems to me quite impossible to elude the
is impossible.” 1 force of this reasoning, without having recourse
As this reasoning, though it relates to a play to the existence of something intermediate be
sical is itself wholly of a metaphysical na tween rest and motion, which does not partake of
ture ; and as the inference deduced from it has the nature of either.
been generalised into a LAW, supposed to extend Is it conceivable that a body can exist in any
to all the various branches of human knowledge, state which does not fall under one or other of
it is not altogether foreign to our present sub the two predicaments, rest or motion? If this
ject briefly to consider how far it is demonstra question should be answered in the negative,
tively conclusive, in this simplest of all its pos will it not follow that the transition from one
sible applications. of these states to the other must, of necessity,
On the above argument, then, I would re be made per saltum, and must consequently vio
mark, 1. That the ideas both of rest and of mo late the supposed law of continuity ? Indeed,
tion, as well as the more general idea conveyed if such a law existed, how could a body at rest
by the word state, all of them necessarily involve begin to move, or a body in motion come to a
the idea of time or duration ; and, consequently, state of rest?
a body cannot be said to be in a state either of But farther, when it is said that “ it is im
rest or of motion, at an indivisible instant. Whe possible for a body to have its state changed
ther the body be supposed (as in the ease of mo from motion to rest, or from rest to motion,
tion) to change its place from one instant to an without passing through all the intermediate de—
other; or to continue (as in that of rest) for an grees of velocity,” what are we to understand by

‘ “ Si toto tempers,” says Father Boscovich, speaking of the Law of Continuity in the Collision of Bodies, “ ante con
tactum subsequentis corporis superficies antecedens habuit l2 gmdus velocitstis, et sequenti 9, saltu facto momentsneo ipso
'mitio contactus; in ipso memento ca temporu dirimente dcbuisscnt habere et 12 et 9 simul, quod est absurdum. Duns
enim velocitatca simul habere corpus non otcst."_Tlicoria Phil. Nat. &c.
Boscovich, however, it is to be observe , admits the existence of the Law of Continuity in the phenomena of Motion
alone (§ 143), and rejects it altogether in things co-cxistent with each other (§ H2). In other cases, he says, Nature does
not observe the Law of Continuity with mathematical accuracy, but only afl‘vct: it ,- by which expression he seems to mean,
that, where she is guilty of a callus, she aims at making it as moderate as possible. The expression is certainly deficient in
metaphysical precision; but it is not unworthy of attention, inasmuch as it affords a proof, that Boscovich did not (with
the Leibnitzians) conceive Nature, or the Author of Nature, as obeying an irmimble necessity in observing or not observing
the Law of Continuity.
DISS- I. PART 11. 2x
258 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes the intermediate degrees qfvelocily between rest and that is, if any change were to happen without Notes
Illusirfiion motion ? Is not every velocity, how small soever, the intervention of time, the thing changed must “Mimic”
W afinite velocity; and does it not differ as essen- be in two different conditions at the same indi- M
tially from a state of rest, as the velocity of vidual instant, which is obviously impossible.
light? Whether this reasoning be quite satisfactory or
I
no, the conformity of the law to the facts gene
rally observed cannot but entitle it to great au
It is observed by Mr Playfair (Dissertation thority in judging of the explanations and theo
on the Progress qf Mathematical and Physical ries of natural phenomena.”
Science, Part I. Sect. iii.), that Galileo was the
first who maintained the existence of the law of
continuity, and who made use of it as a principle
in his reasonings on the phenomena of motion. The phrase, Law of Continuity, occurs repeat
Mr Playfair, however, with his usual discrimi edly in the course of the correspondence be
nation and correctness, ranks this among the tween Leibnitz and John Bernouilli, and ap
mechanical discoveries of Galileo. Indeed, it pears to have been first used by Leibnitz him
does not appear that it was at all regarded by self. The following passage contains some in
Galileo (as it avowedly was by Leibnitz) in the teresting particulars concerning the history of
light of a. metaphysical and necessary law, which this law: “ Lea: Continuitatis, cum usque adeo
could not by any possibility be violated in any sit rationi et natune consentanea, et usum ha
of the phenomena of motion. It was probably beat tam late patentem, mirum tamen est eam a
first suggested to him by the diagram which be nemine (quantum recorder) antea adhibitam
employed to demomtrate, or rather to illustrate, fuisse. Mentionem ejus aliquam feeeram olim in
the uniformly accelerated motion of falling he Novellis Reipublicae Literariae (Juillet, 1687, p.
dies; 1 and the numberless and beautiful exem 744), occasione collatiunculaa cum Malebranchio,
plifications of the same law which occur in pure qui ideo meis considerationibus persuasus, suam
geometry, sufficiently account for the disposition de legibus motus in Inquisitione Veritatis exposi
which so many Mathematicians have shown to tam doctrinam postea mutavit; quod brevi li
extend it to all those branches of physics which bello edito testatus est, in quo ingenue occa
admit of a mathematical consideration. sionem mutationis exponit. Sed tamen paullo
My late illustrious friend, who, to his many promptior, quam par erat, fuit in novis legibus
other great and amiable qualities, added the most constituendis in eodem libello, antequam meeum
perfect fairness and candour in his inquiries after communicasset; nec tantum in veritatem, sed
truth, has (in the Second Part of his Disserta etiam in illam ipsam Legem Continuitatis, etsi
expressed himself with considerably great minus aperte, denuo tamen impegit; quod nolui
er scepticism concerning the law of continuity, viro optimo objicere, ne viderer ejus existima
than in his Outlines of Natural Philosophy. In tioni detrahere velle.”—-Epist. Leibnit. ad Joh.
that work be pronounced the metaphysical ar Bernouilli, 1697.
gument, employed by Leibnitz to prove its ne From one of John Bernouilli’s letters to Leib
cessity, “ to be conclusive.” (Sect. VI. § 99, b.) nitz, it would appear that he had himself a con—
In the Second Part of hisDisserlation (Sect. ii.), viction of the truth of this law, before he had
he writes thus on the same subject: any communication with Leibnitz upon the
“ Leibnitz considered this principle as known subject.
a priori, because, if any sallus were to take place, “ Placet tuum criterium pro examinandis re

' Descartes seems, from his correspondence with Mersenne, to have been much puzzled with Galileo‘s reasonin con,
ceming the descent of fallin bodies; and in alluding to it, has. on different occasions, expressed himself with an in ecision
and inconsistency of which fiw instances occur in his works. (Vide Cartm‘i 12pm. Pars II. E ist‘xxxiv. xxxv. xxxvii. xci.)
His doubts on this point will up ear less surprising, if compared with a assage in the attic e Illéchaniquc in D‘Alembert's
Elémem de Philoropliia. “ Tous es philosophes paroissent convenir, que a vitcsse avec laquclle les corps qui tombcnt com
mencent a se mouvoir est absolument nulle," 8w. file-(See his Mclangu, Tom. 1V. p. 219, 220.)
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 259

Nom gulis motuum, quod legem continuitatis vocas; . . . . Et puisqu’ ainsi il n’y a point de pre- Notes
_ . . Is - c I I - cx and
mwmiou est emm per se ev1dens, et velut a natura nobls miere naissance m de generation entierement mmmiom
VW inditum, quod evanescente inæqualitate hypo- nouvelle de l’animal, il s’ensuit qu’il n’y en aura k/W
thesium, evanescere quoque debeant inæquali point d’extinction finale, ni de mort entière prise
tates eventuum. Hinc multoties non satis mi à la rigueur métaphysique; et que, par conse
rari potui, qui fieri potuerit, ut tam incongruas, quent, au lieu de la transmigration des âmes, il
tam absonas, et tam manifeste inter se pug n’y a qu’une transformation d’un même animal,
nantes rcgulas, excepta sola prima, potuerit con elon que les organes sont pliés difl'érément, et
dere Cartesius, vir alias summi ingenii. Mihi plus ou moins développée—(M p. 52.)
videtur vel ab infants falsitatem illarum palpari Quant à la Métempsycose, je crois que l’ordre
posse, eo quod ubique saltus ille, naturæ adeo ne l’admet point; il veut que tout soit expli
inimicus, manifeste nimis elucet.”-—Epist. BER cable distinctement, et que rien ne se fasse par
NOUILLI ad Leib. 1696. Vide Lsrsm'rzu et Jo. saut. Mais le passage de l’âme d’un corps dans
Bennomru Comm. Epist. 2 vols. tum Lausannæ l’autre seroit un saut étrange et inexplicable.
et Genevæ, 1745.) Il se fait toujours dans l’animal ce qui se fait pre
sentement: C'est que le corps est dans un
NOTE E E, p. 134. changement continuel, comme un fleuve, et ce
que nous appellons génération ou mort, n’est
Mais il restoit encore la plus grande question, qu’un changement plus grand et plus prompt
de ce que ces âmes ou ces formes deviennent qu’a l’ordinaire, tel que seroit le saut ou la ca
par la mort de l’animal, ou par la destruction taracte d’une rivière. Mais ces sauts ne sont
de l’individu de la substance organisé. Et pas absolus et tels que je désaprouve; comme
c’est ce qui embarrasse le plus; d’autant qu’il seroit celui d’un corps qui iroit d’un lieu à. un
paroit peu raisonnable que les âmes restent autre sans passer par le milieu. Et de tels sauts
inutilement dans un chaos de matière confuse. nesontpas seulementdéfendus danslesmouvenwns,
Cela m’a fait juger enfin qu’il n’y avoit qu’un mais encore dans tout ordre des choses ou des véri
seul parti raisonnable à. prendre; et c’est celui. te's.—The sentences which follow afl'ord a proof
de la conservation non seulement de l’âme, of what I have elsewhere remarked, how much
mais encore de l’animal même, et de la ma the mind of Leibnitz was misled, in the whole
chine organique; quoique la destruction des of this metaphysical theory, by habits of think
parties grossières l’ait reduit à une petitesse ing formed in early life, amidst the hypothetical
qui n’échappe pas moins à nos sens que celle abstractions of pure geometry; a prejudice (or
Tom.
où il II.
etoitp. avant
51.) que de naître—(LIME. idol of the mathematical den) to which the most
important errors of his philosophy might, with
. . . . Des personnes fort exactes aux expéri out much difliculty, be traced—Or comme dans
ences se sont deja aperçues de nôtre tems,1 une ligne de géométrie il y a certains points
qu’on peut douter, si jamais un animal tout à. distingués, qu’on appelle sommets, points d’in
fait nouveau est produit, et si les animaux tout flexion, points de rebroussement, ou autrement;
en vie ne sont deja en petit avant la conception et comme il y en a des lignes qui en ont une
dans les semences aussi bien que les plantes. infinité, c’est ainsi qu’il faut concevoir dans la
Cette doctrine etant posée, il sera raisonnable de vie d’un animal ou d’une personne les .tems
juger, que ce qui ne commence pas de vivre ne d’un changement extraordinaire, qui ne laissent
cesse pas de vivre non plus; et que la mort, pas d’être dans la regle générale; de même que
comme la generation, n’est que la transforma les points distingués dans la courbe se peuvent
tion du même animal qui est tantôt augmenté, déterminer par sa nature générale ou son équa
et tantôt diminué.—(Ibid. pp. 42, 4-3.) tion. On peut toujours dire d’un animal c’est

' The experiments here referred to are the observations of Swammerdam, Malpighi, and Lcwenhoeck.
260 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes tout cdmme'ici, la difl'erence n’est que du plus with the doctrine delivered on this subject by
and
l'llustrarions. ou moins.”-—(Tom. V. p. 18.) the greater part of philologers for the last fifty Innltfalions.
years.
NOTE FF, p. 136. In the history of language, nothing is more
remarkable, than the aversion of men to coin
The praise which I have bestowed on this words out of unmeaning and arbitrary sounds;
Memoir renders it necessary for me to take and their eagerness to avail themselves of the
some notice of a very exceptionable proposition stores already in their possession, in order to
which is laid down in the first paragraph, as a give utterance to their thoughts on the new
fundamental maxim,-—that “ all proper names topics which the gradual extension of their ex
were at first appellatives;” a proposition so perience is continually bringing within the circle
completely at variance with the commonly re of their knowledge. Hence metaphors, and
ceived opinions among later philosophers, that other figures of speech; and hence the various
it seems an object of some curiosity to inquire, changes which words undergo, in the way of
how far it is entitled to plead in its favour the amplification, diminution, composition, and the
authority of Leibnitz. Since the writings of other transformations of elementary terms which
Condillac and of Smith, it has, so faras I know, fall under the notice of the etymologist. Were
been universally acknowledged, that, if there be it not, indeed, for this strong and universal bias
any one truth in the Theoretical History of Lan of our nature, the vocabulary of every language
guage, which we are entitled to assume as an would, in process of time, become so extensive
incontrovertible fact, it is the direct contrary of and unwieldy, as to render the acquisition of
the above proposition. Indeed, to assert' that one’s mother tongue a task of immense difli
all proper names were at first appellatives, culty, and the acquisition of a dead or foreign
would appear to be nearly an absurdity of the tongue next to impossible. It is needless to
same kind as to maintain, that classes of objects observe, how immensely these tasks are facili
existed before individual objects had been tated by that etymological system which runs,
brought into being. more or less, through every language; and
When Leibnitz, however, comes to explain which everywhere proceeds on certain analogi
his idea more fully, we find it to be something cal principles, which it is the business of the
very difi'erent from what his words literally im practical grammarian to reduce to general rules,
ply; and to amount only to the trite and indis for the sake of those who wish to speak or to
putable observation, that, in simple and primi write it with correctness.
tive languages, all proper names (such as the In attempting thus to trace backwards the
names of persons, mountains, places of resi steps of the mind towards the commencement
dence, &c.) are descriptive or significant of cer of its progress, it is evident, that we must at
tain prominent and characteristical features, last arrive at a set of elementary and primitive
distinguishing them from other objects of the roots, of which no account can be given, but
same class ;—a fact, of which a large proportion the arbitrary choice of those who first hap
of the surnames still in use, all over Europe, as pened to employ them. It is to this first stage
well as the names of mountains, villages, and in the infancy of language that Mr Smith’s re—
rivers, when traced to their primitive roots, marks obviously relate; whereas the proposi
afi'ord numerous and well known exemplifica tion of Leibnitz, which gave occasion to this
tions. note, as obviously relates to its subsequent
Not that the proposition, even when thus ex stages, when the language is beginning to as
plained, can be assumed as a general maxim. sume somewhat of a regular form, by composi
It holds, indeed, in many cases, as the Celtic tions and other modifications of the materials
and the Saxon languages abundantly testify in previously collected.
our own island; but it is true only under cer From these slight hints it may be inferred,
tain limitations, and it is perfectly consistent lst, That the proposition of Leibnitz, although
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 261

Notes it may seem, from the very inaccurate and que le chien avoit bien trois ans quand il fut mis Notes
m“gluon equivocal terms in which it is expressed, to à l’école. Il ne parle que par écho, c’est a dire, mutation
W stand in direct opposition to the doctrine of après que son maître a prononcé un mot; et il W
Smith, was really meant by the author to state semble, qu’il ne repète que par force et maigre
a fact totally unconnected with the question lui, quoiqu’on ne le maltraite pas. Encore une
under Smith’s consideration. 2111;], That even fois, M. Leibnitz l’a vu et entendu.”
in the sense in which it was understood by the (Exposé d’une lettre de M. Leibnitz à l’Abbé
author, it fails entirely, when extended to that de St Pierre sur un chien qui parle.) “ Cet
first stage in the infancy of language, to which exposé de la lettre de M. Leibnitz se trouve dans
\the introductory paragraphs in Mr Smith’s dis l’Histoire de l’Academie des Sciences, année
course are exelusively confined. 1706. Ce sont les Auteurs de l’Histoire de
l’Académie qui parlent.”—(LEIB. Opera, Vol. II.
NOTE GG, p. 138. p. 180. P. II.)
May not all the circumstances of the above
“ Je viens de recevoir une lettre d’un Prince story be accounted for, by supposing the master
Regnant de l’Empire, où S. A. me marque avoir of the dog to have possessed that peculiar species
vu deux fois ce printems à la derniere foire de of imitative power which is called Ventriloquism .9
Leipsig, et examiné avec soin un chien qui Mathews, I have no doubt, would find little
parle. Ce chien a prononcé distinctement plus difficulty in managing such a deception, so as
de trente mots, repondant même assez à, propos to impose on the senses of any person who had
à. son mâitre :,.il a aussi prononcé tout l’alpha never before witnessed any exhibition of the same
bet excepté les lettres m, n, x.”—(LE1B. Opera, kind.
Tom. V. p. 72.)
Thus far the fact rests upon the authority of NOTE H H, p. 138.
the German prince alone. But from a passage
in the History qftke Academy qf Sciences, for the When I speak in favourable terms of the
year 1706, it appears that Leibnitz had himself Philombical Spirit, I hope none of my readers
seen and heard the dog. What follows is trans will confound it with the spirit of that false
cribed from a report of the Academy upon a philosophy, which, by unhinging every'rational
letter from Leibnitz to the Abbé de St Pierre, principle of belief, seldom fails to unite in the
giving the details of this extraordinary occur same characters the extremes of scepticism and
rence. of credulity. It is a very remarkable fact, that
“ Sans un garant tel que M. Leibnitz, temoin the same period of the eighteenth century, and
oculaire, nous n’aurions pas la hardiesse de rap the same part of Europe which were most dis
porter, qu’auprês de Zeitz dans la Misnie, il y a tinguished by the triumphs of Atheism and
un chien qui parle. C’est un chien de Paysan, Materialism, were also distinguished by a greater
d’une figure des plus communes, et de grandeur number of visionaries and impostors than had
mediocre. Un jeune enfant lui entendit pousser ever appeared before, since the revival of letters.
quelques sons qu’il crut ressembler à des mots Nor were these follies confined to persons of
Allemands, et sur cela. se mit en tête de lui ap little education. They extended to men of the
prendre a parler. Le maitre, qui n’avoit rien de highest rank, and to many individuals of dis
mieux a faire, n’y épargna pas le terns ni ses tinguished talents. Of this the most satisfactory
peines, et heureusement le disciple avoit des dis proofs might be produced; but I have room here
positions qu’il eut été difficile de trouver dans un only for one short quotation. It is from the peu
autre. Enfin, au bout de quelques années, le of the Due de Levis, and relates to the celebrat
chien sçut prononcer environ une trentaine de ed Maréschal de Richelieu, ou whom Voltaire
mots : de ce nombre sont Thé, Café, Chocolat, has lavished so much of his flattery. “ Ce dont
Assemblée, mots François, qui ont passé dans je suis positivement certain, c’est que cet homme
l'Allemaud tels qu’ils sont. Il est a remarquer, spirituel (Le Marêschal de Richelieu) était
262 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes superstitieux, et qu’il croyoit aux predictions moins sage que Locke, mais seul universel entre
and
Illustrations.
des astrologues et autres sottises de cet espece. tons ces grand hommes, paroit avoir embrassé “Intrusion!
\I‘N Je l’ai vu refusant a. Versailles d’aller faire sa le domaine de la raison dans toute son étendue, \M/
cour au fils ainé de Louis XVI. en disant seri et avoir contribué le plus a répandre cet esprit
eusement, qu’il savoitquc oet enfant n’etoit point philosophique que fait aujourd’hui la gloire de
destiné au trone. Cette crédulité superstitieuse, notre siecle.”—(BA1LLY, Elogede
générale pendant la ligue, étoit encore trés com
mune sous la régence lorsque 1e Due de Richelieu
entra dans le monde; par la plus bizarre des
inconséquences, elle s’allioit tres bien avec la I have mentioned in the text only a part of
plus grande impiété, et la plupart des material the learned labours of Leibnitz. It remains to
istes croyoient aux esprits ; aujourd’hui, ce genre be added, that he wrote also on various subjects
de folie est trés rare; mais beauconp de gens, connected with chemistry, medicine, botany,
qui se moquent des astrologues, croient a des and natural history; on the philosophy and lan
predictions d’une autre espece."—(Souvenirs et guage of the Chinese; and on numberless other
Portraits, par M. DE Lsvrs, a Paris, 1813.) topics of subordinate importance. The philolo
Some extraordinary facts of the same kind are gical discussions and etymological collections,
mentioned in the Memoirs q“ the Marquis de which occupy so large a space among his works,
Bouiflé. According to him, Frederic the Great would (even if he had produced nothing else)
himself was not free from this sort of superstition. have been no inconsiderable memorials of the
A similar remark is made by an ancient activity and industry of his
historian, with respect to the manners of Rome Manifold and heterogeneous as these pursuits
at the period of the Gothic invasion. “ There may at first appear, it is not difficult to trace the
are many who do not presume either to bathe, thread by which his curiosity was led from one
or to dine, or to appear in public, till they have of them to another. I have already remarked a
diligently consulted, according to the rules of connection of the same sort between his different
astrology, the situation of Mercury, and the metaphysical and theological researches; and it
aspect of the Moon. It is singular enough that may not be altogether uninteresting to extend
this vain credulity may often be discovered the observation to some of the subjects enume
among the prophane sceptics, who impiously rated in the foregoing paragraph.
doubt or deny the existence of a Celestial The studies by which he first distinguished
Power.”—(GIBBON, from Ammianus Marcel himself in the learned world (I pass over that
linus, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, of jurisprudence,l which was imposed on him
Vol. V. p. 278.) by the profession for which he was destined)
were directed to the antiquities of his own coun
NOTE I I, p. 139. try; and more particularly to those connected
with the history of the house of Brunswick.
The following estimate of Leibnitz, considered With this view he ransacked, with an unex
in comparison with his most distinguished con ampled industry, the libraries, monasteries, and
temporaries, approaches, on the whole, very other archives, both of Germany and of Italy;
nearly to the truth ; although some doubts may employing in this ungrateful drudgery several
be entertained about the justness of the decision of the best and most precious years of his life.
in the last clause of the sentence. “ Leibnitz, Mortified, however, to find how narrow the li
aussi hardi que Descartes, aussi subtil que mits are, within which the range of written re
Bayle, peut-étre moins profond que Newton, et cords is confined, he struck out for himself and

1 Reilly, in his Eloge on Leibnitz, speaks of him in terms of the most enthusiastic praise, as a philosophical jurist, and as
a man fitted to become the legislator of the human race. To me, I must own, it appears, that there is no part of his
writings in which he discovers less of his charscteristical originality, than where he professes to treat of the law of nature.
On these occasions, how inferior does he appear to Grotius, not to speak of Montesquieu and his disciples!
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 263

Notes his successors a new and unexpected light, to wild and extravagant as it may now be regard.- Notes
mugs,mm guide them through the seemingly hopeless ed, is spoken of by Bufl'on with much respect; Inflation.
\Ivv darkness of remote ages. This light was the and is considered by Cuvier as the ground-work WV
study of etymology, and of the aflinities of dif of Bufl'on’s own system on the same subject.
ferent tongues in their primitive roots ;—a light In the connection which I have now pointed
at first faint and glimmering, but which, since out between the Historical, the Philologica],
his time, has continued to increase in bright ‘and the Geological speculations of Leibnitz,
ness, and is likely to do so more and more as Helvetius might have fancied that he saw a new
the world grows older. It is pleasing to see his exemplification of the law of continuity ; but the
curiosity on this subject expand, from the names true light in which it ought to be viewed, is as
of the towns and rivers and mountains in his a faithful picture of a philosophical mind eman
neighbourhood, till it reached to China and other cipating itself from the trammels of local and
regions in the east ; leading him, in the last re conventional details, and gradually rising from
sult, to some general conclusions concerning the subject to subject, till it embraces in its survey
origin of the different tribes of our species, ap those nobler inquiries which, sooner or later,
proximating very nearly to those which have will be equally interesting to every portion of
been since drawn from a much more extensive the human race.1
range of data by Sir William Jones, and other
philologers of the same school. Non: K K, p. 143.
As an additional light for illustrating the an
tiquities of Germany, he had recourse to natu Of Locke’s afi'ectionate regard for Collins,
ral history; examining, with a scientific eye, the notwithstanding the contrariety of their opinions
shells and other marine bodies everywhere to be on some questions of the highest moment, there
found in Europe, and the impressions of plants exist many proofs in his, letters, published by M.
and fishes (some of them unknown in this part Des Maizeaux. In one of these, the following
of the world) which are distinctly legible, even passage is remarkable. It is dated from Oates
by the unlettered observer, on many of our fos in Essex, 1708, about a year before Locke’s
sils. In entering upon this research, as well as death.
on the former, he seems to have had a view to “ You complain of a great many defects; and
Germany alone; on the state of which (he tells that very complaint is the highest recommends»
us), prior to all historical documents, it was his tion I could desire to make me love and esteem
purpose to prefix a discourse to his History of you, and desire your friendship. And if I were
the House of Brunswick. But his imagination now setting out in the world, I should think it
soon took a. holder flight, and gave birth to his my great happiness to have such a companion
Protogwa ;—a dissertation which (to use his own as you, who had a true relish for truth; would
words) had for its object “ to ascertain the ori in earnest seek it with me; from whom I might
ginal face of the earth, and to collect the ves receive it undisguised; and to whom I might
tiges of its earliest history from the monuments communicate what I thought true freely. Be
which nature herself has left of her successive lieve it, my good friend, to love truth for'truth’s
operations on its surface.” It is a work which, sake, is the principal part of human perfection

1 In the above note, I have said nothing of Leibnitz‘s project of a hilosopbical language, founded on an a! hsbet of
Human Thoughts, as he has nowhere given us any hint of the princip es on which he intended to proceed in its ormntion,
although he has frequently alluded to the practicability of such an invention in terms of extraordinary confidence- ( For
some remarks on these pas es in his Works, see Phihuophy qf the Human Mind, Vol. II. pp. 143, d arq.) In some of
Leibnitz‘s expressions on this subject, there is a striking resemblance to those of Descartes in one of his letters-(See the
preliminary discourse prefixed to the Aust': Ensav’s Pcmén dc Durnflu, p- xiv- ct 1047-)
In the ingenious essay of Michaelis 0n the Iqflutnce of Opinion: on Language, and qf Language an Opinion: (which obtained
the rise from the Iggynl Society of Berlin in 1769,- there are some very acute and 'udicious reflections-m the impossibili
ty 0 carrying into 'ect, with any advantage, such a project as these hilosophers ed in view. The author‘s argument
on this point seems to me decisive, in the present state of human know ; but who can pretend to fix a limit to the
possible attainments of our posterity!
264 _ PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
Notes in this world, and the seed-plot of all other vir he acquired so much dexterity, that it furnished Notes
nlM'tffdmmtues; and, if I mistake not, you have as much him with what he conceived to be a sutiicient Illujfiiom.
W of it as ever I met with in any body. What, maintenance. He acquired also enough of the W
then, is there wanting to make you equal to the art of designing, to produce good portraits in
best; a friend for any one to be proud of P” chalk and china-ink, of some distinguished
. . . . . . The whole of Locke’s letters to Col persons.
lins are highly interesting and curious; more For the last five years of his life he lodged in
particularly that which he desired to be deliver the house of a respectable and religious family,
ed to him after his own death. From the ge who were tenderly attached to him, and from
neral tenor of these letters, it may be inferred, whom his biographer collected various interest
that Collins had never let Locke fully into the ing anecdotes. All of them are very credit
secret of those pernicious opinions which he was able to his private character, and more particu
afterwards at so much pains to disseminate. larly show how courteous and amiable he must
have been in his intercourse with his inferior-s.
Nor}: L L, p. 144. In a bill presented for payment after his death,
he is styled by Abraham Keveling, his barber
In addition to the account of Spinoza given in surgeon, Benedict Spinoza, of blessed memory;
Bayle, some interesting particulars of his his and the same compliment is paid to him by
tory may be learnt from a small volume, en the tradesmen who furnished gloves to the
titled, La Vic (12 B. de Spinoza, tirée des écrits mourners at his funeral.
de ce Fameua: Philosopke, et du temoignage de plu These particulars are the more deserving of
sieurs persmmes dignes de fin', qui l’ont connu par notice, as they rest on the authority of a very
ticuliérement .- par JEAN COLEaus, Ministre de zealous member of the Lutheran communion,
Z’Eglise Lutherienne de la Haye. 1706.1 The and coincide exactly with the account given of
book is evidently written by a man altogether Spinoza by the learned and candid Mosheim.
unfit to appreciate the merits or demerits of “ This man (says he) observed, in his conduct,
Spinoza as an author; but it is not without the rules of wisdom and probity much better
some value to those who delight in the study of than many who profess themselves Christians;
human character, as it supplies some chasms in nor did he ever endeavour to pervert the senti
the narrative of Bayle, and has every appear ments or to corrupt the morals of those with
ance of the mot perfect impartiality and can whom he lived; or to inspire, in his discourse,
dour. a contempt of religion or \drtue.”.........(Eccles.
According to this account, Spinoza was a per History, translated by Dr MACLAINE, Vol. IV.
son of the most quiet and inoffensive manners; of p. 252.)
singular temperance and moderation in his pas Among the various circumstances connected
sions ; contented and happy with an income with Spinoza’s domestic habits, Colerus men
which barely supplied him with the necessaries tions one very trifling singularity, which ap
of life; and of too independent a spirit to accept pears to me to throw a strong light on his ge
of any addition to it, either from the favour of neral character, and to furnish some apology
princes, or the liberality of his friends. In con for his eccentricities as an author. The ex
formity to the law, and to the customs of his treme feebleness of his constitution (for he was
ancestors (which he adhered to, when he thought consumptive from the age of 20) having unfitted
them not unreasonable, even when under the him for the enjoyment of convivial pleasures,
sentence of excommunication), he resolved to he spent the greater part of the day in his
learn some mechanical trade; and fortunately chamber alone; but when fatigued with study,
selected that of grinding optical glasses, in which he would sometimes join the family party below,

‘ The Life of Spinoza by Colerus, with some other curious pieces on the same subject, is reprinted in the complete edi
tion of Spinoza‘s Works, published at Jena, in 1802.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 265
and take a part in their conversation, however life to that glory, though he should have been Notes
and and
Illustrations.
insignificant
its_ subject
_
might be. One of the torn to pieces by the mob.”—(Art. Spinoza.) Illustration:
\MJ amusements With which he was accustomed to k/V\ ’
unbend his mind, was that of entangling flies Nora MM, p. 148.
in a spider’s web, or of setting spiders a-fight
ing with each other; on which occasions (it is In proof of the impossibility of Liberty, Col
added) he would observe their combats with so lins argues thus:
much interest, that it was not unusual for him “ A second reason to prove man a necessary
to be seized with immoderate fits of laughter. agent is, because all his actions have a begin
Does not this slight trait indicate very decidedly ning. For whatever has a beginning must have
a tendency to insanity; a supposition by no a cause; and every cause is a necessary cause.
means incompatible (as will be readily admitted “ If anything can have a beginning, which
by all who have paid any attention to the phe has no cause, then nothing can produce some
nomena of madness) with that logical acumen thing. And if nothing can produce something,
which is so conspicuous in some of his writ then the world might have had a beginning
ings? without a cause; which is an absurdity not only
His irreligious principles he is supposed to charged on atheists, but is a real absurdity in
have adopted, in the first instance, from his itself.‘ "‘ "‘ ' ‘Liberty, therefore, or a power to
Latin preceptor Vander Ende, a physician and act or not to act, to do this or another thing
classical scholar of some eminence; but it is under the same causes, is an impossibility and
much more probable, that his chief school of atllez'st‘ical.l
atheism was the synagogue of Amsterdam; “ And as Liberty stands, and can only be
where, without any breach of charity, a large grounded on the absurd principles of Epicurean
proportion of the more opulent class of the as atheism; so the Epicurean atheists, who were
sembly may be reasonably presumed to belong the most popular and most numerous sect of the
to the ancient sect of Sadducees. (This is, I atheists of antiquity, were the great assertors of
presume, the idea of Heineccius in the follow liberty; as, on the other side, the Stoics, who
ing passage: “ Quamvis Spinoza Cartesii prin were the most popular and numerous sect
cipial methodo mathematics demonstrata dedc among the religionaries of antiquity, were the
rit; Pantheismum tamen ille non ex Cartesio great assertors of fate and necessity."-—(Cor.~
didicit, sed domi habuit, quos sequeretur.” In LINS, p. 54.)
proof of this, he refers to a book entitled Spi As to the above reasoning of Collins, it can
nozismus in Judaismo, by Waechterus.) The not be expected that I should, in the compass of
blasphemous curses pronounced upon him in ' a Note, “ boult this matter to the bran.” It is
the sentence of excommunication were not well suflicient here to remark, that it derives all its
calculated to recal him to the faith of his ances plausibility from the unqualified terms in which
tors; and when combined with his early and the maxim (M60 a'tvarr/ov) has frequently been
hereditary prejudices against Christianity, may stated. “ In the idea of every change (says Dr
go far to account for the indiscriminate war Price, a zealous advocate for the freedom of the
which he afterwards waged against priests of will) is included that of its being an ffflt’t‘l."
all denominations. (Review, Q'c. p. 30, 3d edition.) If this maxim
The ruling passion of Spinoza seems to have be literally admitted without any explanation or
been the love of fame. “It is owned (says restriction, it seems difficult to resist the con
Bayle) that he had an extreme desire to immor clusions of the Necessitarians. The proper
talise his name, and would have sacrificed his statement of Price’s maxim evidently is, that

‘ To the same purpose Edwards attempts to show, that “ the scheme of free-will (by affording an exception to that die.
tate of common sense which refers every event to a cause) would destroy the proof a poatcriori for the being of God."
DISS. I. PART ll. 2!.
266 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
Notes “ in every change we perceive in inanimate mat- On the noted expressibn of Lucretius (fan's Note!
mu81:31.0“ ter, the idea of its being an efléct is necessarily
avolsa voluntas) some acute remarks are made margin”.
M involved ;” and that he himself understood it in a note on the French translation by M. de la \M/
under this limitation appears clearly from the Grange. They are not improbably from the
application he makes of it to the point in dis pen of the Baron d’Holbach, who is said to have
- pute. As to intelligent and active beings, to contributed many notes to this translation.
aflirm that they possess the power of self-deter Whoever the author was, he was evidently
mination, seems to me to be little more than an strongly struck with the inconsistency of this
identical proposition. Upon an accurate analysis particular tenet with the general principles of
of the meaning of words, it will be found that the Epicurean system.
the idea of an (flicient cause implies the idea “ On est surpris qu’ Epicure fonds la liberté
of Mind ; and, consequently, that it is absurd humaine sur la déclinaison des atomes. On de
to ascribe the volitioris of mind to the cfiiciency mande Si cette déclinaison est nécessaire, ou si
of causes foreign to itself. To do so must un elle est simplement accidentelle. Nécessaire,
avoidably involve us in the inconsistencies of comment la liberté peut elle en'étre le resultat ?
Spinozism ; by forcing us to conclude that AccidenteIle, par quoi est elle déterminée?
everything is passive, and nothing active in the Mais on devrait bien plutot étre surpris, qu’il
universe; and, consequently, that the idea of a lui soit venu en idée de rendre l’homme libre
First Cause involves an impossibility.--But upon dans un systéme qui suppose un enchainement
these hints I must not enlarge at present; an. nécessaire de causes et d’efi'ets. C’etoit une
shall, therefore, confine myself to what falls recherche curieuse, que la raison qui a pu faire
more immediately within the scope of this Dis d’Epicure l’Apotre de la Liberté.” For the
course, Collins’s Historical Statement with re theory which follows on this point, I must refer
spect to the tenets of the Epicureans and the to the work in question.—(See Traduch'on Nou
'Stoics. velle de Lucrece, avec des Notes, par M. DE LA
In confirmation of his assertion concerning GRANGE, Vol. I. pp. 218, 219, 220, a Paris,
the former, he refers to the following well known 1768.)
lines of Lucretius: But whatever may have been the doctrines of
some of the ancient Atheists about man’s free
Denique si semper motus connectitur omnis,
8m. 8w. (Lucret- Lib. 2. v. 251.)
ageney, it will not be denied, that in the History
of MODERN Philosophy, the schemes of Atheism
On the obscurity of this passage, and the in and of Necessity have been hitherto always con
consistencies involved in it, much might be nected together. Not that I would by any
said; but it is of more importance, on the pre- ' means be understood to say, that every Neces
sent occasion, to remark its complete repug sitarian must ipso facto be an Atheist, or even
nance to the whole strain and spirit of the Epi that any presumption is afforded by a man’s at
curean Philosophy. This r'epugnance did not tachment to the former sect, of his having the
escape the notice of Cicero, who justly consi slightest bias in favour of the latter; but only
ders Epicurus as having contributed more to that every modern Atheist I have heard of has
establish, by this puerile subterfuge, the autho been a Necessitarian. I cannot help adding,
rity of Fatalism, than if he had left the argu that the most consistent Necessitarians who
ment altogether untouched. “ Nee vero quis have yet appeared, have been those who follow
quam magis confirmare mihi videtur non modo ed out their principlestill they ended in Spino
fatum, verum etiam necessitatem et vim om zism, a doctrine which difl'ers from atheism more
nium rerum, sustulisseque motus animi volun in words than in reality.
tarios, quam hie qui aliter obsistere fato fatetur In what Collins says of the Stoics in the above
s_e non potuisse nisi ad has commenticias decli quotation, he plainly proceeds on the supposi
nationes confugisset.”-—(Liber dc Fato, cap. 20.) tion that all Fatalists are of course Neeessita
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 267

Note! rians ;' and I agree with him in thinking, that and yet, that the Will is really free, he consi- N0!“
mugmiom this would be the case, if they reasoned logically. ders as a fact perfectly established by the evi- maxim“
\M/ It is certain, however, that a great proportion dence of consciousness. “ Sed quemadmodum W\-/
of those who have belonged to the first sect have existential: divine: cognitio non debet liberi nos
disclaimed all connection with the second. The tri arbitrii certitudinem tollere, quia illud in no
Stoics themselves furnish one very remarkable bismet ipsis experimur et sentimus; ita neque
instance. I do not know any author by whom liberi nostri arbitrii cognitio existentiam Dei
the liberty of the will is stated in stronger and apud nos dubiam facere debet. Independentia
more explicit terms, than it is by Epictetus in enim illa quam experimur, atque in nobis per
the very first sentence of the Enchiridion. In sentiscimus, et quee actionibus nostris laude vel
deed the Stoics seem, with their usual passion vituperio dignis efficiendis suflicit, non pugnat
for exaggeration, to have carried their ideas cum dependentia alterius generis, secundum
about the freedom of the will to an un‘philoso quam onmia Deo subjiciuntur.”—(Csn'rnsu
phical extreme. Epismlé, Epist. VIII. IX. Pars i.) These let
If the belief of man’s free-agency has thus ters form part of his correspondence with the
maintained its ground among professed Fatalists, Princess Elizabeth, daughter of Frederick, King
it need not appear surprising, that it should have of Bohemia, and Elector Palatine.
withstood the strong arguments against it, which We are told by Dr Priestley, in the very in
the doctrine of the eternal decrees of God, and teresting Memoirs of his own Life, that he was
even that of the Divine prescience, appear at educated in the strict principles of Calvinism;
first sight to furnish. A remarkable instance of and yet it would appear, that while he remained
this occurs in St Augustine (distinguished in ec a Calvinist, he entertained no doubt of his being
clesiastical history by the title of the Doctor of a free—agent. “ The doctrine of Necessity,” he
Grace), who has asserted the liberty of the will also tells us, “ he first learned from Collins;“
in terms as explicit as those in which he has an and was established in the belief of it by Hart
nounced the theological dogmas with which it is ley’s Observations on Man.”—(Ibid. p. 19.) He
most difficult to reconcile it. Nay, he has gone farther mentions in another work, that “ he was
so far as to acknowledge the essential import not a ready convert to the doctrine of Necessity,
ance of this belief, as a motive to virtuous con and that, like Dr Hartley himself, he gave up
duct. “ Quocirca nullo modo cogimur, aut re his liberty with great reluctance.”—-(Preface to
tenta praescientia Dei, tollere voluntatis arbi— the Doctrine of Philosophical Necessity Illustrated,
trinm, ant retento voluntatis arbitrio, Deum, 2d edit. Birmingham, 1782, p. xxvii.)
quod nefas est, negare praaseinm futurorum, sed These instances afford a proof, I do not say of
utrumque amplectimur, utrumque fideliter et the compatibility of man’s free-agency with those
veraciter confitemur: illud, ut bene credamus; schemes with which it seems most at variance,
hoe ul bene vivamus." but of this compatibility in the opinion of some
Descartes has expressed himself on this point of the profoundest thinkers who have turned
nearly to the same purpose with St Augustine. their attention to the argument. No conclusion,
In one passage he asserts, in the most unquali therefore, can be drawn against a man’s belief
fied terms, that God is the cause of all the ac in his own free-agency, from his embracing other
tions which depend on the Frewwill of Man; metaphysical or theological tenets, with which

' Collins states this more strongly in what he says of the Pharisees. “ The Pharisees, who were a religious sect, as
cribed all things to fate or to God's appointment, and it was the first article of their creed, that Fate and God do all, and,
consequently, they could not assert a true liberty when they asserted a liberty together with this fatality and security of all
thin .“_(Cor.uss. p. 64.)
* Vc are elsewhere informed by Priestley, that “it was in consequence of reading and studying the Inquiry of Collins,
he was first convinced ofthe truth of the doctrine of Necessity, and was enabled to see the fallacy of most of the arguments
in favour of Philosophical Liberty: though (he adds) I was much more confirmed in this principle by my acquaintance
with Hartley‘s Theory qf the Human Mind.- a work to which I owe much more than I am ab e to express.“-(Prr_/‘ac¢, are.
&c. p. xxvii.)
268 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes it may appear to ourselves impossible to recon power of the mind to obey without constraint Notes
mulalmiom cile it. the. impulse. of the 'mot'ives which act upon it.” maxim“
W This defimtlon, which 1s obviously the same in km
substance with that of Hobbes, is thus very just
As for the notion of liberty, for which Collins ly, as well as acutely, animadverted on by Cuvier.
professes himself an advocate, it is precisely that “ N’admettant aucune action sans motif, comme
of his predecessor Hobbes, who defines a. free dit-il, il n’y a aucnn efi'et sans cause, Bonnet
agent to be, “ he that can do if he will, and for definit la liberté morale le pouvoir de l’ame de
bear if he will.”—(Honnns’s Works, p. 484-, fol. suivre sans contrainte les motifs dent elle éprouve
ed.) The same definition has been adopted by l’impnlsion ; et résout ainsi les objections que
Leibnitz, by Gravesande, by Edwards, by Bon l’on tire de la prévision do Dieu ; mais pent
net, and by all our later necessitarians. It can étre aussi detournent-t-il l’idée qu’on sc fait
not be better expressed than in the words of d’ordinaire de la liberté. Malgré ces opinions
Gravesande: “ Facultas fmm.‘ quad libuem, que touchent an Matérialisme et an Fatalisme,
qumctmque fuerz't voluntatis delerminatio.”—(Im Bonnet fut tres religiemr.”—-(Biographie Uni
trod. ad Philosopk. § 115.) verselle, a Paris, 1812. Art. Bonnet.)
Dr Priestley ascribes this peculiar notion of From this passage it appears, that the very
free-will to Hobbes as its author; 1 but it is, in ingenious writer was as completely aware as
fact, of much older date even among modern Clarke or Reid, of the unsoundness of the defi
metaphysicians; coinciding exactly with the nition of rrwral liberty given by Hobbes and his
doctrine of those scholastic divines who contend followers; and that the ultimate tendency of the
ed for the Liberty of Spontaneity, in opposition doctrine which limits the free-agency of man to
to the Liberty qflndg'fl'erence. It is, however, to (what has been called) the liberty of spontaneity,
Hobbes that the partizans of this opinion are in was the same, though in a more disguised form,
debted for the happiest and most popular illus with that of fatalism.
tration of it that has yet been given. , “ I con For a complete exposure of the futility of this
ceive,” says he, “liberty to be rightly defined, definition of liberty, as the word is employed in
The absence of all the impediments to action that the controversy about man’s free-agency, I have
are not contained in the nature and intrinsical only to refer to Clarke’s remarks on Collins, and
quality of the agent. As, for example, the wa to Dr Reid’s Essays on the Active Powers of Man.
ter is aid to descend freely, or to have liberty In this last work, the various meanings of this
to descend by the channel of the river, because very ambiguous word are explained with great
there is no impediment that way: but not across, accuracy and clearness.
because the banks are impediments. And, The only two opinions which, in the actual
though water cannot ascend, yet men never say, state of metaphysical science, ought to be stated
it wants the liberty to ascend, but the faculty or in contrast, are that of Liberty (or free-will) on
power, because the impediment is in the nature the one side, and that of Necessity on the other.
of the water, and intrinsical. So also we say, As to the Liberty QfSptmtanea'ty (which expresses
he that is tied wants the liberty to go, because a fact altogether foreign to the point in question),
the impediment is not in him, but in his hands; I can conceive no motive for inventing such a
whereas we say not so of him who is sick or phrase, but a desire in some writers to veil the
lame, because the impediment is in himself.”— scheme of necessity from their readers, under a
(Treatise of Liberty and Necessity.) language less revolting to the sentiments of
According to Bonnet, “ moral liberty is the mankind; and, in others, an anxiety to banish

' “ The doctrine of hilosophical necessity," says Priestley, “ is in reality a modern thing, not older, I believe, than Mr
Hobbes. 0f the Calvinists, I believe Mr Jonathan Edwards to be the fil'SL“-(Illu.ytrafi01u qfPhilowphicnl {Vere-mtg, p. 195.)
Supposing this statement to be correct, does not the very modern date of Hobbes‘s alleged ditmvvry furnish a very strong
presumption against it ?
 . DISSERTATION FIRST. 269

Notes it as far as possible from their own thoughts, ty of men continue through life wlntearly edu- Notes
luulfiions_ by substituting instead of the terms in which cation had made them. In making use, how- maxim!
\M/ it is commonly expressed, a circumlocution ever, of this strong language, his object (as is \M/
which seems, on a superficial view, to concede evident from the opinions which he has avowed
something to the advocates for liberty. in other parts of his works) was only to arrest the
If this phrase (the Liberty of Spontaneity) attention of his readers to the practical lessons
should fall into disuse, the other phrase (the he was anxious to inculcate; and not to state a
Liberty (f Imiifl‘erence),1 which is commonly metaphysical fact which was to be literally and
stated in opposition to it, Would become com— rigorously interpreted in the controversy about
pletely useless; nor would there be occasion for liberty and necessity. The only. sound and
qualifying with any epithet, the older, simpler, useful moral to be drawn from the spirit of his
and much more intelligible word, Free-will. observations, is the duty of gratitude to Heaven
The distinction between physical and moral for all the blessings, in respect of education and
necessity I conceive to be not less frivolous than of external situation, which have fallen to our
those to which the foregoing animadversions own lot; the impossibility of ascertaining the ‘
relate. On this point I agree with Diderot, involuntary misfortunes by which the seeming
that the word necessity (us it ought to be under demerits of others may have been in part occa
stood in this dispute) admit but of one interpre sioned, and in the same proportion diminished;
tation. and the consequent obligation upon ourselves,
to think as charitably as possible of their con
NOTE N N, p. 148. duct, under the most unfavourable appearances.
The truth of all this I conceive to be implied in
To the arguments of Collins, against man’s these words of Scripture, “ To whom much is
free-agency, some of his successors have added, given, of him much will be required ;” and, if
the inconsistency of this doctrine with the known possible, still more explicitly and impressively,
qfl‘eds of education (under which phrase they com in the parable of the Talents.
prehend the moral effects of all the external cir Is not the use which has been made by Ne
cumstances in which men are involuntarily cessitariaus of Locke’s Treatise on Education,
and other books of a similar tendency, only one
placed) in forming the characters of individuals.
The plausibility of this argument (on which instance more of that disposition, so common
among metaphysical Sciolists, to appropriate to
much stress has been laid by Priestleyand others)
arises entirely from the mixture of truth which themselves the conclusions of their wiser and
it involves; or, to express myself more correctly, more sober predecessors, under the startling
from the evidence and importance of the fact on and imposing disguise of universal maxims, ad
which it proceeds, when that fact is stated with mitting neither of exception nor restriction ? It
due limitations. is thus that Locke’s judicious and refined re
That the influence of education, in this com marks on the Association of Ideas have been ex
prehensive sense of the word, was greatly under aggerated to such an extreme in the coarse cari
rated by our ancestors, is now universally ac catures of Hartley and of Priestley, as to bring,
knowledged; and it is to Locke’s writings, among cautious inquirers, some degree of dis
more than to any other single cause, that the credit on one of the most important doctrines
change in public opinion on this head is to be of modern philosophy. Or, to take another
ascribed. .On various occasions, he has ex case still more in point; it is thus that Locke’s
pressed himself very strongly with respect to reflections on the effects of education in modify
the extent of this influence; and has more than ing the intellectual faculties, and-(where skil
once intimated his belief, that the great majori fully conducted) in supplying their original

' Both braces are favourite expressions with Lord Kames in his discussions on this subject- See in particular the Ap
pendix to is Buoy on Liberty and Necem'ty, in the last edition of his Euay: on Morality and Natural '
270 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
Note: defects, have been distorted into the puerile The same similitude of the potter makes a con-4 Nola
muzfmm paradox of Helvetius, that the mental capacities spicuous figure in the writings of Hobbes, who mmfiiom
\/v\./ of the whole human race are the same at the has availed himself of this, as of many other in- W\./
moment of birth. It is sufiicient for me here sulated passages of Holy Writ, in support of
to throw out thee hints, which will be found principles which are now universally allowed
to apply equally to a large proportion of other to strike at the very root of religion and mora
theories started by modern metaphysicians. lity. The veneration of Cowley for Hobbes is
Before I finish this note, I cannot refrain well known, and is recorded by himself in the
from remarking, with respect to the argument ode which immediately precedes that on Des
for Necessity drawn from the Divine prescience, tiny. It cannot, however, be candidly supposed,
that, if it be conclusive, it only afl'ords an addi that Cowley understood the whole drift of
tional confirmation of what Clarke has said Hobbes’ doctrines. The contrary, indeed, in
concerning the identity of the creed of the Ne the present instance, is obvious from the ode
cessitarians with that of the Spinozists. For, if before us; for while Cowley supposed the angels
God certainly foresees all the future volitions to move, like chess-men, the inhabitants of this
of his creatures, he must, for the same reason, globe, Hobbes (along with Spinoza) plainly
foresee all his own future volitions; and if this conceived that the angels themselves, and even
knowledge infers a necessity of volition in the that Being to which he impiously gave the name
one case, how is it possible to avoid the same of God, were all of them moved, like knights
inference in the other? and pawns, by the invisible hand of fate or ne
cessity.
Nora 00, p. 149. Were it not for the serious and pensive cast
of Cowley’s mind, and his solemn appeal to the
A. similar application of St Paul’s comparison authority of the apostle, in support of the doc
of the potter is to be found both in Hobbes and trine of destiny, one would be tempted to con
in Collins. Also, in a note annexed by Cowley sider the first stanzas of this ode in the light of
-to his ode entitled Destiny; an ode written (as a jeu d’esprit, introductory to the very charac
we are informed by the author) “ upon an ex teristical and interesting picture of himself,
travagant supposition of two angels playing a with which the poem concludes.
game at chess; which, if they did, the specta
tors would have reason as much to believe that Nora PP, p. 150.
the pieces moved themselves, as we have for
thinking the same of mankind, when we see “ Tout ce qui est doit étre, par cela meme
them exercise so many and so different actions. que cela est. Voila la seule bonne philosophic.
It was of old said by Plautus, Dii ms quasi pilas Aussi longtemps que nous ne conuaitrons pas
homines habent, “ We are but tennis-balls for cet univers, comme on dit dans l’école, a priori,
the gods to play withal,” which they strike tout est nécessité. La liberté est un mot vide
away at last, and still call for new ones; and de sens, eomme vous allez voir dans la lettre de
St Paul says, “ We are but the clay in the hand M. Diderot.”—-(Lettre de Grimm au Due de
of the potter.” Sawe-Gotha.)
For the comparison of the potter, alluded to “ C’est ici, mon cher, que je vais quitter le
by these difl'erent writers, see the epistle to the ton de prédicateur pour prendre, si je peux,
"Romans, chap. ix. verses 18, 19, 20, 21. Upon celui de philosophe. Regardez-y de pres, et
these verses the only comment which I have to vous Verrez que le mot liberté est un mot vide
offer is a remark of the apostle Peter, that “ In de sens; qu’il n’y a point, et qu’il ne peut y
the epistles of our beloved brother Paul are avoir d’étres libres; que nous ne sommes que
some things hard to be understood, which they ce qui convient a l’ordre général, a l’organisa
that are unlearned and unstable wrest unto their tion, a l’éducation, et a la chziine des événemens.
own destruction.” Voila ce qui dispose de nous invinciblement.
 DISSERTA TION FIRST. 271
Notes On ne conçoit non plus qu’un être agisse sans Got/m, par le BARON DE GRIMM et par Dmn- Notes
mmîflionh motif, qu’un des bras d’une balance agisse sans BOT. Première Partie, Tom. I. pp. 300, 304, musîfaîîom
\lvv l’action d’un poids, et le motif nous est toujours 305, 306, Londres, 1814.) W
extérieur, étranger, attaché ou par une nature
ou par une cause quelconque, qui n’est pas nous. Norn Q Q, p. 156.
Ce qui nous trompe, c’est la prodigieuse variété
de nos actions, jointe à. l’habitude que nous See in Bayle the three articles Luther, Know,
avons prise tout en naissant, de confondre le and Buchanan. The following passage concern
volontaire avec le libre. Nous avons tant loué, ing Knox may serve as a specimen of the others.
tant repris, nous l’avons été tant de fois, que It is quoted by Bayle from the Ccmnograpbie
c’est un préjugé bien vieux que celui de croire Universelle of Thevet, a writer who has long
que nous et les autres voulons, agissons libre sunk into the contempt he merited, but whose
ment. Mais s’il n’y a point de liberté, il n’y a zeal for legitimacy and the Catholic faith raised
point d’action qui mérite la louange ou le blâme; him to the dignity of almoner to Catherine de
il n’y a ni vice, ni vertu, rien dont il faille ré Medicis, and of historiographer to the King of
compenser ou châtier. Qu’est ce qui distingue France. I borrow the translation from the Eng
donc les hommes? La bienfaisance ou la mal lish Historical Dictionary.
faisance. Le malfaisant est un homme qu’il “ During that time the Scots never left Eng
faut détruire et non punir; la bienfaisance est land in peace ; it was when Henry VIII. played
une bonne fortune, et non une vertu. Mais his pranks with the chalices, relics, and other
quoique l’homme bien ou malfaisant ne soit pas ornaments of the English churches; which tra
libre, l’homme n’en est pas moins un être qu’on gedies and plays have been acted in our time in
modifie; c’est par cette raison qu’il faut détruire the kingdom of Scotland, by the exhortations of
le malfaisant sur une place publique. De là les Noptz,1 the first Scots minister of the bloody
bons efl'ets de l’exemple, des discours, de l’édu Gospel. This firebrand of sedition could not be
cation, du plaisir, de la douleur, des grandeurs, content with barely following the steps of Lu
de la misère, &c.; de la un sorte de philosophie ther, or of his master, Calvin, who had not long
pleine de commisêration, qui attache fortement before delivered him from the gallies of the
aux bons, qui n’irrite non plus contre le méchant, Prior of Capua, where he had been three years
que contre un ouragan qui nous remplit les yeux for his crimes,.unlawful amours, and abominable
de poussière. Il n’y a qu’une sorte de causes à fornications; for he used to lead a dissolute life,
proprement parler; ce sont les causes physiques. in shameful and odious places, and had been
Il n’y a qu’une sorte de nécessité, c’est la même also found guilty of the parricide and mnrder
pour tous les êtres. Voilà. ce qui me réconcilie committed on the body of the Archbishop of St
avec le genre humain; c’est pour cette raison Andrew’s, by the contrivanees of the Earl of
que je vous exhortais à la philanthropie. Adop Rophol, of James Lescle, John Lescle, their
tez ces principes si vous les trouvez bons, ou uncle, and William du Coy. This simonist, who
montrez-moi qu'ils sont mauvais. Si vous les had been a priest of our church, being fattened
adoptez, ils vous réconcilieront aussi avec les by the benefices he had enjoyed, sold them for
autres et avec vous-même; vous ne vous saurez ready money; and finding that he could not
ni bon ni mauvais gré d’être ce qui vous êtes. make his cause good, he gave himself up to the
Ne rien réprocher aux autres, ne se répentir de most terrible blasphemies. He persuaded also
rien ; voilà les premiers pas vers la sagesse. Ce several devout wives and religious virgins to
qui est hors de là. est préjugé, fausse philo abandon themselves to wicked adulterers. Nor
sophie.”—-(Corrcspondamre Littéraire, Philoso was this all. During two whole years, he never
phique, et Critique, addressee au Duc de Saxe ceased to rouse the people, encouraging them to

l Thus Thevet (says Bayle) writes the name of Knox.

272 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes take up arms against the Queen, and to drive

figures and motions. And what reason can we Notes
assign for their exciting in us many of those “Marxian”.
luua'r‘iiom. her out of the kingdom, which he said was
M elective, as it had been formerly in the time of ideas which are different from anything that ex- \M/
’heathenism. . . . . . . . The Lutherans have ists in the objects themselves (for such are light
churches and oratories. Their ministers sing and colours), were it not to add supernumerary
psalms, and say mass; and though it be different ornaments to the universe, and make it more
from ours, yet they add to it the Creed, and agreeable to the imagination?”
other prayers, as we do. And when their mi After quoting this sentence, Dr Blair proceeds
nisters ofliciate, they wear the cope, the cha thus :—
suble, and the surplice, as ours do, being con “ Our author is now entering on a theory,
cerned for their salvation, and careful of what which he is about to illustrate, if not with much
relates to the public worship. Whereas the philosophical accuracy, yet with great beauty of
Scots have lived these twelve years past without fancy and glow of expression. A strong in
laws, without religion, without ceremonies, con stance of his want of accuracy appears in the
stantly refusing to own a King or a Queen, as manner in which he opens the subject. For
so many brutes, suffering themselves to be im what meaning is there in things exciting in us
posed upon by the stories told them by this many of those ideas which are difl‘erentfrom any
arch-hypocrite Noptz, a traitor to God and to thing that exists in the objects? No one, sure,
his country, rather than to follow the pure Gos ever imagined that our ideas exist in the objects.
pel, the councils, and the doctrine of so many Ideas, it is agreed on all hands, can exist no
holy doctors, both Greek and Latin, of the Ca where but in the mind. What Mr Locke’s phi
tholic church.” _ losophy teaches, and what our author should
If any of my readers be yet unacquainted with have said, is, exciting in us many ideas qf qualities
the real character and history of this distin which are dg‘fl'erentfrom anything that exists in the
guished person, it may amuse them to compare oly'ects.”
the above passage with the very able, authentic, Let us now attend to Locke’s theory, as
and animated account of his life, lately pub stated by himself :—
lished by the reverend and learned Dr M‘Crie. “ From whence I think it is easy to draw
this observation, That the ideas of primary qua
Nora R R, p. 161. lities of bodies are resemblances of them, and
their patterns do really exist in the bodies them
Dr Blair, whose estimate of the distinguishing selves, but the ideas produced in us by these
beauties and imperfections of Addison’s style secondary qualities have no resemblance of them
reflects honour on the justness and discernment at all. There is nothing like our ideas existing
of his taste, has allowed himself to be carried in the bodies themselves. They are in the
along much too easily, by the vulgar sneers at bodies we denominate from them, only a power
Addison’s want of philosophical depth. In one to produce these sensations in us. And what
of his lectures on rhetoric he has even gone so is sweet, blue, or warm in idea, is but the cer
far as to accuse Addison of misapprehending, tain bulk, figure, and motion of the insensible
or, at least, of mas-stating, Locke’s doctrine con parts in the bodies themselves, which we call
cerning secondary But a comparison so.”
of Dr Blair’s own statement with that which he The inaccuracy of Locke in conceiving that
censures, will not turn out to the advantage of our ideas of primary qualities are resemblances
the learned critic; and I willingly lay hold of of these qualities, and that the patterns of such
this example, as the point at issue turns on one ideas exist in the bodies themselves, has been
of the most refined questions of metaphysics. fully exposed by Dr Reid. But the repetition of
The words of Addison are these :— Locke’s inaccuracy (supposing Addison to have
“ Things would make but a poor appearance been really guilty of it) should not be charged
to the eye, if we saw them only in their proper upon him as a deviation from his master’s doc
 DISSERTATION FIRST.
trine. I To all, however, who understand the,
Notes
mutation subject, it must appear evident, that Addison
W has, in this instance, improved greatly on Locke,
by keeping out of view what is most exception
able in his language, while he has retained all
that is solid in his doctrine. For my own part, knight finds himself on a barren heath, or in a
I do not see how Addison’s expressions could be solitary desert.”
altered to the better, except, perhaps, by substi—
tuting the words unlike to, instead of difl'erent
from. But in this last phrase, Addison has been
implicitly followed by Dr Blair, and certainly
would not have been disavowed as an interpre
ter by Locke himself. Let me add, that Dr
Blair’s proposed emendation (“ exciting in us
many ideas of qualities, which are different
from any thing that exists in the objects”), if
not wholly unintelligible, deviates much farther
from Locke’s meaning than the correspondent
clause in its original state. The additional
words of qualities throw an obscurity over the
whole proposition, which was before sufficiently
precise and perspicuous.l
My principal reason for offering these remarks
in vindication of Addison’s account of secondary
qualities was, to prepare the way for the sequel
of the passage animadverted on by Dr Blair.
“ We are everywhere entertained with pleas
. ing shows and apparitions. We discover imagi
nary glories in the heavens and in the earth, and
see some of this visionary beauty poured out
upon the whole creation. But what a rough
unsightly sketch of nature should we be enter
tained with, did all her colouring disappear, and
the several distinctions of light and shade
vanish ?' In short, our souls are delightfully
lost and bewildered in a pleasing delusion, and
we walk about like the enchanted hero of a
273
romance, who sees beautiful castles, woods, and Note!
meadows, and, at the same time, hears the Illusfiiom’
warbling of birds and the purling of streams; VW
but, upon the finishing of some secret spell, the
fantastic scene breaks up, and the disconsolate
In this passage one is at a loss whether most
to admire the author’s depth and refinement of
thought, or the singular felicity of fancy dis
played in its illustration. The image of the
enchanted hero is so unexpected, and, at the same
time, so exquisitely appropriate, that it seems
itself to have been conjured up by an enchanter’s
wand. Though introduced with the unpretend
ing simplicity of a poetical simile, it has the
efi'ect of shedding the light of day on one of the
darkest corners of metaphysics. Nor is the
language in which it is conveyed unworthy of
the attention of the critic; abounding through
out with those natural and happy graces, which
appear artless and easy to all but to those who
have attempted to copy them.
The praise which I have bestowed on Addison
as a commentator on this part of Locke’s Essay
will not appear extravagant to those who may
take the trouble to compare the conciseness and
elegance of the foregoing extracts with the pro
lixity and homeliness of the author’s text. (See
Locxn’s Essay, Book II. chap. viii. §§ 17, 18.)
It is sufficient to mention here, that his chief
illustration is taken from “ the efl'ects of manna
on the stomach and guts.”
Nora S S, p. 168.
For the following note I am indebted to my

- ' Another passage, afterwards quoted by Dr Blair, might have satisfied him of the clearncss and accuracy of Addison's
ideas on the subject.
“ I have here su posed that my reader is unpainted with that eat modern discovery, which is, at present, universally
acknowled by al the inquirers into Natural hilosophy; name y, that lightand colours, as apprr/rmdrd by the imagination,
are only i see in the mind, and not qualities that have any existence in matter. As this is a truth which has been proved
incontestibly by many modern philosophers. if the English render would see the notion explained at large, he may find it.
in the eighth book of Mr Locke's Euay on Human Understanding."
I have already taken notice (Element: qfthz Philosophy qftlw Human filimi, VoL I. Note P.) of the extraordinary precision
of the above statement, arising from the clause printed in Italics. By a strange slip of memory I ascribed the merit of this
very iudicious qualification, not to Addison, but to Dr Akenside, who transcribed it from the Spectator.
T e last. guntntion afl'ords me also an opportunity of remarking the correctness of Addison‘s information about the his
tory of this octrine, which most English writers have conceived to be an original speculation of Locke‘s. From some of
Addison’s expressions, it is more than probable. that he had derived his first knowledge of it from M fllk‘bl'flnchc
' On the supposition made in this sentence, the face of Nature, instead of presenting a “ rough unsightly sketch,“ would,
it is evident, become wholly invisible. But I need scarcely say, this does not render Mr Addison‘s a1 usion less pertinent.
D158. 1. PART “ 2 M
274 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes learned friend Sir William Hamilton, Professor Harpe to be not only one of the most eloquent
and
Illustrations. of Universal History in the University of Edin which Diderot has written, but to be one of the Inmate“,
\IN burgh. best comments which is any where to be found W
“ The Clovis Universalzs of Arthur Collier, on the Cartesian argument for the existence of
though little known in England, has been trans God. It has certainly great merit in point of
lated into German. It is published in a work reasoning; but I cannot see with what propriety
entitled “ Samlung,” 8w. 8:0. literally, “ A Col it can be considered as a comment upon the ar
lection of the most distinguished Authors who gument of Descartes; nor am I sure if, in point
deny the existence of their own bodies, and of of eloquence, it be as well suited tothe English
the whole material world,—c(mta:ining the .as to the French taste.
dialogues of Berkeley, between Hylas and Phi “ Convenez qu’il y auroit de la folie a refuser
lonous, and Collier’s Universal Key translated, a vos semblables la faculté dc penser. Sans
with Illustrative Observations, and an Appendix, doute, mais que s’ensuitdl de 1a? 11 s’ensuit,
wherein the existence of Body is demonstrated, que si l’univers, que dis-je l’univers, si l’aile
by John Christopher Eschenbach, Professor of d’un papillon m’offre des traces mille this plus
Philosophy in Rostock.” (Rostock, 1756, 8vo.) distinctes d’une intelligence que vous n’avez
The remarks are numerous, and show much d’iudices que votre semblable a la faculté de
reading. The Appendix contains, 1. An ex penser, il est mille fois plus fou de nier qu'il
position of the opinion of the Idealists, with its existe un Dieu, que de nier que votre semblable
grounds and arguments. 2. A proof of the pense. Or, que cela soit ainsi, c’est a vos lu
external existence of body. The argument on miéres, c’est s votre conscience que j’en appelle.
which he chiefly dwells to show the existence of Avez-vous jamais remarqué dans les raisonne
matter is the same with that of Dr Reid, in so mens, les actions, et la conduits de quelque
far as he says, “ a direct proof must not here be homme que ce soit, plus d’intelligence, d’ordre,
expected; in regard to the fundamental prin dc sagacité, de consequence, que dans le méca
ciples of human nature, this is seldom possible, or nisme d’un insecte? La divinité n’est elle pas
rather is absolutely impossible.” He argues at aussi clairement empreinte dans l’oeil d’un ciron,
length, that the Idealist has no better proof of the que la faculté de penser dans les écrits du grand '
existence of his soul than of the existence of his Newton? Quoi ! le monde formé prouverait
body; “ when an Idealistsays, Iam a thinking being , moins d’intelligence, que le monde expliqué?
qf this I am certain from internal conviction ;—I Quelle assertion ! l’intelligence d’un premier
would ask from whence he derives this certainty, étre ne m’est pas mieux demontréc par see on
and why he excludes from this conviction the possi vrages, que la faculté de penser dans un philo
bility of deception ?\ He has no other answer than sophe par ses écrits? Songez done que je ne
this, Ifeel it. It is impossible that I can have dny vous objecte que l’aile d’un papillon, quand je
representation of self without the consciousness of pourrais vous écraser du poids de l’univers.”
being a thinking being. In the same manner, This, however, was certainly not the creed
Eschenbach argues that the feeling applies to the which Diderot professed in his more advanced
existence of body, and that the ground of belief years. The article, on the contrary, which im
is equally strong and conclusive, in respect to mediately follows the foregoing quotation, there
the reality of the objective, as of the subjective, is every reason to think, expresses his real sen
in perception.” timents on the subject. I transcribe it at length,
as it states clearly and explicitly the same argu
NOTE TT, p. 182. ment which is indirectly hinted at in a late pub
lication by a far more illustrious author.
“And get Diderot, in some of his lucid intervals, “ J’onvre
let je les cahiers
lis : ‘ Athées, d’un
je vous philosophe
aceorde que le célebre,
mouve
seems to have thought andfelt very difl'erently.”
The following passage (extracted 'from his ment est essentiel a la matiére; qu’en concluez
Pensées Pkilosophiques) is pronounced by La vous? que le monde resulte du jet fortuit d’a
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 275
Notes tomes ? J’aimerois autant que vous me dissiez se jouant, dans cent occasions, les productions Notes
maximus-que l’Iliade d’Homère ou la Henriade de Vol d"art; et.l’on pourroit demander, je ne dis pas maxim,
wx/ taire est un resultat de jets fortuits de carac 51 cc philosophe qui fût jeté par une tempête MAN
tères ?’ Je me garderai bien de faire ce raisonne sur les bords d’une Ile inconnue, avoit raison
ment à un athée. Cette comparaison lui don de se crier, à. la vue de quelque figures de geo
neroit beau jeu. Selon les lois de l’analyse des metric ; ‘ Courage, mes amis, voici des pas
sorts, me diroit-il, je ne doit être surpris qu’une d’hommes ;’ mais combien il faudroit remarquer
chose arrive, lorsqu’elle est possible, et que la de rapports dans un être, pour avoir une certi
difficulté de l’événement est compensée par la tude complète qu’il est l’ouvrage d’un artiste1
quantité des jets. Il y a tels nombre de coups (en quelle occasion, un seul defaut de symme
dans lesquels je gagerois avec avantage d’amener trie prouveroit plus que toute somme donnée de
cent mille six à. la fois avec cent mille des. rapports); comment sont entr’eux le temps de
Quelle que fût la somme finie de caractères l'action de la cause fortuite, et les rapports ob
avec laquelle on me proposerait d’engendrer servés dans les effets produits; et si (à l’excep
fortuitement l’Iliade, il y a telle somme finie tion desœuvres du Tout-Puissant)’ il y a des
de jets qui me rendroit la proposition avanta cas où le nombre des rapports ne puisse jamais
geuse; mon avantage seroit même infini, si la être compensé par celui des jets.”
quantité dc jets accordée étoit infinie,” &c. &c. With respect to the passages here extracted
—(Pensées Philosophiques, par hmnim-iy XXI.) from Diderot, it is'worthy of observation, that
My chief reason for considering this as the if the atheistical argument from chances be con
genuine exposition of Diderot’s own creed is, clusive in its application to that order of things
that he omits no opportunity of suggesting the which we behold, it is not less conclusive when
same train of thinking in his other works. It applied to every other possible combination of
may be distinctly traced in the following pas atoms which imagination can conceive, and
sage of his Traité du Beau, the substance of afl'ords a mathematical proof, that the fables of
which he has also introduced in the article Grecian mythology, the tales-of the genii, and
Beau of the Encyclopédie. the dreams of the liosicrusiansa may, or rather
“ Le beau n’est pas toujours l’ouvrage d’une must, all of them, be somewhere or other rea
cause intelligente; le mouvement etablit-souvent, lized in the infinite extent of the universe: a
soit dans un être considerê solitairement, soit proposition which, if true, would destroy every
entre plusieurs êtres comparés entr’eux, une argument for or against any given systemof
multitude prodigieuse de rapports surprenans. opinions founded on the reasonableness or the
Les cabinets d’histoire naturelle en offrent un unreasonableness of the tenets involved in it;
grand nombre d’exemples. Les rapports sont and would, of consequence, lead to the subver
alors des resultats de combinaisons fortuites, du sion of the whole frame of the human under
moins par rapport à, nous. La nature imite en standing.8

' Is not this precisely the lophistieal mode of questioning known among Logicians by the name of Sarita or Acen'us?
“ vitiosum sane," says Cicero, “ et captiosum genus."._(Amd. Quart. Lib. IV. xvi.)
i To those who enter fully into the spirit of the foregoing reasoning, it is unnecessary to observe, that this parenthetical
clause is nothing better than an ironical calva. If the argument {proves any thing, it leads to this general conclusion, that
the a rent order of the universe all'ords no evidence whatever o the existence of a desi ing cause.
J e atheistical argument here quoted from Diderot is, at least, as old as the time of ‘picurus.
{um carte neque consilio primordia rerum
Ordine se quœque. atque sagaci mente locarunt
Nee quos quaeque darent motus pcpigere prefecto;
Sed quia multimodis, multis, mutant per omne
Ex infinito vexantur percita plagis,
omne genus motus, et cœtus experiundo,
Tandem deveniunt in taleis dispositurasa
Qualibus hæc rebus consistit summa creata.-(Lrcnr:'r. Lib. I. l. 1020.)
' And still more explicitly in the following lines z
Nam cum respicias immensi temporis omne
Pru-tcritum spatium: tum motus matcrialis
Multimodi quam sint; facile hoc adcredere posais,
Semina sæpe in eodem, ut nunc sunt, ordine postu-uum Lib. III. 1. aen
 276 PRELIMINRAY DISSERTATIONS.

and
Notes Mr Hume, in his Natural History of_ Religion son in our constitution, Would lead to-the most NM“
I s a e an
mung“, (Sect. XL), has drawn an inference from the unlimited credulity on all subjects whatever;mu,md°n,_
W internal evidence of the Heathen Mythology, in or (what is only another name for the same W
favour of the supposition that it may not he al thing‘) to that state of mind, which, in the words
together so fabulous as is commonly supposed. of Mr Hume, “ does not consider any one pro
“ The whole mythological system is so natural, position as more certain, or even as more pro
~that in the vast Variety of planets and worlds bable, than another.”
contained in this universe, it seems more than The following curious and (in my opinion)
probable, that somewhere or other it is really instructive anecdote has a sufficient connection
carried into execution.” The argument of Di with the subject of this note, to justify me in
derot goes much farther, and leads to an exten subjoining it to the foregoing observations. I
sion of Mr Hume’s conclusion to all conceivable transcribe it frém the Notes annexed to the
systems, whether natural or not. Abbe de Lille’s poem entitled La Conversation.
But further, since the human mind, and all (A Paris, 1812.)
the numberless displays of wisdom and of power “ Dans la société du Baron d’Holbach, Dide
which it has exhibited, are ultimately to be re rot proposa un jour de nommer un avocat de
ferred to a fortuitous concourse of atoms, why Dieu, et on choisit l’Abbé Galiani. Il s’assit ct
might not the Supreme Being, such as we are ' débuta ainsi :
commonly taught to regard him, have been “ Un jour a Naples, un homme de la Basili
Himself (as well as the Gods of Epicurus)l the eate prit devant nous, six dés dans un cornet,
result of the continued operation of the same et d’amener rafle de six. Je dis cette
blind causes? or rather, must not such a Being chance étoit possible. 11 l’amena sur le champ
have necessarily resulted from these causes ope une seconds fois ; je dis la meme chose. 11 re
rating from all eternity, through the immensity mit les dés dans le cornet trois, quatre, cinq
of space ?—-a. conclusion, by the way, which, ao fois, et toujours rafle de six. Sangue di Bacco,
eording to Diderot’s own principles, would lead m’ecriai-je, les dés sont pipés ; et ils l’étoient.
us to refer the era of his origin to a period inde “ Philosophes, quand je considers l‘ordre
finitely more remote than any given point of toujours renaissant de la nature, ses lois immu
time which imagination can assign; or, in other ables, ses revolutions toujours constantes dans
words, to a period to which the epithet eternal une variété infinie; cette chance unique et con
may with perfect propriety be applied. The servatrice d’un univers tel que nous le voyons,
amount, therefore, of the whole matter is this, qui revient sans cesse, malgré cent autres mil
that the atheistioal reasoning, as stated by Di lions de chances de perturbation et de destruc
derot, leaves the subject of natural, and, I may tion possibles, je m’ecrie: certes la nature est
add, of revealed religion, precisely on the same pipée!”
footing as before, without invalidating, in the. The argument here stated strikes me as irre
very smallest degree, the evidence for any one sistible; nor ought it at all to weaken its effect,
of the doctrines connected with either; nay that it was spoken by the mouth of the Abbé
more, superadding to this evidence, a mathema-' Galiani. -
tical demonstration of the possibk truth of all Whatever hi own professed principles may
those articles of belief which it was the ob have been, this theory of the loaded die appears
ject of Diderot to subvert from their founda evidently, from the repeated allusions to it in
tion. his familiar correspondence, to have produced a
It might be easily shown, that these prin very deep impression on his mind—(See Corre
ciples, if pushed to their legitimate consequences, spondance inédite de l’Abbé GALIANI, 8m. Vol. I.
instead of establishing the just authority of rea pp. 18, 42, 14.1, 14.2, a Paris, 1818.)

‘ Crc. dc Nat. Dear. Lib. I. XXIV.

O
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 277
Note! As the old argument of the atomical atheists la religion révélée l’attaque sans intéret, et on News
muxfiiom'is plainly that on which the school of Diderot cet homme, quand il réussiroit, quand meme n,,;,‘;‘},,,,,,_
W are still disposed to rest the strength of their il auroit raison dans le fond, ne feroit que dé- vv'v
cause, I shall make no apology for the length of truire une infinité de biens pratiques, pour
this note. The sceptical suggestions on the same ‘établir une vérité purement spéculative.”—(For
subject which occur in Mr Hume’s Essay on the the whole letter, see the 4m edit. of Mourns
Idea of Necessary Connection, and which have Qvu-zu’s Works. Paris, 1788. Tome V. p. 891.
given occasion to so much discussion in this Also Warburton’s Works by Hvnn, Vol. VII. p.
country, do not seem to me to have ever pro 553. London, 1758.) I
duced any considerable impression on the French In the foregoing passage, Montesquieu hints
philosophers. > more explicitly than could well have been ex
pected from a French magistrate, at a considera
Non: U U, p. 182. tion which ought always to be taken into the
account, in judging of the works of his country
Among the contemporaries of Diderot, the men, when they touch on the subject of reli
author of the Spirit of Laws is entitled to parti gion ; I mean, the corrupted and intolerant
cular notice, for the respect with which he al spirit of that system of faith which is imme
ways speaks of natural religion. A remarkable diately before their eyes. The eulogy bestowed
instance of this occurs in a letter to Dr War on the church of England is particularly deserv
burton, occasioned by the publication of his ing of notice, and sh0uld serve as a caution to
View of Bolingbroke’s Philosophy. The letter, it Protestant writers against making common
must be owned, savours somewhat of the politi cause with the defenders of the church of Rome.
cal religionist ; but how fortunate would it have With respect to Voltaire, who, amidst all his
been for France, if, during its late revolutionary extravagancies and impieties, is well known to
governments, such sentiments as those here ex hava declared open war against the principles
pressed by Montesquieu had been more gene maintained in the Systéme de la Nature, it is re
rally prevalent among his countrymen ! “ Celui marked by Madame de Staél, that two different
qui attaque la religion révélée n’attaque que la re epochs may be distinguished in his literary life ;
ligion révélée; mais celui qui attaque la religion the one, while his mind was warm from the
naturelle attaque toutesles religions du monde. . . . philosophical lessons he had imbibed in Eng
Il n’est pas impossible d’attaquer une religion land; the other, after it became infected with
révélée, parce qu’elle existe par des faits parti those extravagant principles which, soon after
culiers, et que les faits par leur nature peuvent his death, brought a temporary reproach on the
étre une matiere de dispute; mais il n’en est name of Philosophy. As the observation is ex
pas de meme de la religion naturelle; elle est tended by the very ingenious writer to the
tirée de la nature de l’homme, dent on ne peut French nation in general, and draws a line be
pas disputer encore. J’ajoute a ceci, quel peut tween two classes of authors Who are frequently
étre le motif d’attaqucr la religion révélée en confounded together in this country, I shall
Angleterre? On l’y a tellement purgé de tout transcribe it in her own words.
prejugé destructcur qu’elle n’y pent faire de mal “ 11 me semble qu’on pourroit marquer dans
et qu’elle y pent faire, an contraire, une infinité le dix-huitieme sicclc, en France, deux époques
de biens. Je sais, qu’un homme en Espagne ou parfaitement distinctes, celle dans laquelle l’in
en Portugal que l’on va bruler, ou qui craint fluence de l’Angleterre s’est fait sentir, et celle
d’étre brulé, parce qu’il ne croit point de cer ou les esprits se sont précipités dans la destruc
tains articles dépendans ou non de la religion tion: Alors les lumiéres se sont changées en in
révélée, a un juste sujet de l’attaquer, parce cendie, et la philosophic, magicienne irritée, a
qu’il peut avoir quelque espérance de pourvoir a consumé le palais on elle avoit étalé ses pro
sa defense naturelle : mais i1 n’en est pas de diges.
méme en Angleterre, ou tout homme qui attaque “ En politique, Montesquieu appartient a la
278 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes première époque, Raynal à la seconde; en reli- Vois comment d'un rival '11 Cherche à se venger. Notes
“marlin” gion’ les writs de Voltaire, qui avoit la tolerance Comme il pumt son fils, et le veut corriger. and
Il le croyoit donc libre ?—Oui sans doute, et lui-même W.
W pour but, sont inspirés par l’esprit de la pre Démcnt à. chaque pas son funeste système.
mière moitié du siècle; mais sa miserable et Il mentoit :1 son cœur, en voulant expliquer
vaniteus'e irréligion a flétri la seconde.”—(De Ce dogme absurde à croire, absurde à pratiquer.
l’Allemagrw, Tome III. pp. 37, 38.) Il reconnoit en lui le sentiment qu’il brave,
Il agit comme libre et parle comme esclave."2
Nothing, in truth, can be more striking than
the contrast between the spirit of Voltairc’s ear This very system, however, which Voltaire
ly and of his later productions. From the for has here so severely reprobated, he lived to avow
mer may be quoted some of the sublimest sen as the creed of his more advanced years. The
timents anywhere to be found, both of religion words, indeed, are put into the mouth of a fic
and of morality. In some of the latter, he appears titious personage ; but it is plain, that the writer
'irrecoverably sunk in the abyss of fatalism. meant to be understood as speaking his own
Examples of both are so numerous, than one is sentiments. “ Je vois une chaine immense,
at a loss in the selection. In making choice of dont tout est chainon; elle embrasse, elle serre
the following, I am guided chiefly by the com aujourd’hui la nature,” &c. &c. -
parative shortness of the passages. “ Je suis donc ramené malgré moi à cette
“ Consulte Zoroastre et Minos, et Solon,
ancienne idée, que je vois être la base de tous
Et le sage Socrate, et le grand Ciceron: les systèmes, dans laquelle tous les philosophes
Ils ont adoré tous un maître, un juge, un père ;_ retombent apres mille detours, et qui m’est dé
Ce système sublime à l‘homme est nécessaire. montré par toutes les actions des hommes, par
C’est le sacré lien de la société,
Le premier fondement de la sainte équité;
les miennes, par tous les êvênemens que j’ai lus,
Le frein du scélérat, l‘ésperance du juste. que j’ai vus, et aux-quelles j’ai en part; c’est le
Si les cieux, depouillés de leur empreinte auguste, Fatalisme, c’est la Necessité dont je vous ai deja
Pouvoient cesser jamais de le manifester, parlé.”—(Lettrea de Memmius à Ciceron.. See
Si Dieu n‘existoit pas, il faudrait l‘inventer."I
Œuvres de VOLTAIRE, Mélanges, Tome IV. p.
Nor is it only on this fundamental principle 358. 4to. Edit. Geneve, 1771.)
of religion that Voltaire, in his better days, de “ En effet” (says Voltaire, in another of his
lighted to enlarge. The existence of a natural pieces), il seroit bien singulier que toute la na
law engraved on the human heart, and the li ture, tous les astres, obeissent à des lois éter
berty of the human will, are subjects which he nelles, et qu’il y eut un petit animal haut de
has repeatedly enforced and adorned with all cinq pieds, qui au mépris de ces lois pût agir
his philosophical and poetical powers. What toujours comme il lui plairoit au seul gré de son
can be more explicit, or more forcible, than the caprice.”
following exposition of the inconsistencies of . . . . .To this passage Voltaire adds the fol
fatalism ? lowing acknowledgment :—“ L’ignorant qui
pense ainsi n’a pas toujours pensé de même,“
“ Vois de la liberté cet ennemi mutin,
mais il est enfin contraint de se rendre.”—-(Le
Aveugle partisan d‘un aveugle destin;
Entends comme il consulte, approuve, ou délibére, Philosophe Ignorant.)
Entends de quel reproche il couvre un adversaire, Notwithstanding, however, this change in

I A thought approaching very nearly to this occurs in one of Tillotson‘s Sermons. “ The being ofGod is so comfortable,
so convenient, so necessary to the felicity of mankind, that (as Tull admirably says) Dit immortals: ad mum hominumjbbri
cati pme nidcantur.—If God were not a necessary being of himsel , he might almost be said to be made for the use and
benefit of Man." For some in nious remarks on this quotation from Cicero, see Jon-rrx's Tracts, Vol. I. p. 371.
'-‘ These verses form a part o a Discount onflw Liberty of Illan ,- and the rest of the poem is in the same strain. Yet so
very imperfectly did Voltaire even then understand the metaphysical argument on this subject, that he prefixed to his
Discourse the following advertisement. “ On entend par ce mot liberté, le pouvoir de faire ce qu'on veut. Il n‘y a, et ne
peut y avoir d'autre Iiberlé." It appears, therefore, that in maintaining the libcrlyqflponlanrily, Voltaire conceived himself
to be combating the scheme of Necessity; whereas this sort of liberty, no Necessitarian or Fatalist was ever hardy enough
to dispute.
" In proof of this he refers to his Trmtioe q/‘Metaphyiiu, written forty years before, for the use of Madame du Châtelet.
 DISSERTATION FIRST. .49
Korea Voltaire’s philosophical opinions, he continued speculations, therefore, concerning the intentions N01"
Inflation-to the last is zealous opposition to atheism.x or designs of Nature, how reprehensible soever wusflfiion,
\IW But in what respects it is more pernicious than and even absurd in point of strict logic the lan- \M/
fatalism, it is not easy to discover. guage may be in which they are expressed, may
A reflection of La Harpe’s, occasioned by often be, nay, have often been, a step towards
some strictures of Voltaire’s upon Montesquieu, something higher and better; and, at any rate,
applies with equal force to the numberless in are of a character totally different from the blind
consistencies which occur in his metaphysical chance of the Epicureans, or the conflicting
peculations: “ Les objets de meditation étoient principles of the Manicheans. ,
trop etrangers a I’excessive vivacité de son esprit.
Saisir fortement par l’imagination les objets Nora X X, p. 195.
qu’elle ne doit montrer- que d’un coté, c’est ee
qui est du Poete; les embrasscr sous toutes les “ In the attempt, indeed, which Kant has made
faces, c’est ce‘ qui est du Philosophe, et Vol to enumerate the general ideas which are not de
taire etoit trop exclusivement l’un pour étre rivedfrom experience, but arise out of the pure un
l’autre.”-—( Cow's de Lilterat. Tome XV. pp. derstanding, Kant may well lay claim to the praise
4-6, m.) . of originality.” The object of this problem is
A late author“ has very justly reprobated thus stated by his friend, Mr Schulze, the au
that spiritual deification of nature which has been thor of the Synopsis formerly quoted. (The fol
long fashionable among the French, and which, lowing translation is by Dr Willich, Elements,
according to his own account, is at present not 8:0. p. 45.)
unfashionable in Germany. It is proper, how “To investigate the whole store of original
ever, to observe, that this mode of speaking has notions discoverable in our understanding, and
been used by two very different classes of wri which lie at the foundation of all our knowledge ;
ters; by the one with an intention to keep as and at the same time to authenticate their true
much as possible the Deity out of their view, descent, by showing that they are not derived
while studying his works; by the other, as a from experience, but are pure productions of the
convenient and well understood metaphor, by understanding.
means of which the frequent and irreverent “ l. The perceptions of objects contain, in
mention of the name of God is avoided in philo deed, the matter of knowledge, but are in them
sophical arguments. It was with this last view, selves blind and dead, and not knowledge; and
undoubtedly, that it was so often employed by our soul is merely passive in regard to them.
Newton, and other English philosophers of the “ 2. If these perceptions areto furnish know
same school. In general, when we find a wri ledge, the understanding must think of them,
ter speaking of the wise or of the benevolent in and this is possible only through notions (con
tentions of nature, we should be slow in imput ceptions), which are the peculiar form of our
ing to him any leaning towards atheism. Many understanding, in the same manner as space and
of the finest instances of Final Causes, it is cer time are the form of our sensitive faculty.
tain, which the eighteenth century has brought “ 3. These notions are active representations
to light, have been first remarked by inquirers of our understanding-faculty; and as they re
who seem to have been fond of this phrascology; gard immediately the perceptions of objects, they
and of these inquirers, it is possible that some refer to the objects themselves only mediately.
would have been less forward in bearing testi “ 4. They lie in our understanding as pure
mony to the truth, had they been forced to avail notions a priori, at the foundation of all our
themselves of the style of theologians. These knowledge. They are necessary forms, radical

' See the Diet. Philomphiqut’, Art. Aflle'imc. See also the Strictures on the Syuéme dc la Nulurt in the Question: our PE»
oyclopédie; the ver work from which the above quotation is taken.
' Frederick Sc egel. Lecture: on the History of Literature, Vol. II. p. 169. Edinburgh, 1818.
280 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes
notions, categories (predicaments), of which all reprasentationis conditio. '7. Tempus itaque est
and our knowledge of them must be compounded: prineipium fimruzle mundi sensibilis absolute pri- mugging
Illustrations. 7,

\IW
And the table of them follows. mum -
“ Quantity; unity, plurality, totality. With respect to Space, Kant states a series of
“ Quality; reality, negation, limitation. similar propositions, ascribing to it very nearly
“ Relation ; substance, cause, reciprocation. the same metaphysical attributes as to Time, and
“ Modality ; possibility, existence, necessity. running as far as possible a sort of parallel be
“ 5. Now, to think and to judge is the same tween them. “ A. Conceptus spatii non abstrahi
thing; consequently, every notion contains a tur a sensationibus emternis. B. Conceptus spatii
particular form of judgment concerning objects. est singularis reprazsentatio omnia in se compre
There are four principal genera of judgments. hendens, non sub se continens notio abstracta et
They are derived from the above four possible communis. C. Conceptus spatii itaque est intuitus
functions of the understanding, each of which purus ; cum sit conceptus singularis; sensa
contains under it three species; namely, with re tionibus non conflatus, sed omnis sensationis ex
spect to terna; forma fundamentalis. D. Spatium non
“ Quantity, they are universal, particular, sin est aliquid olgjectivi et realis, nec substantia,
gular udgments. nec accidens, nee relatio ; sed suly'ectivum et
“ Quality, they are affirmative, negative, in ideale, e natura mentis stabili lege proficiscens,
finite judgments. veluti schema, omnia omnino externe sensa sibi
“ Relation, they are categorical, hypothetical, co ordinandi. E. Quanquam conceptus spatii,
disjunctive udgments. ‘ ut objectivi alicujus et realis entis vol affectio
“' Modality, they are problematical, assertory, nis, sit imaginarius, nihilo tamen secius respec
apodictical judgments.” tive ad sensibiha quzecunque, non solum est ve
These tables speak for themselves without rissimus, sed et omnis veritatis in sensualitate
any comment. externa fundamentum.” .
These propositions are extracted from a Dis
Nora YY, p. 195. sertation written by Kant himself in the Latin
language.l Their obscurity, therefore, cannot
Kant’s notions of Time are contained in the be ascribed to any misapprehension on the part
following seven propositions : l. Idea temporis of a translator. It was on this account that I
non oritur sed supponitur a sensibus. 2. Idea tem thought it better to quote them in his own un
poris est singular-is, non generalis. Tempus enim altered words, than to avail myself of the cor-'
quodlibet non cogitatur, nisi tanquam pars unius responding passage in Born’s Latin version of
ejusdem temporis immensi. 3. Idea itaque tem the Critique of Pure Reason.
porisest inluitus, et quoniam ante omucm sensa To each of Kant’s propositions concerning
tionem concipitur, tanquam conditio respectuum Time and Space I shall subjoin a short com
in sensibilibus obviorum, est intuitus, non sen ment, following the same order in which these
sualis, sed purus. 4. Tempus est quantum conti propositions are arranged above.
nuum et legum continui in mutationibus universi 1. That the idea of Time has no resemblance
principium. 5. Tempus non est okiectivum aliquid to any of our sensations, and that it is, therefore,
etreale, nee substantia, nec accidens, nee relatio, sed not derived from sensation immediately and di
subjectiva conditio, per naturam mentis humane: rectly, has been very often observed; and if
necessaria, quaelibet sensibilia, certa lege sibi co nobody had ever observed it, the fact is so very
ordinandi, et inluitus purus. 6. Tempus est obvious, that the enunciation of it could not en
conceptus verissimus, et,I per omnia possibilia title the author to the praise of much ingenuity.
sensuum objecta, in infinitum patens, intuitive: Whether I“ this idea be supposed in all our sen-.

' ' _Dc Jlfmzdi Sensibilir alque Intelligibilisfin-ma ct principiit. Dissertatio pro loco professionis Log. et M'etaph. Ordinmte
rite sibi Vindicando; quam exigeutibus statutis Academicis publice tuebitur Imminent Ksnr._ltegiomonti,_l'l7fi
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 281
Notes
vsations,” or (as Kant explains himself more
'7. The conclusion of the whole matter is, that Notes
and
Illustrations. clearly in his third proposition) “ be conceivedTime is “ absolutely the first formal principle and
Illustrations.
\MJ by the mind prior to all sensation,” is a ques of the sensible world.” I can annex no mean- W
tion which seems to me at least doubtful; nor ing to this; but I have translated the original,
do I think the opinion we form concerning it a word for word, and shall leave my readers to
matter of the smallest importance. One thing their own conjectures.
is certain, that this idea is an inseparable con
comitant of every act of memory with respect
to past events; and that, in whatever way it is A. It appears from this, that, in the opinion
acquired, we are irresistibly led to ascribe to of Kant, the idea of Space is connate with the
the thing itself an existence independent of the mind, or at least, that it is prior to any infor
will of any being whatever. mation received from the senses. But this doc
I- 2. On the second proposition I have nothing trine seems to me not a little doubtful. Indeed,
to remark. The following is the most intelli I rather lean to the common theory, which sup
'gible translation of it that I can give. “ The poses our first ideas of Space or Extension to be
idea of Time is singular, not general; for any formed by abstracting this attribute from the
particular length of Time can be conceived only other qualities of matter. The idea of Space,
as a part of one and the same immense whole.” however, in whatever manner formed, is mani
3. From these premises (such as they are) festly accompanied with an irresistible convic
Kant concludes, that the idea of time is intui tion, that Space is necessarily existent, and that
tive ; and that this intuition, being prior to the its annihilation is impossible; nay, it appears to
exercise of the senses, is not empirical but pure. me to be also accompanied with an irresistible
The conclusion here must necessarily partake conviction, that Space cannot possibly be ex
of the uncertainty of the premises from which tended in more than three dimensions. Call
it is drawn; but the meaning of the author does either of these propositions in question, and you
not seem to imply any very erroneous principle. open a door to universal scepticism.
It amounts, indeed, to little more than an ex B. I can extract no meaning from this, but
planation of some of his peculiar terms. the nugatory proposition, that our conception of
4. That Time is a continued quantity is indis Space leads us to consider it as the place in
putable. To the latter clause of the sentence I which all things are comprehended.
can annex no meaning but this, that time enters C. “ The conception of Space, therefore, is a
as an essential element into our conception of pure intuition.” This follows as a necessary co
the law of continuity, in all its various applica rollary (according to Kant’s own definition)
tions to the changes that take place in Nature. from Prop. A. What is to be understood by
5. In this proposition Kant assumes the truth the clause which asserts, that Space is the fun
of that much contested, and, to me, incompre damental form of every external sensation, it is
hensible doctrine, which denies the objective not easy to conjecture. Does it imply merely
reality of time. ' He seems to consider it merely that the conception of Space is necessarily in
as a subjective condition, inseparably connected volved in all our notions of things external ? In
with the frame of the Human Mind, in conse this case, it only repeats over, in difl'erent and
quence of which it arranges sensible phenomena, most inaccurate terms, the last clause of Prop. B.
according to a certain law, in the order of suc What can be more loose and illogical than the
cession. phrase ectemal sensation ?
6. What is meant by calling Time a true con D. That Space is neither a substance, nor an
ception, I do not profess to understand; nor am accident, nor a relation, may be safely granted;
I able to interpret the remainder of the sentence but does it follow from this that it is nothing
in any way but this, that we can find no limits objective, or, in other words, that it is a mere
to the range thus opened in our conceptions to creature of the imagination ? This, however,
the succession of sensible events. would seem to be the idea of Kant; and yet I
mss. I. PART II. 2 s
282. PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS;

Notes cannot reconcile it with what he says in Prop. That neither theparts of time nor the parts of Notes
muxfiionh E., that the conception of Space is the founda- space can be moved from their places?“ In the “hambu
WN tion of all the truth we ascribe to our percep- Principia of Newton, However, this incidental WV
tions of external objects. (The author’s own discussion is but a spot on the sun. In the
words are—“ omnis veritatis in sensualitate ex Critique of Pure Reason, it is a fair specimen of
terna fundamentum l”)‘ the rest of the work, and forms one of the chief
Upon the whole, it appears to me, that, among pillars of the whole system, both metaphysical
these various propositions, there are some which and moral.
are quite unintelligible; that others assume, as
first principles, doctrines which have been dis NOTE ZZ, p. 196.
puted by many of our most eminent philoso
phers; that others, again, seem to aim at in The following quotation will account for the
volving plain and obvious truths in darkness references which I have made to Mr Nitsch
and mystery; and that not one is expressed among the expounders of Kant’s Philosophy.
with simplicity and precision, which are the na It will also serve to show that the Critique of
tural results of clear and accurate thinking. In Palm Reason has still some admirers in England,
considering time and space as the farms of all not less enthusiastic than those it had formerly
sensible phenomena, does Kant mean any thing in Germany.
more but this,—that,we necessarily refer every “ In submitting this fourth Treatise on the
sensible phenomenon to some point of space, or Philosophy of Kant to the reader" (says the
to some instant of time? If this was really his author of these articles in the Encyclopedia
meaning, he has only repeated over, in obscurer Loadinensis), “ I cannot deny myself the satis
language, the following propositions of Newton; faction of publicly acknowledging the great as
“ Ut ordo partium temporis est immutabilis, sic sistance which I have derived in my literary pur
etiam ordo patrtium spatii. Moveantur hmc de suits, from my excellent and highly valued friend
locis suis, ct movebuntur (ut ita dicam) de Mr Henry Richter. To him I am indebted for
seipsis. Nam tempora et spatia szmt sui ipsorum the clearness and perspicuity with which the _
et rerum omnium quasi loca. In tempore, quoad thoughts of the immortal Kant have been con
ordinem successionis ,- in spatio, quoad ordinem veyed to the public. Indeed, his comprehensive
situs locantur universa. De illorum essentia est knowledge of the system, as well as his enthusi
ut sint loca: et loca primaria moveri absur astic admiration of its general truth, render him
dum est.” a most able and desirable co-operator. Should,
I have quoted this passage, not from any de therefore, any good result to mankind from our
sire of displaying the superiority of Newton joint labours in the display of this vast and pro
over Kant, but chiefly to show how very nearly found system, he is justly entitled to his share
the powers of the former sink to the same level of the praise. It is with sincere pleasure that I
with those of the latter, when directed to inqui reflect upon that period, now two and twenty
ries unfathomable by the human faculties. years ago, when we first studied together under
What abuse of words can be greater than to say, the same master, Frederic Augustus Nitsch, who

' Mr Nitsch has remarked this difficulty, and has attempted to remove it. “ The most essential objection (he observes)
to Kant's system is, that it leads to scepticism; because it maintains, that the figures in which we see the external ob'ects
clothed are not inherent in those objects, and that consequently space is something within, and not without the mind."
(pp. 144, 145.) . “ vIt may be further objected (he adds), that, if there be no external space, there is also no external world.
ut this is concluding by far too much from these premises. If there be no external space, it will follow, that we are not
authorised to assign ertemion to external things, but there will follow no more.“ (p. 149.) Mr Nitsch then proceeds to
obviate these objections : but his reply is far from satisfactory, and is indeed not less applicable to the doctrine of Berkeley
than to that of Kent. This point, however, I do not mean to argue here. The concessions which Nitsch has made are
uite sufficient for my present purpose. They serve at least to satisfy my own mind, that I have not misrepresented
ant’s meaning.
‘-‘ \Vas it not to avoid the palpable incongruity of this language that Kant was led to substitute the word fem: instead of
place: ,- the former word not seeming to be so obviously inapplicable as the latter to time and space in common; or, to speak
more correctly, being, time: its extreme vagueness, equally unmeaning when applied to both ?
 DISSERTATION FIRST. - 283
Notes originally imported the seeds of TRANSCENDEN— frequently impossible for those who have not Notes
and and
Illustrations. TAL PHILOSOPHY from its native country, to studied the dark works of this modern Heracli nlultratlonl
W plant them in our soil; and though, as is usually tus to understand the strictures of the historian W
the case, many of those seeds were scattered by on the systems even of Aristotle or Plato."
the wind, I trust that a suflicient number have (See the article Bnucxsa in the Encyclo
taken root to maintain the growth of this vigo pwdia' Britannica, I7th Ed.) We are told by
rous and fiourishingplant, till the time shall come, the same writer, that “ among the learned of
when, by its general cultivation, England may Germany, Brucker has never enjoyed a very
be enabled to enrich other nations with the most distinguished reputation.” This I can very
perfect specimens of its produce. Professor easily credit; but I am more inclined to in
Nitsch, who thus bestowed upon our country her terpret it to the disadvantage of the German
first attainments in‘ the department of Pure taste, than to that of the historian. Brucker is
Scieme, has paid the debt of nature. I confess indeed not distinguished by any extraordinary
it is some reflection upon England, that she did measure of depth or of acuteness ; but in indus
not foster and protect this immediate disciple of try, fidelity, and sound judgment, he has few
the father of philosophy; but the necessities of superiors; qualities of infinitely greater value
this learned and illustrious man unfortunately in the undertaker of ahistorical work, than that
compelled him to seek that subsistence else passion for systematical refinement, which is so
where, which was withheld from him here. At apt to betray the best-intentioned writers into
Rostock, about the year 1813, this valuable false glosses on the opinions they record.
member of society, and perfect master of the
philosophy he undertook to teach, entered upon
his immortal career as a reward for his earthly .When the above passage was written, I had
services. It is with the most heartfelt satisfac not seen the work of Buhle. I have since had
tion that I add my mite of praise to his revered an opportunity of looking into the French trans
memory. But for him, I might ever have re lation of it, published at Paris in 1816; and I
mained in the dark regions of sophistry and un— must frankly acknowledge, that I have seldom
certainty.” met with agreater disappointment. The account
there given of the Kantian system, to which I
Nora A A A, p. 201. turned with peculiar eagerness, has, if possible,
involved to my apprehension, in additional ob
Among the secondary mischiefs resulting fmm scurity, that mysterious doctrine. ' From this,
the temporary popularity of Kant, none is more however, I did not feel myself entitled to form
to be regretted than the influence of his works an'estimate of the author’s merits as a philo
on the habits, both of thinking and of writing, sophical historian, till I had read some other
of some very eminent men, who have since given articles of which I considered myself better
to the world histories of philosophy. That of qualified to judge. The following short extract
Tenneman in particular (a work said to possess will, without the aid of any comment, enable
great merit) would appear to have been vitiated such of my readers as know anything of the
by this unfortunate bias in the views of its literary history of Scotland, to form an opinion
author. A very competent judge has said of it, upon this point for themselves.
that “ it affords, as far as it is completed, the “ Reid n’attaqua les systémcs de ses prédéces
most accurate, the most minute, and the most seurs et notamment celui do Hume, que parce
rational view we yet possess of the difi'erent qu’il se croyait convaincu de leur défaut dc
systems of philosophy; but that the critical fondement. Maia un autrc antagoniste, non
philosophy being chosen as the vantage ground moins célébre, du scepticismo de Hume, fut, en
from whence the survey of former systems is outrc, guidé par la. haine qu’il avoit vouée a son
taken, the continual reference in Kant’s own illustre compatriots, Iequel lui ripondit avec beau
language to his peculiar doctrines, renders it coup d’aigreur et d’aninwsite'. James Beattie,
284 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes_ PTOfeS-‘Ieurde morale dEdimbourg, puis ensuite, de maniére d’en faire profiter ses lecteurs, qui Notes
“d. logique et de morale s l’Université d’Aberdeen, semblent propres aux savans Allemands.”- m and .
Ilium-shone. ustrations.
WV obtint la préférenee sur Hume lorsqu’il fut question“ (De la Lilt. du Midi de l’Europe, Tom. I. p. 13, km
de remplir la chaire vacante cl Edimbourg. Cette a. Paris, 1813.) 'I regret that my ignorance of
circonstancc devint sans doute la principals source the German language has prevented me from
de l’inimitié que les deux savans concurent l’un profiting by a work of which Sismondi has ex
pour l’autre, et qui influa meme sur le ton qu’ils pressed so favourable an opinion; and still
employérent dans les raisonnemens par lesquels more, that the only history of philosophy from
ils se c0mbattirent.”—(Tome V. p. 235.) the pen of a contemporary German scholar,
To this quotation may I be pardoned for which I have had access to consult, should
adding a few sentences relative to myself ? form so remarkable an exception to Sismondi’s
“ L’ouvrage de Dugald Stewart, intitulé, Ele observation.
ments of the Philosophy of the Human Blind, est
un syncrétisme des opinions de Hartley et de The contents of the preceding note lay me
Reid. Stewart borne absolument la connois under the necessity, in justice to myself, of
sance, tant de l’ame que des choses extérieures, taking some notice of the following remark, by.
s ce que le sens commun nous en apprend, et an anonymous critic, on the first part of this
croit pouvoir ainsi mettre l'étude de la méta— Dissertation, published in lSl5.—(See Quarterly
physique s l’abri du reproche dc rouler sur des Review, Vol. XVII. p. 42.) _
choses qui dépassent 1a sphere de notre intelli “ In the plan which Mr Stewart has adopted,
gence, ou qui sont tout-a-fait inutiles dans la if he has not consulted his strength, he has at
pratique de la vie........L‘es chapitres suivans least consulted his ease; for, supposing a per
renferment le développement du principe de son to have the requisite talent and information,
l’association des idées. Ils sont presqu’ entiere the task which our author has performed, is one
ment écrits d’apres Hartley. Stewart fait dé which, with the historical abstracts of Buhle or
river de ce principe toutes les facultés intellec Tenneman, cannot be supposed to have required
tuelles ct pratiques dc l’homme.”—(Tom. V. any very laborious meditation.”
pp. 330, 331.) On the insinuation contained in the foregoing
Of the discrimination displayed by Buhle in passage, I abstain from offering any comment.
the classification of systems and of authors, the I have only to say, that it was not till the
title prefixed to his 19th chapter may serve as summer of 1820 that I saw the work of Buhle ;
a specimen : “ Philosophy of Condillac, of Helve and that I 'have never yet had an 'opportunity
tius, of Baron d’Hobaeh, of Robinet, of Bonnet, of seeing that of Tenneman. From what I
of Mmztesquieu, of Burlemaqui, of Vattel, and of have found in the one, and from what I have
Reid." heard of the other, I am strongly inclined
But the radical defect of Buhle’s work is, the to suspect, that when the anonymous critic
almost total want of references to original au wrote the above sentence, he was not less igno
. thors. We are presented only with the general rant than myself of the works of these two his
results of the author’s reading, without any torians. Nor can I refrain from adding (which
.guide to assist us in confirming his conclusions I do with perfect .confidence), that no person
when right, or in correcting them when wrong. competent to judge on such a subject can read
This circumstance is of itself sufficient to anni with attention this Historical Sketch, without
hilate the value of any historical composition. perceiving that its merits and defects, whatever
Sismondi, in mentioning the history of mo they may be, are at least all my owu.
dern literature by Bouterwek, takes occasion to
pay a compliment (and, I have no doubt, a very No'rs B B B, p. 204..
deserved one) to German scholars in general;
observing, that he has executed his task—“ avec Of the Scottish authors who turned their at
une étendue d’,érudition, et une loyauté dans la tention to metaphysical studies, prior to the
 . .DISSERTATION FIRST. ' 285
Notes union of the two Kingdoms, I know of none so seventeenth century. The work is dedicated Nam
maxgiom eminent as George Dalgarno of Aberdeen, au- to the Royal Society of London, of the utility musfgeiom
\IN thor of two works, both of them strongly marked of which institution, in promoting experimental k-Ivv
with sound philosophy, as well as with original knowledge, he appears to have been fully
genius. The one published at London, 1660, aware.
is entitled, “ Ars signorum, vulgo character uni The limits of a note will not permit me to
versalis et lingua philosophica, qua poterunt h0 enter into farther details concerning the-state
mines diversissimormn idiomatum, spalio duarum of philosophy. in Scotland, during the interval
septimanarum, omnia animi sui some (in rebus between the union of the Crown and that of
familiaribus) non minus intelligibiliter, sive scri the Kingdoms. The circumstances of the coun
bendo, sive loguendo, mutuo communicare, quam try were indeed pcculiarly unfavourable to it.
linguis propriis vernaculis. Praterea, hinc etiam But memorials still exist of a few individuals,
poterunt juvenes, philosophic principia, et verum sufficient to show, that the philosophical taste,
logicm praxin, citius et facilius multo imbibere, which has so remarkably distinguished our
quam ez vulgaribus philosophorum'scriptzk.” The countrymen during the eighteenth century, was
other work of Dalgarno is entitled, “ Didascolo in some measure an inheritance from their im
cophus, or the Deaf and Dumb ltlan’s' T .” mediate predecessors. Leibnitz, I think, some
Printed at Oxford, 1680. I have given some where mentions the number of learned Scotch
account of the former in‘the notes at the end of men by whom he was visited in the course of
the first volume of the Philosophy of the Human their travels. To one of them (Mr Burnet of
Mind ,' and of the latter, in a Memoir, published Kemney) he has addressed a most interesting
in Vol. VII. of the Transactions of the Royal letter, dated in 1697, on the general state of
Society of Edinburgh. As they are now become learning and science in Europe; opening his
extremely rare, and would together form a very mind on the various topics which he introduces,
small octavo volume, I cannot help thinking with a freedom and confidence highly honour
that a bookseller, who should reprint them, able to the attainments and character of his
would be fully indemnified by the sale. The 'correspondent. Dr Arbuthnot, who was born
fate of Dalgarno will be hard indeed, if, in about the time of the Restoration, may serve as
addition to the unjust neglect he experienced a fair specimen of the very liberal education
from his contemporaries, the proofs he has left which was then to be had in some of the Scot
of his philosophical talents shall be suffered to tish Universities. The large share which he is
sink into total oblivion. allowed to have contributed to the Memoirs of
Lord Stair’s Physibbgia Nova Eaperimentalis Martinus Scriblerus abundantly attests the va- '
(published at Leyden in 1686) is also worthy of riety of his learning, and the just estimate he
notice in the- literary history of Scotland. Al had formed of the philosophy of the schools;
though it bears few marks of the eminent ta and in one or two passages, where he glances
lents which distinguished the author, both as a at the errors of his contemporaries, an attentive
lawyer and as a statesman, it discovers a very and intelligent reader will trace, amid all his
extensive acquaintance with the metaphysical pleasantry, a metaphysical depth and soundness
as well as with the physical doctrines, which which seem to belong to a later period—Is
were chiefly in vogue at that period; more par there no Arbuthnot now, to chastise the follies
ticularly with the leading doctrines of Gassendi, of our craniologists ?
Descartes, and Malebranche. Many acute and
some important strictures are made on the Nora C C C, p. 214-.
errors of all the three, and at the same time
complete justice is done to their merits; the The letter which gives occasion to this note
writer every where manifesting an indepen was written tWenty years after the publication
of the Treatise QfiHuman Nature. As it relates,
dence of opinion and a spirit of free inquiry,
very uncommon among the philosophers of the however, to the history of Mr Hume’s studies
286 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIbNS.
Notes previous to that publication, I consider this as pected to find more regularity in his life and Notes
mmimic“ the proper place for introducing it. The Dia- manners than in those of the ignorant and illi- "Malian.
\M/ logue to which the letter refers was plainly that terate. There is a remarkable passage of Ap- M
which appeared after Mr Hume’s death, under pian to this purpose. That historian observes,
the title of Dialogues on Natural Religion. that, notwithstanding the established prepos
session in favour of learning, yet some philoso
“ Ninewells, March 19. 1751. phers who have been trusted with absolute
“ DEAR SIR—YOU would perceive by the power have very much abused it; and he in
sample I have given you, that I make Cleanthes stances in Critias, the most violent of the
the hero of the dialogue. lVhatever you can Thirty, and Aristion, who governed Athens in
think of to strengthen that side of the argument the time of Sylla. But I find, upon inquiry,
will be most acceptable to me. Any propensity that Critias was a professed Atheist, and Aris
you imagine I have to the other side crept in tion an Epicurean, which is little or nothing
upon me against my will; and it is not long ago different; and yet Appian wonders at their cor
that I burned an old manuscript book, wrote ruption as much as if they had been Stoics
before I was twenty, which contained, page af or Platonists. A modern zealot would have
ter page,‘ the gradual progress of my thoughts thought that corruption unavoidable.
on that head. It begun with an anxious search “ I could wish that Gleanthes’s argument
after arguments to confirm the common opinion; could be so analysed as to be rendered quite
doubts stole in, dissipated, returned, were again formal and regular. The propensity of the
dissipated, returned again, and it was a per mind towards it, unless that propensity were as
petual struggle of a restless imagination against strong and universal as that to believe in our
inclination, perhaps against reason. senses and experience, will still, I am afraid, be
“ I have often thought that the best way of esteemed a suspicious foundation. ’Tis here I
composing a dialogue would be for two persons wish for your assistance. We must endeavour
that are of difl'erent opinions about any questionto prove that this propensity is somewhat diffe
of importance, to write alternately the difl'erentrent from our inclination to find our own figures
parts of the discourse, and reply to each other. in the clouds, our face in the moon, our passions
By this means that vulgar error would be avoid and sentiments even in inanimate matter. Such
ed of putting nothing but nonsense into the an inclination may and ought to be controlled,
mouth of .the adversary; and, at the same time, and can never be a legitimate ground of assent.
a variety of character and genius being upheld, “ The instances I have chosen for Cleanthes
would make the whole look more natural and are, I hope, tolerably happy; and the confusion
unafi'ected. Had it been my good fortune to in which I represent the sceptic seems natural.
live near you, I should have taken on me the But, si quid moisti rectius, Sic.
character of Philo in the dialogue, which you’ll “ You ask me, ifthe idea of cause and fleet is
own I could have supported naturally enough; nothing but vicinity .9 (you should have said con
and you would not have been averse to that of stant vicinity or regular conjunction)—I would
Cleanthcs. I believe, too, we could both of us gladly know whence is thatfarther idea Qf causa
have kept our tempers very well; only you have tion against which you argue? The question is
not reached an absolute philosophical indifi'e pertinent; but I hope I have answered it. We
rence on these points. What danger can ever feel, after the constant conjunction, an easy
come from ingenious reasoning and inquiry“? transition from one idea to the other, or a con
The worst speculative sceptic ever I knew was nection in the imagination; and, as it is usual
a much better man than the best superstitious for us to transfer our own feelings to the ob
devotee and bigot. I must inform you too, that jects on which they are dependent, we attach
this was the way of thinking of the ancients on the internal sentiment to the external objects.
this subject. If a. man made profession of phi If no single instances of cause and effect appear
losophy, whatever his sect was, they always ex to have any connection, but only repeated simi
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 287

Notes lar ones, you will find yourself obliged to have been examined so often and so accurately. I Notes
In“53mm recourse to this theory. must freely own to you, that to me it appears Illustrate“
vw “ I am sorry our correspondence should lead extremely doubtful, if the position which Cle— M
as into these abstract speculations. I have anthes undertakes to maintain can be supported,
thought, and read, and composed very little on at least in any satisfactory manner, upon the
such .questions of late. Morals, politics, and principles he establishes and the concessions he
literature, have employed all my time; but still makes. If it be only from efi'ect exactly simi
the other topics I must think more curious, im lar that experience warrants us to infer a simi
portant, entertaining, and useful, than any geo lar cause, then I am afraid it must be granted,
metry that is deeper than Euclid. If, in oriier that the works of Nature resemble not so nearly
to answer the doubts started, new principles of the productions of man as to support the conclu
philosophy must be laid, are not these doubts sion which Cleanthes admits can be built only on
themselves very useful? Are they not prefer that resemblance. The two instances he brings
able to blind and ignorant assent? I hope I to illustrate his argument are indeed ingenious
can answer my own doubts; but, if I could not, and elegant; the first, especially, which seem
is it to be wondered at? To give myself airs ingly carries great weight along with it: the
andsppak magnificently; might I not observe other, I mean that of the Vegetating Library, as
that Columbus 'did not conquer empires and it is of more difficult apprehension, so I think it
plant colonies ? is not easy for the mind either to retain or to
' “ If I have not unravelled the knot so well apply it. But, if I mistake not, this strong
in these last papers I sent you, as perhaps I did objection strikes equally against them both.
in the former, it has not, I assure you, proceed Cleanthes does no more than substitute two ar
ed from want of good will. But some subjects tificial instances in the place of natural ones:
are easier than others; and sometimes one is but if these bear no nearer a resemblance than
happier in one’s researches and inquiries than natural ones to the effects which we have expe
at other times. Still I have recourse to the si rienced to proceed from men, then nothing can
quid nmn'sti rectius; not in order to pay you a justly be inferred from them; and if this re
‘ compliment, but from a real philosophical doubt semblance be greater, then nothing farther ought
and curiosity.’" to be inferred from them. In one respect, how
ever, Cleanthes seems to limit his reasonings
An unfinished draught of the letter to which more than is necessary even upon his own prin
the foregoing seems to have been the reply, has ciples. Admitting, for once, that experience is
been preserved among Sir Gilbert Elliot’s pa the only source of our knowledge, I cannot see
pers. This careless fragment is in his own how it follows, that, to enable u to infer a si
handwriting, and exhibits an interesting speci milar cause, the effects must not only be similar,
men of the progress made in Scotland among but exactly and precisely so. Will not expe
the higher classes, seventy years ago, not only rience authorise me to conclude, that a machine
in sound philosophy, but in purity of English or piece of mechanism was produced by human
style. .> ' art, unless I have happened previously to see a
“ Dean Sin—Ineloscd I return your papers, machine or piece of mechanism exactly of the
which, since my coming to town, I have again same sort? Point out, for instance, the contri
read over with the greatest care. The thoughts vance and end of a watch to a peasant, who had
which this last perusal of them has suggested never before seen any thing more curious than,
I shall set down, merely in compliance with the coarsest instruments of husbandry, will he
your desire, for I pretend not to say any not immediately conclude, that this watch is an
thing new upon a question which has already effect produced by human art and design P And
I

l The original is in the possession of the Earl of Minto.

288 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes I would still farther ask, does a spade ora plough contemplation of the universe, and the several Notes
muggionm much more resemble a watch than a watch does parts of it, produces upon a considering mind? maxim!
WV an organised animal? The result of our whole This is a question of fact; a popular question, \MJ
experience, if experience indeed be the only the discussion of which depends not upon refine
principle, seems rather to amount to this : There ments and subtlety, but merely upon impartia
are but two Ways in which We have ever ob lity and attention. I ask, then, what is the sen
served the different parcels of matter to be timent which prevails in one’s mind, after hav
thrown together; either at random, or with de , ing considered not only the more familiar ob
sign and purpose. By the first we have never jects that surround him, but also all the disco
seen produced a regular complicated effect. cor Veries of Natural Philosophy and Natural His
responding to a certain end; by the second, we tory; after having considered not only the ge
uniformly have. If, then, the works of nature, neral economy of the universe, but also the most
and the productions of man, resemble each other minute parts of it, and the amazing adjustment
in this one general characteristic, will not even of means to ends with a precision unknown to
experience sufficiently warrant us to_ ascribe to human art, and in instances innumerable? Tell
both a similar though proportionable cause? If me (to use the words of Cleanthes), does not
you answer, that abstracting from the experience' the idea of a contriver flow in upon you with a
we acquire in this world, order and adjustment force like that of sensation? Expressions how
of parts is no proof cf design, my reply is, that just ! (yet in the mouth of Cleanthes you must
no conclusions, drawn from the nature of so chi allow me to doubt of their propriety.) Nor does
merical a being as man, considered abstracted this conviction only arise from the consideration
from experience, can at all be listened to. The 'of the inanimate parts of the creation, but still
principles of the human mind are clearly so con more strongly from the contemplation of the fa
trived as not to unfold themselves till the pro culties of the understanding, the affections of
per objects and proper opportunity and occasion the heart, and the various instincts discoverable
be presented. There is no arguing upon the na both in men and brutes; all so properly adapted
ture of man but by considering him as grown to to the circumstances and situation both of the
maturity, placed in society, and become ac species and the individual. Yet this last obser
quainted with surrounding objects. But if you vation, whatever may be in it, derives no force
should still farther urge, that, with regard to in from experience. For who ever saw a mind
stances of which we have no experience, for produced? If we'are desirous to push our ex
aught we know, matter may contain the prin periments still farther, and inquire, whether the
ciples of order, arrangement, and the adjust survey of the universe has regularly and uni-'
ment of final causes, I should only answer, that formly led to the belief of an intelligent cause?
wheever can conceive this proposition to be true, Shall we not find, that, from the author of the
has exactly the same idea of matter that I have book of Job to the preachers at Boyle’s Lecture,
of mind. I know not if I have reasoned justly thesame language has been universally held?
upon Cleanthes’s principles, nor is it indeed very No writer, who has ever treated this subject,
material. The purpose of my letter is barely to but has either applied himself to describe, in the
point out what to me appears the fair and phi most emphatical language, the beauty and order
losophical method of proceeding in this inquiry. of the universe, or else' to collect together and
That this universe is the effect of an intelligent place in the most striking light, the many in
designing cause, is a principle which has been stances of contrivanceand design which have
most universally received in all ages and in all been discovered by observation and experiment.
nations ; the proof uniformly appealed to is, the And when they have done this, they seem to
admirable order and adjustment of the works of have imagined that their task was finished, and
nature. To proceed, then, experimentally and their demonstration complete; and indeed no
philosophically, the first question in point of or wonder,—-for it seems to me, that we are scarce
der seems to be, what is the ,efi'ect which the more assured of ourown existence, than that
 DISSERTATION FIRST. 289

Notes this well-ordered universe is the effect of an in ing, or possibly upon all these together; but if Now
and -
mummou telhgent cause. . U . . his principles shall not be laid so wide as to art-mum“
VW “ This first question, then, which 18 indeed a count for the fact already established upon prior \IW
question of fact, being thus settled upon obser evidence, we may, I think, safely conclude, that
vations which are obvious and unrefined, but his principles are erroneous. Should a philoso
not on that account the less satisfactory, it be pher pretend to demonstrate to me, by a system
comes the business of the philosopher to inquire, of optics, that I can only discern an object when
whether the conviction arising from these obser placed directly opposite to my eye, I should
vations be founded on the conclusions of reason, certainly answer, your system must be defec
the reports of experience, or the dictates of feel tive, for it is contradicted by matter of fact.”—

END OF THE FIRST DISSERTATION.

D158. 1. PART II
 DISSERTATION SECOND;
EXHIBITING A GENERAL VIEW

OF THE

PROGRESS OF ETHICAL PHILOSOPHY,

CHIEFLY

DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.

BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH, LL.D. F.R.S. M.P.

 DISSERTATION SECOND.

INTRODUCTION.

Tm: inadequacy of the words of ordinary lan in this respect in a worse condition than an as
guage for the purposes of Philosophy, is an an tronomer who looked at the heavens only with
cient and frequent complaint; of which the just the naked eye, whose limited and partial obser¢
ness will be felt by all who consider the state to vation, however it might lead to error, might
which some of the most important arts would not directly, and would not necessarily deceive.
be reduced, if the coarse tools of the common He might be more justly compared to an arith
labourer were the only instruments to be em metician compelled to employ numerals not only
ployed in the most delicate operations of ma cumbrous, but used so irregularly to denote dif.
nual expertness. The watchmaker, the opti ferent quantities, that they not only often de
cian, and the surgeon, are provided with instrn. ceived others, but himself.
ments which are fitted, by careful ingenuity, to The Natural Philosopher and Mathematician
second their skill; the philosopher alone is have in some degree the privilege of framing
doomed to use the rudest tools for the most re their own terms of art; though that liberty is
fined purposes. He must reason in words of daily narrowed by the happy difi'usion of these
which the looseness and vagueness are suitable, great branches of knowledge, which daily mixes
and even agreeable, in the usual intercourse of their language with the general vocabulary of
life, but which are almost as remote from the educated men. The cultivator of Mental and
extreme exactness and precision required, not Moral Philosophy can seldom do more than
only in the conveyance, but in the search of mend the faults of his words by definition; a
truth, as the hammer and the axe would be un necessary but very inadequate expedient, in a
fit for the finest exertions of skilful handiwork; great measure defeated in practice by the un
for it is not to be forgotten, that he must him avoidably more frequent recurrence of the terms
self think in these gross words as unavoidably in their vague than in their definite acceptation;
as he uses them in to others. He is in consequence of which the mind, to which the
294 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS

definition is faintly and but occasionally present, the penury and laxity of language are more felt
naturally suffers, in the ordinary state of atten— than in entering on the history of sciences where
tion, the scientific meaning to disappear from the first measure must be to mark out the boun
remembrance, and' insensibly ascribes to the dary of the whole subject with some distinct
word a great part, if not the whole, of that po ness. But no exactness in these important ope
pular sense which is so very much more familiar rations can be approached without a new divi
even to the most veteran speculator. The ob sion of human knowledge, adapted to the pre
stacles which stood in the way of Lucretius and sent stage of its progress, and a reformation of
Cicero, when they began to translate the subtile all those barbarous, pedantic, unmeaning, and
philosophy of Greece' into their narrow and bar (what is worse) wrong-meaning names which
ren tongue, are always felt by the philosopher continue to be applied to the greater part of its
when he struggles to express, with the neces branches. Instances are needless where nearly
sary discrimination, his abstruse reasonings in all the appellations are faulty. The term Me
words which, though those of his own language, taphysics affords a specimen of all the faults
he must take from the mouths of those to whom which the name of a science can combine. To
his distinctions would be without meaning. those who know only their own language, it
The Moral Philosopher is in this respect sub must, at their entrance on the study, convey no
ject to peculiar difficulties. His statements and meaning. It points their attention to nothing.
reasonings often call for nicer discriminations If they examine the language in which its parts
of language than those which are necessary in are significant, they will be misled into the per
describing or discussing the purely intellectual nicious error of believing that it seeks some
part of human nature; but his freedom in the thing more than the interpretation of nature.
choice of words is more circumscribed. As he It is only by examining the history of ancient
treats of matters on which all men are disposed Philosophy that the probable origin of this name
to form a judgment, he can as rarely hazard will be found, in the application of it, as the
glaring innovations in diction, 'at least in an running title” of ' several essays of Aristotle,
adult and mature language'like ours, as the ora-' which were placed in a collection of the manud
tor or the poet. If he deviates from common scripts of that great philosopher, after his trea
use, he must atone for his deviation by hiding tise on Physics. It has the greater fault of an
it, and can only give a new sense to an old word unsteady and fluctuating signification ; denoting
by so skilful a position of it as to render the one class of objects in the seventeenth century,
new meaning so quickly understood that its no-' and another in the eighteenth—even in the
velty is scarcely perceived. Add to this, that nineteenth not quite of the same import in the
in those most difficult inquiries'for which the mouth of a German, as in that of a French or
utmost coolness is not more than sufficient, he English philosopher ;'to say nothing of the inr
is often forced to use terms commonly connect ther objection that it continues to be a badge of
ed with warm feeling, with high praise, with undue pretension among some of the followers
severe reproach; which excite the passions of his of the science, whilei it has become-1's nam‘é‘
readers when he most needs their calm atten of reproach and derision among those who alto
tion and the undisturbed exercise of their‘im gether decry it. MM» ,1; a hauwudnp “Why
partial judgment. There is scarcely a neutral The modern name of the very modern science
term left in Ethics; so quickly are such‘ expres called Political‘Eeonomy, though" deliberately;
sions enlisted on the side of Pi'aise- or 'Blame, bestowed‘on it by its most eminent teachers, is
by the address of contending passions.v A'tme perhaps a still more notable sample of the like
phiiosopher must not even desire ‘that men faults. It might lead the ignorant to' confine it
should less love virtue or‘hate vice, in order to to retrenchment in national expenditure ;\'and a
fit them for a more unprejudic'ed judgment on consideration of its etymology alone Would lead
his spemlations'.“' "'~- "' -‘ into the more mischievous error of beliei'ing it
' There are perhaps not-‘many' occasions where“ to teach, that national wealth isbest promoted by
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 29.5
the contrivauce and interference of lawgivers, literature and philosophy is so rapidly increasing
in opposition to its surest doctrine, which it in the greater part of the Continent, that though
most justly boasts of having discovered and en a revolution in scientific nomenclature be pro
forced. bably yet far distant, the foundation“ of it may
It is easy to conceive an exhaustive analysis be considered as already prepared.
of Human Knowledge, and a consequent division But although so great an undertaking must
of it into parts corresponding to all the classes be reserved for a second Bacon and a future
of objects to which it relates :—a representation generation, it is necessary for the historian of
of that vast edifice, containing a picture of what any branch of knowledge to introduce his work
is finished, a sketch of what is building, and by some account of the limits and contents of
even a conjectural outline of what, though re the sciences of which he is about to trace the
quired by completeness and convenience, as well progress; and though, it will be found impos
as symmetry, is yet altogether untouched. A sible to trace throughout the treatise a distinct
system of names might also be imagined derived line of demarcation, yet a general and imperfect
from a few roots, indicating the objects of each sketch of the boundaries of the whole, and of
part, and showing the relation of, the parts to the parts of our present subject, may be a con
each other. An order and a language somewhat siderable help to the reader, as it has been a
resembling those by which the objects of the useful guide to the writer.
sciences of Botany and Chemistry have, in the There is no distribution of the parts of know
eighteenth century, been arranged and denoted, ledge more ancient than that of the Physical
are doubtless capable of application to the sciences and Moral Sciences, which seems liable to no
generally, when considered as parts of the system other objection, than that it does not exhaust
of knowledge. The attempts, however, which the subject. Even this division, however, can
have hitherto been made to accomplish the aha not be safely employed, without warning the
lytical division-of knowledge which must neces reader, that no science is entirely insulated,
sarily precede a new nomenclature of the sciences, and that the principles of one are often only the
have required so prodigious a superiority of ge conclusions and results of another. .Every
nius in the single instance of approach to success branch of knowledge has its root in the theory
by Bacon, as to discourage rivalship nearly as of the Understanding, from which men the m8.
muchas the frequent examples of failure in sub— thematician must learn what can be known of
sequent times. The nomenclature itself is at his magnitude and his numbers; and Moral
tended with great difliculties, not indeed in its Science is founded on that other hitherto un
conception, but in its adoption and usefulness. named part of the philOsophy of human nature
In the Continental languages to the south of (to be constantly and vigilantly distinguished
the Rhine, the practice of deriving the names of from Intellectual Philosophy), which contem
science from Greek must be continued; which plates the laws of sensibility, of emotion, of
would render the new names for a while unin desire and aversion, of pleasure and pain, of
happiness and misery; and on which arise the
telligible to the majority of men. Even in Ger
many, where a flexible and fertile language august and sacred landmarks that stand con
spicuous along the frontier between Right and
afiords unbounded liberty of derivation and com
position fromlnative roots or elements, and where
W'rong.
the newly derived and compounded words would But however multiplied the connections of
thus be as clear to the mind, and almost as the Moral and Physical Sciences are, it is not
little startling to the ear of every man, as. the difficult to draw a general distinction between
oldest terms in the language, yet the whole n0 them. The purpose of the Physical Sciences
menelature would be unintelligible to other na throughout all their provinces, is to answer the
tions. The intercommunity of .the technical question What is? They consist only of facts
termsof science in Europe has been so for broken arranged according to their likeness, and ex,
downyby the Germans, and the influence of their pressed by general names given to every clan
296 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

of similar facts. The purpose of the Moral equally certain that the word Ought introduces
Sciences is to ansvver the question What ought the mind into ‘a new region, to which nothing
t) be? They aim. at ascertaining the rules physical corresponds. However philosophers
which ought to govern voluntary action, and to may deal with this most important of words, it
which those habitual dispositions of mind which is instantly understood by all who do not at
are the source of voluntary actions ought to be tempt to define it. No civilized speech, perhaps
adapted. no human language, is without correspondent
It is obvious that Will, Action, Habit, Disposi terms. It would be as reasonable to deny that
tion, are terms denoting facts in human nature, Space and Greenness are significant words, as to
and that an explanation of them must be sought aflirm that Ought, Right, Duty, Virtue, are sounds
in Mental Philosophy; which, if knowledge be without meaning. It would be fatal to an Ethi
divided into Physical and Moral, must be placed cal Theory that it did not explain them, and
among physical sciences; though it essentially that it did not comprehend all the conceptions
difl'ers from them all in having for its chief ob and emotions which they call up. There never
ject those laws of thought which alone render yet was a theory which did not attempt such an
any other sort of knowledge possible. But it is explanation.

SECTION I.

Preliminary Observations.

Tunas is no man who, in a case where he of his dissent; or where each dissident is con
was a calm by-stander, would not look with demned by all the other dissidents, which im
more satisfaction on acts of kindness than on measurably augments the majority against him.
acts of cruelty. No man, after the first excite In the first three cases he may be convinced by
ment of his mind has subsided, ever whispered argument, that his moral judgment should be
to himself with self-approbation and secret joy changed on principles which he recognises as
that he had been guilty of cruelty or baseness. just; and he can seldom, if ever, be condemned
Every criminal is strongly impelled to hide these at the same time by the body of mankind who
qualities of his actions from himself, as he would agree in their moral systems, and by those who
do from others, by clothing his conduct in some on some other points dissent from that general
disguise of duty or of necessity. There is no code, without being also convicted of error by
tribe so rude as to be Without a faint perception inconsistency with himself. The tribes who ex
of a difl'erence between right and wrong. There pose new-born infants, condemn those who
is no subject on which men of all ages and na abandon their decrepit parents to destruction.
tions coincide in so many points as in the gene Those who betray and murder strangers, are
ral rules of conduct, and in the qualities of the condemned by the rules of faith and humanity
human character which deserve esteem. Even which they acknowledge in their intercourse
the grossest deviations from the general consent with their countrymen. Mr Hume, in a dia
will appear, on close examination, to be not so logue in which he ingeniously magnifies the
much corruptions of moral feeling, as either ig moral heresies of two nations so polished as the
norance of facts; or errors with respect to the Athenians and the French, has very satisfactorily
consequences of action; or cases in which the resolved his own difficulties. “ In howmanycir
dissentient party is inconsistent with other parts cumstances would anAthenian and a Frenchman
of his own principles, which destroys the value of merit certainly resemble eachother?--Human
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 297
ity, fidelity, truth, justice, courage, temperance, violably observed? It is singular, that where
constancy, dignity of mind......The principles we are most nearly agreed respecting rules, we
upon which men reason in moral's are always the should perhaps most dill'er as to the causes of
same, though their conclusions are often very dif our agreement, and as to the reasons which
ferent.” 1 He might have added, that almost every justify us for adhering to it. The discussion of
deviation which he imputes to each nation is at these subjects composes what is usually called
variance with some of the virtues ustly esteemed the Theory of Morals, in a sense not in all
by both; and that the reciprocal condemnation respects coincident with what is usually con
of each other’s errors which appears in his sidered as Theory in other sciences. When we
statement entitles us on these points to strike investigate the causes of our moral agreement,
out the suffrages of both, when collecting the the term Theory retains its ordinary scientific
general judgment of mankind. If we bear in sense; but when we endeavour to ascertain the
mind that the question relates to the coincidence reasons of it, we rather employ the term as im
of all men in considering the same qualities as porting the theory of the rules of an art. In
virtues, and not to the preference of one class the first case, Theory denotes, as usual, the
of virtues by some, and of a different class by most general laws to which certain facts can be
others, the exceptions from the agreement of reduced; whereas in the second, it points out
mankind, in their system of practical morality, the ellicacy of the observance, in practice, of
will be reduced to absolute insignificance; and certain rules, for producing the effects intended
we shall learn to view them as no more affecting to be produced in the art. These reasons also
the harmony of our moral faculties, than the re may be reduced under the general sense by stat
semblance of the limbs and features is affected ing the question relating to them thus :—What
by monstrous conformations, or by the unfortu are the causes why the observance of certain
nate effects of accident and disease in a very rules enables us to execute certain purposes?
few individuals.‘I An account of the various answers attempted to
It is very remarkable, however, that though be made to these inquiries, properly forms the
all men agree that~'there are acts which ought History of Ethics.
to be done, and acts which ought not to be done ; The attentive reader may already perceive,
though the far greater part of mankind agree in that these momentous inquiries relate to at least
their list of virtues and duties, of vices and two perfectly distinct subjects: 1. The nature
crimes; and though the whole race, as it advances of the distinction between right and wrong in
human conduct, and 2. The nature of those feel
in other improvements, is as evidently tending ings with which right and wrong are conteml
towards the moral system of the most civilized
nations, as children in their growth tend to the plated by human beings. The latter consti
opinions as much as to the experience and tutes what has been called the Theory qf Mo
strength of adults; yet there are no questions ral Serdimenls; the former consists in an in
in the circle of inquiry to which ansWers more vestigation into the Criterion of Morality in
various have been given than—How men have action. Other mest important questions arise
thus come to agree in the rule of life; Whence in this province. But the two problems which
arises their general reverence for it; and What have been just stated, and the essential distinc
is meant by aflirming that it ought to be in tion between them, must be clearly apprehended
armour-n.“ U'MH ll DAU'H "Al €;'L

’ 1 rammed: fi'or/u. vol. IV. p. 420, 422. .Edlnb. mes.

' “ .On cenvient le phi: souvcnt dc ces instincts do lacon science. La plus grande et le plus seine_ partic du
_ nrc hu _
main leur rend témoign 10. Les Orientaux, ct lea Grecs, et lee Remains convtenncnt en cela; ct Ll fuudroat ctrc cuss:
abruti quc les sauvages . méricains pour apprcuvcr leurs coutumes, pleines d'une cruauté qui passe meme pcllc dos bC-tcs.
Cqmdcnt on mine: memgu Mont ln‘m cc qlu: c‘ut 9m Injustice 0a d'autra amnion: ,- et quoitaue ll n‘y an. pom! dc muvuse
antique peut-étre ui ne soit autorist'e quelque part, il y on n peu urtant qui ne suicnt co n ainnées le plus souvcnl, ct par
lus grande part e des hotnmes." (Lzlumrz. (Bum: Philoaop lqun, p. 49. Amst. ct Leipz. 1765, 4:0.) '
, fibers: are some admirable observations on this subject in Hartley, especially in the development of the 49th Proposi
“on. “ The rule qfliji: drawnfrom the predict and opinion; if mankind correct: and imprm'u iluLf pcrpctually, til! at but it
More! mlrclgjbr mu, mud “elude: all ‘kind: and deg-rec: of via." (Oburwtlom on Man, I. 207.)
DISF- ll
29
298 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

by all who are desirous of understanding the actions. Mr Bentham also contrasts the prin
controversies which have prevailed on ethical ciple of utility with that of sympathy, of which
subjects. The discrimination has seldom been he considers the moral sense as being one of the
made by Moral Philosophers; the difference forms.‘ It is needless to repeat, that proposi
between the two problems has never been uni tions which aflirm or deny anything of difi'erent
formly observed by any of them: and it will subjects, cannot contradict each other. As
appear, in the sequel, that they have been not these celebrated persons have thus inferred or
rarely altogether confounded by very eminent implied the non-existence of a moral sense,
men, to the destruction of all just conception from their opinion that the morality of actions
and of all correct reasoning in this most import depend upon their usefulness, so other philoso~
ant, and perhaps most diflicult of sciences. phers of equal name have concluded, that the
It may therefore be allowable to deviate so utility of actions cannot be the criterion of
far from historical order, as to illustrate the their morality, because a perception of that
nature and to prove the importance of the dis utility appears to them to form a faint and in
tinction, by an example of the effects of ne considerable part of our moral sentiments, if
glecting it, taken from the recent works of indeed it be at all discoverable in them.” These
justly celebrated writers; in which they dischss errors are the more remarkable, because the
questions much agitated in the‘ present age, and like confusion of perceptions with their objects,
therefore probably now familiar to most readers of emotions with their causes, or even the omis
of this Dissertation. sion to mark the distinctions, would, in every
Dr Paley represents the principle of a moral other subject, be felt to be a most serious fault
sense as being opposed to that of utility.I Now, in philosophizing. If, for instance, an element
it is evident that this representation is founded were discovered to be common to all bodies
on a confusion of the two questions which have which our taste perceives to be sweet, and to be
been stated above. That we are endued with a found in no other bodies, it is apparent that this
moral sense, or, in other words, a faculty which discovery, perhaps important in other respects,
immediately approves what is right and con would neither affect our perception of sweet
demns what is wrong, is only a statement of ness, nor the pleasure which attends it. Both
the feelings with which we contemplate actions._ would continue to be what they have been since
But to afiirm that right actions are those which the existence of mankind. Every proposition
conduce to the wellbeing of mankind, is a pro concerning that element would relate to sweet
position concerning the outward effects by bodies, and belong to the science of Chemistry;
which 'right actions themselves may be recog while every proposition respecting the percep
nised. As these affirmations relate to different tion or pleasure of sweetness would relate either
subjects, they cannot be opposed to each other, to the body or mind of man, and accordingly
any more than the solidity of earth is inconsist belong either to the science of Physiology, or
ent with the fluidity of water; and a very little to that of Mental Philosophy. During the
reflection will show it to be easily conceivable many ages which passed before the analysis of
that they may be both true. Man maybe so the sun’s beams had proved them to be com
constituted as instantaneously to approve cer pounded of difi'erent colours, white objects were
tain actions without any reference to their con seen, and their whiteness was sometimes felt to
sequences; and yet reason may nevertheless be beautiful, in the very same manner as since
discover, that a tendency to produce general that discovery. The qualities of light are the
happiness is the essential characteristic of such object of Optics; the nature of beauty can be as

1 ramp!" qfMoml and Political Philosophy. Compare book i. chap. v. with book i. chap. vi.
7 Introduction to the Principles qflllomlily and Legislation, chap. ii.
“ Smra's Theory Qf . oral Scnrimrnts, Part iv. Even Hume, in the third book of his Treatise qf Human Nature, the
most precise, perhaps, of his philosophical writings, uses the following as the title of one of the sections: “ Menu. DIS
TINCTIONS derivcdfiom a liloral Some."
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
eertained only by each man’s observation of his
own mind; the changes in the living frame
which succeed the refraction of light in the eye,
and precede mental operation, will, if they are
ever to be known by man, constitute a part of
Physiology. But no proposition relating to
one of these orders of phenomena can contra
dict or support a proposition concerning another
order.
The analogy of this latter case will justify
another preliminary observation. In the case
of the pleasure derived from beauty, the ques
tion whether that pleasure be original or deriv
ed is of secondary importance. It has been
often observed that the same properties which
are admired as beautiful in the horse, contribute
also to his safety and speed; and they who in
fer that the admiration of beauty was originally
founded on the convenience of fleetness and
firmness, if they at the same time hold that the
usefulness is gradually efi'aced, and that the ad
miration of a certain shape at length rises in
stantaneously without reference to any purpose,
may, with perfect consistency, regard a sense of
beauty as an independent and universal prin
ciple of human nature. The laws of such a
feeling of beauty are discoverable only byvself
observation. Those of the qualities which call
it forth are ascertained by examination of the
outward things which are called bcautiful.- But
it is of the utmost importance to bear in mind,
that he who contemplates the beautiful propor
tions of a horse, as the signs and proofs of secu
rity or' quickness, and has in view these conve
nient qualities, is properly said to prefer the
horse for his usefulness, not for his beauty;
' 299
though he may choose him from the same out
ward appearance which pleases the admirer of
the beautiful animal. He alone who derives
immediate pleasure from the appearance itself,
without reflection on any advantages which it
may promise, is truly said to feel the beauty.
The distinction, however, manifestly depends,
not on the origin of the emotion, but on its ob
ject and nature when completely formed. Many
of our most important perceptions through the
eye are universally acknowledged to be acquired.
But they are as general as the original percep'
tions of that organ ; they arise as independently
of our will, and human nature would be quite
as imperfect without them. An adult who did
not immediately see the different distances of
objects from his eye, would be thought by every
one to be as great a deviation from the ordinary
state of man as if he were incapable of distin
guishing the brightest sunshine from the dark—
est midnight. Acquired perceptions and senti
ments may therefore be termed natural, as much
as those which are more commonly so called,
if they be as rarely found wanting. Ethical
theories can never be satisfactorily discussed by
those who do not constantly bear in mind, that
the question concerning the existence of a moral
faculty in man which immediately approves or
disapproves without reference to any further ob
ject, is perfectly distinct, on the one hand, from
that which inquires into the qualities thus ap
proved or disapproved; and on the other, from
an inquiry whether that faculty be derived from
other parts of our mental frame, or be itself one
of the ultimate constituent principles of human
nature.

SECTION II.

Retrowect qf Ancient Ethics.

Isgumlns concerning the nature of mind, ed the understanding of civilized mcn. Frag
the first principles of knowledge, the origin ments of such speculation are handed down
and government of the world, appear to have from the legendary age of Greek philosophy.
been among the earliest objects which employ In the remaining monuments of that more an
 300 ' PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

cient form of civilisation which sprung up in rowed nothing from the conversations of So
Asia, we see clearly that the Braminical philo crates but a .few maxims for husbanding the
sophers, in times perhaps before the dawn of enjoyments of sense. Antisthenes also, a bearer
western history, had run round that dark and but not a. follower, founded a school of parade
little circle of systems which an unquenchable and exaggeration, which caused his master to
thirst of knowledge has since urged both the disown him by the ingenious rebuke, “ I see
speculators of ancient Greece and those of Chris your vanity through your threadbare cloa .”1
tendom to retrace. The wall of adamant which The modest doubts of the most sober of moralists,
bounds human inquiry has scarcely ever been and his indisposition to fruitless abstractions,
discovered by any adventurer, until he was were in process of time employed as the foun
roused by the shock which drove him back. It dation of systematic scepticism; the most pre
is otherwise with the theory of morals. No sumptuous, inapplicable, and inconsistent of all
controversy seems to have arisen regarding it in the results of human meditation. But though
Greece, till the rise and conflict of the Stoical his lessons were thus distorted by the perverse
and Epicurean schools; and the ethical disputes ingenuity of some who heard him, the authority
of the modern world originated with the writings of his practical sense may be traced in the mo
of Hobbes about the middle of the seventeenth ral writings of those most celebrated philosophers
century. Perhaps the longer abstinence from who were directly or indirectly his disciples.
debate on this subject may have sprung from Plato, the most famous of his scholars, the most
reverence for morality. Perhaps also, where eloquent of Grecian writers, and the earliest
the world were unanimous in their practical moral philosopher whose writings have come
opinions, little need was felt of exact theory. down to us, employed his genius in the compo
The teachers of morals were content with pa!» sition of dialogues, in which his master per
tial or secondary principles, with the combina formed the principal part. These beautiful
tion of principles not always reconcilable, even conversations would have lost their charm of
with vague but specious phrases which in any verisimilitude, of dramatic vivacity, of pictu
degree explained or seemed to explain the rules resque representation of character, if they had
of the art of life—which seemed at once too been subjected to the constraint of method.
evident to need investigation, and too venerable They necessarily presuppose much oral instruc
to be approached by controversy. tion. ._ They frequently quote, and doubtless
Perhaps the subtile genius of Greece was in oftener allude to the opinions of predecessors
part withheld from indulging itself in ethical and contemporaries whose works have perished,
controversy by the‘infiuence of Socrates, who and of whose doctrines only some fragments are
was much more a teacher of virtue than even a preserved. ‘
searcher after truth— In these circumstances, it must be difficult
Whom, well inspired, the oracle pronounced for the most learned and philosophical of his
“'isest of men. commentators to give a just representation of
It was doubtless because he cnose that better his doctrines, if he really framed or adopted a
part that he was thus spoken of by the man system. The moral part of his works is more
whose commendation is glory, and who, from accessible.” The vein of thought which runs
the loftiest eminence of moral genius ever through them is always visible. The object is
reached by a mortal, was perhaps alone worthy to inspire the love of truth, of wisdom, of beauty,
to place a new crown on the brow of the mar especially of goodness the highest beauty, and
tyr of virtue. -; . of that supreme and eternal mind, which con
Aristippus indeed, a wit and a worldling, bor tains all truth and wisdom, all beauty and good

‘ Droe. Lazar. vi. [ELIAN- ix. 35.

- ’ Havens, Initia Philmqzh. Plat. 1827: a hitherto incomplete work of great perspicuity and elegance, in which we must
excuse thelpartiality which belongs to a labour of love.
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
ness. By the love or delightful contemplation
and pursuit of these transcendent aims for their
own sake only, he represented the mind of man
as raised from low and perishable objects, and
prepared for those high destinies which are ap
pointed for all those who are capable of them,
The application to moral qualities of terms
which denote outward beauty, though by him
perhaps carried to excess, is an illustrative me
taphor, as well warranted by the poverty of lan
guage as any other employed to signify the acts
or attributes of mind.1 The in his
language denoted all that of which the mere
contemplation is in itself delightful, without any
admixture of organic pleasure, and withbut being
regarded as the means of attaining any farther
end. The feeling which belongs to it he called
love ,' a word which, as comprehending compla
cency, benevolence, and afi'ection, and reaching
from the neighbourhood of the senses to the most
sublime of human thoughts, is foreign from the
colder and more exact language of our philoso
phy; but which perhaps then happily served to
lure both the lovers of poetry and the votaries
of superstition to the school of truth and good
ness in the groves of the Academy. He enforced
these lessons by an inexhaustible variety of just
and beautiful illustrations,-—sometimes striking
from their familiarity, sometimes subduing by
their grandeur ; and his works are the store
house from which moralists have from age to
age borrowed the means of rendering moral in
struction easier and more delightful. Virtue he
represented as the harmony of the whole soul ;—
as a peace between all its principles and desires,
assigning to each as much space as they can oc
301
cupy, without encroaching on each other ;—as a
state of perfect health, in which every function
was performed with ease, pleasure, and vigour;
-—as a well-ordered commonwealth, where the
obedient passions executed with energy the laws
and commands of reason. The vicious mind
presented the odious character, sometimes of dis
cord, of war ;-sometimes of disease ;—always of
passions warring with each other in eternal
anarchy. Consistent with himself, and at peace
with his fellows, the good man felt in the quiet
of his conscience a foretaste of. the approbation
of God. “ Oh what ardent love would virtue
inspire if she could be seen.” “ If the heart of
a tyrant could be laid bare, we should see how.
it was cut and torn by its own evil passions and
by an avenging conscience.” ’
Perhaps in every one of these illustrations, an
eye trained in the history of Ethics may discover
the germ of the whole or of a part of some sub
sequent theory. But to examine it thus would
not be to look at it with the eye of Plato. His
aim was as practical as that of Socrates. He
employed every topic, without regard to its
place in a system, or even always to its force as
argument, which could attract the small portion
of the community then accessible to cultivation;
who, it should not be forgotten, had no moral
instructor but the philosopher, unaided, if not
thwarted, by the reigning superstition; for reli
gion had not then, besides her own discoveries,
brought down the most awful and the most
beautiful forms of moral truth to the humblest
station in human society.”
Ethics retained her sober spirit in the hands
of his great scholar and rival Aristotle, who,

‘ The most probable etymology of mm; seems to be from nja to burn. \Vhat burns commonly shines. Schb'n, in Ger
man, which means beautiful, is erived from scheiucn, to shine. The word so.» was used for right, so early as the Home
ric Poems. II. xvii. 19. In the philosophical age it became a technical term, with little other remains of the metaphorical
sense than what the genius and art of a fine writer might sometimes rekindle. Hmmtum, the term by which Cicero
translates the "An, being derived from outward honours, is a less happy metaphor. In our language, the terms being from
foreigp roots, contribute nothing to illustrate the rogress of thought- '
’ et it not be forgotten, that for this terrible escription, Socrates, to whom it is ascribed by Plato (De Rep. ix.) is called
“ Prantantim'mau mpientiaz," by a writer of the most masculine understanding, the least subject to be tran orted by en
thusiasm. (Tsc. Amt. vi. 6.) “ Quw vulng’ra I " says Cicero, in alluding to the same passage. (Dr Oflicih, in. 2].)
' There can hardly be a finer example of Plato's practical morals than his observations on the treatment of slaves.
Genuine humanity and real probity, says be, are brought to the test, by the behaviour of a man to slaves, whom he may
“00g with impunity. Amish: yq i um "I pay 11mm; "Ban "1 3mm, Flinn ,I an; 'n an." n nun-cl; n" "Ignite" u it;
0019 is)“: 13mm. (PLATO d6 Lcgibul, 'b. vi. edit. Bipont. VIII. 303.)
That Plato was considered as the fountain of ancient morals, would be sufficiently evident from Cicero alone. “ Ex hoc
igitur Platonis, quasi quodam sancto augustoque fonte, nostra omnis mannhit oratio.“ (Tim. Qua'sl. v. 13.) Perhaps the
sober Quintilian meant to mingle some censure with the highest praise: “ Plato, qui eloquendi fiicultate divine quadam
et Homerica, multum supra prosam orationem surgit." (Inn. Oral. x. l.)
302 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

though he certainly surpassed all men in acute machine is attained where all its parts have the
distinction, in subtile argument, in severe me fullest scope for action. Where one is so far
thod, in the power of analyzing what is most exerted as to repress others, there is a vice of
compounded, and of reducing to simple prin excess. When any one has less activity than it
ciples the most various and unlike appearances, might exert without disturbing others, there is
yet appears to be still more raised above his fel a vice of defect. The point which all reach
lows by the prodigious faculty of laying aside without collision against each other, is the me
these extraordinary endowments whenever his diocrity in which the Peripatetics placed virtue.
present purpose required it; as in his History of It was not till near a century after the death
Animals, in his Treatises on Philosophical Cri of Plato that Ethics became the scene of philo
ticism, and in his Practical Writings, political sophical 'contest between the adverse schools of
as well as moral. Contrasted as his genius was Epicurus and Zeno; whose errors afford an in
to that of Plato, not only by its logical and me structive example, that in the formation of the
taphysical attributes, but by the regard to ex ory, partial truth is equivalent to absolute
perience and observation of nature which, in falsehood. As the astronomer who left either
him perhaps alone, accompanied them ;—though the centripetal or the centrifugal force of the
they may be considered as the original represen planets out of his view, would err as completely
tatives of the two antagonist tendencies of Phi as he who excluded both, so the Epicureans and
losophy—that which would ennoble man, and Stoics, who each confined themselves to real but
that which seeks rather to explain nature; yet not exclusive principles in morals, departed as
opposite as they are in other respects, the mas ~ widely from the truth as if they had adopted no
ter and the scholar combine to guard the Rule part of it. Every partial theory is indeed di—
of Life against the licentious irruptions of the rectly false, inasmuch as it ascribes to one or
Sophists. _ few causes what is produced by more. As the
In Ethics alone their systems differed more in extreme opinions of one if not both of these
words than in things.I That happiness con schools have been often revived with variations
sisted in virtuous pleasure, chiefly dependent on and refinements in 'modern times, and are still
the state of mind, but not unaffected by outward not without influence on ethical systems, it may
agents, was the doctrine of both. Both would be allowable to make some observations on this
with Socrates have called Happiness “ unre earliest of moral controversies.
pented Pleasure.” Neither distinguished the “ All other virtues,” said Epicurus, “ grow
two elements which they represented as consti from prudence, which teaches that we cannot live
tuting the supreme good from each other; part pleasurably without living justly and virtuously,
ly, perhaps, from a fear of appearing to separate nor live justly and virtuously without living plea
them. Plato more habitually considered happi surably.“ The illustration of this sentence
ness as the natural fruit of virtue; Aristotle formed the whole moral discipline of Epicurus.
oftener viewed virtue as the means of attaining To him we owe the general concurrence ofreflect
happiness. The celebrated doctrine of the Peri ing men in succeeding times, in the important
patetics, which placed all virtues in a medium truth, that men cannot be happy without a vir
between opposite vices, was probably suggested tuous frame of mind and course of life; a truth
by the Platonic representation of its necessityof inestimable value, not peculiar to the Epicu
to keep up harmony between the different parts reans, but placed by their exaggerations in a
of our nature. The perfection of a compound stronger light ;—a truth, it must be added, of
\

‘ “ Una et consentiens duohus vocabulis philosophiaa forms instituta est, Academicorum et Peripateticorum: qui rebus
congruentes, nominibus difl'erebant.” (CIC. Acad. Qulrtt. i. 4.) Boukurau (Aglnaflkn) 3mm» mm Ira! aura (pilonwqv Myer en
Ill! W‘IITIIQI, m 3r IIUeflYlldh 0 lwgnrmu, '1'" 41 than: u: Aryum. (D100.
I64 YIU ‘J'CEI'TIIGII, fl, 1" flalll' Ill TINTIIOI' fl!)
Lesa-r. v. 28.)
= Eric. Epiat. ad llfcwc. apud Dxos. Lazar. lib. x. edit. Meibom. I. 658, 656.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 303
less importance as a motive to right conduct charged with indisposing the mind to those
than to the completeness of Moral Theory, exalted and generous sentiments, without which
which, however, it is very far from solely con no pure, elevated, bold, generous, or tender
stituting. With that truth the Epicureans virtues can exist.‘
blended another position, which indeed is con As Epicurus represented the tendency of vir
tained in the first words of the above statement; tue, which is a most important truth in ethical
namely, that because virtue promotes happi theory, as the sole inducement to virtuous
ness, every act of virtue must be done in order practice; so Zeno, in his disposition towards
to promote the happiness of the agent. They the opposite extreme, was inclined to consider
and their modern followers tacitly assume, that the moral sentiments which are the motives
the latter position is the consequence of the for of right conduct, as being the sole principles
mer; as if it were an inference from the necessity of moral science. The confusion was equally
of food to life, that the fear of death should be great in a philosophical View ; but that of Epi
substituted for the appetite of hunger as a mo curus was more fatal to interests of higher im
tive for eating. “ Friendship,” says Epicurus, portance than those of philosophy. Had the
“ is to be pursued by the wise man only for its Stoics been content with affirming that virtue
usefulness, but he will begin as he sows the is the source of all that part of our happiness
field in order to reap.”1 It is obvious, that if which depends on ourselves, they would have
these words be confined to outward benefits, taken a position from which it would have been
they may be sometimes true, but never can be impossible to drive them; they would have laid
pertinent; for outward acts sometimes show down a principle of as great comprehension in
kindness, but never compose it. If they be ap-' practice as their wider pretensions; a simple
plied to kind feeling they would indeed be per and incontrovertible truth, beyond which every
tinent, but they would be evidently and totally thing is an object of mere curiosity to man.
false; for it is most certain that no man ac Our information, however, about the opinions
quires an affection merely from his belief that of the more celebrated Stoics is very scanty.
it would be agreeable or advantageous to feel it. None of their own writings are preserved. We
Kindness cannot indeed be pursued on account know little of them but from Cicero, the trans
of the pleasure which belongs to it; for man lator of Grecian philosophy, and from the Greek
can no more know the pleasure till he has felt compilers of a later age; authorities which
the affection, than he can form an idea of colour would be imperfect in the history of facts, but
without the sense of sight. The moral charac which are of far less value in the history of
ter of Epicurus was excellent; no man more opinions, where a right conception often depends
enjoyed the pleasure or better performed the upon the minutcst distinctions between words.
duties of friendship. The letter of his system \Ve know that Zeno was more simple, and that
was no more indulgent to vice than that of any Chrysippus, who was accounted the prop of the
other moralist.’ Although, therefore, he has Stoic Porch, abounded more in subtile distinc
the merit of having more strongly inculcated tion and systematic spirit.‘ His power was at
the connection of virtue with happiness, perhaps tested as much by the antagonists whom he call
by the faulty excess of treating it as an exclu ed forth, as by the scholars whom he formed.
sive principle ; yet his doctrine was justly “ Had there been no Chrysippus, there would

' Tm 0m“ 3“; n; xpuu. (Droo. LArn'r. ibid.) “ Hie est locus," Gassendi confesses, “ ob quem Epicurus non
parum vexatur, quando nemo non reprehendit, parsri amicitiam non sui, sed utilitetis Us."
'1 It is due to him to observe, that he treated humanity towards slaves. as one o the characteristics of a wise man.
Our: lolalm unru, Alums p" rod, mu royyrupm om iEuv rm Irwin-n. (D100. I.AERT. ibid. 053.) It is not unworthy of
remark, that neither Plato nor F. icurus thought it necessary to abstain from these topics in a city full of slaves, 'many of
whom were men not destitute of nowlcd e.
~‘ “ Nil generosum, nil magnificum saplt." Cicsao.
‘ “ Chrysippus, qui fulcire putatur porticum Stoicorum." Crcsao. Elsewhere, “ Acutissimus, sod in scribendo exilis
ct jejunus, scripsit rhetoricam seu potius obmutescendi artem ;" nearly as we should speak of a Schoolmsn.

I
O
 304 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

have been no Carneades,” was the saying of the was expected no more than the solemn—which
latter philosopher himself; as it might have been seems principally to have denoted acts of duty
said in the eighteenth century, “ Had there been done from inferior or mixed motives; and the
no Hume, there would have been no Kant and other, which they appear to have hoped from
no Reid.” Cleanthes, when one of his followers their ideal wise man, is xarogflw/La, or perfect
would pay court to him by laying vices to the observance of rectitude,—whicls consisted only
‘ charge of his most formidable opponent, Arcesi in moral acts done from mere reverence for
laus the academic, answered with a justice and morality, unaided by any feelings; all which
candour unhappily too rare, “ Silence,—do not (without the exception of pity) they classed
malign him ;—though he attacks virtue by his among the enemies of reason and the disturbers
arguments, he confirms its authority by his life.” of the human soul. Thus did they shrink from
Arcesilaus, whether modestly or churlishly, re their proudest paradoxes into verbal evasions.
plied, “ Ido not choose tobe flattered.” Cleanthes, It is remarkable that men so acute did not per—
with a superiority of repartee, as well as chari ceive and acknowledge, that if pain were not
ty, replied, “ Is it flattery to say that you speak an evil, crue’lty would not be a vice; and that if
one thing and do another ?” It would be vain patience were of power to render torture in
to expect that the fragments of the Professors difi'erent, virtue must expire in the moment of
who lectured in'the Stoic School for five hundred victory. There can be no more triumph when
years, should be capable of being moulded into there is no enemy left to conquer.1
one consistent system ; and we see that in Epic The influence of men’s opinions on the con
tetus at least, the exaggeration of the sect was duct of their lives is checked and modified by
lowered to the level of reason, by confining the so many causes—it so much depends on the
sufficiency of virtue to those cases only where strength of conviction, on its habitual combina
happiness is attainable by our voluntary acts. tion with feelings, on the concurrence or resist
It ought to be added, in extenuation of a noble ance of interest, passion, example, and sympa
error, that the power of habit and character to thy—that a wise man is not the most forward in
struggle against outward evils has been proved attempting to determine the power of its single
by experience to be in some instances so prodi operation over human actions. In the case of
gious, that no man can presume to fix the ut an individual it becomes altogether uncertain.
most limit of its possible increase. But when the experiment is made on a large
The attempt, however, of the Stoics to stretchscale, when it is long continued and varied in
the bounds of their system beyond the limits of its circumstances, and especially when great
nature, produced the inevitable inconvenience bodies of men are for ages the subject of it, we
of dooming them to fluctuate between a wild cannot reasonably reject the consideration of
fanaticism on the one hand, and, on the other, the inferences to which it appears to lead. The
concessions which left their differences from Roman Patriciate, trained in the conquest and
other philosophers purely verbal. Many of their government of the civilized world, in spite of
doctrines appear to' be modifications of their the tyrannical vices which sprung from_ that
original opinions, introduced as opposition be training, were raised by the greatness of their
came more formidable. In this manner they objects to an elevation of genius and character
were driven of
the objects to the
our Inecessity of admitting
desires and are unmatched by any other aristocracy; at the mo
appetites that
ment when, after preserving their power by a
worthy of preference, though they are denied long course of wise compromise with the people,
to be constituents of happiness. It was thus they were betrayed by the army and the popu
that they were obliged to invent a double mo lace into the hands of a single tyrant of their
rality; one for mankind at large, from whom own order—the most accomplished of usurpers,

‘ “ Patience, sovereign o’er transmuted ill.” But as soon as the ill was really “ transmuted” into good, it is evident that
'there was no longer any scope left for the exercise of patience.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 305
and, if humanity and justice could for a moment the severest sect of philosophy, and became al
he silenced, one of the most illustrious of men. most a Stoic. If any conclusion may be hav
There is no scene in history so memorable as zarded from this trial of systems, the greatest
that in which Caesar mastered a nobility of which history has recorded, we must not refuse
which Lucullus and Hortensius, Sulpicius and our decided though not undistinguishing pre
Catulus, Pompey and Cicero, Brutus and Cato, ference to that noble school which preserved
were members. This renowned body had from great souls untainted at the court of dissolutc
the time of Scipio sought the Greek philosophy and ferocious tyrants; which exalted the slave
as an amusement or an ornament. Some few, of one of Nero’s courtiers to be a moral teacher
“ in thought more elevate,” caught the love of of aftertimes; which for the first, and hitherto
truth, and were ambitions of dicovering a solid for the only time, breathed philosophy and us
foundation for the Rule of Life. The influence tice into those rules of law which govern the
of the Grecian systems was tried by their effect ordinary concerns of every man; and which,
on a body of men of the utmost originality, above all, has contributed, by the examples of
energy, and variety of character, during the five Marcus Porcius Cato and of Marcus Aurelius
centuries between Carneades and Constantine, in Antoninus, to raise the dignity of our species,
their successiVe positions of rulers of the world, to keep alive a more ardent love of virtue, and
and of slaves under the best and under the worst a more awful sense of duty, throughout all ge
of uncontrolled masters. If we had found this in neratioins.1
fluence perfectly uniform, we should have justly The result of this short review of the practi—
suspected our own love of system of having in part cal philosophy of Greece seems to be, that though
bestowed that appearance on it. Had there been it was rich in rules for the conduct of life, and
no trace of such an influence discoverable in so in exhibitions of the beauty of virtue, and though
great an experiment, we must have acquiesced it contains glimpses of just theory and fragments
in the paradox, that opinion does not at all affect of perhaps every moral truth, yet it did not leave
conduct. The result is the more satisfactory, behind any precise and coherent system; un
because it appears to illustrate general tendency less we except that of Epicurus, who purchased
without excluding very remarkable exceptions. consistency, method, and perspicuity too dearly
Though Cassius was an Epicurean, the true re by the sacrifice of truth, and by narrowing and
presentative of that school was the accomplished, lowering his views of human nature, so as to
prudent, friendly, good-natured timeserver At enfeeble, if not extinguish, all the vigorous mo
ticus, the pliant slave of every tyrant, who could tives to arduous virtue. It is remarkable, that:
kiss the hand of Antony, imbrued as it was in while of the eight Professors who tanght' in the
the blood of Cicero. The pure school of Plato Porch, from Zeno to Posidonius, every one either
sent forth Marcus Brutus, the humanity softened or exaggerated the doctrines of his pre
of whose life was both necessary and sufficient decessor; and while the beautiful and reverend
to prove that his daring breach of venerable philosophy of Plato had, in his own Academy,
rules flowed only from that dire necessity which degenerated into a scepticism which did not
left no other means of upholding the most sacred spare morality itself, the system of Epicurus re
principles. The Roman orator, though in spe mained without change; and his disciples con
culative questions be embraced that mitigated tinued for ages to show personal honours to his
doubt which allowed most ease and freedom to memory, in a manner which may seem unac
his genius, yet in those moral writings where countable among those who were taught to
his heart was most deeply interested, followed measure propriety by a calculation of palpable

‘ Of all testimonies to the character of the Stoics, perhaps the most decisive is the speech of the vile sycophnnt CI
'to, in the mock impeachment of Thrasea Pnetus, before a senate of slaves: “ Ut quondnm C. Cesarean et Cntoneln,
its nunc te, Nero, et Thraseam, avida discordiarum civitas loquitur...Ista sects Tuberones et Favomos, vetcn quoque rei
publim ingrats nomina, genuit." (Tacrr. Ann. xvi. 22-)
See Notes and Illustrations, note A.
DISS- II. 22
306 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and outward usefulness. This steady adhe— subsequent observation on those more recent
rence is in part doubtless attributable to the por disputes which form the proper subject of this
tion of truth which the doctrine contains; in discourse.
some degree perhaps to the amiable and unboast The genius of Greece fell with liberty. The
ful character of Epicurus; not a little, it may Grecian philosophy received its mortal wound
be, to the dishonour of deserting an unpopular in the contests between scepticism and dogma
cause ; but probably most of all to that mental tism which occupied the schools in the age of
indolence which the mind to rest in a Cicero. The Sceptics could only perplex, and
simple system, comprehended at a glance, and confute, and destroy. Their occupation was
easily falling in, both with ordinary maxims of gone as soon as they succeeded. They had
discretion, and with the vulgar commonplaces nothing to substitute for what they overthrew;
of satire on human nature.1 When all instruc and they rendered their own art of no further
tion was conveyed by lectures, and when one use. They were no more than venomous ani
master taught the whole circle of the sciences mals, who stung their victims to death, but also
in One school, it was natural that the attachment breathed their last into the wound. A third
of pupils to a Professor should be more devoted age of Grecian literature indeed arose at Alex
than when, as in our times, he can teach only a andria, under the Macedonian kings of Egypt;
small portion of a knowledge spreading towards laudably distinguished by exposition, criticism,
infinity, and even in his own little province and imitation, sometimes abused for the pur
finds a rival in every good writer who has treat poses of literary forgery, still more honoured by
ed the same subject. The superior attachment some learned and highly-cultivated poets, as
of the Epicureans to their master is not without well as by diligent cultivators of history and
some parallel among the followers of similar science; among whom some began about the
principles in our own age, who have also re first preaching of Christianity to turn their
vived some part of that indifference to-eloquence minds once more to that high philosophy which
and poetry which may be imputed to the habit seeks for the fundamental principles of human
of contemplating all things in relation to happi knowledge. Philo, a learned and philosophical
ness, and to (what seems its uniform effect) the Hebrew, one of the flourishing colony of his na
egregious miscalculation which leaves a multi tion established in that city, endeavoured to re
tude of mental pleasures out of the account. It concile the Platonic Philosophy with the Mosaic
may be said, indeed, that the Epicurean doctrine Law and the Sacred Books of the Old Testa
has continued with little change to the present ment. About the end of the second century,
day; at least it is certain that no other ancient when the Christians, Hebrews, Pagans, and va
doctrine has proved so capable of being restored rious other sects of semi or Pseudo-Christian
in the same form among the modems; and it Gnostics appear to have studied in the same
may be added, that Hobbes and Gassen-di, as schools, the almost inevitable tendency of doc
well as some of our own contemporaries, are as trines, however discordant, in such circum
confident in their opinions, and as intolerant of stances to amalgamate, produced its full effect
scepticism, as the old Epicureans. The resem under Ammonius Saecas; a celebrated Professor,
blance of modern to ancient opinions, concern who, by selection from the Greek systems, the
‘ing some of those questions upon which ethical Hebrew books, the oriental religions, and by some
controversy must always hinge, may be a suf of that concession to the rising spirit of Christi
ficient excuse for a retrospect of the Greek mo anity, of which the Gnostics had set the example,
rals; which it is hoped will simplify and shorten composed a very mixed system, commonly de

' 'l The p

of commonplace satire 'on sexes or professions, and (he might have added) on nations, has been exquisitely
touched by ray in his Remarks on Lydgate ; a fragment containing pass es as finel thought and written as an in Eng
lish prose. (Gaav's War/u, Matthias’s edition, vol. I. p. 55.) General satire on man ind is still more absurd; or no in
vegtive can be so unreasonable as that which is founded on falling short of an ideal standard.
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
signated as the Eclectic Philosophy. The con?
troversies between his contemporaries and fol
lowers, especially those of Clement and Ori
"gen, the victorious champions of Christianity,
with Plotinus and Porphyry, who endeavoured
to preserve Paganism by clothing it in a dis
guise of philosophical Theism, are, from the
effects towards which they contributed, the most
307
memorable in the history of human opinion. !
But their connection with modern ethics is too
faint to warrant any observation in this place,
on the imperfect and partial memorials of them
which have reached us. The death of Boethius
in the west, and the closing of the Athenian
schools by Justinian, may be considered as the
last events in the history of ancient philosophy. ‘

SECTION III.

Retrospect of Scholastic Ethics.

AN interval of a thousand years elapsed be the horrors of barbaric invasion, a chief of one
tween the close of ancient and the rise of modern of the fiercest tribes of barbarians should trans
philosophy; the most unexplored, yet not the late into the jargon of his freebooters the work
least instructive portion of the history of Euro on The Consolations of Philosophy, of which the
pean opinion. In that period the sources of the composition had soothed the cruel imprisonment
institutions, the manners, the characteristic dis of the philosophic Roman himself, he must, even
tinctions of modern nations, have been traced amidst his sufferings, have derived some grati
by a series of philosophical inquirers from Mon fication from such an assurance of the recovery
tesquieu to Hallam; and there also, it may be of mankind from ferocity and ignorance. But
added, more than among the ancients, are the had he been allowed to revisit the earth in the
wellsprings of our speculative doctrines and middle of the sixteenth century, with what
controversies. Far from being inactive, the hu wonder and delight might be have contemplated
man mind, during that period of exaggerated the new and fairer order which was beginning
darkness, produced discoveries in science, in to disclose its beauty, and to promise more than
ventions in art, and contrivances in government, it revealed. He would have seen personal sla
some of which, perhaps, were rather favoured very nearly extinguished, and women, first re
than hindered by the disorders of society, and leased from oriental imprisonment by the Greeks,
by the twilight in which men and things were and raised to a higher dignity among the R0
seen. Had Boethius, the last of the ancients, mans,s at length fast approaching to due equa
foreseen, that within two centuries of his death, lity; two revolutions the most signal and be
in the province of Britain, then a prey to all neficial since the dawn of civilisation. He

I The change attem ted by Julian, Porphyry, and their friends, h which Theism would have become the popular reli
gion, may be estimat by the memorable passage of Tacitus on the eism of the Jews. In the midst of all the ohloquy
and opprohrium with which he loads that people, his tone suddenly rises when he comes to contemplate them as the only
nation who paid religious honours to the supreme and eternal mind alone, and his style swells at the sight of so sublime and
wonderful a scene. “ Summum illud atque aeternum, neque mutabile neque interiturum.“
' The unishment of death was inflicted on Pagans by a law of Constantius. “ Volumus cunctos sacrificiis ahatinere.
Si aliqui hujusmodi perpetraverint, gladio ultore sternantur." (Cod. I. tit. xi. dc Paganh, A. D. 343 or 346.) From the
authorities cited by Gibbon, (note, chap. xi.) as well as from some research,it should seem that the edict for the suppression
of the Athenian schools was not admitted into the vast collection of laws enacted or systematized by Justinian.
' The steps of this im rtant ro ass, as far as relates to Athens and Rome, are well remarked by one of the finest of
the Roman writers. " uem em omanorum pudet uxerem ducere in conviviurn P aut cujus materfamilias non primunl
locum tenet mdium, atque in celebritate versatur? quod multo fit aliter in Gnecin: nam neque in convivium ad ibetur,
nisi propinquorum, neque sedet nisi ln interiore parte aedium, qua Gyncvonltia appellatur, que nemo accedit, nisi propinqua
cognatione conjunctus." (Coasra. Nzros in Pmfat.)
 \

308 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

would have seen the discovery of gunpowder, ions, most of all on the most deeply in
which for ever guarded civilized society against teresting subjects: for although this most fruit—
barbarians, while it transferred military strength ful of moral truths was not yet so released from
from the few to the many; of paper and print its combination with the wars and passions of
ing, which rendered a second destruction of the the age as to assume adistinct and visible form,
repositories of knowledge impossible, as well as its action was already discoverable in the divisions
opened a way by which it was to be finally ac among the Reformers, and in the fears and
cessible to all mankind; of the compass, by struggles of civil and ecclesiastical oppressors.
means of which navigation had ascertained the The Council of Trent, and the Courts of Paris,
form of the planet, and laid open a new con Madrid, and Rome, had before that time fore
tinent more extensive than his world. If he bodsd the emancipation of reason.
had turned to civil institutions, he might have Though the middle age be chiefly memorable
learned that some nations had preserved an as that in which the foundations of a new order
ancient, simple, and seemingly rude mode of of society were laid, uniting the stability of the
legal proceeding, which threw into the hands oriental system, without its inflexibility, to the
of the majority of men a far larger share of activity of the Hellenic civilisation, without its
judicial power than was enjoyed by them in disorder and inconstancy, yet it is not unworthy
any ancient democracy. He would have seen of notice, on account of the subterranean cur
everywhere the remains of that principle of rent which flows through it, from the speculations
representation, the glory of the Teutonic race, of ancient to those of modern times. That dark
by which popular government, anciently im stream must be uncovered before the history of
prisoned in cities, became capable of being the European understanding can be thoroughly
strengthened by its extension over vast coun comprehended. It was lawful for the emancipa
tries, to which experience cannot even now tors of reason in their first struggles to carry on
assign any limits; and which, in times still dis mortal war against the Sehoolmcn. The neces
tant, was to exhibit, in the newly—discovered sity has long ceased; they are no longer danger
continent, a republican confederacy, likely to ous; and it is now felt by philosophers that it is
surpass the Macedonian and Roman empires in time to explore and estimate that vast portion of
extent, greatness, and duration, but gloriously the history of philosophy from which we have
founded on the equal rights, not like them on seornfully turned our eyes.1 A few sentences
the universal subjection, of mankind. In one only can be allotted to the subject in this place.
respect, indeed, he might have lamented that In the first moiety of the middle age, the dark
the race of man had made a really retrograde ness of Christendom was faintly broken by afew
movement; that they had lost the liberty of thinly-scattered lights. Even then, Moses Ben
philosophizing; that the open exercise of their. Maimon taught philosophy among the persecut
highest faculties was interdicted. But he might ed Hebrews, whose ancient schools had never
also have perceived that this giant evil had re perhaps been wholly interrupted ; and a series of
ceived a mortal wound from Luther, who in his distinguished Mahometans, among whom two are
warfare against Rome had struck a blow against known to us by the names of Avicenna and
all human authority, and unconsciously dis Averroes, translated the Peripatetic writings
closed to mankind that they were entitled, or into their own language, expounded their doc—
rather bound, to form and utter their own opin trines in no servile spirit to their followers, and

1 TENHEIAN, Guchichle dcr Philosophie, VIII. Band. 18“. COUSIN, Cour: dc l‘H‘u-toin: dc Za Philor. p. 29. Paris, 1828.
IMy esteem for this admirable writer encourages me to say, that the beauty of his diction has sometimes the same efl'ect
on his thoughts that a sunny haze produces on outward objects; and to submit to his serious consideration, whether the
allurements of Schelling‘s system have not betrayed him into a too frequent forgetfulness that principles, equally adapted
to all phenomena, furnish in speculation no possible test of their truth, and lead, in practice, to total indifl‘erencc and insc
tivity respecting human affairs. I quote With pleasure an excellent observation from this work. “ Le moyen age n‘est
pas sutre chose que la formation pénible, lente et sanglsnte, de tous les élémens de la civilisation moderne; je dis la forma
tion, et non leur développement.” (P. 27.)
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 309
enabled the European Christians to make those consequences, were taught in the schools; re
versions of them from Arabic into Latin, which spectfully promulgated rather than much incul
in the eleventh and twelfth centuries gave birth cated by the western church (for in the East
to the scholastic philosophy. these opinions seem to have been unknown);
The school men were properly theologians, who scarcely perhaps distinctly assented to by the
employed philosophy only to define and support majority of the clergy; and seldom heard of by
that system of Christian belief which they and laymen till the systematic genius and fervid
their contemporaries had embraced. The founder eloquence of Calvin rendered them a popular
of that theological system was Aurelius Augusti creed in the most devout and moral portion of
nus, ‘ (called by us Augustin) bishop of Hippo, in the Christian world. Anselm,‘I the Piedmontese
the province of Africa; a man of great genius and archbishop of Canterbury, was the earliest re
ardent character, who adopted at difl'erent periods viver of the Augustinian opinions. Aquinas'
of his life the most various, but at all times the was their most redoubted champion. To them,
most decisive and systematic, as well as daring however, the latter joined others of a different
and extreme opinions. This extraordinary man spirit. Faith, according to him, was a virtue,
became, after some struggles, the chief Doctor, not in the sense in which it denotes the things
and for ages almost the sole oracle of the Latin believed, but in that in which it signifies the
church. It happened by a singular accident, state of mind which leads to right belief. Good
that the schoolmen of the twelfth century, who ness he regarded as the moving principle of the
adopted his theology, instead of borrowing their Divine government; justice, as a modification
defensive weapons from Plato, the favourite of of goodness; and, with all his zeal to magnify
their master, had recourse for the exposition and the sovereignty of God, be yet taught, that
maintenance of their doctrines to the writings of though God always wills what is just, nothing
Aristotle, the least pious of philosophical theists. is ust solely because he wills it. Scotus,‘ the
The Augustinian doctrines of original sin, pre most subtilc of doctors, recoils from the Angus
destination, and grace, little known to the ear tinian rigour, though he rather intimates than
lier Christian writers, who appear indeed to avows his doubts. He was assailed for his ten
have adopted opposite and milder opinions, were dency towards the Pelagian or Anti-Augusti
espoused by Augustin himself in his old age; nian doctrines by many opponents, of whom
when by a violent swing from his youthful the most famous in his time was Thomas Brad
Manicheism, which divided the sovereignty of wardine,I archbishop of Canterbury, formerly
the world between two adverse beings, he did confessor of Edward 111., whose defence of pre
not shrink, in his pious solicitude for tracing destination was among the most noted works of
the power of God in all events, from presenting that age. He revived the principles of the an
the most mysterious parts of the moral govern cient philosophers, who, from Plato to Marcus
ment of the universe, in their darkest colours Aurelius, taught that error of judgment, being
and their sternest shape, as articles of faith, the involuntary, is not the proper subject of moral
objects of the habitual meditation and practical disapprobation; which indeed is implied in
assent of mankind. The principles of his rigor Aquinas’s account of faith.° But he appears to
ous system, though not with all their legitimate have been the first whose language inclined to

" Notes and Illustrations, note B.

' Died in 1109.
' Born in 1224; died in 1279. Notes and Illustrations, note C.
‘ Born about 1265; (lied at Cologpe (where his grave is still shown) in 1308. \Vhether he was a native of Dunstan
in Northumberland, or of Dunsc in erwickshire, or of Down in Ireland. was a question long and warmly contested, but
which seems to be settled by his biographer, Luke Wedding, who quotes a passage of Scotus‘s Commentary on Aris
totle‘s Metaphysics, where he illustrates his author thus : “ As in the definition of St Francis, or St Patrick, man is ne
cessarily presupposed." (Scori Opera, I. 3.) As Scotus was a Franciscan, the mention of St Patrick seems to show that
he was an Irishman. Notes and Illustrations, note D.
' Born about 1290; died in 1349; the contemporary of Chaucer, and probably a fellowatudent of Wichita and
Roger Bacon. His principal work was entitled, Dc Cane Del contra Pelagium, at d: Vlmatc Camamm, Libri Ill.
' Notes and Illustrations, note E.
310 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

wards that most pernicious of moral heresies, was, however, that of Aquinas, who, from the
which represents morality to be founded on will. 1 native soundness of his own understanding, as
William of Ockham, the most justly celebrated well as from the excellent example of Aristotle,
of English schoolmen, went so far beyond this was averse from all rash and extreme dogmas
inclination of his master, as to affirm, that “ if on questions which had any relation, however
God had commanded his creatures to hate him distant, to the duties of life.
self, the hatred of God would ever be the duty It is very remarkable, though hitherto unob
of man ;” a monstrous hyperbole, into which served, that Aquinas anticipated those contro
he was perhaps betrayed by his denial of the versies respecting perfect disinterestedness in
doctrine of general ideas, the pre-existence of the religious afl'ections which occupied the most
which in the Eternal intellect was commonly illustrious members of his communion‘ four
regarded as the foundation of the immutable hundred years after hi death; and that he dis
nature of morality. The doctrine of Ockham, cussed the like question respecting the other
which by necessary implication refuses moral affections of human nature with a fulness and
attributes to the Deity, and contradicts the ex clearness, an exactness of distinction, and a
istence of a moral government, is practically justness of determination, scarcely surpassed
equivalent to atheism.‘ ' As all devotional feel by the most acute of modern philosophers.‘ It
ings have moral qualities for their sole object; ought to be added, that, according to the most
as no being can inspire love or reverence other natural and reasonable construction of his words,
wise than by those qualities which are naturally he allowed to the church a control only over
amiable or venerable, this doctrine would, if spiritual concerns, and recognised the supremacy
men were consistent, extinguish piety, or, in of the civil powers in all temporal affairs-‘
other words, annihilate religion. Yet so asto It has already been stated that the scholastic
nishing are the contradictions of human nature, system was a collection of dialectical subtilties,
that this most impious of all opinions probably contrived for the support of the corrupted Chris
originated in a pious sdlicitude to magnify the tianity of that age, by a succession of divines,
sovereignty of God, and to exalt his authority whose extraordinary powers of distinction and
even above his own goodness. Hence we may reasoning were morbidly enlarged in the long
understand its adoption by John Gerson, the meditation of the cloister, by the exclusion of
oracle of the Council of Constance, and the every other pursuit, and the consequent palsy
great opponent of the spiritual monarchy of the of every other faculty; who were cut otf from
Pope; a pious mystic, who placed religion in all the materials on which the mind can operate,
devout feeling.5 In further explanation, it and doomed for ever to toil indefence of what they
may be added, that Gerson was of the sect must never dare to examine ; to whom their age
of the Nominalists, of which Ockham was the and their condition denied the means of acquiring
founder; and that he was the more ready to fol literature, of observing nature, or of studying
low his master, because they both courageously mankind. The few in whom any portion of ima
maintained the independence of the state on the gination and sensibility survived this discipline,
church, and the authority of the church over retired from the noise of debate, to the contem—
the Pope. The general opinion of the schools plation of pure and beautiful visions. They

' Notes and Illustrations, note F.

1 A passage to this effect, from Ockhem, with nearly the some remark, has, since the text was written, been discovered
on a re- rusal of Cudworth‘s Immutable Morality. ' See p. 10.
' “ emitto ad quod Occam de hac materia in Lib. Sentent. dicit, in qua explicatione si rudis judicetur, nescio quid ap
pellabitur subtilitas.” (Gnnsos dc Vita Spirit. Op. III. 14. Hag. Com. 1728.)
‘ Bossuet and Fenelon.
' See AQUINAS, Comm. in iii. Lib. Sentent. distinctio xxix. qumst. i. art. 3. “ Utrum Dena sit su omnia diligendus
ex charitate." Art. 4. “ Utrum in dilectione Dei possit haberi res tus ad aliquam mercedem.” Opera, IX. 322, 325.)
Some illustrations of this memorable anticipation, which has esca the research even of the indultrious Tcnneman, will
be found in the Notes,und Illustrations, note G.
' Notes and Illustrations, note H.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 311
were called Mystics. The greater part, driven ments and invaluable materials of his science.
back on themselves, had no better employment Moreover; letters, which are closer to human
than to weave cobwebs out of the terms of art feeling than science can ever be, have another
which they had vainly, though ingeniously, mul influence on the sentiments with which the
tiplied. The institution of clerical celibacy, sciences are viewed, on the activity with which
originating in an enthusiastic pursuit of purity, they are pursued, on the safety with which they
promoted by a mistake in moral prudence, which are preserved, and even on the mode and spirit
aimed at raising religious teachers in the esteem in which they are cultivated: they are the
of their fellows, and at concentrating their whole channels by which ethical science has a constant
minds on professional duties, at last, encouraged intercourse with general feeling. As the arts
by the ambitious policy of the see of Rome, de called useful maintain the popular honour of
sirous of detaching them from allties but her physical knowledge, so polite letters allure the
own, had the effect of shutting up all the avenues world into the neighbourhood of the sciences of
which Providence has opened for the entrance mind and of morals. Whenever the agreeable
of social affection and virtuous feeling into the vehicles of literature do not convey their.doc- -
human heart. Though this institution perhaps trines to the public, they are liable to be inter
prevented knowledge from becoming once more rupted by the dispersion of a handful of recluse
the exclusive inheritance of a. sacerdotal caste; doctors, and the overthrow of their barren and
though the rise of innumerable laymen, of the unlamented seminaries. Nor is this all: these
lowest condition, to the highest dignities of the sciences themselves suffer as much when they
church, was the grand democratical principle of are thus released from the curb of common
the middle age, and one of the most powerful sense and natural feeling, as the public loses by
agents in impelling mankind towards a better the want of those aids to right practice which
order; yet celibacy must be considered as one of moral knowledge in its sound state is qualified
the peculiar infelicities of these secluded philo to afford. The necessity of being intelligible at
sophers; not only as it abridged their happiness, least to all persons who join superior under
nor even solely, though chiefly, as it excluded standing to habits of reflection, who are them
them from the school in which the heart is hu selves in constant communication with the far
manized, but also (an inferior consideration, but wider circle of intelligent and judicious men,
more pertinent to our present purpose) because which slowly but surely forms general opinion,
the extinction of these moral feelings was as is the only efl'ectual check on the natural prone
much a subtraction from the moralist’s store of ness of metaphysical speculations to degenerate
facts and means of knowledge, as the loss of into gaudy dreams or a mere war of words.
sight or of touch could prove to those of the The disputants who are set free from the whole—
naturalist. some check of sense and feeling, generally carry
Neither let it be thought that to have been their dogmatism so far as to rouse the sceptic,
destitute of letters was to them no more than a. who from time to time is provoked to look into
want of ornament and a curtailment of gratifi the flimsiness of their cobwebs, and rushes in
cation. Every poem, every history, every ora with his besom to sweep them and their systems
tion, every picture, every statue, is an experi into oblivion. It is true that literature, which
ment on human feeling, the grand object of thus draws forth moral science from the schools
investigation by the moralist. Every work of into the world,~ and recalls her from thorny dis
genius in every department of ingenious art and tinctions to her natural alliance with the intel
polite literature, in proportion to the extent and lect and sentiments of mankind, may, in ages
duration of its sway over the spirits of men, is and nations otherwise situated, produce the
a repository of ethical facts, of which the moral contrary evil of rendering Ethics shallow, decla
philosopher cannot be deprived by his own in matory, and inconsistent. Europe at this mo
sensibility or by the iniquity of the times, with ment affords, in difl'erent countries, specimens
out being robbed of the most precious instru of these opposite and alike-mischievous extremes.
312 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

But we are now concerned only with the temp inconsistencies, adopted the doctrine of the
tations and errors of the scholastic age. Realists.‘ With the schoolmen appears to have
We ought not so much to wonder at the mis originated the form, though not the substance,
takes of men so situated, as that they, without of the celebrated maxim, which, whether true
the restraints 0f the general understanding, and or false, is pregnant with systems, “ There is
with the clogs of system and establishment, nothing in the understanding which was not be
should in so many instances have opened dues fore in the senses.”8 Ockham‘ the Nominalist
tions untouched by the more unfettered ancients, first denied the Peripatetic doctrine of the exist/
and veins of speculation since mistakenly sup ence of certain species (since the time of Des
posed to have been first explored in more mo cartes called ideas) as the direct objects of per
dern times. Scarcely any metaphysical contro ception and thought, interposed between the
versy agitated among recent philosophers was mind and outward objects; the modern oppo
unknown to the schoolmen, unless we except sition to which by Dr Reid has been supposed
that which relates to liberty and necessity, whichto justify the allotment of so high a station to
would be an exception of doubtful propriety; that respectable philosopher. He taught also
that we know nothing of mind but its acts,
for the disposition to it is clearly discoverable in
the disputes of the Thomists and Scotists re of which we are conscious. More inclination
specting the Augustinian and Pelagian doc towards an independent philosophy is to be
trines,l although restrained from the avowal of traced among the schoolmen than might be ex
legitimate consequences on either side by the pected from their circumstances. Those who
theological authority which both parties acknow follow two guides will sometimes choose for
ledged. The Scotists steadily affirmed the blame themselves, and may prefer the subordinate on
lessness of erroneous opinion; a principle which some occasions. Aristotle rivalled the church;
is the only efi'ectual security for conscientious and the church herself safely allowed consider
inquiry, for mutual kindness, and for public able latitude to the philosophical reasonings of
quiet. The controversy between the Nominal those who were only heard or read in colleges
ists and Realists, treated by some modern wri or cloisters, on condition that they neither im
ters as an example of barbarous wrangling, was pugned her authority, nor dissented from her
in truth an anticipation of that modern dispute worship, nor departed from the language of her
which still divides metaphysicians, whether the creeds. The Nominalists were a freethinking
human mind can form general ideas, and whe sect, who, notwithstanding their defence of
ther the words which are supposed to convey kings against the court of Rome, were perse
such ideas he not general terms, representing cuted by the civil power. It should not be for
only a number of particular perceptions ?—ques gotten that Luther was a Nominalist.‘
tions so far from frivolous, that they deeply con If not more remarkable, it is more pertinent
cern both the nature of reasoning and the struc to our purpose, that the ethical system of the
ture of. language ;---on which Hobbes, Berkeley, schoolmen, or, to speak more properly, of Aqui
Hume, Stewart, and Tooke, have followed the nas, as the moral master of Christendom for
Nominalists ; and Descartes, Locke, Reid, and three centuries, was in its practical part so ex
Kant, have, with various modifications and some cellent as to leave little need of extensive change,

I Notes and Illustrations, note I.

' Locke speaks on this subject inconsistently ; Reid calls himselfa Conceptualist; Kant uses terms so different that he
ought perhaps to be considered as of neither party Leibnitz, varyingin some measure from the general spirit of his :1 -
lations, warmly panegyrizes the Nominalists: “ Secta Nominalium, omnium inter scholasticos profundissima, et 0di
ernse reformataa philosophandi rationi congruentissima.” (Lsuuz. Op. IV. Pars i. p. 69.)
I Nil est in intellect” quad non priusfuit in emu.
t “ Maximi vir ingenii, et eruditionis pro illo aevo summe, Wilhelmus Occam, Anglus.” (Lsrnn‘. ibid. p. 60.) The
writings of Ockham, which are very rare, I have never seen. I owe my knowledge of them to Tennemsn, who however
quotes the words of Ockhzun, mid of his disciple Biel.
‘ “ In Martini Lutheri scriptis prioribus amor Nominalium satis elucet, donec in omnes monachos wqualiler efi‘ectus
ease cmpit." (Luau. IV. Pars i- p. 60.)
 lD‘ISSELRTA'TlON SEGOND.
with the inevitable exception of the connection
of his religious opinions with his precepts and
counsels. His rule of life is neither lax nor im
practicable. His grounds of duty are solely laid on a large scale, is beyond human power.
in the nature of man, and in the wellbeing of may however venture to say, that no abstract
society. Such an intruder as subtilty seldom science, unconnected with religion, was likely
strays into his moral instructions. With a most
imperfect knowledge of the Peripatetic writings,
he came near the great master, by abstaining,
in practical philosophy, from the unsuitable lex
ercise of that faculty of distinction, in which he
would probably have :shown that he was little
inferior to Aristotle 'if he had been equally un
restrained. His very frequent coincidence with
modern moralists is doubtless to be ascribed
chiefly to the nature of the subject; but in part
also to that unbroken succession of teachers and
writers, which preserved the observations con
tained in what had been long the text-book of
the European schools, after the books themselves
had been for ages banished and forgotten. The
praises bestowed on Aquinas by every one of the
few great men who appear to have examined
his writings since the .downfall of his power,
among whom may be mentioned Erasmus, Gro
tius and Leibnitz, are chiefly, though not sole
ly, referable to his ethical works.1
Though the schoclmen .had thus anticipated
many modern controversies of a properly meta
physical sort, they left untouched most of those
questions of ethical theory which were unknown
to, or neglected by the ancients. They do not
appear to have discriminated between the nature
of moral sentiments, and the criterion of moral
acts; to have considered to what faculty of our ‘ Law.
mind moral approbation is referable ; or to have
inquired whether our moral faculty, whatever it
may be, is implanted or acquired. Those who
measure only by palpable results, have very
consistently regarded the metaphysical and theo
logical controversies of the schools as a mere
waste of intellectual power. But the contem
plation of the athletic vigour and versatile skill
manifested by the European understanding, at
,the moment when it emerged from this tedious
and rugged discipline, leads, if not to approba
313
tion, yet to more qualified censure. What
might have been the result of a difl'erent combi
nation qf circumstances, is an inquiry which,
We
to be respected in a barbarous age ;,and we may
be allowed to doubt whether any knowledge,
dependent directly on experience, and appli
cable to immediate practice, would have so
trained the European mind as to qualify it for
that series of inventions, and discoveries, and
institutions, which. begins with the sixteenth
century, and of which no end can now be fore
seen but the extinction of the race of man.
The fifteenth century was occupied by the
disputes of the Realists with the Nominalists,
in which the scholastic doetrineexpired. .After
its close no schoolman of note appeared. The
sixteenth may be considered as the age of tran
sition from the scholastic to the modern philo
sophy. The former, indeed, retained posses
sion of the Universities, and was long after dis
tinguished by all the ensigns of authority. But
the mines were already prepared. The revolu
tion in opinion had commenced. The moral
writings of the preceding times had generally
been commentaries on that part of the Summa
Theologic of Aquinas which relates to Ethics.
Though these still continued to be published,
yet the most remarkable moralists of the six
teenth century indicated the approach of other
modes of thinking, by the adoption of the more
independent titles of Treatises on Justice and
These titles were suggested, and the
spirit, contents, and style of the writings them
selves, were materially afi'ected by the improved
cultivation of the Roman law, by the renewed
study of ancient literature, and by the revival
of various systems of Greek philosophy, now
studied in the original, which at once mitigated
and rivalled the scholastic doctors, and while
they rendered philosophy more free, re-opened its
communications with society and affairs. The
speculative theology which had arisen under
the French governments of Paris and London

' See especially the excellent Preface of Leibnitz to Nizolius, sect. 37.
D188. ll. 2a
314 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

in the twelfth century, which flourished in the Charles V., on occasion of the conference held
thirteenth in Italy in the hands of Aquinas, before him at Valladolid, in 1542, between Se
which was advanced in the British islands by pulveda, an advocate of the Spanish colonists,
Scotus and Ockham in the fourteenth, was, in and Las Casas, the champion of the unhappy
the sixteenth, with unabated acuteness, but with Americans ; of which the result was a very im
a clearness and elegance unknown before the perfect Iedict of reformation in 154-3, which,
restoration of letters, cultivated by Spain, in though it contained little more than a recogni
that age the most powerful and magnificent of tion of the principle of justice, almost excited a
the European nations. rebellion in Mexico. Scpulveda, a scholar and
Many of these writers treated the law of war
a reasoner, advanced many maxims which were
specious, and in themselves reasonable, but
and the practice of hostilities in a juridical form. 1
Francis Victoria, who began to teach at Valia which practically tended to defeat even the
dolid in 1525, is said to have first expounded scanty and almost illusive reform which en
sued. Las Casas was a passionate missionary,
the doctrines of the schools in the language of
the age of Leo the Tenth. Dominic Soto,a a Do whose zeal, kindled by the long and near con
minican, the confessor of Charles V., and the templation of cruelty, prompted him to exagge
oracle of the Council of Trent, to whom that rations of fact and argument ;6 yet, with all its
assembly were indebted for much of the preci errors, it afforded the only hope of preserving the
sion and even elegance for which their doctrinal natives of America from extirpation. The opin
decrees are not unjustly commended, dedicated ion of Soto could not fail to be conformable to
his treatise on Justice and Law to Don Car his excellent principle, that “ there can be no
los; in terms of praise which, used by a writer difference between Christians and Pagans, for
who is said to have declined the high dignities the law of nations is equal to all nations.”6 To
of the church, lead us to hope that he was un Soto belongs the signal honour-of being the first
acquainted with the brutish vices of that wretch writer who condemned the African slave-trade.
ed prince. It is a concise and not inelegant “ It is affirmed,” says he, “ that the unhappy
compound of the scholastic Ethics, which con Ethiopians are by fraud or force carried away
tinued to be of considerable authority for more and sold as slaves. If this is true, neither those
than a century.’ Both he and his master Vic who have taken them, nor those who purchased
toria deserve to be had in everlasting remem them, nor those who hold them in bondage, can
brance, for the part which they took on behalf ever have a quiet conscience till they emancipate
of the natives of America and of Africa, against them, even if no compensation should be ob
the rapacity and cruelty of the Spaniards. Vic taiued.”" As the work which contains this
toria pronounced war against the Americans for memorable condemnation of man-stealing and
their vices or for their paganism to be unjust.‘ slavery was the substance of lectures many years
Soto was the authority chiefly consulted by delivered at Salamanca, philosophy and religion

‘ Many of the separate dissertations, on points of this nature, are contained in the immense collection entitled Tractors:
Tractatuum, published at Venice in 1584, under the patronage of the Roman see- There are three de Belle,- one by Lupus
of Segovia when Francis I. was risoner in Spain ; another, more celebrated, by Francis Arias, who, on the llth June 1532,
discussed before the College 0 Cardinals the legitimacy of a war by the Emperor against the Pope. There are two 3:
Pace,- and
Hello. Theothers
abovedc writers
Patntatcare
Regia, dc Penainfilortir,
mentioned &c. omena
the Prole The most ancient and
to Grotius scholastic
de Jun: Bzlli. isPietro
that ofBelloni
J. de L'(lgdunsellor
am of Milan de
of the
Duke of Savoy) dc Re Militari, treats his subject with t 1e minuteness of a Judge-Advocate, and has more modern examples,
chiefly Italian, than Grotius.
. 1* Born in 1494; died in 1560. (As'rosn Bibliothcra Hiqmna Nova.) The opinion of Soto's knowledge entertained
by his contem oraries is expressed in a jingle, Qui m't Sotum wit totum. _ '
3 Notes an Illustrations, note K.
* “ India non debere auferri imperium, ideo quia sunt peccatores, vel ideo quia non sunt Christiani," were the words of
Victoria.
6 Notes and Illustrations, note L. a
‘ “ Neque discrepantia (ut reor) est inter Christianos et infideles, quoniam ius gentium cunctis gentibus wquale est.” 4
7 8010 de Justitia ct Jun, lib. iv. quiest. art. 2.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 315
appear, by the hand of their faithful minister, Spanish Jesuit beyond his deserts, calls Suarez
the most acute of philosophers and divines.’ -
to have thus smitten the monsters in their earliest
infancy. It is hard for any manof the present On a practical matter, which may be naturally
age to conceive the praise which is due to the mentioned here, though in strict method it
excellent monks who courageously asserted the belongs to another subject, the merit of Suarez
rights of those whom they never saw, against is conspicuous. He first saw that interna
the prejudices of their order, the supposed inte tional law was composed not only of the simple
rest of their religion, the ambition of their go principles of justice applied to the intercourse
vernment, the avarice and pride of their coun between states, but of those usages, long ob
trymen, and the prevalent opinions of their time.served in that intercourse by the European
Francis Suarez,1 a Jesuit, whose voluminous race, which have since been more exactly dis
works amount to twenty-four volumes in folio, tinguished as the consuetudinary law acknow
closes the list of writers of his class. His ledged by the Christian nations of Europe and
work on Laws, and on God the Lawgiver, may America.“ On this important point his views
be added to the above treatise of Soto, as ex are more clear than those of his contemporary
hibiting the most accessible and perspicuous Alberico Gentili.‘ It must even be owned,
abridgemeut of the theological philosophy in its that the succeeding intimation of the same
latest form. general doctrine by Grotius is somewhat more
Grotius, who, though he was the most upright dark, perhaps from his excessive pursuit of con
and candid of men, could not have praised a cise diction.“

SECTION IV.

Modern Ethics.

Tm: introduction to the great work of Gro
tius,‘ composed in the first years of his exile, and
published at Paris in 1625, contains the most
clear and authentic statement of the general
principles of morals prevalent in Christendom
after the close of the schools, and before the
writings of Hobbes had given rise to those ethi
cal controversies which more peculiarly belong
to modern times. That he may lay down the therefore there is either no justice, or if there
fundamental principles of Ethics, he introduces
Carneades on the stage as denying altogether
the reality of moral distinctions; teaching that
law and morality are contrived by powerful men
for their own interest; that they vary in differ
ent countries, and change in successive ages;
that there can be no natural law, since nature
leads men as well as other animals to prefer
their own interest to every other object; that
be, it is another name for the height of folly,

I ' Born in 1538; died in 1617.

1' “ Tantra subtilitatis philosophum ct theologum, ut vix quemquam habeat parem." (Guo'ru L‘pm. spud As'ron. Bibi.
Ilicp. Nova.)
1 “ Nunquam enirn civitates sunt sibi tam suflicientes quin indigeant mutuo juvarnine et societate, interdum ad majo
rcm utilitatem, interdum ob necessitatem moralem. Hac igitur rations indigent aliquo jure quo dirigantur et recto ordi
nentur in hoe genere societatis. Et quamvia magna ex parte hoe fiat per rationem naturalem, non tsmcn sutiicienter et
immediate quoad omnis, ideogue lpccialiajura patcrant mu mnmdcm gallium introduci." (Sumtz dc Legibm, lib. ii. cap. ii.
9. d 10.7.)
.‘ Born in the March of Ancona in 1550; died at London in 1608.
‘ Gaorws dc June BeIIi, lib. i. cap. i. sect. 14.
° Prolegomcna. His letter to Vossius, of lst August 1625 determines the exact period of the publication of this famous
work. Gnorn Epid. 74.
3167 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ill'a‘snmch as it is a fond attempt to persuade a such acts are either forbidden or enjoined by God,
human being to injure himself for the unnatural the author of nature. Actions which are the
purpose of benefiting his fellow-men.1 subject of this exertion of reason, are in them
To this Grotius answered, that even inferior selves lawful or unlawful, and are therefore as
animals, under the powerful though transient such necessarily commanded or prohibited by
impulse of parental love, prefer their young to God.”
their own safety or life; that gleams of com Such was the state of opinion respecting the
passion, and, he might have added, of gratitude first principles of the moral sciences, when, after
and indignation, appear in the human infant an imprisonment of a thousand years in the
long before the age of moral discipline; that cloister, they began once more to hold inter
man at the period of maturity is a social animal, course with the general undertanding of man
who delights in the society of his fellow-crea kind. It will be seen in the laxity and confu
tures for its own sake, independently of the help sion, as well as in the prudence and purity of
and accommodation which it yields; that he is this exposition, that some part of the method
a reasonable being, capable of framing and pur and precision of the schools was lost with their
suing general rules of conduct, of which he endless subtilties and their barbarous language.
discerns that the observance contributes to a It is manifest that the latter paragraph is a pro
regular, quiet, and happy intercourse between position, not what it affects to be, a definition;
all the members of the community; and that that as a proposition it contains too many terms
from these considerations all the precepts of mo very necessary to be defined; that the purpose
rality, and all the commands and prohibitions of of the excellent writer is not so much to lay
just law, may be derived by impartial reason. down a first principle of morals, as to exert his
“ And these principles,” says the pious philoso unmatched power of saying much in few words,
pher, “ would have their weight, even if it were in order to assemble within the smallest compass
to be granted (which could not be conceded the most weighty inducements, and the most
without the highest impiety) that there is no efi'ectual persuasions to welldoing.
God, or that he exercises no moral government This was the condition in which ethical theory
over human afl'airs.”' “ Natural law is the die was found by Hobbes, with whom the present
tate of right reason, pronouncing that there is in Dissertation should have commenced, if it had
some actions a moral obligation, and in other been possible to state modern controversies in a
actions a moral deformity, arising from their re satisfactory manner, without a retrospect of
spective suitableness or repugnance to the reason the revolutions in opinion from which they in
able and social nature; and that consequently some measure flowed.

nonnns.’

THOMAS Honscs of Malmesbury may be num a new character to European philosophy in the
bered among those eminent persons born in the succeeding age.‘ He was one of the late wri
latter half of the sixteenth century, who gave ters and late learners. It was not till he was

‘ The same commonplace paradoxes were retailed by the Sophists, whom Socrates is introduced as chastising in the Dis
1 s of Plato. They were common enough to be put by the historian into the mouth of an ambassador in a public speech.
Ar e: 3: In: any n 10).“ legal lxawgl "3" any" 0' 1-1 Eu‘uQleav. (TBUCYD. vi. 85.)
' “ Et haac quidem locum aliquem haberent, etiamsi daretur (quod sine summo scelere dari nequit) non esse Deum, aut
n'on curari ab e0 negotia humane.” (Proleg. ll.) And in another place, “ Jns naturals est dictatum rectae rationis, indicans
act‘ui alicui, ex ejus convenientia ant disconvenientia cum ipsa natura rationali et sociali, inesse moralem turpitudinem aut
necessitatem moralem, ac consequenter ab auctore natures Den talem actum aut vetari aut pmcipi. Actus de quibus tale exstat
dictatum, debiti sunt ant illiciti per se, stque ideo a Dee necessario prsecepti aut vetiti intelliguntur." (Lib. i. cap. i. sect. 10.)
‘ Born in 1588; died in 1679.
‘ Bacon, Descartes, Hobbes, and Grotius. The writings of the first are still as delightful and wonderful as they ever
were, and his authority will have no end. Descartes forms an era in the history of Metaphysics, of Physics, of Mathema
m. The controversles excited by Grotius have long ceased, but the powerful influence of his works will be doubted by
those only who are unacquainted with the disputes of the seventeenth century.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 317
nearly thirty that he supplied the defects of his among followers and opponents, who discover
early'educati'on, by classical studiesso successfully truth by accident, when in pursuit of weapons
prosecuted, that he wrote well im the Latin then for their warfare. A system which attempts a
used by his scientific contemporaries; and made task so hard as that of subjecting vast provinces
such proficiencyin Greelcas, mhiwearliest work, of human knowledge to one or tWo principles,
the Translation of Thucydid'es, published when if it' pnesentss some striking instances of con
he was forty, wafl‘ord aspecimen ofaveraion still formity to superficial appearances, is sure to
valuedfor its remarkable fidelity ;1 though, written delight the framer; and, for a time, to subdue
with a stifi'ness‘ and constraint very opposite to and captivate the student too entirely for sober
the masterly facility of his original compositions. reflection and- rigorous examination. The evil
It was after forty that he learned the first rudi» does not indeed very frequently recur. Perhaps
ments of geometry (so miserably defective was Aristotle, Hobbes, and Kant, are the only per
his education“) ;- but yielding to the paradoxical sons who united in the highest degree the great
disposition apt to infect those who begin to learn faculties of comprehension and discrimination
after the natural age of commencement, he ex which compose the Gatius qf Sysknn. Of the
poaed himself, by absurd controversies with the three, Aristotle alone could throw it 05‘ where
masters of a science which looks down with it was glaringly unsuitable; and it is deserving
scorn on the Sophist. A considerable portion of observation, that the reign of system seems,
of his mature age was passed on the Continent, from these examples, progressively to shorten in
where he travelled as tutor to two successive proportion as reason is cultivated and knowledge
Earls of Devonshire; a family with whom he advances. But, in the first instance, consist
seems to have passed near half a century of his ency passes for truth. When principles in some
long life. In France his reputation, founded at instances have proved sufiicient to give an un
that time solely on personal intercourse, became expected explanation of facts, the delighted
so great, that his observations on the Meditations reader is content to accept as true all other de
of Descartes were published in the works of that ductions from the principles. Specious pre
philosopher, together with those of Gassendi mises being assumed to be true, nothing more
and Arnauld.l It was about his sixtieth year can be required than logical inference. Mathe
that he began to publish those philosophical matical forms pass current as the equivalent of
writings which contain his peculiar opinions ;— mathematical certainty. The unwary admirer
which set the understanding of Europe into ge is satisfied with the completeness and symmetry
neral motion, and stirred up controversies among of the plan of his house—unmindful of the need
metaphysicians and moralists, not even yet de of examining the firmness of the foundation and
termined. At the age of eighty-seven he had the soundness of the materials. The system
the boldness to publish metrical versions of the maker, like the conqueror, long dazzles and
Iliad and Odyssey, which the greatness of his overawes the world; but when their sway is past,
name, and the singularity of the undertaking, the vulgar herd, unable to measure their aston
still render objects of curiosity, if not of criti ishing faculties, take revenge by trampling on
cism. He owed his influence to various causes; fallen greatness.
at the head of which may be placed that genius The dogmatism of Hobbes was, however un
for system, which, though it cramps the growth justly, one of the sources of his fame. The
of knowledge,’ perhaps finally stones for that founders of systems deliver their novelties with
mischief, by the zeal and activity which it rouses the undoubting spirit of discoverers; and their

' The valence of freethinkin under Louis XIII., to a far greater degree than it was avowed, appears not only from
the comp 'nts of Memenne and o Grotius, but from the disclosures of Guy Patin; who, in his Lem", describes his own
conversations with Gassendi and Naudé, so as to leave no doubt of their opinions. _ _
' “ Another error," says the Master of Wisdom, “ is the over-early and peremptory reduction of knowledge Into arts
and methods, from which time commonly receives small augmentation." (Bacon‘s Admnccmcnl of Lmrning, book i.)
“ Method," says he, “ can'ying a show of total and perfect knowledge, has a tendency to generate acquiescence.” What
pregnant words I
318 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

followers are apt to be dogmatical, because they always choosing the most significant term, that
can see nothing beyond their own ground. It he never is reduced to the poor expedient of
might seem incredible, if it were not established using many in its stead. He had so thoroughly
by the experience of all ages, that those who studied the genius of the language, and knew
differ most from the opinions of their fellow so well to steer between pedantry and vulgarity,L
men are most confident of the truth of their that two centuries have not superannuated prob
own. But it commonly requires an overween ably more than a dozen of his words. His ex
ing conceit of the superiority of a man’s own pressions are so luminous, that he is clear with
judgment, to make him espouse very singular out the help of illustration. Perhaps no writer
notions; and when he has once embraced them, of any age or nation, on subjects so abstruse,
they are endeared to him by the hostility of has manifested an equal power of engraving his
those whom he contemns as the prejudiced vul thoughts on the mind of his readers. He seems
gar. The temper of Hobbes must have been never to have taken a word for ornament or
originally haughty. The advanced age at which pleasure ; and he deals with eloquence and
he published his obnoxious opinions, rendered poetry as the natural philosopher who explains
him more impatient of the acrimonious opposi the mechanism of children’s toys, or deigns to
tion which they necessarily provoked; until at contrive them. Yet his style so stimulates at
length a strong sense of the injustice of the tention, that it never tires; and, to those who
punishment impending over his head, for the are acquainted with the subject, appears to have
publication of what he believed to be truth, co as much spirit as can be safely blended with
operated with the peevishness and timidity of reason. He compresses his thoughts so un
his years, to render him the most imperious and afi'ectedly, and yet so tersely, as to produce oc
morose of dogmatists. His dogmatism has in casionally maxims which excite the same agree
deed one quality more offensive than that of able surprise with wit, and have become a sort
most others. Propositions the most adverse of philosophical proverbs; the success of which
to the opinions of mankind, and the most ab he partly owed to the suitableness of such forms
horrent from their feelings, are introduced into of expression to his dictatorial nature. His
the course of his argument with mathematical words have such an appearance of springing
coldness. He presents them as demonstrated from his thoughts, as to impress on the reader
conclusions, without deigning to explain to his a strong opinion of his originality, and indeed
fellow-creatures how they all happened to be to prove that he was not conscious of borrow
lieve the opposite absurdities; without even the ing; though conversation with Gassendi must
compliment of once observing how widely his have influenced his mind; and it is hard to be
discoveries were at variance with the most an lieve that his coincidence with Ockham should
cient and universal judgments of the human have been purely accidental, on points so im
understanding. The same quality in Spinoza portant as the denial of general ideas, the refer
indicates a recluse’s ignorance of the world. ence of moral distinctions to superior power,
In Hobbes it is the arrogance of a man who and the absolute thraldom of religion under the
knows mankind and despises them. civil power, which he seems to have thought ne
> A permanent foundation of his fame consists in cessary, to maintain that independence of the
his admirable style, which seems to be the very state on the church with which Ockham had
perfection of didactic language. Short, clear, pre been contented. ' .
cise, pithy, his language never has more than one His philosophical writings might be read with
meaning, which never requires a second thought out reminding any one that the author was more
to find. By the help of his exact method, it than an intellectual machine. They never be
takes so firm a hold on the mind, that it will tray a feeling except that insupportable arro
not allow attention to slacken. His little tract gance which looks down on men as a lower
on Human Nature has scarcely an ambiguous or species of beings ; whose almost unanimous hos
a needless word. He has so great a power of tility is so far from shaking the firmness of his
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 319
conviction, or even rufliing the calmness of his ficient for its purpose, unless it be wielded by a
contempt, that it appears. too petty a circum single hand; nor even then, unless his absolute
stance to require explanation, or even to merit power extends over religion, which may prompt
notice, Let it not be forgotten, that part of his men to discord by the fear of an evil greater
renown depends on the application of his ad than death. The perfect state of a community,
mirable powers to expound truth when he meets according to him, is where law prescribes the
it. This great merit is conspicuous in that part religion and morality of the people, and where
of his treatise of Human Nature which relates the will of an absolute sovereign is the sole foun
to the percipient and reasoning faculties. It is tain of law. Hooker had inculcated the simple
also very remarkable in many of his secondary truth, that “ to live by one man’s will is the
principles on the subject of government and law, cause of many men’s misery.” Hobbes em
which, while the first principles are false and braced the daring paradox, that to live by one
dangerous, are as admirable for truth as for his man’s will is the only means of all men’s happi
accustomed and unrivalled propriety of expres ness. Having thus rendered religion the slave
sion.1 In many of these observations he even of every human tyrant, it was an unavoidable
shows a disposition to soften his paradoxes, and consequence, that he should be disposed to lower
to conform to the common sense of mankind.’ her character, and lessen her power over men;
It was with perfect truth observed by my that he should regard atheism as the most efi'ec— .
excellent friend Mr Stewart, that “ the ethical tual instrument of preventing rebellion; at least
principles of Hobbes are completely interwoven that species of rebellion which prevailed in his
with his political system.”I He might have time, and had excited his alarms. The formi
said, that the whole of Hobbes’s system, moral, dable alliance of religion with liberty haunted
religious, and in part philosophical, depended on his mind, and urged him to the bold attempt of
his political scheme; not indeed logically, as con rooting out both these mighty principles; which,
clusions depend on premises, but (if the word when combined with interests and passions,
may be excused) psychologically, as the formation when debased by impure support, and provoked
of one opinion may be influenced by a disposi by unjust resistance, have indeed the power of
tion to adapt it to previously cherished opinions. fearfully agitating society ; but which are, never
The Translation of Thucydides, as he himself theless, in their own nature, and as far as they
boasts, was published to show the evils of popu are unmixed and undisturbed, the fountains of
lar government.‘ Men he represented as being justice, of order, of peace, as well as of those
originally equal, and having an equal right to all moral hopes, and of those glorious aspirations
things, but as being taught by reason to sacri after higher excellence, which encourage and
fice this right for the advantages of peace, and exalt the soul in its passage through misery and
to submit to a common authority, which can depravity. A Hobbist is the only consistent
preserve quiet, only by being the sole depositary persecutor; for he alone considers himself as
of force, and must therefore be absolute and un bound, by whatever conscience he has remain
limited. The supreme authority cannot be suf ing, to conform to the religion of the sovereign.

1 See De Corporc Politico, Part i. chap. ii. iv. and Leviathan, Part i. chap. xiv. xv. for remarks of this sort, full of
citv.
' “ The laws of nature are immulnble and dcrnal; for injustice, infintitude, nrro nee, pride, iniquity, acception of per
sons, and the rest, can never be made lawful. For it can never thnt war she preserve life, and peace destroy it."
(Leviathan, Part i. chap. xv. See also Part ii. chap. xxvi. xxviii. on Laws, and on Punishments.) _
' See Dissertation First, p. 42. The political state of England is indeed said by himself to have occasioned his first
philosophical publication.
Nascitur interea scelus execrabile belli
............................... ..Horreo spectsns,
_ Meque ad dilectsm confero Lutetism,
Postque duos annos edo De Cive Libellum. (Vila Hobbesii.)
‘ The speech of Euphemus in the 6th book of that historian, and the conference between the ministers from Athens and
the Melesn chiefs, in the 6th hook, exhibit an undis ised Hobbinn, which was very dramatically put into the mouth of
Athenian statesmen at a time when, as we learn from late and Aristophanes, it was preached by the Sophists
320 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

He claims "from others no more than he is him ception, impression, 820.) the correspondent act
self ready to yield to any master;1 while the of the other not less important portion of man
religionist who persecutes a member of another is not denoted by a technical term in philoso
communion, exacts the sacrifice of conscience phical systems; nor by a convenient word in
and sincerity, though professing that, rather than common language. Sensation has another more
make it himself, he is prepared to die. common sense. Emotion is too warm for a ge
neric term. Feeling has some degree of the same
REMARKS.
fault, besides its liability to confusion with the
The fundamental errors on which the ethical sense of touch. Pleasure andpain represent only
system of Hobbes is built are not peculiar to two properties of this act, which render its re
him; though he has stated them with a holder petition the object of desire or aversion; which
precision, and placed them in a more conspicu~ last states of mind presuppose the act. Of these
ous station in the van of his main force, than words, emotion seems to be the least objec
any other of those who have either frankly tionable, since it has no absolute double mean
avowed or tacitly assumed them, from the be ing, and does not require so much vigilance in
‘ginning of speculation to the present moment. ’the choice of the accompanying words as Would
They- may he shortly stated as follows. be necessary if we were to prefer feeling ;
1. The first and_most inveterate of these er~ which, however, being a more familiar word,
rors is, that he does not distinguish thought from may, with due caution, be also sometimes em
feeling, or rather that he in express words con ployed. Every man who attends to the state
founds them. The mere perception of an object, of his own mind will acknowledge, that these
according to him, difl'ers from the pleasure or words, emotion andfeeling, thus used, are perfect
pain which that perception may occasion, no ly simple, and as incapable of further explana
otherwise than as they affect different organs of tion by words as sight or hearing; which may
the bodily frame. The action of the mind in indeed be rendered into synonymous words, but
perceiving or conceiving an object is precisely never can be defined by any more simple or
the same with that of feeling the agreeable or more clear. Reflection will in like manner teach
disagreeable.” The necessary result of this ori that perception, reasoning, and judgment may
ginal confusion is, to extend the laws of the in be conceived to exist without being followed by
tellectual part of our nature over that other part emotion. Some men hear music without gratifi
of it, hitherto without any adequate name, which cation: one may distinguish a taste without being
feels, and desires, and loves, and-hopes, and pleased or displeased by it; or at least the relish
wills. In consequence of this long confusion, or disrelish is often so slight, without lessening
or want of distinction, it has happened that, the distinctness of the sapid qualities, that the
while the simplest act of the merely intellectual distinction of it from the perception cannot be
part has many names, (such as sensation, per doubted.

' Spinoza adopted precisely the same first principle with Hobbes, that all men have a natural right to all things.
(True-lain; Politicm, cn . ii. sect. 3.) He even avows the absurd and detestable maxim, that states are not bound to observe
their treaties longer t an the interest or danger which first formed the treaties continues. But on the internal constitu
‘tion of states he embraces opposite opinions. Servitutir mlm mm paci: inter-at omnem potatalcm ad mum tramfme. (Ibid.
cap. vi. sect. 4.) Limited monarchy he considers as the only tolerable example of that species of government. An aristo
cracy-nearly approaching to the Dutch system during the suspension of the Stadtbolderslnp, he seems to prefer. He speaks
favourably of democracy, but the chapter on that subject is left unfinished. “ Nulla plane templa urbium sumptibus aadifi
canda, nec jura de opimonibus statuenda.”- He was the first republican atheist of modern times, and probably the earliest
irreli 'ous opponent of an ecclesiastical establishment.
' his doctrine is explained in his tmct on Human Nature, c. vii.-x. “ Conception i: a motion in some internal substance
of the head, which proceeding to the heart, when it helpeth the motion there, it is called pleuure; when it wenkeneth or
hindereth the motion, it is called pain." The same matter is handled more cursorily, eesbly to the practical purpose
of the work, in Leviathan, Part i. cha . vi. These pas s are here referred to as proo s of the statement in the text.
With the materialism of it we have liere no concern. I the multiplied snppositions were granted, we should not advance
one step towards understandin what they profess to explain. The first four words are as unmeaning as if one were to
say that greennels is very lou It is obvious that manymotions which promote the motion of the heart are extremely
 DISSERTATION SECOND.I 321
The multiplicity of errors which have flowed does not scruple, for the sake of this system, to
into Moral Science from this original confusion distort facts of which all men are conscious;
is very great. They have spread over many and to do violence to the language in which the
schools of philosophy; and many of them are result of their uniform experience is conveyed.
prevalent to this day. Hence the laws of the “ Acknowledgment ofpower is called Honour.” ’
understanding have been applied to the affec His explanations are frequently suflicient con
tions; virtuous feelings have been considered futations of the doctrine which required them.
as just reasonings; evil passions represented as “ Pity is the imagination of future calamity to
mistaken judgments; and it has been laid down ourselves, proceeding from the sense (observa
as a principle, that the will always follows the tion) of another man’s calamity.” “ Laughter
last decision of the practical intellect.1 is occasioned by sudden glory in our eminence,
- 2. By this great error, Hobbes was led to re or in comparison with the infirmity of others.”
present all the variety of the desires of men, as Every man who ever wept or laughed, may de
being only so many instances of objects delibe termine whether this be a true account of the
rately and solely pursued; because they were the state of his mind on either occasion. “ Love is
means, and at the time perceived to be so, of a. conception of his need of the one person de
directly or indirectly procuring organic gratifi sired ;” a definition of love, which, as it ex
cation to the individual.” The human passions cludes kindness, might perfectly well compre
are described as if they reasoned accurately, de— hend the hunger of a cannibal, provided that
liberated coolly, and calculated exactly. It is it were not too ravenous to exclude choice.
assumed that, in performing these operations, “ Good-will, or charity, which containeth the na
there is and can be no act of life in which a man tural affection of parents to their children, consists
does not bring distinctly before his eyes the in a man’s conception that he is able not only to
pleasure which is to accrue to himself from the accomplish his own desires, but to assist other
act. From this single and simple principle, all men in theirs :” from which it follows, as the
human conduct may, according to him, be ex pride of power is felt in destroying as well as in
plained and even foretold. saving men, that cruelty and kindness are the
The true laws of this part of our nature (so same passion.‘
totally different from those of the percipient Such were the expedients to which a man of
part) were, by this grand mistake, entirely with the highest class of understanding was driven,
drawn from notice. Simple as the observation in order to evade the admission of the simple
is, it seems to have escaped not only Hobbes, and evident truth, that there are in our nature
but many, perhaps most philosophers, that our perfectly disinterested passions, which seek the
desires seek a great diversity of objects; that wellbeing of others as their object and end,
the attainment of these objects is indeed follow without looking beyond it to self, or pleasure,
ed by, or rather called Pleasure; but that it or happiness. A proposition, from which such
could not be so, if the objects had not been pre a man could attempt to escape only by such
viously desired. Many besides him have really means, may be strongly presumed to be true.
represented self as the ultimate object of every 8. Hobbes having thus struck the affections
action ; but none ever so hardily thrust forward out of his map of human nature, and having to
the selfish system in its harshest and coarsest tally misunderstood (as will appear in a suc
shape. The mastery which he shows over other ceeding part of this Dissertation) the nature even
metaphysical subjects, forsakes him on this. He of the appetites, it is no wonder that we should

' “ Voluntas semper sequitur ultimum indicium intellectus practici."

’ See the passages before quoted.
J Human Nature, cha via. The ridiculous explanation of the admiration of personal beauty, “ as a sign of power ge
nerative," shows the di culties to which this extraordinary man was reduced by a false system.
‘ Ibid. shag. in. I forbear to quote the passage on Platonic love, which immediately follows. But, considering Hobhcs‘s
blameless an boneurable character, that passage is perhaps the most renmrkable instance of the shifts to which 1 is selfish
system reduced him
DISS. ll. 2 s
322 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

find in it not a trace of the moral sentiments. reasoners, that a perception of the tendency of
Moral good1 he considers merely as consisting good actions to preserve the being and promote
in the signs of a power to produce pleasure; the wellbeing of the community, and a sense of
and repentance is no more than regret at having the dependence of our own happiness upon the
missed the way: so that, according to this sys general security, either are essential constituents
tem, a disinterested approbation of, and rever of our moral feelings, or are ordinarily mingled
cues for virtue, are no more possible than dis with the most effectual motivas to right conduct.
interested affections towards our fellow-crea The court of Charles II. were equally pleased
tures. There is no sense of duty, no compunc with Hobbes’s poignant brevity, and his low esti
tion for our own ofl'ences, no indignation against mate of human motives. His ethical epigrams
the crimes of others, unless they afl'ect our own became the current coin of profligate wits.
safety; no secret cheerfulness shed over the Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire, who re
heart by the practice of Welldoing. From his presented the class still more perfectly in his
philosophical writings it would be impossible to morals than in his faculties, has expressed their
conclude that there are in man a set of emotions, opinion in verses, of which one line is good
desires, and aversions, of which the sole and final enough to be quoted:
objects are the voluntary actions and habitual
\ Fame bears no fruit till the vain planter dies
dispositions of himself and of all other voluntary
agents; which are properly called Moral Senti Dryden speaks of “ the philosopher and poet
ments ,- and which, though they vary more in (for such is the condescending term employed)
degree, and depend more on cultivation, than of Malmesbury,” as resembling Lucretius in
some other parts of human nature, are as seldom haughtiness. But Lucretius, though he held
as most of them found to be entirely wanting. many of the opinions of Hobbes, had the sensi
4-. A theory of man which comprehends in its bility as well as genius of a poet. His dogma
explanations neither the social affections, nor the tism is full of enthusiasm; and his philosophical
moral sentiments, must be owned to be suffi theory of society discovers occasionally as much
ciently defective. It is a consequence, or ra tenderness as can be shown without reference
ther a modification of it, that Hobbes should to individuals. He was a Hobbist in only half
constantly represent the deliberate regard to his nature.
personal advantage, as the only possible motive The moral and political system of Hobbes Was
of human action; and that he should altogether a palace of ice, transparent, exactly proportioned,
disdain to avail himself of those refinements of majestic, admired by the unwary as a delight
the selfish scheme which allow the pleasures of ful dwelling; but gradually undermined by the
benevolence and of morality, themselves, to be a central warmth of human feeling, before it was
most important part of that interest which rea thawed into muddy water by the sunshine of
sonable beings pursue. ' true philosophy.
5. Lastly, though Hobbes does in effect ac When Leibnitz, in the beginning of the
knowledge the necessity of morals to society, eighteenth century, reviewed the moral writers
and the general coincidence of individual with of modern times, his penetrating eye saw only
public interest—-truths so palpable that they two who were capable of reducing morals and
never have been excluded from any ethical sys jurisprudence to a science. “ So great an enter
tem—he betrays his utter want of moral sensibil prise,” says he, “ might have been executed by
ity by the coarse and odious form in which he has the deep-searching genius of Hobbes, if he had
presented the first of these great principles ; and not set out from evil principles; or by the judg-.
his view of both leads him most strongly to sup ment and learning of the incomparable Grotius,
port that common and pernicious error of moral if his powers had not been scattered over many

‘ \Vhich he calls the pulchrum, for want, as he says, of an English word to express it. (Leviathan, Part i. c. vi.) '
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
subjects, and his mind distracted by the cares of
an agitated life.”l Perhaps in this estimate,
admiration of the various and excellent quali
ties of Grotius may have overrated his purely
philosophical powers, great as they unquestion
ably Were. Certainly the failure of Hobbes was
owing to no inferiority in strength of intellect.
Probably his fundamental errors may be im
puted, in part, to the faintncss of his moral sen
sibilities, insuthcient to make him familiar with
those sentiments and affections which can be
known only by being felt ;——a faintness perfectly
compatible with his irreproachable life, but
which obstructed, and at last obliterated, the
only channel through which the most important
materials of ethical science enter into the mind.
Against Hobbes, says Warburton, the whole
church militant took up arms. The answers to
the Leviathan would form a library. But the
far greater part have followed the fate of all
323
controversial pamphlets. Sir Robert Filmer
was jealous of any rival theory of servitude.
Harrington defended liberty, and Clarendon the
church, against a common enemy. His philo
sophical antagonists were, Cumberland, Cud
worth, Shaftesbury, Clarke, Butler, and Hutche
son. Though the last four writers cannot be
considered as properly polemics, their labours
were excited, and their doctrines modified, by
the stroke from a vigorous arm which seemed
to shake Ethics to its foundation. They lead us
far into the eighteenth century; and their works,
occasioned by the doctrines of Hobbes, sowed
the seed of the ethical writings of Hume, Smith,
Price, Kant, and Stewart; in a less degree, also,
of those of Tucker and Paley: not to mention
Mandeville, the bufi'oon and sophister of the
ale-house; or Helvetius, an ingenious but flimsy
writer, the low and loose moralist of the vain,
the selfish, and the sensual.

SECTION V.

Controversies concerning the Moral Faculties and the Social Afl‘ections.

CUMBERLAND-CUDWORT H-CLARKB-SHAFTESBURY-BOSSUET-FEN ELON—LEIBNITZ

MALEBRANCHE-EDWARDS-BUFFIER.

Da RICHARD Cumssaunn,’ raised to the meaning with power. He shows that Hobbes is -
see of Peter-borough after the revolution of 1688, at variance with himself; inasmuch as the dic
was the only professed answerer of Hobbes. His tates of right reason, which, by his own state
work on the Law qf Nature still retains a place ment, teach men for their own safety to forego
on the shelf, though not often on the desk. The the exercise of that right, and which he calls
philosophical epigrams of Hobbes form a con Laws of Nature, are coeval with it; and that
trast to the verbose, prolix, and languid diction mankind perceive the moral limits of their power
of his answerer. The forms of scholastic argu as clearly and as soon as they are conscious of
ment serve more to encumber his style than to its existence. He enlarges the intimations of
insure his exactness. But he has substantial Grotius on the social feelings, which prompt
merits. He justly observes, that all men can men to the pleasurm of pacific intercourse, as
only be said to have had originally a right to all certainly as the apprehension of danger and de
things, in a sense in which right has the same struction urges them to avoid hostility. The

bilis Grotii judicio et doctrine, re] s rofundo Hobhij ' . i3

' “ Et tale aliquid potuisset vel ah i p v- gm p. 216.)
nisi illum multa distraxissent; hie vero prava constituisset principia." (LEIBNITII Epist. nd Molanum ; I
' Born in 1632; died in 1718.
 324 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

fundamental principle of his Ethics is, that virtuous, with the sentiments excited in us by the
“the greatest benevolence of every rational
agent to all others is the happiest state of each
individual, as well as ' of the whole.”1
happiness accruing to each man from the obser
vance and cultivation of benevolence, be con
siders as appended to it by the supreme Ruler;
through which he sanctions it as his law, and
reveals it to the mind of every reasonable creature.
From this principle he deduces the rules of mo
rality, which he' calls the Laws of Nature. The
surest, or rather only mark that they are the
commandments of God, is, that their observance
promotes the happiness of man : for that reason
alone could they be imposed by that Being whose
essence is love. . As our moral faculties must to
us be the measure of all metal excellence, he
infers that the moral attributes of the Divinity
must in their nature be onlya transcendent degree
of those qualities which we most approve, love,
and revere, in those moral agents with whom we
are familiar.’ He had a momentary glimpse of
the possibility that some human actions might
be performed with a view to the happiness of
others, without any consideration of the pleasure
reflected back on ourselves.5 But it is too faint
and transient to be worthy of observation, other
wise than as a new proof how often great truths
must flit before the understanding, before they
can be firmly and finally held in its grasp. His
only attempt to explain the nature of the moral
faculty, is the substitution of practical reason (a
' phrase of the schoolmen, since become celebrat
ed from its renewal by Kant) for right reason ;‘
and his definition of the first, as that which points
out the ends and means of action. Throughout
his whole reasoning, he adheres to the accustom
ed confusion of the quality which renders actions
contemplation of them. His language on the
identity of general and individual interest is ex
The tremely vague; though it be, as he says, the
foundation-stone of the Temple of Concord
among men.
It is little wonder that Cumberland should not
have disembroiled this ancient and established
confusion, since Leibnitz himself, in a passage
where he reviews the theories of morals which
had gone before him, has done his utmost to
perpetuate it. “ It is a question," says he,
“ whether the preservation of human society be
the first principle of the law of nature. This
our author denies, in opposition to Grotius, who
laid down sociability to be so; to Hobbes, who
ascribed that character to mutual fear; and to
Cumberland, who held that it was mutual bene
volence ; which are all three only difl'erent names
for the safety and welfare of society.“ Here
the great philosopher considered benevolence or
fear, two feelings of the human mind, to be the
first principles of the law of nature ; in the same
sense in which the tendency of certain actions
to the wellbeing of the community may be so
regarded. The confusion, however, was then
common to him with many, as it even now is
with most. The comprehensive view was his
own. 'He perceives the close resemblance of
these various and even conflicting opinions, in
that important point of view in which they re-~
late to the effects of moral and immoral actions
on the general interest. The tendency of virtue
to preserve amicable intercourse was enforced
by Grotius ; its tendency to prevent injury was
dwelt on by Hobbes; its tendency to promote
an interchange of benefits was inculcated by
Cumberland.

l Cummaumn dc Legilnu Nature, cap. i. sect. 12. first published in London, 1672, and then so popular as to be reprint
ed at Lubeck in 1683.
,' Ibid. cap. v. sect. 19.
3 Ibid. cap. sect. 20.
s “ Whoever determines his judgment and his will by right reason, must agree with all others who judge according to
right reason in the same matter.“ (1bid. cap. ii. sect. 8.) This is in one sense only a particular instance of the i entical pro si
tion, that two things which agree with a third thing must agree with each other in that in which theyngree with the t ird.
But the difficulty entirely consists in the particular third thing here introduced, namely, “ right reason,” the nature of
which not one step is made to explain. The position is curious, as coinciding with “ the universal categorical imperative,"
adopted as a first rinciple by Kent. -
5 Laws. IV. are p. 271. The unnamed work which occasioned these remarks (perhaps one of Thomasius) appeared
in 1699., How long afler this Leibnitz’s Dissertation was written, does not appear. ‘
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 325

C UDWORTH. ‘

Cunwos'm, one of the eminent men educated rected against the atheistical opinions of Hobbes:
or promoted in the English Universities during it touches ethical questions but occasionally and
the Puritan rule, was one of the most distinguish incidentally. It is a work of stupendous eru
ed of the Latitudinarian or Arminian party who dition, of much more aeuteness than at first
came forth at the Restoration, with a love of liber appears, of frequent mastery over diction and I
ty imbibed from their Calvinistic masters, as well illustration on subjects where it is most rare;
as from the writings of antiquity, yet tempered and it is distinguished, perhaps beyond any
by the experience of their own agitated age ; and other volume of controversy, by that best proof
with a. spirit of religious toleration more impar of the deepest conviction of the truth of a man’s
tial and mature, though less systematic and principles, a fearless statement of the most for
professcdly comprehensive, than that of the In midable objections to them; a fairness rarely
dependents, the first sect who preached that practised but by him who is conscious of his
doctrine. Taught by the errors of their time, power to answer them. In all his writings, it
they considered religion as consisting, not in must be owned, that his learning obscures his
vain efforts to explain unsearchable mysteries, reasoning-s, and seems even to oppress his pow
but in purity of heart exalted by pious feelings, erful intellect. It is an unfortunate effect of
and manifested by virtuous conduct.0 The go the redundant fulness of his mind, that-it over
vernment of the church was placed in their flows in endless digressions, which break the
hands by the revolution, and their influence chain of argument, and turn aside the thoughts
was long felt among its rulers and luminaries. of the reader from the main object. He was edu
The first generation of their scholars turned cated before usage had limited the naturaliza
their attention too much from the cultivation of tion of new words from the learned languages;
the heart to the mere government of outward before the failure of those great men, from Bacon
action ; and in succeeding times the tolerant to Milton, who laboured to follow a Latin order
spirit, not natural to an establishment, was with in their entences,—and the success of those men
difliculty kept up by a government whose ex of inferior powers, from Cowley to Addison, who
istence depended on discouraging intolerant pre were content with the order, as well as the
tensions. No sooner had the first sketch of the words, of pure and elegant conversation,—had,
Hobbian pliilosophy' been privately circulated atas it were, by a double series of experiments,
Paris, than Cudworth seized the earliest oppor-‘ ascertained that the involutions and inversions
tunity of sounding the alarm against the most of the ancient languages are seldom reconcil
justly odious of the modes of thinking which it able with the genius of ours; and, unless skil
cultivates, or forms of expression which it would fully, as well as sparingly introduced, are at
introduce;4 the prelude to a war which occu variance with the natural beauties of our prose
pied the remaining forty years of his life. The composition. His mind was more that of an an
Inkllectual System, his great production, is di cient than of a modern philosopher. He often

' Born in 1611; died in 1688.

' See the beautiful account of them by Burnet, (Hid. I. 321, Oxford edit. 1823) who was himself one of the most dis
tinguished of this excellent body; with whom maybe classed, notwithstanding some shades of doctrinal diti'crence, his early
master, Leighton, bishop of Dunblane, a beautiful writer, and one of the best of men. The earliest account of them is in
a curious contemporary pamphlet, entitled, An Account of the new Sect of [latitude-men at Cambridge, republished in
the collection of tracts entitled, Plurnlr Britannica“. Jeremy 'l‘aylor deserves the highest and perha the earliest
place among them. But Cudworth‘s excellent sermon before the House of Commons (Slst March 1647) U! the year of
title! publication of Taylor‘s Liberty of Prop/wying, may be compared even to Taylor in charity, piety, and the most liberal
to ration.
' D0 Civc, 1642. _
' Dnntur bom' at mall ration" mfarmr tl indiynmzbila. Thai: for the defie of B. D. at Cambridge in 1644. (Bilcn‘s
Life of Cudworth, prefixed to his edition of the Intellectual Symm, p. vii. nd. 1743, 2 vols. 4to.)
326 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

indulged in that sort of amalgamation of fancy indestructible and unchangeable like that Su
with speculation, the delight of the Alexandrian preme Intelligence.s
doctors, with whom he was most familiarly con Whatever judgment may be formed of this
versant; and the Intellectual System, both in reasoning, it is manifest that it relates merely
thought and expression, has an old and foreign to the philosophy of the understanding, and does
air, not unlike a translation from the work of a not attempt any explanation of what constitutes
later Platonist. Large ethical works of this the very essence of morality, its relation to the
eminent writer are extant in manuscript in the will. That we perceive a distinction between
British Museum.1 One posthumous volume right and wrong as much as between a triangle
on morals was published by Dr Chandler, bishop and a square, is indeed true; and may possibly
of Durham, entitled, A Treatise concerning Eter lead to an explanation of the reason why men
nal and Immutable llIorality.’ But there is the should adhere to the one and avoid the other.
more reason to regret (as far as relates to the But it is not that reason. A command or a
history of opinion) that the larger treatises are precept is not a proposition. It cannot be said
still unpublished, because the above volume is that either is true or false. Cudworth, as well
not so much an ethical treatise as an introduc as many who succeeded him, confounded the
tion to one. Protagoras of old, and Hobbes then mere apprehension by the understanding that
alive, having concluded that right and wrong right is different from wrong, with the practical
were unreal, because they were not perceived authority of these important conceptions, exer
by the senses, and because all human knowledge cised over voluntary actions, in a totally distinct
consists only in such perception, Cudworth en province of the human soul.
deavours to refute them, by disproving that part Though his life was devoted to the assertion
of their premises which forms the last-stated of divine Providence, and though his philosophy
proposition. The mind has many conceptions was imbued with the religious spirit of Plato
( van/tam) which are not cognizable by the senses; nism,‘ yet he had placed Christianity too purely
and though they are occasioned by sensible ob in the love of God and man to be considered as
jects, yet could not be formed but by 'a faculty having much regard for those controversies about
superior to sense. The conceptions of justice rites and opinions with which zealots disturb
and duty he places among them. The distinction the world. They represented him as having
of right from wrong is discerned by reason; fallen into the same heresy with Milton and
and as soon as these words are defined, it be with Clarke? and some of them even charged
comes evident that it would be a contradiction him with atheism, for no other reason than that
in terms to atlirm that any power, human or he was not afraid to state the atheistic diflicul
divine, could change their nature; or, in other ties in their fullest force. As blind anger heaps
words, make the same act to be just and unjust inconsistent accusations on each other, they call
at the same time. They had existed eternally, ed him at least “ an Arian, a Socinian, or a
in the only mode in which truths can be said to Deist.”° The courtiers of Charles IL, who were
be eternal, in the Eternal Mind; and they were delighted with every part of Hobbes but his in

‘ A curious account of the history of these MSS. by Dr Kippis, is to be found in the Bingmphia Britannica, IV. 549.
’ London, 1731, (Wu.
J “ There are many objects of our mind which we can neither see, hear, feel, smell, nor taste, and which did never en
ter into it by any sense; and therefore we can have no sensible pictures or ideas of them, drawn by the pencil of that
inward limner or painter which borrows all his colours from sense, which we call Fancy: and if we reflect on our own
cogitations of these ' , we shall sensibly perceive that they are not phawautieal, but mwmalical : as, forexample, just-ice,
equity, duty and obligation, cogitation, opinion, intellection, volition, memory, verity, falsity, cause, effect, genus, species,
nullity, contingency, ssibility, impossibility, and innumerable others." (Eternal and Immutable Morality, p. l40.) We
have here an anticipation of Kent
‘ Elm/3“, u cum, 3 71¢ tun/3m up: mus-unfit» Be pious, my son, for piety is the sum of Christianity. (Motto aflixed
to the sermon above mentioned.)
~" The following doctrine is ascribed to Cudworth by Nelson, a man of good understanding and great worth: “ Dr Cud
worth maintained that the Father, absolutely speaking, is the only su reme God ; the Son and Spirit be' God only by
his concurrence with them, and their subordination and subjection to ' " (Naasos's Lye qfBull, p. 339.
‘ Tunxna’s Discoune on the Mnfiah, p. 335.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 3237
tegrity, did their utmost to decry his antagonist. his contemporaries, whom he forbears to name,
They turned the railing of the bigots into a who held “ that God may command what is con
sarcasm against religion; as we learn from him trary to moral rules; that he has no inclination to
who represented them with unfortunate fidelity. the good ofhis creatures; that he may justlydoom
“ He has raised,” says Dryden, “ such strong an innocent being to eternal torments; and that
objections against the being of God, that many whatever God does will, for that reason is just,
think he has not answered them ;”--“ the com because he wills it.”‘I It is an interesting inci
mon fate,” as Lord Shaftesbury tells us, “of those dent in the life of a philosopher, that Cudworth’s
who dare to appear fair authors.”l He had, in daughter, Lady Masham, had the honour to nurse
deed, earned the hatred of some theologians, the infirmities and to watch the last breath of Mr
better than they could know from the writings Locke, who was opposed to her father in specu
published during his life; for in his posthumous lative philosophy, but who heartily agreed with
work he classes with the ancient atheists those of him in the love of truth, liberty, and virtue.

CLARKE.‘

CONNECTE n with Cudworth by principle,though and wrong on a more solid foundation ; and to
separated by some interval of time, was Dr explain the conformity of morality to reason, in
Samuel Clarke, a man eminent at once as a di a manner calculated to give a precise and scien
vine, a mathematician, a metaphysical philoso tific signification to that phraseology which all
pher, and a philologer; who, as the interpreter of philosophers had, for so many ages, been content
Homer and Caesar, the scholar of Newton, and to employ, without thinking themselves obliged
the antagonist of Leibnitz, approved himself not to define.
unworthy of correspondence with the highest It is one of the most rarely successful eKorts
order of human spirits. Roused by the preva of the human mind, to place the understanding
lence of the doctrines of Spinoza and Hobbes, he at the point from which a philosopher takes the
endeavoured to demonstrate the being and attri views that compose his system, to recollect con
butes of God, from a few axioms and definitions, stantly his purposes, to adopt for a moment his
in the manner of geometry; an attempt in which, previous opinions and prepossessions, to think
with all his powers of argument, it must be in his words and to see with his eyes; especially
owned that he is compelled sometimes tacitly when the writer widely dissents from the sys
to assume what the laws of reasoning required tem which he attempts to describe, and after a
him to prove; and that, on the whole, his failure general change in the modes of thinking and in
may be regarded as a proof that such a mode the use of terms. Every part of the present
of argument is beyond the faculties of man.‘ Dissertation requires such an excuse; but perhaps
Justly considering the moral attributes of the it may be more necessary in a case like that of
Deity as what alone renders him the object of Clarke, where the alterations in both respects
religion, and to us constitutes the difference be have been so insensible, and in some respects
tween thcism and atheism, he laboured with appear so limited, that they may escape atten
the utmost zeal to place the distinctions of right tion, than after those total revolutions in doc

' Moralista, Part ii. sect. 3.

' Etzrnal and Immutable Ilforalitgl. p. 11. He names only one book published at Franeker. He quotes Oclrhsm as hsv
formerly maintained the same monstrous pesitions. To many, if not to most of thesea(:pinions or expressions, ancient diifi
modern, reservations are adjoined, which render them literally reconcilshle with practi morals. But the dangerous abuse
to which the incautious language of ethical theories is liable, is well illustrated by an anecdote related in l’lutarch's Life
of Alexander. A sycophsnt named Anaxarchas consoled that monarch for the numler of Clitus, by assuring him that
every act Offl ruler must bejust. Us" 'ra wean!" 1'11: nu narrow-n: humus. (PLU'r. Oper. I. 639. Franc. 1599.)
' Born in 1615; died in I729.
‘ This admirable person had so much candour as in effect to own his failure, and to recur to those other arguments in
support of this great truth, which have in all ages satisfied the most elevated minds. In Proposition viii. (Being and Aflrt
bum qfGod, p. 41) which affirms that the first cause mm! be “ intel at,” (where, as he truly states, “ lies the main question
between us and the atheists") he owns. that the proposition cannot demonstrated strictly and properly a priori.
See Notes and Illustrations, note M.
 328 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

trine, where the necessity of not measuring reason. He made it more than disinterested;
other times by our own standard must be ap for he placed its seat in a region where interest
parent to the most undistinguishing. never enters; and passion never disturbs. By
The sum of his moral doctrine may be stated ranking her principles with the first truths of
as follows. Man can conceive nothing without science, he seemed to render them pure and im
at the same time conceiving its relations to other partial, infallible and unchangeable. It might
_ things. He must ascribe the same law of per be excusable to regret the failure of so noble an
ception to every being to whom he ascribes attempt, if the indulgence of such regrets did
thought. 'He cannot therefore doubt that'all not betray an unworthy apprehension that the
the relations of all things to all must have al same excellent ends could only be attained by
ways been present to the Eternal Mind. The re such frail means; and that the dictates of the
lations in this sense are eternal, however recent most severe reason would not finally prove re
the things may be betWeen whom they subsist. concilable with the majesty of virtue.
The whole of these relations constitute truth.
REMARKS.
The knowledge of them is omniscience. These
eternal dzfikrent relations of things in'volve a The adoption of mathematical forms and
consequent eternal fitness or unfitneas in the ap terms was, in England, aprevalent fashion among
plication of things one to another; with a re writers on moral subjects during a large part of
gard to which, the will of God always chooses, the eighteenth century. The ambition of mathe
and which ought likewise to determine the wills matical certainty, on matters concerning which
of all subordinate rational beings. These eter it is not given to man to reach it, is a frailty
nal differences make it fit and reasonable for the from which' the disciple of Newton ought in
creatures so to act; they cause it to be their reason to have been withheld, but to which he
duty, or lay an obligation on them so to do, se was naturally tempted by the example of 11's
parate from the will of God,1 and antecedent to master. Nothing but the extreme difficulty of
any prospect of advantage or reward.’ Nay, detaching assent from forms of expression to
wilful wickedness is the same absurdity and which it has been long wedded, can explain the
insolence in morals, as it would be in natural fact, that the ineautious expressions above cited,
things to pretend to alter the relations of num into which Clarke was hurried by his moral
bers, or to take away the properties of ma sensibility, (lid not awaken himto a sense of the
thematical figures.s “Morality,” says one of error into which he had fallen. As soon as he had
his most ingenious scholars, “is the practice of said that “a wicked act was as absurd as an
reason.“ attempt to take away the properties of a figure,"
Clarke, like Cudworth, considered such a he ought to have seen, that principles which led
scheme as the only security against Hobbism, logically to such a. conclusion were untrue. As
and probably against the Calvinistic theology, it is an impossibility to make three and three
from which they were almost as averse. Not cease to be six, it ought, on his principles, to be
content, with Cumberland, to attack Hobbes on impossible to do a wicked act. To act without
ground which was in part his own, they thought regard to the relations of things, as if a man were
it necessary to build on entirely new founda to choose fire for cooling, or ice for heating, would
tions. Clarke more especially, instead of sub be the part either of a lunatic or an idiot. The
stituting social and generous feeling for the self murderer who poisons by arsenic, acts agreeably
ish appetites, endeavoured to bestow on morality to his knowledge of the power of that substance
the highest dignity, by thus deriving it from to kill, which is a relation between two things;

‘ “ Those who found all moral ob'li tion on the will of God must recur to the same thing, only they do not explain
how the nature and will of God is go and just.” (Being and Attribute: of God, Proposition xii.)
- ’ Evidence of Natural and Revealed Religion, p. 4, 6th edit. Lond. 1724.
’ Jud. p. 42.
' Lowmm on the Unity and Perfection: qfGod, p. 29. Lond- 1737.
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
as much as the physician who employs an emetic
after the poison, acts upon his belief of the ten
dency of that remedy to preserve life, which is
another relation between two things. All men
who seek a good or bad end by good or bad means,
must alike conform their conduct to some rela
tion between their actions as means and their
object as an end. All the relations of inanimate
things to each other are undoubtedly observed
as much by the criminal as by the man of virtue.
It is therefore singular that Dr Clarke suffer
ed himself to be misled into the representation,
that virtue is a conformity with the relations of
things universally, vice a. universal disregard
of them, by the certain, but here insufficient truth,
that the former necessarily implied a regard to
certain particular relations, which were always
disregarded by those who chose the latter. The
distinction between right and wrong can, there
fore, no longer depend on relations as such, but
on a particular class of relations. And it seems
evident that no relations are to be considered, ex
cept those in which a living, intelligent, and
voluntary agent is one of the beings related.
His acts may relate to a law, as either observing
or infringing it; they may relate to his own mo
ral sentiments and those of his fellows, as they
are the objects of approbation or disapprobation;
they may relate to his own welfare, by increas
ing or abating it; they may relate to the well
being of other sentient beings, by contributing
to promote or obstruct it : but in all these, and
in all supposable cases, the inquiry of the moral
philosopher must be, not whether there be a re
lation, but what the relation is; whether it be
that of obedience of law, or agreeableness to
moral feeling, or suitableness to prudence, or
coincidence with benevolence. The term rela
tion itself, on which Dr Clarke’s system rests,
being common to right and wrong, must be
struck out of the reasoning. He himself inci
dentally drops intimations which are at variance
with his system. “ The Deity,” he tells us,
“ acts according to the eternal relations of things,
in order to the welfare of the whole universe ;”
and subordinate moral agents ought to be go
warned by the same rules, “for the good of the
' Evidence of Natural and Revealed Religion, p. 4.
DISS- II.
329
public.” ' No one can fail to observe that,a new
element is here introduced—the wellbeing of
communities of men, and the general happiness
of the world—which supersedes the consideration
of abstract relations and fitnesses.
There are other views of this system, how
ever, of a more general nature, and of much
more importance, because they extend in a con
siderable degree to all systems which found
moral distinctions or sentiments, solely or ulti
mately, upon reason. A little reflection will
discover an extraordinary vacuity in this sys~
tem. Supposing it-were allowed that it satis
factorily accounts for moral judgments, there is
still an important part of our moral sentiments
which it passes by without an attempt to ex
plain them. Whence, on this scheme, the plea
sure or pain with which we review our own ac
tions, or urvey those of others? What is the
nature of remorse? Why do we feel shame?
Whence is indignation against injustice? These
are surely no exercise of reason. Nor is the as
sent of reason to any other class of propositions
followed or accompanied by emotions of this na
ture, by any approaching them, or indeed neces
sarily by any emotion at all. It is a fatal objec
tion to a moral theory, that it contains no means
of explaining the most conspicuous, if not the
most essential, parts of moral approbation and
disapprobation.
But to rise to a more general consideration:
Perception and emotion are states of mind per
fectly distinct; and an emotion of pleasure or
pain difi'ers much more from a mere perception,
than the perceptions of one sense do from those
of another. The perceptions of all the senses
have some qualities in common. But an emo
tion has not necessarily anything in common
with a perception, but that they are both states
of mind. We perceive exactly the same quali
ties in coffee when we may dislike it, as after—
wards when we come to like it. In other words,
the perception remains the'samc when the sen
sation of pain is changed into the opposite senv
sation of pleasure. The like change may w
cur in every case where pleasure or pain (in
such instances called sensations) enter the mind
2r
330 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
with perceptions through the eye or the ear.
The prospect or the sound which was disagree
able may become agreeable, without any altera
tion in our idea of the objects. We can easily
imagine a percipient and thinking being without
a capacity of receiving pleasure or pain. Such
a being might perceive what we do ; if we could
conceive him to reason, he might reason justly ;
and if he were to judge at all, there seems no
reason why he should not judge truly. ' But
what could induce such a being to will or to act ?
It seems evident that his existence could only
be a state of passive contemplation. Reason, as
reason, can never be a motive to action. It is
only when we superadd to such a being sensi
bility, or the capacity of emotion or sentiment,
(or what in corporeal cases is called sensation)
of desire and aversion, that we introduce him
into the world of action. We then clearly dis
cern, that when the conclusion of a process of
reasoning presents to his mind an object of de
sire, or the means of obtaining it, a motive of
action begins, to operate; and reason may then,
but not till then, have a powerful though indi
rect influence on conduct. Let any argument
to dissuade a man from immorality be employ
ed, and the issue of it will always appear to be
an appeal to a feeling. You prove that drunk
enness will probably ruin health. No position
founded on experience is more certain. Most
persons with whom you reason must be as much
convinced of it as you are. But your hope of
success depends on the drunkard’s fear of ill
health; and he may always silence your argu
ment by telling you that he loves wine more
than he dreads sickness. You speak in vain
of the infamy of an act to one who disre
gards the opinion of others; or of its impru
dencc to a' man of little feeling for his own fu~
ture condition. You may truly, but vainly, tell
of the pleasures of friendship to one who has
little affection. .If you display the delights of
liberality to a miser, he may always shut your
mouth by answering, “ The spendthrift may pre
fer such pleasures; I love money more.” If
you even appeal to a man’s conscience, he may
answer you, that you have clearly proved the im
morality of the act, and that he himself knew it
before; but that now when you had renewed and
freshened his conviction, he was obliged to own,
that his love of virtue, even aided by the fear of
dishonour, remorse, and punishment, was not so
powerful as the desire whichhurried him into vice.
Nor is it otherwise, however confusion of ideas
may cause it to be so deemed, with that calm re
gard to the welfare of the agent, to which philo
sophers have so grossly misapplied the hardly in
telligible appellation of self-love. The general
tendency of right conduct to permanent wellbeing
is indeed one of the most evident of all truths.
But the success of persuasives or dissuasives ad
dressed to it, must always be directly propor
tioned, not to the clearness with which the truth
is discerned, but to the strength of the principle
addressed, in the mind of the individual; andto
the degree in which he is accustomed to keep an
eye on its dictates. A strange prejudice pre
vails, which ascribes to what is called seljllove
an invariable superiority over all the other mo
tives of human action. If it were to be called
by a more fit name, such as foresight, prudence,
or, what seems ' most exactly to describe its na
ture, a sympathy with the future feelings of the
agent, it would appear to every observer to be,
very often, too languid and inactive, always of
late appearance, and, sometimes, so faint as to
be scarcely perceptible. Almost every human
passion in its turn prevails over self-love.
It is thus apparent that the influence of reason
on the will is indirect, and arises only from its
being one of the channels by which the objects
of desire or aversion are brought near to these
springs of voluntary action. It is only one of
these channels. There are many other modes
of presenting to the mind the proper objects of
the emotions which it is intended to excite,
whether of a calmer or of a more active nature;
so that they may influence conduct more power
fully than when they reach the will through the
channel of conviction. The distinction between
conviction and persuasion would indeed be other?
wise without a meaning: to teach the mind would
be the same thing as to move it; and eloquence
would be nothing but logic, although the greater
part of the power of the former is displayed in
the direct excitement of feeling ;—on condition,
indeed, (for reasons foreign to our present pur
pose) that the orator shall never appear to give
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 331‘
counsel inconsistent with the duty or the lasting to act from reason, in contradistinction to its more
welfare of those whom he would persuade. In excited and disturbed state, when it is said to
like manner it is to be observed, that though act from The calmness of reason gives
reasoning be one of the instruments of education, to the whole compound the appearance of un
yet education is not a proof of reasoning, but a mixed reason. The illusion is further promoted
wise disposal of all the circumstances which in by a mode of expression used in most languages.
fluence character, and of the means of producing A man is said to not reasonably, when his con
those habitual dispositions which insure well duct is such as may be reasonably expected.
doing, of which reasoning is but one. Very Amidst the disorders of a vicious mind, it is
similar observations are applicable to the great difiicult to form a reasonable conjecture con
arts of legislation and government; which are cerning future conduct; but the quiet and wel'l
here only alluded to as forminga strong illustra ordered state of virtue renders the probable acts
tion of the present argument. of her fortunate votaries the object of very ra
The abusive extension of the term Reason to tional expectation. _
the moral faculties, one of the predominant As far as it is not presumptuous to attempt a
errors of ancient and modern times, has arisen distinction between modes of thinking foreign
from causes which it is not difficult to discover. to the mind which makes the attempt, and modes
Reason does in truth perform a great part in of expression scarcely translatable into the only
every case ofmoral sentiment. To reason often technical language in which that mind is wont
belong the preliminaries of the act; to reason to think, it seems that the systems of Cudworth
altogether belongs the choice of the means of and Clarke, though they appear very similar,
execution. The operations of reason, in both are in reality different in some important points
cases, are comparatively slow and lasting; they of view. The former, a Platonist, sets out from
are capable of being distinctly recalled by mem those IDEAS, (a word, in this acceptation of it,
ory. The emotion which intervenes between which has no corresponding term in English)
the previous and the succeeding exertions of the eternal models of created things, which, as
reason is often faint, generally transient, and the Athenian master taught, pre-existed in the
scarcely? ever capable of being reproduced by an everlasting intellect, and, of right, rule the will
efl'ort of the mind. Hence the name of reason of every inferior mind. The illustrious scholar
is applied to this mixed state of mind; more of Newton, with a manner of thinking more
especially when the feeling, being of a cold and natural to his age and school, considered pri
general nature, and scarcely milling the sur marily the very relations of things themselves;
face of the soul, such as those of prudence and conceived indeed by the Eternal Mind, but
of ordinary kindness and propriety, almost passes which, ifsuch inadequate language may be par
unnoticed, and is irretrievably forgotten. Hence doned, are the law of its will, as well as the
the mind is, in such conditions, said by moralists model of its works.‘

EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.’

Loan Snxr'rssaunv, the author of the Charac vices, the bitter fruits of the insecurity of a
tu‘istics, was the grandson of Sir Antony Ashley troublous time, succeeded by the corrupting ha
Cooper, created Earl of Shaftesbury, one of bits of an inconstant, venal, and profligate court,
the master spirits of the English nation, whose have led an ungrateful posterity to overlook his

' I“: \Vollsston‘s system, that morality consisted in acting according to truth, seems to coincide with that of DrClarke.
The murder of Cicero by l'upilius Len“, was, accordin to im, a practical falsehood ; for Cicero had been his benefactor,
but Popilius acted as if that were untrue. If the tru spoken of be, that gratitude is due for benefits, the reasoning is
evidently a circle. If any truth he meant, indifl'erently, it is plain that the assassin acted in perfect conformity to several
certain truths; such as the malignity of Antony, the ingratitu e and venality of Popilius, and the probable impunity of his
crime, when law was suspended, and good men without power.
’ Born in 1611; died in l7l3.
-*=s

332 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

wisdom, and disinterested'perseverance, in ob opinion) when, it must be owned, the right of

taining for the English nation the unspeakable asylum was, in strict justice, forfeited by the se
benefits of the Habeas Corpus act. The for cret services which the philosopher had rendered
tune of the Characteristics has been singular. to the enemy of Holland and of Europe. In
For a time the work was admired more undis the small part of his short life which premature
tinguishingly than its literary character War infirmities allowed him to apply to public affairs,
rants. In the succeeding period it was justly he co-operated zealously with the friends of
criticised, but too severely condemned. Of freedom; but, as became a moral philosopher,
late, more unjustly than in either of the former he supported, even against them, a law to allow
cases, it has been generally neglected. It seemed those who were accused of treason to make their
to have the power of changing the temper of its defence by counsel, although the parties first to
critics. It provoked the amiable Berkeley to a benefit from this act of imperfect justice were
harshness equally unwonted and unwarranted ;1 conspirators to assassinate King William, and
while it softened the rugged Warburton so far to re-enslave their country. On that occasion
as to dispose the fierce yet not altogether un it is well known with what admirable quickness
generous polemic to praise an enemy in the he took advantage of the embarrassment which
very heat of conflict.I seized him, when he rose to address the House
Leibnitz, the most celebrated of Continental of Commons. “ If I,” said he, “ who rise only
philosophers, warmly applauded the Character to give my opinion on this bill, am so confound
istics, and, (what was a more certain proof of ed that I cannot say what I intended, what
admiration) though at an advanced age, cri must the condition of that man be, who, with
ticised that work minutely.a Le Clerc, who out assistance, is pleading for his own life l” He
had assisted the studies of the author, contri was the friend of Lord Somers ; and the tribute
buted to spread its reputation by his Journal, paid to his personal character by ‘Varburton,
then the most popular in Europe. Locke is who knew many of his contemporaries and some
said to have aided in his education, probably of his friends, may be considered as evidence of
rather by counsel than by tuition. The author its excellence.
had' indeed been driven from the regular stu His fine genius and generous spirit shine
dies of his country by the insults with which he through his writings; but their lustre is often
was loaded at Winchester school, when he was dimmed by peculiarities, and, it must be said,
only twelve years old, immediately after the by afi'ectations, which, originating in local, tem
death of his grandfather; a choice of time which porary, or evan personal circumstances, are
seemed not so much to indicate anger against particularly fatal to the permanence of fame.
the faults of a great man, as triumph over There i often a charm in the egotism of an art
the principles of liberty, which seemed at that less writer, or of an actor in great scenes. But
time to have fallen for ever. He gave a gen other laws are imposed on the literary artist.
uine proof of respect for freedom of thought, Lord Shaftesbury, instead of hiding himself he
by preventing the expulsion, from Holland, of hind his work, stands forward with too frequent
Bayle, (with whom he difl'ers in every moral, marks of self-complacency, as a nobleman of
political, and, it may be truly added, religious polished manners, with a mind adorned by the

' BERKELEY’B Minute Philomhcr, Dial e iii-g but especially his Theory qf Vin'on Vindicakd, Lond. 1733. (not re.
published in the quarto edition of his wdi'ig) where this most excellent man sinks for a moment to the level of a railing
polemic.
’ It is remarkable that the most impure passages of Warburton’s composition are those in which he lets loose his contro
versial zeal, and that he is a fine writer principally where he writes from generous feeling. “ Of all the virtues which were
so much in this noble writer's heart and in his writings, there was not one he more revered than the love of public liberty.
...The noble author of the Characteriuicc had many excellent qualities, both as a man and a writer. He was temperate,
chaste, honest, and a lover of his country. In his writings he has shown how much he has imbibed the deep sense, and how
naturally he could copy the gracious manner, of Plato." (Dedication to the Freethinkers, prefixed to the Divine Legatioa.)
\Varburton, however, soon relapses, but not without excuse; for he thought himself vindicating the memory of Locke.
1 Opera, tom. III. p. 39-56

'51-";
 DISSERTATION encore). 333
fine arts, and instructed by ancient philosophy; measure justify the enthusiasm of the septuage
shrinking with a somewhat etfeminate fastid narian geometer. Yet it is not to be concealed
iousness from the clamour and prejudices of that, as a whole, it is heavy and languid. It is
the multitude, whom he neither deigns to con a modern antique. The dialogues of Plato are
ciliate nor puts forth his strength to subdue. often very lively representations of conversations
The enmity of the majority of churchmen to the which might take place daily at a great univer
govarnment established at the Revolution, was sity, full, like Athens, of rival professors and eager
calculated to fill his mind with angry feelings; disciples,——between men of various character,
which overflow too often, if not upon Christian and great fame as well as ability. Socrates runs
ity itself, yet upon representations of it, closely through them all. His great abilities, his still
intertwinedwith those religious feelings to which, more venerable virtues, his cruel fate, especially
in other forms, his own philosophy ascribes sur when joined to his very characteristic pecu
passing worth. His small, and occasional writ liarities,—to his grave humour, to his homely
ings, of which the main fault is the want of an sense, to his assumed humility, to the honest
object or a plan, have many passages remark sliness with which he ensnared the Sophists,
able for the utmost beauty and harmony of lan and to the intrepidity with which be dragged
guage. Had he imbibed the simplicity, as well them to justice, gave unity and dramatic inter
as copied the expression and cadence of the est to these dialogues as a whole. But Lord
greater ancients, he would have done more jus Shaftesbury’s dialogue is between fictitious per
tice to his genius; and his works, like theirs, sonages, and in a tone at utter variance with
_would have been preserved by that quality, with English conversation. He had great power of
out which but a very few writings, of whatever thought and command over words. But he had
mental power, have long survived their writers. no talent for inventing character and bestowing
Grace belongs only to natural movements; and life on it. The Inquiry concerning Virtue“ is
Lord Shaftesbury, notwithstanding the frequent nearly exempt from the faulty peculiarities of the
beauty of his thoughts and language, has rarely author ; the method is perfect, the reasoning just,
attained it. He is unfortunately prone to plea the style precise and clear. The writer has no
santry, which is obstinately averse from con purpose but that of honestly proving his prin
straint, and which he had no interest in raising to ciples; he himself altogether disappears; and
be the test of truth. His atl'ectation of liveliness he is intent only on earnestly enforcing what he
as a man of the world, tempts him sometimes to truly, conscientiously, and reasonably believes.
overstep the indistinct boundaries which sepa Hence the charm of simplicity is revived in this
rate familiarity from vulgarity. Of his two production, which is unquestionably entitled to
more considerable writings, the Moralists, on a place in the first rank of English tracts on
which he evidently most valued himself, and Moral Philosophy.
which is spoken of by Leibnitz with enthusiasm, The point in which it becomes especially per
is by no means the happiest. Yet perhaps there tinent to the subject of this Dissertation is, that it
is scarcely any composition in our language contains more intimations of an original and
more lofty in its moral and religious sentiments, important nature on the Theory of Ethics than
and more exquisitely elegant and musical in perhaps any preceding work of modern times.8
its diction, than the Platonic representation of It is true that they are often but intimations,
the scale of beauty and love, in the speech to cursory, and appearing almost to be casual; so
Palemon, near the close of the first part.1 that many of them have escaped the notice of
Many passages might be quoted, which in some most readers, and even writers on these subjects.

‘ Chamctcrinics, Treatise v. The Moralida, Part L scct. 3.

’ Ibid. Treatise iv.
' I am not without suspicion that I have overlooked the claims of Dr Henry More, who. notwithstanding some_un.
couthness of language, seems to have given the first intimations of a distinct moral faculty, which he calls “ the Bomtorm
Faculty ;" a phrase against which an outcry would now be raised as German. Happiness, according to him, consists in s
constant satisfaction, I! q nvym’mlu r" \Lrxon. (EM/oiridioa Erbium, lib. i. cap.
334 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

That the consequences of some of them are even redly flows. It should never be forgotten, that
yet not unfolded, must be owned to be a proof We .owe to these hints the reception, into ethical
that they are inadequately stated; and may be theory, of a moral sense; which, whatever may be
regarded as a presumption that the author did thought of its origin, or in whatever words it may
not closely examine the bearings of his own po be described, must always retain its place in such
sitions. Among the most important of these theory as a main principle of our moral nature.
suggestions is, the existence of dispositions in His demonstration of the utility of virtue
man, by which he takes pleasure in the wellbeing to the individual, far surpasses all attempts
of others, without any further view; a doctrine, of the same nature; being founded, not on
however, to all the consequences of which he a calculation of outward advantages or incon
has not been faithful in his other writings.1 veniences, alike uncertain, precarious, and deé
Another is, that goodness consists in the preva grading, but on the unshaken foundation of
lence of love for the system of which we are a the delight, which is of the very essence of so
part, over the passions, pointing to our indi cial alfection and virtuous sentiment; on the
vidual welfare; a proposition which somewhat dreadful agony inflicted by all malevolent pas
confounds the motives of right acts with their sions, upon every soul that'harbours the hellish
tendency, and seems to favour the melting of all inmates ; on the all-important truth, that to love
particular affections into general benevolence, is to be happy, and to hate is to be miserable,—
because the tendency of these afi'ections is to that afl'ection is its own reward, and ill-will its
general good. The next, and certainly the most own punishment; or, as it has been more simply
original, as well as important, is, that there are and more afi'ectingly, as well as with more sa
certain affections of the mind which, being con cred authority, taught, that to give is more
templated by the mind itself through what he blessed than to receive, and that to love one
calls a reflex sense, become the objects of love, another is the sum of all human virtue.
or the contrary, according to their nature. The relation of religion to morality, as far as
S0 approved and loved, they constitute virtue it can be discovered by human reason, was never
or merit, as distinguished from mere goodmSs, more justly or more beautifully stated.‘I If
of which there are traces in animals who do he represented the mere hope of reward and
not appear to reflect on the state of their own dread of punishment as selfish, and therefore
minds, and who seem, therefore, destitute of inferior motives to virtue and piety, he distinct
what he elsewhere calls a moral sense. These ly owns their efficacy in reclaiming from vice,
statements are, it is true, far too short and in rousing from lethargy, and in guarding a
vague. He nowhere inquires into the origin of feeble penitence; in all which he coincides with
the reflex sense. What is a much more material illustrious and zealous Christian writers. “ If
QT
defect, he makes no attempt to ascertain in what by the hope of reward be understood the love
state of mind it consists. We discover only by and desire of virtuous enjoyment, or of the very
implication, and by the use of the term sense, practice and exercise of virtue in another life;
that he searches for the fountain of moral senti an expectation or hope of this kind is so far
ments, not in mere reason, where Cudworth from being derogatory from virtue, that it is an
and Clarke had vainly sought for it, but in the evidence of our loving it the more sincerely and _
heart, whence the main branch of them assu— for its own sake.“

‘ “ It is the height of wisdom no doubt to be rightly selfish.” (Chem. 1. 121.) The observation seems to be taken
from what Aristotle says of 01110711: = T" ,m aynin Bu oliwm unu- (Amsr. Ethic. ix- c. viii.) The chapter is admirable, and
the assertion of Aristotle is very capable of a good sense.
’ Characteristict, Inquiry concerning Virtue.
‘ Ibid.
So Jeremy Taylor: “ He that is grown in grace pursues virtue purely and simply for its own interest. \Vhen persons
come to that height of grace, and love God for himself, that is but heaven in another sense." (Sermon on Growth in Grace.)
80 before him the once celebrated Mr John Smith of Cambridge: “The happiness which good men shall artake is not
distinct from their godlike nature. Happiness and holiness are but two several notions of one thing. He is rather a -

“—-._
 DISSERTATION SECOND.

FENELON 1-BOSSUET. °

As the last question, though strictly speak which most disable him to get or to keep the
ing theological, is yet in truth dependent on ofiice. Even birth, and urbanity, and accom
the more general question, which relates to the plishment, and vivacity, were an insuflicient
reality of disinterested affections in human na atonement for his genius and virtue. Louis
ture, it seems not foreign from the present pur XIV. distrusted so fine a spirit, and appears to
pose to give a short account of a dispute on the have early suspected, that a fancy moved by
subject in France, between two of the most emi such benevolence might imagine examples for
nent persons of their time ; namely, the contro his grandson which the world would consider as
versy between Fenelon and Bossuet, concerning a satire on his own reign. Madame de Main
the possibility of men being influenced by the tenon, indeed, favoured him; but he was gene
pure and disinterested love of God. Never were rally believed to have forfeited her good graces
two great men more unlike. Fenelon in his by discouraging her projects for at least a near
writings exhibits more of the qualities which pre er approach to a seat on the throne. He offend
dispose to religious feelings, than any other ed her by obeying her commands, in laying be
equally conspicuous person ;—a mind so pure as fore her an account of her faults, and some of '
steadily to contemplate supreme excellence; a those of her royal husband, which was probably
heart capable of being touched and affected by the more painfully felt for its mildness, justice,
the contemplation; a gentle and modest spirit, and refined observation! An opportunity for
not elated by the privilege, but seeing its own driving such an intruder from a court presented
want of worth as it came nearer to such bn'ght itself somewhat strangely, in the form of a subtile
ness, and disposed to treat with compassionate controversy on one of the most abstruse ques
forbearance those errors in others, of which it tions of metaphysical theology. Molinos, a Spa~
felt a humbling consciousness. Bossuet was ra nish priest, reviving and perhaps exaggerating
ther a great minister in the ecclesiastical com the maxims of the ancient Mystics, had recently
monwealth: employing knowledge, eloquence, taught, that Christian perfection consisted in the
argument, the energy of his character, the in pure love of God, without hope of reward or fear
fluence, and even the authority of his station, to of punishment. This ofi'ence he expiated. by
vanquish opponents, to extirpate revolters, and, seven years’ imprisonment in the dungeons of
sometimes with a patrician firmness, towith the Roman Inquisition. His opinions were em
stand the dictatorial encroachinent of the Roman braced by Madame Guyon, a pious French lady
Pontifl' on the spiritual aristocracy of France. of strong feeling and active imagination, who
Fenelon had been appointed tutor to the Duke appears to have expressed them in a ‘hyperboli
of Burgundy. He had all the qualities which cal language, not infrequent in devotional excr
fit a man to be the preceptor of a prince, and cises, especially in those of otherwise amiable

nature than a place, and heaven cannot be so well defined by anything without us, as by something within us." (SrIed
Dincounu, 2d edit. Cambridge, 1673.)
In accordance with these old authorities is the recent language of a most ingenious as well as benevolent and ions wri
ter. -“ The holincu of heaven is still more attractive to the Christian than its happiness. The desire of doing t at which
is right for itsdown sake ;s a part of his desire after heaven.” (Unconditional Frecmm of the Gospel, by T. Eusxlsn, Esq.
p .32,
See 33. E inb.
also the 1828. to Wmn’s Life of Henry Afon’, 247-271. This account of that ingenious and amiable philoso
Appendix
her (Lond. 1710 contains an interesting view of his opinions, and many beautiful passages of his writings. but un
brtunatel very ew particulars of the man. His letters on Disintcrcmd I’icty, (see the Appendix to Mr Ward’s work)
his bound ess charity, his zeal for the utmost toleration, and his hope of general improvement from “ a pacific and per
spicacious posterity,” place him high in the small number of true hilosophcrs who, in their estimate of men, value du
positions more than opinions, and in their search for good, more 0 n look forward than backward.
‘ Born in 1661; died in 1115.
1 Born in 1627; died in 170-1.
' BAussE-r, Hiltoire de Fénelzm, I. 252.
336 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS. ’
persons of her sex and character. In the fer commission of ten Cardinals appointed to ex
vour of her zeal, she disregarded the usages of amine it were equally divided, and he seemed
the world and the decorums imposed on females. in consequence about to be acquitted. But
She left her family, took a part in public con Bossuet
Louis XIV.
had in
Madame
the mean
de Mainteuou
time easilybetrayed
ferences, and assumed an independence scarcely
reconcilable with the more ordinary and more Feuelon’s confidential correspondence; and he
pleasing virtues of women. Her pious effusions was banished to his diocese, and deprived of his
were examined with the rigour which might be pensions
Louis XIV.
and regarded
oflicial apartments
the slightest
in the
differences
exercised on theological propositions. She was
falsely charged by Hal-lay, the dissolute arch from the authorities of the French church as re
bishop of Paris, with personal licentiousness. bellion against himself. Though endowed with
For these crimes she was dragged from convent much natural good sense, he was too grossly
to convent, imprisoned for years in the Bastile, ignorant to be made to comprehend one of the
and, as an act of mercy, confined during the lat terms of the question in dispute. He did not,
ter years of her life to a provincial town, as a however, scruple to urge the Pope to the con
prison at large. A piety thus pure and disin damnation of Fenelon. Innocent XII. (Pig-na
terested could not fail to please Fenelon. . He telli) an aged and pacific Pontifl', was desirous
published a work in justification of Madame of avoiding such harsh measures. He said that
Guyon’s character, and in explanation of the “ the archbishop of Cambray might have erred
degree in which he agreed with her. Bossuet, from excess in the love of God, but the bishop
the oracle and champion of the church, took up of Meaux had sinned by a defect of the love of
arms against him. It would be painful to sup his neighbour.”1 But he was compelled to con
pose that a man of so great powers was actuated demn a series of propositions, of which the first
by mean jealousy, and it is needless. The union was, “ there is an habitual state of love to God,
of zeal for opinion with the pride of author which is pure from every motive of personal
ity, is apt to give sternness to the administra interest, and in which neither the fear of punish
tion of controversial bishops; to say nothing of ment nor the hope of reward has any part.“
the haughty and inflexible character of Bossuet Fenelon read the bull which condemned him in
himself. He could not brook the independence his own cathedral, and professed as humble a
of him who was hitherto so docile a scholar and submission as the lowest of his fioclr. In some
so gentle a friend. He was jealous of novelties, of the writings of his advanced years, which have
and dreaded a fervour of piety likely to be un been recently published, We observe with regret
governable, and perhaps to excite movements of that, when wearied out by his exile, ambitions to
which no man could foresee the issue. It must regain a place at court through the Jesuits, or
be allowed that he had reason to be displeased prejudiced against the Calvinising doctrines of
with the indiscretion and turbulence of the in the Jansenists, the strongest anti-papal party
novators, and might apprehend that, in preach among Catholics, or somewhat detached from a
ing motives to virtue and religion which he cause of which his great antagonist had been the
thought! unattainable, the coarser but surer victoriousleader,he made concessions to theabso
foundations of common morality might be lute monarchy of Rome, which did not become
loosened. A controversy ensued, in which he a luminary of the Gallican church.a
employed the utmost violence of polemical or Bossuet, in his writings on this occasion, he
factions contest. Fenelon replied with brilliant sides tradition and authorities, relied mainly on
success, and submitted his book to the judg the supposed principle of philosophy, that man
ment of Rome. After a long examination, the must desire his own happiness, and cannot de

1 Bmssm, mom a: Fénclon, II. 290, note.

' (Euvres dc Bossuzr, VIII. 308. Liege, 1767, 8vo.
' Dc Summi Pontifici: Aummm Dmt'rratio: (Euvm dc FENSLOX, tome II. Versailles, 1820.
 ' DISSERTATION SECOND. ' 337
sire anything else, otherwise than as amean to interested piety contended for by Fenelon, and
wards it; which renders the controversy an inci the fundamental position of a very ingenious
dentin the history of Ethics. It is immediately and once noted divine of the English church,
connected with the preceding part of this Dis in his attack on the disinterested affections,
sertation, by the almost literal coincidence be believed by Shaftesbury to be a part of human
tween Bossuet’s foremost objection to the dis nature.1

LEIBNITZ.‘

Tasnn is a singular contrast between the form mise with them, according to his favourite and
of Leibnitz’s writings and the character of his oft-repeated maxim, “ that most received doc
mind. The latter was systematical, even to-ex— trines are capable of a good sense ;” 1’ by which last
cess. It was the vice of his prodigious intellect, words our philosopher meant a sense reconcil
on every subject of science where it was not able with his own principles. Partial and oc
bound by geometrical chains, to confine his view casional exhibitions of these principles suited
to those most general principles, so well called better that constant negotiation with opinions,
by Bacon “ merely notional ;” which render it, establishments, and prejudices, to which extreme
indeed, easy to build a system, but, only because generalities are well adapted, than a full and
they may be alike adapted to every state of ap methodical statement of the whole at once. It
pearances, and become thereby really inappli is the lot of every philosopher who attempts to
cable to any. Though his genius was thus make his principles extremely flexible, that they
naturally turned to system, his writings were, become like those tools which bend so easily as
generally, occasional and miscellaneous. The to penetrate nothing. Yet his manner of publi
fragments of his doctrines are scattered in Re cation perhaps led him to those wide intuitions,
views ; or overa voluminous Literary Correspond as comprehensive as those of Bacon, of which he
ence; or in the Prefaces and Introductions to expressed the result as briefly and pithily as
those compilations to which this great philoso Hobbes. The fragment which contains his ethi
pher was obliged by his situation to descend. cal principles is the Preface to a. collection of
This defective and disorderly mode of publica documents illustrative of international law, pub
tion arose partly from the jars between business lished at Hanover in 1698 ;‘ to which he often
and study, inevitable in his course of life; but referred as his standard afterwards, especially
probably yet more from the nature of his system, when he speaks of Lord Shaftesbury, or of the
which, while it widely deviates from the most controversy between the two great theologi
general principles of former philosophers, is ans of France. “ Right,” says he, “ is moral
ready to embrace their particular doctrines under power; obligation moral necessity. By moral,
its own generalities, and thus to reconcile them I understand what with a good man prevails as
to each other, as well as to accommodate itself much as if it were physical. A good man is he
to popular or established opinions, and compro who loves all men as far as reason allows. Justice

‘ “ Haec cst natura voluntatis humanze, ut ct beatitudinem, et ea quorum necessaria connexic cum beatitudine clnrc
intelligitur, neceuario appetat .... ..Nullus est actus ad (iuem revel-.1 non impellimur motivo beatitudinis, explicite vel
implicite ;” meaning b the latter that it may be somea ed from ourselves, as he as 's, fir a after! time, by a nearer object.
((Euvre: dc BOSSUET, III. 80.) “ The only motive by which individuals can be in need to the practice of virtue, and be
the feelingmor thee‘prospect of private happiness." (Baowu‘s Emiy: on the Characteriuin, p. 159. Land. 1752.) It must,
however, own , that the selfishness of the Warburtonim is more rigid; making no provision for the object of one's
own happiness slipping out of view for a moment. It is due to the very ingenious author of this forgotten book to add,
that it is full of praise of his adversary, which, though just, was in the answerer nerous; and that it contains an assertion
of the unbounded right of public discussion, unusual even at the tolerant period 0 its appearance.
' Born in 1646; died in 1716.
’ Nouvmuz Enai: :ur I‘Entvmh‘mmt Ilumnln, liv. i. chap. ii. p. 57. These Essays, which form the ter part of the
iublication entitled Giuvru Pliilorophiquu, edited by Raspe, Amst. et Leipz. 1765, are not included in utens’s edition of
.eibnitz‘s works.
‘ Coda Juri: Gentium Diplomatitm. Bauer. 1695.
DISS. II. 20
 338 PRELIMINARY msssa'ra'rrous.

is the benevolence of a. wise man. To love is to of the greatest pain for others, these things are
be pleased with the happiness of another; or, in rather generously enjoined than solidly demon
other words, to convert the happiness of another into strated by philosophers. For honour, glory, and
a part of one’s own. Hence is explained the self-congratulation, to which they appeal under
possibility of a disinterested love. When we are the name of Virtue, are indeed mental plea
pleased with the happiness of any being, his sures, and of a high degree, but not to all, not
happiness becomes one of our enjoyments. Wis ontweighing every bitterness of suffering; since
dom is the science of happiness.”1 all cannot imagine them with equal vivacity,
and that power is little possessed by those whom
REMARKS.
neither education, nor situation, nor the doc
It is apparent from the above passage, that trines of religion or philosophy, have taught to
Leibnitz had touched the truth on the subject of value mental gratifications.” ' He concludes very
disinterested affection; and that he was more truly, that morality is completed by a belief of
near clinging to it than any modern philosopher, moral government. But the Inquiry concerning
except Lord Shaftesbury. It is evident, how 'irtue had reached that conclusion by a better
ever, from the latter part of it, that, like Shaftes read. It entirely escaped his sagacity, as it has
bury, he shrunk from hi own just conception; that of nearly all other moralists, that the co
under the influence of that most ancient and far incidence of morality with well-understood in
spread prejudice of the schools, which assumed terest in our outward actions, is very far from
that such an abstraction as Happiness could be being the most important part of the question;
the object of love, and that the desire of so faint, for these actions flow from habitual dispositions,
distant, and refined an object, was the first from afi'ections and sensibilities, which deter
principle of all moral nature, of which every mine their nature. There may be, and there
other desire was only a modification or a fruit. are many immoral acts, which, in the sense
:157a;lMa.tx:_e'“iv,".-
wIrq-
Both he and Shaftesbury, however, when they in which words are commonly used, are advan
relapsed into the selfish system, embraced it in tageous to the actor. But the whole sagacity
its most refined form; considering the benevo and ingenuity of the world may be safely chal
lent afi'ections as valuable parts of our own hap lenged to point out a case in which virtuous
piness, not in consequence of any of their effects dispositions, habits, and feelings, are not con
or extrinsic advantages, but of that intrinsic de ducive in the highest degree to the happiness of
lightfulness which was inherent in their very the individual; or to maintain that he is not the
essence. But Leibnitz considered this refined happiest, whose moral sentiments and afi'ections
pleasure as the object in the view of the bene are such as to prevent the possibility of the
volent man; an absurdity, or rather a contra prospect of advantage through unlawful means
diction, which, at least in the Inquiry concerning from presenting itself to his mind. It would
Virtue, Shaftesbury avoids. It will be seen from indeed have been impossible to prove to Regu
Leibnitz’s limitation, taken together with his lus that it was his interest to return to a death
definition of Wisdom, that be regarded the dis‘ of torture in Africa. But what if the proof
tinction of the moral sentiments from the social had been easy ? The most thorough conviction
affections, and the just subordination of the on such a point would not have enabled him to
latter, as entirely founded on the tendency of set this example, if he had not been supported
general happiness to increase that of the agent, by his own integrity and generosity, by love of
not merely as being real, but as being present his country, and reverence for his pledged faith.
to the agent’s mind when he acts. In a subse What could the conviction add to that greatness
quent passage he lowers his tone not a little. of soul, and to these glorious attributes? With
“ As for the sacrifice (of life, or the endurance such virtues he could not act otherwise than he

' See Notes and Illustrations, note N. ' Ibid. note N.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 339
did. Would a father afl'ectionately interested so formed that it could not shrink from it, but
in a son’s happiness, of very lukewarm feel must rather embrace it with gladness and tri
ings of morality, but of good sense enough to umph. Men of vigorous health are said some
weigh gratifications and sufl'erings exactly, be times to suffer most in a pestilence. No man
really desirous that his son should have these was ever so absurd as for that reason to wish
virtues in a less degree than Regulus, merely that he were more infirm. The distemper might
because they might expose him to the fate which return once in a century. If he were then alive,
Regulus chose? On the coldest calculation he he might escape it; and even if he fell, the
Would surely perceive, that the high and glow balance of advantage would be in most cases
ing feelings of such a mind during life, altogether greatly on the side of robust health. In esti
throw into shade a few hours of agony in leaving mating beforehand the value of a strong bodily
it. And, if he himself were so unfortunate that frame, a man of sense would throw the small
no more generous sentiment arose in his mind to chance of a rare and short evil entirely out of
silence such calculations, would it not be a re the account. So must the coldest and most self
proach to his understanding not to discover, ish moral calculator, who, if he be sagacious and
that though in one case out of millions such a exact, must pronounce, that the inconveniences
character might lead a Regulus to torture, yet, into which a man may he sometimes exposed by a
the common course of nature, it is the source pure and sound mind, are no reasons for regret
not only of happiness in life, but of quiet and ting that we do not escape them by possessing
honour in death. A case so extreme as that of minds more enfeebled and distempered. Other
Regulus will not perplex, if we bear in mind, occasions will call our attention, in the sequel, to
that though we cannot prove the act of heroic this important part of the subject. But the great
virtue to be conducive to the interest of the name of Leibnitz seemed to require that his de
hero, yet we may perceive at once, that nothing grading statement should not be cited without
is so conducive to his interest as to have a mind warning the reader against its egregious fallacy.

MALEBRANCIIE.‘

THIS ingenious philosopher and beautiful Reason perceives the moral superiority of one
writer is the only celebrated Cartesian who has being over another, as immediately as the equal
professedly handled the Theory of Morals.’ His ity of the radii of the same circle. The rela
theory has in some points of view a conformity tive perfection of beings is that part of the im
to the doctrine of Clarke; while in others it has movable order to which men must conform
given occasion to his English follower Norris' their minds and their conduct. The love of
to say, that if the Quakers understood their order is the whole of virtue, and conformity to
own opinion of the illumination of all men, they order constitutes the morality of actions.” It
would explain it on the principles of Malebranche. is not difficult to discover, that in spite of the
“ There is,” says he, “ one parent virtue, the singular skill employed in weaving this web, it
universal virtue, the virtue which renders us answers no other purpose than that of hiding
just and perfect, the virtue which will one day the whole difficulty. The love of universal or
render us happy. It is the only virtue. It is der, says Malebranche, requires that we should
the love of the universal order, as it eternally value an animal more than a stone, because it
existed in the Divine reason, where every creat is more valuable; and love God infinitely more
ed reason contemplates it. This order is com than man, because he is infinitely better. But
posed of practical as well as speculative truth. without presupposing the reality of moral dis

' Born in 1638; died in 1715.

' Traite' dz Morale. Rotterdam, 1684.
' Author of the Theory qflhc Ideal World, who well copied, though he did not equal the dunes: and choice of expres
sion which belonged to his master.
:340
\ PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

:tinctions, and the power of moral feelings, the formable to rules, are not truly moral; a truth
.two points to be proved, how can either of of the highest importance, which, in the theolo
.thesc propositions be evident, or even intel gical form, may be said to have been the main
ligible? To say that a love of the eternal principle of the first Protestant Reformers. The
order will produce the love and practice of ground of piety, according to him, is the con—
every virtue, is an assertion untenable unless formity of the attributes of God to these moral
we take morality for granted, and useless if qualities which we irresistibly love and revere.‘
we do. “ Sovereign princes,” says he, “ have no right
In his work on Morals, all the incidental to use their authority without reason. Even
and secondary remarks are equally well consid God has no such miserable right." His dis
ered and well expressed. The manner in which tinction between a religious society and an
he applied his principle to the particulars of established church, and his assertion of the
human duty, is excellent. He is perhaps the right of the temporal power alone to employ
first philosopher who has precisely laid down coercion, are worthy of notice, as instances in
and rigidly adhered to the great principle, that which a Catholic, at once philosophical and or
virtue consists in pure intentions and diqnsiiibns thodox, could thus speak, not only of- the na_
of mind, without which, actions, however eon ture of God, but of the rights of the church.

JONATHAN EDWARDS.’

THIS remarkable man, the metaphysician of Christians who did not take the same view with
America, was formed among the Calvinists of
New England, when their stern doctrine retained
its rigorous authority.‘ His power of subtilc ar
gument, perhaps unmatched, certainly unsur
passed among men, was joined, as in some of
the ancient Mystics, with a character which
raised his piety to fervour. He embraced their
doctrine, probably without knowing it to be
theirs. “ True religion,” says he, “ in a great
measure consists in holy affections. A love
of divine things, for the beauty and sweetness
of their moral exeellency, is the spring of all
holy affections.“ Had he suffered this noble
principle to take the right road to all its fair
consequences, he would have entirely concurred
with Plato, with Shaftesbury, and Malebranche,
in devotion to “ the first good, first perfect, and
first f ' .” But he thought it necessary after
wards to limit his doctrine to his own persua
sion, by denying that such moral excellence
could be discovered in divine things by those
him of their religion. All others, and some who
hold his doctrines with a more enlarged spirit,
may adopt his principle without any limitation.
His ethical theory is contained in his Disserl
tation on the Nature of True Virtue,- and in
another, On God’s Chief End in the Creation,
published in London thirty years after his death.
True virtue, according to him, consists in be
nevolence, or love to being “ in general,"
which he afterwards limits to “ intelligent
being,” though sentient would have involved
a more reasonable limitation. This good-will
is felt towards a particular being, first in pro
portion to his degree of existence (for, says he,
“that which is great has more'eXistence, and is
farther from nothing, than that which is little”) ;
and secondly, in proportion to the degree in
which that particular being feels benevoknce to
others. Thus God, having infinitely more ex
istence and benevolence than man, ought to be
infinitely more loved; and for the same rea

' “ II feat aimer l'Etre infiniment parfait, et non pas un fantOme épouvantable, un Dieu injustc, absolu, Iuissant, mais
sans bonté et sans sagesse. S'il y avoit un tel Dieu, e vrai Dieu nous défendroit de 1'adorer et de l‘aimer. I y a peut-étre
plus de danger d’ofi'enser Dieu lorsqu‘on lui donne une forme si horrible, que de mépriser ce fant6me." (Traité dc Illoralc,
chap. viii.)
2 Ibid. chap. xxii.
' Born in 1703, at Windsor in Connecticut; died in 1758, at Princeton in New Jersey. ‘
‘ Notes and Illustrations, note 0.
‘ Enwanns on Religious Afictionx, p. 4, 181. Lond. 1796.

. - _' ~-~_r_
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 341
son, God must love himself infinitely more passions of Marcus Aurelius, and at the same
than he does all other beings.1 He can act time a hundred times his faculties, or, in Ed
only from regard to himself, and his end in wards’s language, a hundred times his quantity
creation can only be to manifest his whole of being, it follows from this moral theory, that
nature, which is called acting for his own we ought to esteem and love the devil exactly
glory. in the same degree as we esteem and love Mar
As far as Edwards confines himself to creat cus Aurelius.
ed beings, and while his theory is perfectly in The chief circumstance which justifies so
telligible, it coincides with that of universal much being said on the last two writers, is their
benevolence, hereafter to be considered. The concurrence in a point towards which Ethical
term being is a mere encumbrance, which serves Philosophy had been slowly approaching, from
indeed to give it a mysterious outside, but the time of the controversies raised up by Hobbes.
brings with it from the schools nothing ex They both indicate the increase of this tendency,
cept their obscurity. He was betrayed into it by introducing an element into their theory, for
by the cloak which it threw over his really un eign from those cold systems of ethical abstrac
meaning assertion or assumption, that there are tion, with which they continued in other respects
degrees Qf existence ; without whichthat part of to have much in common. Malebranche makes
his system which relates to the Deity would have virtue consist in the love of order, Edwards in
appeared to be as baseless as it really is. \Vhen the love of being. In this language we perceive
we try such a phrase by applying it to matters a step beyond the representation of Clarke, which
within the sphere of our experience, we see that made it a conformity to the relations of things;
it means nothing but degrees of certain faculties but a step which cannot be made without pass
and powers. But the very application of the ing into a new province ;——without confessing,
term being to all things, shows that the least by the use of the word love, that not only per
perfect has as much being as the most perfect; ception and reason, but emotion and sentiment,
or rather that there can be no difference, so far are among the fundamental principles of morals.
as that word is concerned, between two things They still, however, were so wedded to scholas
to which it is alike applicable. The justness of tic prejudice, as to choose two of the most aerial
the compound proportion on which human vir abstractions which can be introduced into argu
tue is made to depend, is capable of being tried ment,-—being and order,—-to be the objects of
by an easy test. If we suppose the greatest of those strong active feelings which were to govern
evil spirits to have a hundred times the had the human mind.

BUFFIER.’

THE same strange disposition to fix on ab liar opinions which would have required any
stractions as the objects of our primitive feelings, mention of him as a moralist, were it not for the
and ~the end sought by our warmest desires, just reputation of his treatise on First Truths,
manifests itself in the ingenious writer with with which Dr Reid so remarkably, though an
whom this part of the Dissertation closes, under aware of its existence, coincides, oven in the
a form of less dignity than that which it assumes misapplication of so practical a term as com
in the hands of Malebranche and Clarke. Buf mon sense to denote the faculty which recog
fier, the only Jesuit whose name has a place in nises the truth of First Principles. His phi
the history of Abstract Philosophy, has no pecu losophical writings' are remarkable for that

' The coincidence of Malebranche with this part of Edwards, is remarkable. Speaking of the Supreme Being. he says,
“ [I J'aime invinciblmu-nt." He adds another more startling expression, “ Certainement Dieu ne peut agir que pour lui
méme: il n'a point d‘autre motif que son amour propre." (Traité dc Morale, chap. xvii.)
" Born in 166]; died in 1137.
' Conn dc Sciences. Paris, 1732, folio.
342 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

perfect clearness of expression, which, since the
great examples of Descartes and Pascal, has
been so generally diffused as to have become
one of the enviable peculiarities of French philo
sophical style. and almost of the French lan
guage. H-is ethical doctrine is that most common
ly received among philosophers, from Aristotle
to Paley and Bentham : “ I desire to be happy;
but as I live with other men, I cannot be happy
without consulting their happiness: a propo
sition perfectly true indeed, but far too narrow,
as inferring, that in the most benevolent acts
a man must pursue only his own interest, from
the fact that the practice of benevolence does
increase his happiness, and that because a vir
tuous mind is likely to be the happiest, our ob
servation of that property of virtue is the cause
of our love and reverence for it. ‘

SECTION VI.

Foundations of a more just Theory of Ethics.

BUTLER-I-IU'I‘CHESON_BERKELEY_HUM E_S.\IITI{_PR I CE-HARTLEY-TUCKER_

PALEY_B E NT HA Iii-S'I‘E‘VA RIF-B RO WN.

FROM the beginning of ethical controversy to roused from a lazy acquiescence in this an
the eighteenth century, it thus appears, that thecient hypothesis, by the monstrous consequences
care of the individual for himself, and his re which Hobbes had legitimately deduced from
gard for the things which preserve self, were it. A few, of pure minds and great intellect,
thought to form the first, and, in the opinion of laboured to render morality disinterested, by
most, the earliest of all the principles which tracing it to reason as its source; without con~
prompt men and other animals to activity; that sidering that reason, elevated indeed far above
nearly all philosophers regarded the appetites interest, is also separated by an impassable
and desires, which look only to self-gratification, gulf, from feeling, affection, and passion. At
as modifications of this primary principle of self length it was perceived by more than one, that
love; and that a very numerous body consid through whatever length of reasoning the mind
ered even the social affections themselves as may pass in its advances towards action, there
nothing more than the produce of a more la is placed at the end of any avenue through
tent and subtile operation of the desire of in which it can advance, some principle wholly
terest, and of the pursuit of pleasure. It is unlike mere n-ason,—some emotion or sentiment
true, they often spoke otherwise; but it was which must be touched, before the springs of
rather from the looseness and fluctuation of will and action can be set in motion. Had Lord
their language, than from distrust in their doc Shaftesbury steadily adhered to his own ~prin
trine. It is true, also, that perhaps all repre ciples—had Leibnitz not rccoiled from his state
sented the gratifications of virtue as more un ment—the truth might have been regarded as
mingled, more secure, more frequent, and more promulged, though not unfolded. The writings of
lasting, than other pleasures; without which both prove, atleast to us, enlightened as we are by
they could neither have retained a hold on the what followed, that they were skilful in sound
assent of mankind, nor reconciled the principles ing, and that their lead had touched the bottom.
of their systems with the testimony of their But it was reserved for another moral philosopher
hearts. We have seen how some began to be to determine this hitherto unfathomed depth.1

1The doctrine of the Stoics is thus put by Cicero into the mouth of Cato : “ Place: his, inquit, uorum ratio mihi
probatur, simul atque natum sit animal, (hinc enim est ordiendum) ipsum sibi conciliu'i et commendari se conservandum,

_ a>__._l
 DISSERTATION SECOND.

BUTLER. ‘

Burma, who was the son of a Presbyterian in the Regency Bill of seventeen hundred and
trader, early gave such promise, as to induce his fifty-one.
father to fit him, by a proper education, for being His great work on the Analogy of Religion to
a minister of that persuasion. He was edu the Course of Nature, though only a commentary
cated at one of their seminaries under Mr Jones on the singularly original and pregnant passage
of Gloucester, where Seeker, afterwards arch of Orig-en, which is so honestly prefixed to it as
bishop of Canterbury, was his fellow-student. a motto, is, notwithstanding, the most original
Though many of the dissenters had then begun and profound work extant in any language on
to relinquish Calvinism, the uniform effect of the Philosophy of Religion. It is entirely beyond
that doctrine, in disposing its adherents to meta our present scope. His ethical discussions are
physical speculation, long survived the opinions contained in those deep and sometimes dark Dis
which caused it, and cannot be doubted to have sertations which he preached at the Chapel of
influenced the mind of Butler. When a student the Rolls, and afterwards published under the
at the academy of Gloucester, he wrote private name of Sermons, while he was yet fresh from
letters to Dr Clarke on his celebrated Demonstra the schools, and full of that courage with which
tion, suggesting objections which were really in youth often delights to exercise its strength in
superable, and which are marked by an acute abstract reasoning, and to push its faculties into
ness which neither himself nor any other ever the recesses of abstruse speculation. But his
surpassed. Clarke, whose heart was as well youth was that of a sober and mature mind,
schooled as his head, published the letters, with early taught by nature to discern the boundaries
his own answers, in the next edition of his work; of knowledge, and to abstain from fruitless ef
and, by his good offices with his friend and forts to reach inaccessible ground. In these
follower, Sir Joseph Jekyll, obtained for the sermons,‘ he has taught truths more capable of
young philosopher an early opportunity of mak being exactly distinguished from the doctrines
ing his abilities and opinions known, by the ap of his predecessors, more satisfactorily establish
pointment of preacher at the Chapel of the ed by him, more comprehensively applied to par-r
Master of the Rolls. He was afterwards raised ticulars, more rationally connected with each
to one of the highest seats on the Episcopal other, and therefore more worthy of the name
bench, through the philosophical taste of Queen of discovery, than any with which we are ac
Caroline, and her influence over the mind of her quainted; if we ought not, with some hesita
husband, which continued long after her death. tion, to except the first steps of the Grecian phi
“ He was wafted,” says Horace Walpole, “ to losophers towards a Theory of Morals. It is a
the see of Durham, on a cloud of Metaphy peculiar hardship, that the extreme ambiguity of
sics.”fl Even in the fourteenth year of his language, an obstacle which it is one of the
widowhood, George II. was desirous of inserting chief merits ofan ethical philosopher to vanquish,
the name of the Queen’s metaphysical favourite is one of the circumstances which prevent men

et ad suum statum, et ad es qua: conservantia sunt gjus status diligends; aliensri autcm ab interitu, iisque rebus que in
terltum virleantur afi'crre. Id its case sic probant, quod, antequam voluptas nut dolor attigerit, salutsria appetant parvi,
upernenturque contraria. Quod non flcret, nisi ststum suum dillgerent, interitum timerent. Fin-i aulm non pour! u! up
peterent aliqm'd, nili muum habcrmt mi, coquc :1: ct ma diligcrent. Ex que INTILLIOI man-r, PllICIPlUII nuc’run nu: A
an: DILIGENDI.“ (Dc Finibur, lib. iii. ca . v.) We are told that diligrndo is the reading of an ancient MS. Perhaps the
omission of ‘ 1’ would be the easiest an most reasonable emendetion.
The above passage is rhnps the fullest and plainest statement of the doctrines prevalent till the time of Butler.
' Born in 1692:, di in 1752.
I ‘VALPOLI'B Mmoin.
' See Sermons i. ii. and iii. On Human Nature; v. On Com ion; viii. On Resentment; ix. On Forgiveness; xi. and
xii. On the Love of our Neighbour; and xiii. On the Love of od; together with the excellent Preface.
 - -. -- --- .n-‘_- -.—--—~———-____

344 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATlONS.

from seeing the justice of applying to him so but in itself an excellent quality. it were well
ambitious a term as discovery. Butler owed . if it prevailed more generally over craving and
more to Lord Shaftesbury than to all other wri— short-sighted appetites. The weakness of the
ters besides.‘ He is just' and generous towards social ali‘cctions, and the strength' of the private
that philosopher; yet, whoever carefully com desires, properly constitute selfishness; _a vice
pares their writings, will without difliculty dis utterly at variance with the happiness of him
tinguish the two builders, and the larger as well who harbours it, and as such, condemned by
as more regular and laboured part of the edifice, self-love. There are as few who attain the
:n-3I'V
which is due to Butler. greatest satisfaction to themselves, as who do
Mankind have various principles of action; the greatest good to others. It is absurd to say
some leading directly to the private good, some with some, that the pleasure of benevolence is
immediately to the good of the community. selfish because it is felt by self. Understand
\HA:5..~._-_._ But'the private desires are not self-love, or any ing and reasoning are acts of self, for no man
form of it; for self-love is the desire of a man’s can think by proxy; but no one ever called
own happiness, whereas the object of an appe them selfish. Why? Evidently. because they
tite or passion is some outward thing. SelfJove do not regard self. Precisely the same reason
seeks things as means of happiness; the private applies to benevolence. Such an argument is a
appetites seek things, not as means, but as ends. gross confusion of self, as it is a sulgjcct of feel
A man cats from hunger, and drinks from ing or thought, with self considered as the oly'ect
thirst; and though he knows that these acts of either. It is no more just to refer the private
are necessary to life, that knowledge is not the appetites to self-love because they commonly
motive of his conduct. No gratification can in promote happiness, than it would be to refer
deed be imagined without a previous desire. them to self-hatred in those frequent cases
If all the particular desires did not exist inde where their gratification obstructs it.
pendently, self-love would have no object to But, besides the private or public desires, and
employ itself about; for there would be no besides the calm regard to our own general wel
happiness, which, by the very supposition of fare, there is a principle in man, in its nature
the Opponents, is made up of the gratifications supreme over all others. This natural supre
of various desires. ' No pursuit could be selfish macy belongs to the faculty which surveys, ap
or interested, if there were not satisfactions first proves, or disapproves the several affections of
gained by appetites which seek their own out our minds and actions of our lives. As self
ward objects without regard to self; which sa— love is superior to the private passions, so con
tisfactions compose the mass which is called a science is superior to the whole of man. Pas
man’s interest. sion implies nothing but an inclination to follow
. In contending, therefore, that the benevolent it; and in that respect passions differ only in
afl'ections are disinterested, no more is claimed force. But no notion can be formed of the
for them that! must be granted to mere animal principle of reflection, or conscience, which does
appetites and to maleVOlent passions. Each of not comprehend judgment, direction, superin
these principles alike seeks its own object, for tendency. Authority over all other principles
the sake simply of obtaining it. Pleasure is of action is a constituent part of the idea of con
the result ‘of the attainment, but‘no separate science, and cannot be separated from it. Had
part of the aim of the agent. The desire that it strength as it has right, it would govern the
another person may be gratified, seeks that out world. The passions would have their power
ward object alone, according to the general but according to their nature, which is to be
course of human desire. Resentment is as dis subject to conscience. Hence we may under
interested as gratitude or pity, but not more so. stand the purpose at which the ancients, perhaps
Hunger or thirst may be, as much as the purest confusedly, aimed, when they laid it down,
benevolence, at variance with self-love. A re that virtue consisted in following nature. It is.
gard to our own general happiness is not a vice, neither easy, nor, for the main object of the
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 345
moralist, important, to render the doctrines of the writings of a great philosopher which has
the ancients by modern language. If Butler re not been so clearly understood, nor so justly
turns to this phrase too often, it was rather from estimated by the generality, as his other works.
the remains of undistinguishing reverence for 1. It is a considerable defect, though perhaps
antiquity, than because he could deem its em unavoidable in a. sermon, that he omits all in
ployment important to his own opinions. quiry into the nature and origin of the private
The tie which holds together Religion and appetites, which first appear in human nature.
Morality, is, in the system of Butler, somewhat It is implied, but it is not expressed in his rea
different from the common representations, but sonings, that there is atime before the child can
not less close. Conscience, or the faculty of ap be called selfish, any more than social, when
proving or disapproving, necessarily constitutes these appetites seem as it were separately to
the bond of union. Setting out from the belief pursue their distinct objects, long antecedent to
of Theism, and combining it, as he had entitled the state of mind in which all their gratifica
himself to do, with the reality of conscience, he tions are regarded as forming the mass called
could not avoid discovering, that the being who happiness. It is hence that they are likened to
possessed the highest moral qualities, is the ob instincts, in contradiction to their ubsequent
ject of the highest moral affections. He con distinction, which requires reason and experi
templates the Deity through the moral nature ence.9
of man. In the case of a. being who is to be 2. Butler shows admirably well, that unless
perfectly loved, “ goodness must be the simple there were principles of action independent of
actuating principle within him; this being the self, there could be no pleasures and no happi
moral quality which is the immediate object of ness for self-love to watch over. A step farther
love.” “ The highest, the adequate object of would have led him to perceive, that self-love is
this affection, is perfect goodness; which, there altogether a secondary formation; the result of
fore, we are to love with all our heart, with all the joint operation of reason and habit upon the
our soul, and with all our strength.” “ We primary principles. It could not have existed
should refer ourselves implicitly to him, and without presupposing original appetites and or
cast ourselves entirely upon him. The whole at ganic gratifications. Had he considered this
tention of life should be to obey his commands.” 1 part of the subject, he would have strengthened
Moral distinctions are thus presupposed before his case by showing that self-love is as truly a
a step can be made towards religion: virtue derived principle, not only as any of the social
leads to piety; God is to be loved, because good affections, but as any of the most confessedly ac
ness is the object of love; and it is only after quired passions. It would appear clear, that as
the mind rises through human morality to di self-love is'not divested of its self-regarding
vine perfection, that all the virtues and duties character by considering it as acquired, so the
are seen to hang from the throne of God. social affections do not lose any part of their dis
interested character, if they be considered as
REMARKS
formed from simpler elements. Nothing would
There do not appear to be any errors in the more tend to root out the old prejudice which
ethical principles of Butler. The following treats a regard to self as analogous to a self-evi
remarks are intended to point out some defects dent principle, than the proof, that self-love is
- in his scheme; and even that attempt is made itself formed from certain original elements, and
with the unfeigned humility of one who rejoices that a living being long subsists before its ap
in an opportunity of doing justice to that part of pearance. ’

‘ Sermon xiii. On the Love of God.

' The very able work ascribed to Mr Hazlitt, entitled Easy on the Principle: of Human Anton, Lond. 1805, contains
original views on this subject.
' Compare this statement with the Stoical doctrine explained by Cicero in the book dc Finibiu, quoted above, of which it
is the direct opposite.
0188. II. 0 2X
346 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

3. It must be owned that those parts of Butler’s themselves the end, or last object in view, of any
discourses‘which relate to the social affections other desire or aversion. Nothing stands between
are more satisfactory than those which handle the moral sentiments and their object. They
the question concerning the moral sentiments. are, as it were, in contact with the will. It is
It is not' that the real existence of the latter is this sort of mental position,if the expression may
not as well made out as that of the former. In be pardoned, that explains, or seems to explain
both cases he occupies the unassailable ground those characteristic properties which true'philo
of an appeal to consciousness. All men (even sophers ascribe to them, and which all reflecting
the worst) feel that they have a conscience and men feel to belong to them. Being the only de
disinterested affections. But he betrays a sense sires, aversions, sentiments, or emotions, which
of the greater vagueness of his notions on this regard dispositions and actions, they neces
subject. He falters as he approaches it. He sarily extend to the'whole character and conduct.
makes no attempt to determine in what state of Among motives to action, they alone are just
mind the action of conscience consists. He does ly considered as universal. They may and do
not venture steadily to denote it by a name. He stand between any other practical principle
fluctuates between different appellations, and and its object; while it is absolutely impos
multiplies the metaphors of authority and com sible that another shall intercept their con
mand, without a simple exposition of that mental nection with the will. Be it observed, that
operation which these metaphors should only though many passions prevail over them, no
have illustrated. It commands other principles. other can act beyond its oWn appointed and li
‘But the question recurs, why, or how? mited sphere;' and that the prevalence itself,
Some of his own hints, and some fainter inti leaving the natural order undisturbed in any
mations of Shaftesbury, might have led him to other part of the mind, is perceived to be a dis
what appears to be the true solution; which, order, when seen in another man, and felt to be
perhaps from its extreme simplicity, has escaped so by the mind disordered, when the disorder
him and his successors. The truth seems to be, subsides. Conscience may forbid the will to
that the moral sentiments in their mature state, contribute to the gratification of a desire. No
are a class qfjeelings which have no other object but desire ever forbids will to obey conscience.
the mental dispositions leadingto voluntary action, This result of the peculiar relation of con
and the voluntary actions whichflowfrom these dis science to the will, justifies those metaphorical
positiom. We are pleased with some disposi expressions which ascribe to it authority and the
tions and actions, and displeased with others, in right of universal command. It is immutable ; for,
ourselves and our fellows. We desire to culti by the law which regulates all feelings, it must
vate the dispositions, and to perform the actions, rest on action, which is its object, and beyond
which we contemplate with satisfaction. These which it cannot look; and as it employs no
objects, like all those of human appetite or de means, it never can be'transferred to nearer ob
sire, are sought for their own sake. The peculi jects, in the way in which he who first desires
arity of these desires is, that their gratification an object as a means of gratification, may come
requires the use of no means. Nothing (unless it to seek it as his end. Another remarkable pecu
be a volition) is interposed between the desire liarity is bestoived on the moral feelings by the
and the voluntary act. It is impossible, therefore, nature of their object. As the objects of all
that these passions should undergo any change other desires are outward, the satisfaction of
by transfer from the end to the means, as is the them may be frustrated outward causes.
case with other practical principles. On the other The moral sentiments‘may always be gratified,
hand, as soon as they are fixed on these ends, because voluntary actions and moral dispositions
they cannot regard any further object. When spring from within. No external circumstance
another passion prevails over them, the end of afl'ects them. ' Hence their independence. As
the moral faculty is converted into a means of the moral sentiment needs no means, and the de-'
gratification. But volitions and actions are not sire is instantaneously followed by the volition,
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 347
it seems to be either that which first suggests ment of the nature of man. They are entirely
the relation between command and obedience, or independent of the question, whether conscience
at least that which afi'ords the simplest instance be an inherent or an acquired principle. If it
of it. It is. therefore with the most rigorous be inherent, that circumstance is, according to
precision that authority and universality are the common modes of thinking, a suflicieut
ascribed to them. Their only unfortunate pro proof of its title to veneration. But if pro
perty is their too frequent weakness; but it vision be made in the constitution and circum
is apparent that it is from that circumstance stances of all men, for uniformly producing it,
alone that their failure arises. Thus considered, by processes similar to those which produce
the language of Butler concerning conscience, other acquired sentiments, may not -our rever
that, “ had it strength as it has right it would ence be augmented by admiration of that su
govern the world,” which may seem to be only preme wisdom which, in such mental contri
an effusion of generous feeling, proves to be a vauces, yet more brightly than in the lower
just statement of the nature and action of the world of matter, accomplishes mighty purposes
highest of human faculties. The union of uni by instruments so simple ? Should these specu
versality, immutability, and independence, with lations be thought to have any solidity by those
direct action on the will, which distinguishes who are accustomed to such subjects, it would
the moral sense from every other part of our be easy to unfold and apply them so fully, that
practical nature, renders it scarcely metaphori they may be thoroughly apprehended by every
cal language to ascribe to it unbounded sove intelligent person.
reignty and awful authority over the whole of 4-. The most palpable defect of Butler’s scheme
the world‘withiuy—shows that attributes, well is, that it afi'ords no answer to the question,
denoted by terms significant of command and “ What is the distinguishing quality common to
control, are, in fact, inseparable from it, or ra all right actions ?” If it were answered, “ Their
ther constitute its very essence ;—justifies those criterion is, that they are approved and com
ancient moralists who represent it as alone se manded by conscience,” the answerer would
curing, if not forming the moral liberty of man; find that he was involved in a vicious circle;
and finally, when religion rises from its roots in for conscience itself could be no otherwise de
virtuous feeling, it clothes conscience with the fined than as the faculty which approves and
sublime character of representing the divine pu commands right actions.
rity and majesty in the human soul. Its title There are few circumstances more remarkable
is not impaired by any number of defeats; for than the small number of Butler’s followers in
every defeat necessarily disposes the disinterest Ethics; and it is perhaps still more observable,
ed and dispassionate by-starider to wish that its that his opinions were not so much rejected as
force were strengthened: and though it may be overlooked. It is an instance of the importance
doubted whether, consistently with the present of style. No thinker so great was ever so bad
constitution of human nature, it could be so in a writer. Indeed, the ingenious apologies which
vigorated as to be the only motive to action, have been lately attempted for this defect, amount
yet every such by-stander rejoices at all acces to no more than that his power of thought was
sions to its force; and would own, that man be too much for his skill in language. How gene
comes happier, more excellent, more estimable, ral must the reception have been of truths so cer
more venerable, in proportion as conscience ac tain and momentous as those contained in But
quires a power of banishing malevolent passions, ler’s Discourses,—with how much more clear
of strongly curbing all the private appetites, of ness must they have appeared to his own great
influencing and guiding the benevolent affections understanding, if he had possessed the strength
themselves. and distinctness with which Hobbes enforces
Let it be carefully considered whether the odious falsehood, or the unspeakable charm of
same observations could be made with truth, that transparent diction which clothed the un
or with plausibility, on any other part or ele fruitful paradoxes of Berkeley !
348 _ PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

H’UTCHESON.I ‘

Tins ingenious writer began to try his own benevolence on their proper occasions—even
strength by private Letters, written in his early the very frame of our nature.”4 It is vain, as
youth to Dr Clarke, the metaphysical patriarch he justly observes, for the patrons of a refined
of his time; on- whom young philosophers seem to selfishness to pretend that we pursue the happi~
have considered themselves as possessing a claim, ness of others for the sake of the pleasure which
which he had too much goodness to reject. His we derive from it; since it is apparent that there
correspondence with Hutcheson is lost; but we could he no such pleasure if there had been no
may judge of its spirit by his answers to Butler, previous affection. “ Had we no afl'ection dis
and by one to Mr Henry Home,“ afterwards tinct from self-love, nothing could raise a desire
Lord Kames, then a young adventurer in'the of the happiness of others, but when viewed as
prevalent speculations. Nearly at the same a mean of our own.“ He seems to have been .
period with Butler’s first publication,’ the writ the first who entertained just notions of the
ings of Hutcheson began to show coincidences formation of the secondary desires, which had
with him, indicative of the tendency of moral been overlooked by Butler. “ There must arise,
theory to a new form, to which an impulse had in consequence of our original desires, secondary
been given by Shaftesbury, and which was roused desires of every thing useful to gratify the pri
to activity by the adverse system of Clarke. Lord mary desire. Thus, as soon as we apprehend the
Molesworth, the friend of Shafteshury, patron use of wealth or power to gratify our original de
ised Hutcheson, and even criticised his manu sires, we also desire them. From their univer
script. Though a Presbyterian, he was be sality as means arises the general prevalence of
friended by King, archbishop of Dublin, him these desires of wealth and ,power.”°. Proceed
self a metaphysician; and he was aided by Mr ing farther in his seal against the selfish system
Synge, afterwards a bishop, to whom specula than Lord Shaftesbury, who seems ultimately to
tions somewhat similar to his own had occurred. rest the reasonableness of benevolence on its
.1, Butler. and Hutshesou coincided in the two subserviency to the happiness of the individual,
important positions, that disinterested afl'ections, he represents the moral faculty to be, as well as
and a distinct moral faculty, are essential parts self-love and benevolence, a calm general im
of human nature. Hutcheson is a chaste and pulse, which may and does impel a good man to
simple writer, who imbibed the opinions, with sacrifice not only happiness, but even life itself,
out the literary faults of his master, Shaftesbury. to virtue.
He has a clearness of expression, and fulnesa of As Mr Locke had spoken of an internal
illustration, which are wanting in Butler. But scnsation,--Lord Shaftesbury once or twice of
he is inferior to both these writers in the a reflex sense, and once of a moral sense,—
appearance at least of originality, and to Butler Hutcheson, who had a steadier, if not a clear
especially in that philosophical courage which, er view of the nature of conscience than But
when it discovers the fountains of truthnud. ler, calls it a Moral Sense ; a name which
falsehood, leaves others to follow the streams. quickly became popular, and . continues to be
He states as strongly as Butler, that “ the same a part of philosophical language. By sense,
cause which determines us to pursue happiness he understood a capacity of receiving ideas, to
for ourselves, determines us both to esteem and gether with pleasures and pains, fromta class of

‘ Born in Ireland in 1894; died at Glasgow in 1147.

" “'oonnonssnln‘s Life of Lord Kama, vol. I. Append. No. 3. s
' The first edition of Butler’s Sermons was published in 1726, in which year also appeared the second edition of Hutche
son‘s Inquiry into Beauty and Vimiz. The Sermons had been preached some years before, though there is no likelihood that
the contents could have reached a young teacher at Dublin. The place of Huwheson’s birth is not mentioned in any ac
count known to me. Ireland may be truly said to be “ incuriom morum."
‘ Inquiry, p- l5? 5 Easy on the Pam'om, p. 17. ' ma. p. e.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 349
objects. The term moral was used to describe in the beginning of the sixteenth century the
the particular class in question. It implied Scotch are said to have been known through
only that conscience was a separate element in out Europe by their unmeasured passion for
our nature, and that it was not a state or act of dialectical subtilties,1 and though this metaphy
the understanding. According to him, it also sical taste was nourished by the controversies
implied that it was an original and implanted which followed the Reformation, yet it languish
principle; but way other part of his theory ed, with every other intellectual taste and talent,
might be embraced by those who hold it to be from the Restoration, first silenced by civil dis
derivative. orders, and afterwards repressed by an exem
The object of moral approbation, according plary but unlettered clergy, till the philosOphy
to him, is general benevolence; and he carries of Shaftesbury was brought by Hutcheson from
this generous error so far as to deny that pru Ireland. We are told by the writer of his Life,
dence, as long as it regards ourselves, can be (a fine piece of philosophical biography) that “ he
morally approved ;—an assertion contradicted by had a remarkable degree of rational enthusiasm
every man’s feelings, and to which we owe the for learning, liberty, religion, virtue, and human
Dissertation on the Nature of Virtue which But happiness ;”' that he taught in public with per
ler annexed to his Analogy. By proving that all suasive eloquence; that his instructive conversa
virtuous actions produce general good, he fancied tion was at once lively and modest; that he unit
that he had proved the necessity of regarding ed pure manners with a kind disposition." I vWhat
the general good in every act of virtue ;—an in wonder that such a man should have spread the
stance of that confusion of the theory of moral love of knowledge and virtue around him, and
sentiments with the criterion of moral actions, should have rekindled in his adopted country a
against which the reader was warned at the open relish for the sciences which he cultivated ! To
ing of this Dissertation, as fatal to Ethical Philo him may also be ascribed that proneness to mul
sophy. He is chargeable, like Butler, with a tiply ultimate and original principles in human
vicious circle, in describing virtuous acts as those nature, which characterized the Scottish School
which are approved by the moral sense, while he till the second extinction of a passion for meta
at the same time describes the moral sense as the physical speculation in Scotland. A careful
faculty which perceives and feels the morality perusal of the writings of this new little studied
of actions. philosopher will satisfy the well-qualified reader,
He was the father of speculative philosophy in that Dr Adam Smith’s ethical speculations are
Scotland, at least in modern times; for though not so unsuggested as they are beautiful.

BERKELEY. '

THIS great metaphysician was so little a mo as a touchstone of metaphysical sagacity; show

ralist, that it requires the attraction of his name ing those to be altogether without it, who, like
to excuse its introduction here. His Theory of Johnson and Beattie, believed that his specula
Vision contains a great discovery in mental phi tions were sceptical, that they implied any dis
losophy. His immaterialism is chiefly valuable trust in the senses, or that they had the smallest

' The character given of the Scotch by the famous and unfortunate Servetus, in his edition of Ptolemy, (1533) is in
many res ects curious. “ Gallis amicissimi, Anglorumqne regi maxime infesti. Subita ingenia, et in ultionem prom, fem
ciaque. n bello fortes, inedim, vigilim, nlgons patientissimi, decenti forms sed cultu negligentiori; invidi nature at
eleterorum mortalium contemptores; ostentant plul nimio nobilitalem mom, 6! in tumour! etlam cgmae nunn gum ad region
ltirpcm rqft-ruut, are non nurzcrrcis non-rm: sun BLANDIUNTUB."--Subita ingznia is an expression equivalent to the
“ Pruefervidum Scotorum ingenium" of Buchanan. Churchill almost agrees in words with Servctus:
“'hose lineage springs
From great and lorious, thou h forgotten kings.
And the strong antipathy of the lat»: King Georgelll. to what e called “ Scotch Metaphysics," proves the permanency
of the last part of the national character.
' Life by Dr LEECHMAN, prefixed to Hnrcnzsos’s Sydmo/‘Moral Philosophy, I765.
' Born near Thomastown in Ireland, in "384 ; died at Oxford in 1753.
350 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

tendency to disturb reasoning 0r alter conduct; without some consoling forethought of the for
Ancient learning, exact science, polished socie tune of the country where he had sojourned.
ty, modern'literaturc, and‘the fine arts, contrib ‘Vestward the course of empire takes its way,
uted to adorn and enrich the mind of this ac The first four acts already past,
complished man. All his contemporaries agreed A fifth shall close the drama with the day,
Tina's nouns-r orrsrnmo is us LAST
with the satirist in ascribing
Thus disappointed in his ambitiOn of keeping a
To Berkeley every virtue under heaven.
School for savage children, at a salary of a hun
Adverse factions and hostile wits concurred dred pounds by the year, he was received, on
only in loving, admiring, and contributing to his return, with open arms by the philosophical
advance him. The severe sense of Swift endur queen, at whose metaphysical parties he made
ed his visions; the modest Addison endeavour one with Sherlock, who, as well as Smalridge,
ed to reconcile Clarke to his ambitious specula was his supporter, and with Hoadley, who, fol
tions. His character converted the satire of lowing Clarke, was his antagonist. By her in
Pope into fervid praise. Even the discerning, fluence, he was made bishop of Cloyne. It is
fastidious, and turbulent Atterbury said, after one of his highest boasts, that though of Eng
an interview with him, “ So much understand lish extraction, he was a. true Irishman, and
ing, so much knowledge, so much innocence, the first eminent Protestant, after the unhappy
and such humility, I did not think had been the contest at the Revolution, who avowed his love
portion of any but angels, till I saw this gentle for all his countrymen. He asked, “ Whether
man."1 “ Lord Bathurst told me, that the their habitations and furniture were not more
Members of the Scriblcrns Club being met at sordid than those of the savage Americans ?”3
his house at dinner, they agreed to rally Berke~ “ Whether a scheme for the welfare qf this nation
ley, who was also his guest, on his scheme at should not take in the whole inhabitants?’ and,
Bermudas. Berkeley, having listened to the “ Whether it was a rain attempt, to project the
many lively things they had to say, begged to flourishing of our Protestant gentry, exclusive of
be heard in his turn, and displayed his plan the bulk of the natives .9'“ He proceeds to pro
with such an astonishing and animating force of mote the reformation suggested in this pregnant
eloquence and enthusiasm, that they were struck question by a series cf Queries, intimating, with
dumb, and after some pause, rose all up together, the utmost skill and address, every reason that
with earnestness exclaiming, ‘ Let us set out proves the necessity, and the safety, and the
with him immediately.’ ”’ It was when thus wisest mode of adopting his uggestion. He
beloved and celebrated that he conceived, at the contributed, by a truly Christian address to the
age of forty-five, the design of devoting his life Roman Catholics of his diocese, to their perfect
to reclaim and convert the natives of North quiet during the rebellion of 1745; and soon
America; and he employed as much influence after published a letter to the clergy of that per
and solicitation as common men do for their suasion, beseeching them to inculcate indus
most prized objects, in obtaining leave to resign try among their flocks, for which he received
his dignitics and revenues, to quit his accom their thanks. He tells them, that it was a say
plished and afi'ectionatc friends, and to bury ing among the negro slaves, “ negro were not
himself in what must have seemed an intellec negro, Irishman would be negro.” It is difiicult
tual desert. After‘ four years’ residence at New to read these proofs of benevolence and fore
port in Rhode Island, he was‘compelled, by the sight without emotion, at the moment when,‘
refusal of Government to furnish him with after a lapse of near a century, his suggestions
funds for his College, to forego his work of he have been at length, at the close of a struggle
roic, or rather godlike benevolence; though not of twenty-five years, adopted, by the admis

' DUNCOMBE‘S Letters, 106, 107. ' = See his Qua-id, 358; published in 1735.
' Waa'ros on Pope. ' ‘ use. 255. ‘ April 1829.
 DISSERTATION sscom). 351
sion of the whole Irish nation to the privileges vulgar cares, nor is it contented with a little.
of the British Constitution. The patriotism of ardour in the early time of life; active perhaps
Berkeley was not, like that of Swift, tainted to pursue, but not so fit to weigh and revise.
by disappointed ambition; nor was it, like He that would make a real progress in know
Swift’s, confined to a colony of English Pro ledge, must dedicate his age as well as youth,
testants. Perhaps the Querist contains more the later growth as well as first fruits, at .tbe
hints, than original, still unapplied in legislation altar of Truth.” So did Berkeley, and such were
almost his latest words. I
and political economy, than are to be found
in any equal space. From the writings of his His general principles of Ethics may be shortly
advanced years, when he chose a medical Tract1 stated in his own words :—“ As God is a being
'to be the vehicle of his philosophical reflections, of infinite goodness, his end is the good of his
though it cannot be said that he relinquished creatures. The general wellbeing of all men of
his early opinions, it is at least apparent that all nations, of all ages of the world, is that which
his mind had received a new bent, and was he designs should be procured by the concur
habitually turned from reasoning towards con ring actions of each individual.” Having stated;
templation. His immaterialism indeed modest that this end can be pursued only in one of two
ly appears, but only to purify and elevate our ways—either by computing the consequences of
thoughts, and to fix them on Mind, the para each action, or by obeying rules which generally
mount and primeval principle of all things. tend to happiness—and having shown the first
“ Perhaps,” says he, “ the truth about innate to be impossible, he rightly infers, “ that the
ideas may be, that there are properly no ideas end to which God requires the concurrence of
or passive objects in the mind but what are de human actions, must be carried on by the obs
rived from sense, but that there are also, be servation of certain determinate and universal
sides these, her own acts and operations—such rules or moral precepts, which in their own na
are notions ;” a statement which seems once ture have a necessary tendency to promote the
more to admit general conceptions, and which wellbeing of mankind, taking in all nations and
might have served, as well as the parallel pass ages, from the beginning to the end of the
age of Leibnitz, as the basis'of the modern phi world.“ A romance, of which a journey-to
losophy of Germany. From these compositions an Utopia, in the centre of Africa, forms the
of his old age, he appears then to have recurred chief part, called The Adventures QfSignor Gau~
with fondness to Plato and the later Platonists; dentio di Lucca, has been commonly ascribed to
writers from whose mere reasonings an intellect him; probably on no other ground than its union
so acute could hardly hope for an argumentative of pleasing invention with benevolence and ele
satisfaction of all its difliculties, and whom he gance.’ Of the exquisite grace and beauty of
probably rather studied as a means of inuring his diction, no man accustomed to English com
his mind to objects beyond the visible diurnal position can need to be informed. His works
sphere, and of attaching it, through frequent are, beyond dispute, the finest models of phi
meditation, to that perfect and transcendent losophical style since Cicero. Perhaps they.
goodness to which his moral feelings always surpass these of the orator, in the wonderful
pointed, and which they incessantly strove to art by which the fullest lightzis thrown on
grasp. His mind, enlarging as it rose, at length the most minute and evanescent parts of the
receives every theist, however imperfect his be most subtile of human conceptions. Perhaps
lief, to a communion in its philosophic piety. he also surpassed Cicero in the charm of sim
“ Truth,” he beautifully concludes, “ is the cry plicity, a quality eminently found in Irish wri-,
of all, but the game of a few. Certainly, where ters before the end of the eighteenth century;
it is the chief passion, it does not give way to conspicuous in the masculine severity of Swift,

' Sirir, or Rrylccfiom m Tar Water.

' Sermon in Trinity College Chapel, on Paulo: Obedience, l712.
' Genlkman‘! r‘llagazinc‘, January 1711.
352 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

in the Platonic fancy of Berkeley, in the native genius of Scotland; for, though Hutcheson
tenderness and elegance of Goldsmith, and not spread the taste, and furnished the principles,
withholding its attractions from Hutcheson and yet Berkeley undoubtedly produced the scep
Leland, writers of classical taste, though of ticism of Hume, which stimulated the instinc
inferior power. The two Irish philosophers tive school to activity, and was thought incap
of the eighteenth century may be said to have able of confutation, otherwise than by their
co-operated in calling forth the metaphysical doctrines.

DAVID HUME.X

THE Lifeof Mr Hume-written by himself, is fully and touchingly represented in the story of
remarkable above most, if not all writings'of that La Roche,‘ where Mr Mackenzie, without con
sort,'for hitting the degree of interest between cealing Mr Hume’s opinions, brings him~int0
coldness and egotism which becomes a modest contact with scenes of tender piety, and yet pre
man in speaking of his private history. Few serves the interest inspired by genuine and un—
writers, whose opinions were so obnoxious, have alloyed, though moderated feelings and afi'ee
more perfectly escaped every personal imputa tions. The amiable and venerable patriarch of
tion. Very few men of so calm acharacter have Scottish Literature was averse from the opinions
been so warmly beloved. That he approached of the philosopher on whom he has composed
to the character of a perfectly good and wise this best panegyric. He tells us that he read the
man, is an affectionate exaggeration, for which manuscript to Dr Smith, “ who declared he did
his friend Dr Smith, in the first moments of not find a syllable to object to, but added, with
his sorrow, may well be excused." But such a his characteristic absence of mind, that he was
praise can never be earned without passing surprised he had never heard of the anecdote be
through either of the extremes of fortune; with fore.” 5 So lively was the delineation thus sanc
out standing the test of temptations, dangers, tioned by the most natural of all testimonies.
and sacrifices. It may be said with truth, that Mr Mackenzie indulges his own religious feel
the private character of Mr Hume exhibited all ings by modestly intimating, that Dr Smith’s
the virtues which a man of reputable station, answer seemed to justify the last words of the
under a mild government, in the quiet times of tale, “ that there were moments when the phi
a civilized country, has often the opportunity to losopher recalled to his mind the venerable fi
practise. He showed no want of the qualities gure of the good La Roche, and wished that he
which fit men for more severe trials. Though had never doubted.” To those who are strangers
others had warmer affections, no man was a to the seductions of paradox, to the intoxication
kinder relation, a more unwearied friend, or of fame, and to the bewitchment of prohibited
more free from meanness and malice. His cha opinions, it must be unaccountable, that he who
racter was so simple, that he did not even afi‘ect revered benevolence should, without apparent
modesty; bnt'neither his friendships nor his de regret, cease to see it on the Throne of the Uni
portment were changed by a fame which filled verse. It is a matter of wonder that his habitual
all Europe." His good nature, his plain manners, esteem for every fragment and shadow of moral
and his actiVe kindness, ~ procured him at Paris excellence should not lead him to envy these
the enviable name of the good David, from a who contemplated its perfection in that living
society not so alive to goodness, as without and paternal character which gives it a power
reasonto‘plnce it at thehead of the qualities of over the human heart.
a celebrated man.5 His whole character is faith Orr the other hand, if we had no experience

1 Born at Edinburgh in 1711 5 died there in 177 .

' Dr Smith‘s Letter to Mr Strahnn. annexed to the Life of Hume.
' See Notes and Illustrations, note P.
‘ Mirror, Nos. 42, 43, 44.
‘ Macxsnzm'a Life qf John Home, p. 21.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. ‘ 353
of the power of opposite opinions in producing yet thoroughly practised. Time and use may
irreconcilable animosities, we might have hoped ripen these qualities in the author, and we shall
that those who retained such high privileges probably have reason to consider this, com
would have looked with more compassion than pared with his later productions, in the same
dislike on a virtuous man who had lost them. light as we view the juvenile works of Milton,
In such cases it is too little remembered, that or the first manner of Raphael.”
repugnance to hypocrisy, and impatience of The great speculator did not, in this work,
long concealment, are the qualities of the best amuse himself, like Bayle, with dialectical ex
formed minds; and that, if the publication of ercises, which only inspire a disposition towards
some doctrines proves often painful and mis doubt, by showing in detail the uncertainty of
chievous, the habitual suppression of opinion is most opinions. He aimed at proving, not that
injurious to reason, and very dangerous to sin nothing was known, but that nothing could
cerity. Practical questions thus arise, so diffi be known ;—from the structure of the under
cult and perplexing, that their determination standing to demonstrate, that we are doomed
generally depends on the boldness or timidity of for ever to dwell in absolute and universal ig
the individual,—-on his tenderness for the feel norance. It is true that such a system of uni
ings of the good, or his greater reverence for the versal scepticism never can be more than an in
free exercise of reason. The time is not yet tellectual amusement, an exercise of subtilty;
come when the noble maxim of Plato, “ that of which the only use is to check dogmatism,
every soul is unwillingly deprived of truth,” will but which perhaps oftener provokes and pro
be practically and heartily applied by men to duces that much more common evil. As those
the honest opponents who differ from them most dictates of experience which regulate conduct
widely. must be the objects of belief, all objections
In his twenty-seventh year he published at which attack them in common with the prin
London the Treatise of Human Nature, the first ciples of reasoning must be utterly ineffectual.
systematic attack on all the principles of know Whatever attacks every principle of belief can
ledge and belief, and the most formidable, if destroy none. As long as the foundations of
universal scepticism could ever be more than a knowledge are allowed to remain on the same
mere exercise of ingenuity.l This memorable level (be it call ed of certainty or uncertainty) with
work was reviewed in a Journal of that time,‘ the maxim of life, the whole system of human
in a criticism not distinguished by ability, which conviction must continue undisturbed. IVhen
affects to represent the style of a very clear the sceptic boasts of having involved the results
writer as unintelligible—sometimes from a pur of experience and the elements of geometry in
pose to insult, but oftener from sheer dulness—the same ruin with the doctrines of religion and
which is unaccountably silent respecting the the principles of philosophy, he may be answered,
consequences of a sceptical system; and which That no dogmatist ever claimed more than the
concludes with a prophecy so much at variance same degree of certainty for these various con
with the general tone of the article, that it victions and opinions; and that his scepticism,
would seem to be added by a different hand. therefore, leaves them in the relative condition
“ It bears incontestable marks of a great capa in which it found them. No mpn knew better,
city, of a soaring genius, but young, and not or owned more frankly than Mr Hume, that to

' Sextus, a physician of the empirical, i. e. anti-theoretical school, who lived at Alexandria in the reign of Antoniuul
Pius, has reserved the reasonings of the ancient Sceptics as they were to be found in their most improved state. in the
writings o Enesidemus, a Cretan, who was a Professor in the same city, soon afler the reduction of Egypt into a Roman
province. The greater part of the grounds of doubt are very shallow and popular. There are, among them, intimation.
of the argument inst a necessary connection of causes with eti'ects, afterwards better presented by Glanville in his Supt:
Sdentiflcu. See otes and Illustrations, note Q.-_
' History qflhe Work: of M: Leunmi, November and December 1139, p 363-404. This Review is attributed by some
(Cluumns, Biographical Dictionary) to Warburton, but certainly without foundation.
DISS- II. 2 \'
354 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

this answer there is no serious reply. Univer and that sincerity, that strong love of truth, and
sal scepticism involves a contradiction in terms. that conscientious solicitude for the formationof
It is a belief that there can be no belief It is an just opinions, which are not the least virtues
attempt of the mind to act without its structure, of men, but of which the cultivation is the more
and by other laws than those to which its nature especial duty of all who call themselves philo
has subjected its operations. To reason without sophers.g
assenting to the principles on which reasoning is It is not an uninteresting fact, that Mr Hume
founded, is not unlike an efl‘ort to feel without having been introduced by Lord Kames (then
nerves, or to move without muscles. No man Mr Henry Home) to Dr Butler, sent a copy of
can be allowed to be an opponent in reasoning, who his Treatise to that philosopher at the moment
does not set out with admitting all the principles, of his preferment to the bishopric of Durham;
without the admission of which it is impossible to and that the perusal of it did not deter the
reaslm.‘ It is indeed a puerile, nay, in the eye philosophic prelate from “ everywhere recom
of wisdom, a childish play, to attempt either to mending Mr Hume’s Moral and Political Es
establish or to confute principles by argument, says,“ published two years afterwards;—Essays
which every step of that argument must pre which it would indeed have been unworthy of
suppose. The only difi'erence between the two such a man not to have liberally commended,
cases is, that he who tries to prove them can for they, and those which followed them, what
I do so only by first taking them for granted; and ever may be thought of the contents of some of
that he who attempts to impugn them falls at them, must be ever regarded as the best models
the very first step into a contradiction, from in any language, of the short but full, of the
which he never can rise. clear and agreeable, though deep discussion of
It must, however, be allowed, that universal difficult questions.
scepticism has practical consequences of a very Mr Hume considered his Enquiry concerning
mischievous nature. This is because its univer the Principles of Morals as the best of his wri
sality is not steadily kept in view, and con tings. It is very creditable to his character,
stantly borne in mind. If it were, the above that he should have looked back with most
short and plain remark would be an effectual complacency on a Tract the least distinguished
antidote to the poison. But in practice, it is by originality, and the least tainted with para
an armoury from which weapons are taken dox, among his philosophical works; but deserv
to be employed against some opinions, while ing of all commendation for the elegant perspi
cuity of the style, and the novelty of illustration
it is hidden from notice that the same weapon
would equally cut down every other conviction. and inference with which he unfolded to general
It is thus that Mr Hume’s theory of causation is readers a doctrine too simple, too certain, and
used as an answer to arguments for the exist too important, to remain till his time undis
ence of the Deity, without warning the reader covered among philosophers. His dietion has,
that it would equally lead him not to expect indeed, neither the grace of Berkeley nor the
that the sun will rise to-morrow. It must also strength of Hobbes; but it is without the verbo
be added, that those who are early accustomed sity of the former, or the rugged sternness of
to dispute first principles are never likely to the latter. His manner is more lively, more
acquire, in a sufficient degree, that earnestness easy, more ingratiating, and, if the word may

' This maxim, which contains a sufficient answer to all universal scepticism, or, in other Words, to all scepticism properly
so called, is significantly conveyed in the quaint title of an old and rare book, entitled, Scivi, sive Sceptice: ct Srepticorum a
Jan Diapumiom': Exalusio, by Taurus Wax-rs, the metaphysician of the English Catholics in modern times.-“ Fortu
nately,” says the illustrious sceptic himself, “ since Reason is incapable qfdirpclling there clouds, Nature herself :ufica for that
purpose, and cures me of thi: philosophical delirium" ( Treatise of Human Nature, 1. 467); almost in the sublime and immor.
tel words of Pascal : La Rahan confimd lea Dogmatiaten, ct 10 Nature les Sccpliqucs.
’ It would be an act of injustice to those readers who are not acquainted with that valuable volume entitled, Essay:
on the Formation of Opinion, not to refer them to it as enforcing that neglected part of morality. To it may be added, a
masterly article in the Westminster Review, occasioned by the Euayl.
‘ \VoonnovsELEI-I‘s Life QfKama, I. 86, 104.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. '355
be so applied, more amusing, than that of any abridges some of the most forcible arguments of
other metaphysical writer.1 He knew himself Butler,” whom it is remarkable that he does not
too well to be, as Dr Johnson asserted, an imi mention. To show the importance of his prin
tator of Voltaire; who, as it were, embodied in ciple, he very unnecessarily distinguishes the
his own person all the wit and quickness and comprehensive duty of justice, from other parts
Versatile ingenuity of a people which surpasses of morality, as an artificial virtue, for which our
other nations in these brilliant qualities. If he respect is solely derived from notions of utility.
must be supposed to have had an eye on any If all things were in such plenty that there could
French writer, ‘it would be a more plausible never be a want, or if men were so benevolent
guess, that he sometimes copied, with a tem as to provide for the wants of others as much as
perate hand, the unexpected thoughts and famil for their own, there would, says he, in neither
iar expressions of Fontenelle. Though he care case be any justice, because there would be no
fully weeded his writings in their successive need for it. But it is evident that the same
editions, yet they still contain Scotticisms and reasoning is applicable to every good affection
Gallicisms enough to employ the successors of and right action. None of them could exist if
such critics as those who exulted over the Pata there were no scope for their exercise. If there
vinity of the Roman Historian. His own great were no sufl'ering, there could be no pity and no
and modest mind would have been satisfied with relief. If there were no offences, there could be
the praise which cannot be withheld from him, no placability. If there were no crimes, there
that there is no writer in our language who, could be no mercy. Temperance, prudence, pa
through long works, is more agreeable; and it tience, magnanimity, are qualities of which the
is no derogation from him, that, as a Scots value depends on the evils by which they are
man, he did not reach those native and secret respectively exercised.“
beauties, characteristical of a language, which On purity of manners, it must be owned that
are never attained, in elaborate composition, Mr Hume, though he controverts no rule, yet
but by a very small number of those who famil treats vice with too much indulgence. It was
iarly converse in it from infancy. his general disposition to distrust virtues which
The Enquiry affords perhaps the best speci are liable to exaggeration, and may be easily
men of his style. In substance, its chief merit counterfeited. The ascetic pursuit of purity,
is the proof, from an abundant enumeration of and hypocritical pretences to patriotism, had too
particulars, that all the qualities and actions of much withdrawn the respect of his equally calm
the mind which are generally approved by man and sincere nature from these excellent virtues;
kind agree in the circumstance of being useful more especially as severity in both these respects
to society. In the proof, (scarcely necessary) was often at apparent variance with affection,
that benevolent affections and actions have that which can neither be long assumed, nor ever
tendency, he asserts the real existence of these overvalued. Yet it was singular that he who,
afi'ections with unusual warmth; and he well in his Essay on Polygamy and Divorce,‘ had so
I

' These commendation: are so fiir from being at variance with the remarks of the late most ingenious Dr Thomas Brown,
on Mr Hume‘s “ mode of writing," (Enquiry inlo the Relation q/ Came and mm, 3d ed. 327) that they may rather be re
garded as descriptive of those eXccllencies of which the excess produced the faults of Mr Hume as a mere searcher and
teacher; justly, though perhaps severely, animadverted on by Dr Brown.
' Enquiry, sect. ii. part i., especially the concluding paragraphs; those which precede being more his own.
' “ Si nobis, cum ex hac vita migraverimus, in beatorum insulis, ut fabula: fcrunt, immortale revum degere liceret, quid
opus cssct eloquentia, cum judicia nulla fiercnt P nut ipsis ctiam virtutibus ? Nee enim fortitudine indigeremus, nullo pro
posito aut labore aut periculc; nccjmtitia, can we: m‘hil quod appelcraur alimi; ncc tcmpcrcntia, qua rcgcret ens quze null!
essent libidines: ne prudciitia quidem egeremus, nullo proposito delectu bonorum et mslorum. Una igitur cssemus beati
cognitionc return at scientia.” (Frag. Cic. Her-tens. spud Aucus'rrs. dz: Trinttate.) Cicero is more extensive, and
therefore more consistent, than Ilume; but his enumeration errs both by excess and defect. He supposes knowledge to
render beings happy in this imaginary state, without steeping to inquire how. He emits a virtue whic might well exist
in it, though we cannot conceive its formation in such a state—the delight in each other‘s wellbeing; and he omits a con
ceivnble though unknown vice, that of unmixed ill-will, which would render such a state a hell to the wretch who her
boured the malevolence.
‘ Euny: and Trcalirel, vol. I.
356 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

well shown the connection of domestic ties 'with the virtues which guard the natural seminaries
the outward order of society, should not have of the affections are their only true and lasting
perceived their deeper and closer relation to all friends. The demand of all well-informed men
the social feelings of human nature. It cannot for the improvement of civil institutions—the
be enough regretted, that, in an Enquiry writ demand of classes of men growing in intelligence,
ten with a very moral purpose, his habit of ma to he delivered from adcgrading inferiority, and
king truth attractive, by throwing over her the admitted to a share of political power propor
dress of paradox, should have given him for a tioned to their new importance, being feebly yet
moment the appearance of weighing the mere violently resisted by those ruling Castes who
amusements of society and conversation against neither knew how to yield nor how towithstand—
domestic fidelity, which is the preserver of do being also attended by very erroneous principles
mestic affection, the source of parental fondness of legislation, having suddenly broken down the
and filial regard, and, indirectly, of all the kind barriers (imperfect as these were) of law and
ness which exists between human beings. That gOVernment, led to popular excesses, desolat
families are schools where the infant heart learns ing wars, and a military dictatorship, which for
to love, and that pure manners are the ce a long time threatened to defeat the reforma
ment which alone holds these schools together, tion, and to disappoint the hopes of mankind.
are truths so certain, that it is wonderful he This tremendous convulsion threw a fearful light
should not have betrayed a stronger sense of on the ferocity which lies hid under the arts and
their importance. No one could so well have pleasures of corrupted nations; as earthquakes
proved that all the virtues of that class, in their and volcanoes disclose the layers which compose
various orders and degrees, minister to the be the deeper parts of our planet, beneath a fertile
nevolent afl'ections; and that every act which and flowery surface. A part of this dreadful re
separates the senses from the affections tends, in sult may be ascribed, not improbably, to that
some degree, to deprive kindness of its natural relaxation of domestic ties, unhappily natural to
auxiliary, and to lessen its prevalence in the the populace of vast capitals, and at that time
world. It did not require his sagacity to discover countenanccd and aggravated by the example of
that the gentlest and tendorest feelings flourish their superiors. Another part doubtless arose
only under the stern guardianship of these severe from the barbarizing power of absolute govern
virtues. Perhaps his philosophy was loosened, ment, or, in other words, of injustice in high
though his life was untainted, by that universal places. A very large portion attests, as strongly
and undistinguishing profligacy which prevailed as Roman history, though in a somewhat differ
on the Continent, from the regency of the Duke ent manner, the humanizing eflicacy of the family
of Orleans to the French revolution; the most virtues, by the consequences of the want of them
dissolute period of European history, at least in the higher classes, whose profuse and ostenta
since the Roman emperors. ‘ \ At Rome, indeed, tious sensuality inspired the laborious and suffer-
the connection of licentiousness with cruelty, ing portion of mankind with contempt, disgust,
which, though carcely traceable in individuals, envy, and hatred. "a .t- m
is generally very observable in large masses, The Enquiry is disfigured by another speck of
bore a fearful testimony to the value of austere more frivolous paradox. It consists in the at
purity. The alliance of these remote vices tempt to give the name of virtue to qualities of
seemed to be broken in the time of Mr Hume. the understanding; and it would not have de
Pleasure, in a more improved state of society, served the single remark about to be made on
seemed to return to her more natural union with it, had it been the paradox of an inferior man.
kindness and tenderness, as well as with refineh He has altogether omitted the circumstance on
ment and politeness. Had he lived fourteen which depends the difference of our sentiments
years longer, however, he would have seen, that regarding moral and intellectual qualities. We

' See Notes and Illustrations, note R.

 . DISSERTATION sscom). . 357
admire intellectual excellence, but we bestow no That general utility, constitutes a uniform
moral approbation on it. Such approbation has ground. of moral distinctions, is a part of Mr
no tendency directly to increase it, because it is Hume’s ethical theory which never can be im
not voluntary. mWe cultivate our natural dis pugned, until some example can be produced of
position to esteem and love benevolence and a virtue generally pernicious, or of a vice gene
justice, because these moral sentiments, and the rally beneficial. The religious philosopher who,
expression of them, directly and materially dis with Butler, holds that benevolence must be the
posevothers, as well as ourselves, to cultivate actuating principle of the Divine mind, will,
these two virtues. We cultivate a natural with Berkeley, maintain that pure benevolence
anger against. oppression, which guards our can prescribe no rules of human conduct but
selves against the practice of that vice, and be such as are beneficial to men; thus bestowing
cause the manifestation of it deters others from on the theory of illoral Distinctions the certainty
its exercise. The first rude, resentment of a of demonstration in the eyes of all who believe
child is against every instrument of hurt. We in God. “in
confine it to intentional hurt, when we are The other question of moral philosophy which
taught by experience that it prevents only that relates to the theory of Moral Approbation, has
species of hurt ;,. and at last it is still further li-" been by no means so distinctly and satisfactorily
mited to wrong done to ourselves or others, and handled by Mr Hume. - Ilis general doctrine is; .-=

in that case becomes a. purely moral sentiment. that an interest in the wellbeing of others, im _

“7e morally approve industry, desire of know planted by nature, which he calls Sympathy in
ledge, love of truth, and all the habits by which his Treatise Qf Human Nature, and much lea
the understanding is strengthened and rectified, happily Benevolence in his subsequent Enquiry,‘
because their formation is subject to the will.1 prompts us to be pleased with all generally be
But we do not feel a moral anger against folly neficial actions. In this respect his doctrine
or ignorance, because they are involuntary. No nearly resembles that of Hutcheson. He does
one but the religious persecutor, a mischievous not trace his principle through the variety of
and overgrown child, wreaks his vengeance on forms which our moral sentiments assume.
involuntary, inevitable, compulsory acts or states There are very important parts of them, of
of the understanding, which are no more affected which it affords no solution. In For example,
by blame than the stone which the foolish child though he truly represents our approbation, in
beats for hurting him. Reasonable men apply others, of qualities useful to the individual, as a'
to every thing which they wish to move, the proof of benevolence, he makes no attempt in
agent which is capable of moving it ;--force to explain our moral approbation of such virtues
outward substances, arguments to the under as temperance and fortitude in ourselves. He
standing, and blame, together with all other entirely overlooks that consciousnem of the
motives, whether moral or personal, to the will rightful supremacy of the moralfizculty over every
alone. It is as absurd to entertain an abhor other principle of human action, without an ex
rencc of intellectual inferiority or error, however planation of which, ethical theory is wanting in
extensive or mischievous, as it would be to one of its vital organs.
cherish a warm indignation against earthquakes Notwithstanding these considerable defects,
or hurricanes. It is singular that a philosopher his proof from induction of the beneficial tend-_
who needed the most liberal toleration should, ency of virtue, his conclusive arguments for
by representing states of the understanding as human disinterestedness, and his decisive ob
moral or immoral, have offered the most philo servations on the respective provinces of reas<m
sophical apology for persecution. and sentiment in morals, concur in ranking the

' “ In her qumstinne primes tenet Voluntas, qua, nt nit Augustinus, prcmlur, (t red: vlvhur." (Hypermpltff', Dlnlrilz
adumu Sauna Arbiuium Mun-nu Lurnslu, per Dssinsluuu ERASML'I Rotterdamensem-)
' Euay: and Treatises, vol. II.
 358 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
Enquiry with the ethical treatises of the highest quiry concerning Virtue, Butler’s Sermons, and
merit in our language,—-with Shaftesbury’s En- Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments.
ADAM' SMITH.l
THE great name of Adam Smith rests upon
the Enquiry into the Nature and Causes of the
Wealth of Nations ; perhaps the only book which
produced an immediate, general, and irrevoc
able change in some of the most important parts
of the legislation of all civilized states. The
works of Grotius, of Locke, and of Montesquieu,
which bear a resemblance to it in character, and
had no inconsiderable analogy to it in the ex
tent of their popular influence, were productive
only of a general amendment, not so conspicuous
in particular instances, as discoverable, after a
time, in the improved condition of human af
fairs.“ The work of Smith, as it touched those
matters which may be numbered, and measured,
and weighed, bore more visible and palpable
fruit. In a few years it began to alter laws and
treaties, and has made its way, throughout the
convulsions of revolution and conquest, to a due
ascendant over the minds of men, with far less
than the average obstructions of prejudice and
clamour, which choak the channels through which
truth flows into practice. The most eminent of
those who have since cultivated and improved
the science will be the foremost to address their
immortal master,
.......... .. Tenebris tantis tam clarum enollere lumen
Qui primus potuisti, INLUSTBANS commons Vl'l‘l,
To sequor! (LucnE'r. lib. iii.)
In a science more difficult, because both ascend
ing to more simple general principles, and run—
ning down through more minute applications,
though the‘success of Smith has been less com
plete, his genius is not less conspicuous. Per
haps there is no ethical work since Cicero’s @‘1
fices, of which an abridgement enables the reader
so inadequately to estimate the merit, as the
Theory of Moral Sentiments. This is not chiefly
owing to the beauty of diction, as in the case of
5:»a;s.. ' Born in I723; died in 1790.
1 Notes and Illustrations, note S.
= This remark is chiefly applicable to Hume‘s Enayc. His Treatin qf Human Nature is more Hobbian in its general
tenor, though it has Ciceroman passages.
Cicero; but to the variety of explanations of life
and manners which embellish the book often
more than they illuminate the theory. Yet, on
the other hand, it must be owned that, for pure
ly philosophical purposes, few books more need
abridgement: for the most careful reader fre
quently loses sight of principles buried under
illustrations. The naturally copious and flow
ing style of the author is generally redundant,
and the repetition of certain formularies of the
system is, in the later editions, so frequent as to
be wearisome, and sometimes ludicrous. Per
haps Smith and Hobbes may be considered as
forming the two extremes of good style in our
philosophy; the first of graceful fulness falling
into flaccidity; while the masterly concision of
the second is oftener tainted by dictatorial dry
ness. Hum‘e and Berkeley, though they are
nearer the extreme of abundance,’ are probably
the least distant from perfection.
That mankind are so constituted as to sympa
thize with each other’s feelings, and to feel
pleasure in the accordance of these feelings, are
the only facts required by Dr Smith, and they
certainly must be granted to him. To adopt the
feelings of another, is to approve them. When
the sentiments of another are such as would be
excited in us by the same objects, we approve
them as morally proper. To obtain this accord,
it becomes necessary for him who enjoys or suf
fers, to lower his expression of feeling to the
point to which the by-stander can raise his fel
low-feelings; on which are founded all the high
virtues of self-denial and self-command; and it
is equally necessary for the by-stander to raise
his sympathy as near as he can to the level of
the original feeling. In all unsocial passions,
such as anger, we have a divided sympallcybe
tween him who feels them and those who are the
 DISSERTATION SECOND. ' 359

objects of them. Hence the propriety of ex own conduct with the eyes of others before we
tremely moderating them. Pure malice is al can judge it. The sense of duty arises from
ways~to be concealed or disguised, because all putting ourselves in the place of others, and
sympathy is arrayed against it. In the private adopting their sentiments respecting our own
passions, where there is only a simple sympathy— conduct. In utter solitude there could have
that with the original passion—the expression has been no self-approbation. The rules of morality
more liberty. The benevolent afl'ections, where are a summary of those sentiments; and often
there is a double sympathy—with those who feel beneficially stand in their stead when the self
them, and those who are their objects—are the delusions of passion would otherwise hide from
most agreeable, and may be indulged with the us the non-conformity of our state of mind
least apprehension of finding no echo in other with that which, in the circumstances, can be
breasts. Sympathy with the gratitude of those entered into and approved by impartial by
who are benefited by good actions, Prompts us standers. It is hence that we learn to raise our
to consider them as deserving of reward, and mind above local or temporary clamour, and to
forms the sense qf merit; as fellow-feeling with the fix our eyes on the surest indications of the ge
resentment of those who are injured by crimes neral and lasting sentiments of human nature.
leads us to look on them asworthyof punishment, “ When we approve of any character or action,
and constitutes the sense qf demerit. These senti our sentiments are derived from four sources:
ments require not only beneficial actions, but be first, we sympathize with the motives of the
nevolent motives for them; being compounded, agent; secondly, we enter into the gratitude of
in the case of merit, of a direct sympathy with the those who have been benefited by his actions;
good disposition of the benefactor, and an indirect thirdly, we observe that his conduct has been
sympathy with the persons benefited; in the op agreeable to the general rules by which those
posite case, with precisely opposite sympathies. two sympathies generally act; and, last of all,
He who does an act of wrong to another to gratify when we consider such actions as forming part
his own passions, must not expect that the spec of a system of behaviour which tends to promote
tators, who have none of his undue partiality to the happiness either of the individual or of so
his own interest, will enter into his feelings. In ciety, they appear to derive a beauty from this
such a case, he knows that they will pity the utility, not unlike that which we ascribe to any
person wronged, and be full of indignation well-contrived machine.” ‘
against him. When he is cooled, he adopts the
REMARKS.
sentiments of others on his own crime, feels
shame at the imprqn‘iety of his former passion, That Smith is the first who has drawn the at
pity for those who have suti'ered by him, and a tention of philosophers to one of the most cu
dread of punishment from general and just re rious and important parts of human nature——
sentment. Such are the constituent parts of who has looked closely and steadily into the
remorse. workings of Sympathy, its sudden action and re
Our moral sentiments respecting ourselves action, its instantaneous conflicts and its emo
arise from those which others feel concerning tions, its minute play and varied illusions—is
us. We feel a self-approbation whenever we sufficient to place him high among the culti
believe that the general feeling of mankind co vators of mental philosophy.
incides with that state of mind in which we our He is very original in applications and expla
selves were at a given time. “ We suppose nations; though, for his principle, he is some
ourselves the spectators of our own behaviour, what indebted to Butler, more to Hutcheson,
and endeavour to imagine what effect it would and most of all to Ilume. These writers, except
in this light produce in us.” We must view our Hume in his original work, had derived sym

‘ Theory qffllaral Szntimcnk, II. 304. Edinb. 1801.

 360 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
pathy, or great part of it, from benevolence.l timents. He is not content with teaching that
Smith, with deeper insight, inverted the order. they are the roots out of which these sentiments
The great part performed by various sympathies grow, the stocks on which they are grafted, the
in moral approbation was first unfolded by him; elements of which they are compounded ;—doc
and besides its intrinsic importance, it strength trines to which nothing could be objected but
ened the proofs against those theories which their unlimited extent. He tacitly assumes,
ascribe that great function to Reason. Another that if a sympathy in the beginning caused or
great merit of the theory of sympathy is, that it formed a moral approbation, so it must ever
brings into the strongest light that most import continue to do. He proceeds like a geologist
ant characteristic of the moral sentiments which who should tell us that the layers of this planet
consists in their being the only principles lead had always been in the same state, shutting his
ing to action, and dependent on emotion or sen eyes to transition states and secondary forma
sibility, with respect to the objects of which, tions; or like a chemist who should inform us
it is not only possible but natural for all man that no compound substance can possess new
kind to agree.il qualities entirely different from those which be
The main defects of this theory seem to be the long to its materials. His acquiescence in this
rl
following. old and still general error is the more remark
ill
1. Though it is not to be condemned for de able, because Mr Hume’s beautiful Dissertation
clining inquiry into the origin of our fellow on the Passions“3 had just before opened a strik
a feeling, which, being one of the most certain of ing view of some of the compositions and de
all facts, might well be assumed as ultimate in compositions which render the mind of a formed
speculations of this nature, it is evident that the man as difl‘erent from its original state, as the
circumstances to which some speculators ascribe organization of a complete animal is from the
the formation of sympathy at least contribute to condition of the first dim speck of vitality. It
strengthen or impair, to contract or expand it. is from this oversight (ill supplied by moral
It will appear, more conveniently, in the next rules, a loose stone in his building) that he has
article, that the theory of sympathy has suffered exposed himself to objections founded on expe
from the omission of these circumstances. For rience, to which it is impossible to attempt any
the present, it is enough to observe how much answer. For it is certain that in many, nay in
our compassion for various sorts of animals, and most cases of moral approbation, the adult man
our fellow-feeling with various races of men, are approves the action or disposition merely as
proportioned to the resemblance which they bear right, and with a distinct consciousness that no
to ourselves, to the frequency of our intercourse process of sympathy intervenes between the
with them, and to other causes which, in the approval and its object. It is certain that an
opinion of some, afford evidence that sympathy unbiassed person would call it moral approbation,
itself is dependent on a more general law. only as far as it excluded the interposition of
2. Had Smith extended his view beyond the any reflection between the conscience and the
mere play of sympathy itself, and taken into ac mental state approved. Upon the supposition
count all its preliminaries, and accompaniments, of an unchanged state of our active principles,
and consequences, it seems improbable that he it would follow that sympathy never had any
should have fallen into the great error of repre share in the greater part of them. Had be ad
senting the ympathies in their primitive state, mitted the sympathies to be only elements enter
without undergoing any transformation, as con ing into the formation of Conscience, their dis
tinuing exclusively to constitute the moral sen appearance, or their appearance only as auxili

' There is some confusion regarding this point in Butler’s first sermon on Com sinn
’ The feelings of beauty, grandeur, and whatever else is comprehended under t e name of Taste, form no exception, for
they do notlead location, but terminate in delightful contemplation; which constitutes the essential distinction between
them and the moral sentiments, to which, in some points of view, they may doubtless be likened.
’ Essay: and Truth”, vol. II.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 361
eries, after the mind is mature, would have (what Smith’s theory excludes) the total de
been no more an objection to his system, than struction of the scaffolding which was neces
the conversion of a substance from a transi sary only to the erection of the building, after
tional to a permanent state is a. perplexity to the mind is adult and mature, and Warn the
the geologist. It Would perfectly resemble the hastiest reader, that it then rests on its own
destruction of qualities, which is. the ordinary foundation alone.
efl'ect of chemical composition. 5. The constant reference of our own dispo
“'1, 8. The same error has involved him in an sitions and actions to the point of view from
other difiiculty perhaps still more fatal. The which they are estimated by others, seems to
sympathies have nothing more of an imperative be rather an excellent expedient for preserving
character than any other emotions. They our impartiality, than a fundamental principle
attract or repel like other feelings, according to of Ethics. But impartiality, which is no more
their intensity. If, then, the sympathies con than a removal of some hinderance to rightjudg
tinue in mature minds to constitute the whole ment, supplies no materials for its exercise, and
of conscience, it becomes utterly impossible to no rule, or even principle, for its‘gnidance. It
explain the character of command and suprem nearly coincides with the Christian precept of
acy, which is attested by the unanimous voice doing unto others as we would they should do
of mankind to belong to that faculty, and to unto us; an admirable practical maxim, but, as
form its essential distinction. Had he adopted Leibnitz has said truly, intended only as a cor
the other representation, it would be possible to rection of self-partiality.
conceive, perhaps easy to explain, that con 6. Lastly, this ingenious system renders all
science should possess a quality which belonged morality relative,—-by referring it to the plea
to none of its elements. sure of an agreement of our feelings with those
4. It is to this representation that_Smith’s of others, by confining itself entirely to the
theory owes that unhappy appearance of ren question of moral approbation, and by provid
dering the rule of our conduct dependent on ing no place forthe consideration of that quality
the notions and passions of those who surround which distinguishes all good from all bad ac
us, of which the utmost efforts of the most re tions ;—a defect which will appear in the sequel
fined ingenuity have not been able to divest it. to be more immediately fatal to a theorist'of the
This objection or topic is often ignorantly urged; sentimental, than to one of the inteflectua‘l school.
the answers are frequently solid; but to most Smith shrinks from considering utility in that
men they must always appear to be an ingeni light as soon as it presents itself, or very strange
ous and intricate contrivance of cycles and epi ly ascribes its power over our moral feelings to
cycles, which perplex the mind too much to admiration of the mere adaptation of means
satisfy it, and seem devised to evade difficulties to ends,—which might surely be as well felt for
which cannot be solved. All theories which the production of wide-spread misery, by a con
treat conscience as built up by circumstancesv sistent system of wicked conduct,—instead of
inevitably acting on all human minds, are, in ascribing it to benevolence, with Hutcheson and
deed, liable to somewhat of the same miscon Hume, or to an extension of that very sympathy
ception; unless they place in the strongest light which is his own first principle.

‘ RICHARD raw)“. 1 -

Anov'r the same time with the celebrated and eminent non-conformist minister, published
work of Smith, but with a popular reception A Review of the principal Questions in Morals ;°—
very difl'erent, Dr Richard Price, an excellent an attempt to revive the intellectual theory of

' Born in 1723; died in 1791. ' The third edition was published at London in 1787.
mac. n. 22
362 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

moral obligation, which seemed to have fallen till an answer shall be given to the observation
under the attacks of Butler, Hutcheson, and made before, that as no perception or judgment,
Hume, even before Smith. It attracted little or other unmixed act of understanding, merely
observation at first ; but being afterwards coun as such, and without the agency of some inter
tenanced by the Scottish School, may seem to mediate emotion, can affect the will, the account
deserve some notice, at a moment when the given by Dr Price of perceptions or judgments
kindred speculations of the German metaphysi respecting moral subjects, does not advance one
cians have effected an establishment in France, step towards the explanation of the authority of
and are no longer unknown in England. conscience over the will, which is the matter to
The understanding itself is, according to be explained. Indeed, this respectable writer
Price, an independent source of simple ideas. felt the difficulty so much as to allow, “ that in
“ The various kinds of agreement and disagree contemplating the acts of moral agents, we have
ment between our ideas, spoken of by Locke, both a perception of the understanding and a
are so many new simple ideas.” “ This is true feeling of the heart.” He even admits, that it
of our ideas of proportion, of our ideas of iden would have been highly pernicious to us if our
tity and diversity, existence, connection, cause reason had been left without such support. But
and effect, power, possibility, and of our ideas he has not shown how, on such a supposition,
of right and wrong.” “ The first relates to we could have acted on a mere opinion; nor
quantity, the last to actions, the rest to all has he given any proof that what he calls sup
things.” “ Like all other simple ideas, they are port is not, in truth, the whole of what directly
undefineable.” produces the conformity of voluntary acts to
It is needless to pursue this theory farther, morality.1 '

DAVID HARTLEY.a

THE work of Dr Hartley, entitled Observations bourhood of each other. At that period, chemi
on Man,’ is distinguished by an uncommon cal phenomena were referred to mechanical prin
union of originality with modesty, in unfolding ciples; vegetable and animal life were subjected
a simple and fruitful principle of human nature. to mechanical or chemical laws; and while some
It is disfigured by the absurd afi‘cctation of ma physiologists‘ ascribed the vital functions to the
thematical forms then prevalent; and it is en understanding, the greater part of metaphysi
cumbered and deformed by a mass of physiolo cians were disposed, with a grosser confusion,
gical speculations, groundless, or at best uncer to derive the intellectual operations from bodily
tain, wholly foreign from its proper purpose, causes. The error in the latter case, though less
which repel the inquirer into mental philosophy immediately perceptible, is deeper and more
from its perusal, and lessen the respect of the fundamental than in any other; since it over
physiologist for the author’s judgment. It is an looks the primordial and perpetual distinction
unfortunate example of the disposition predomi between the being which thinks and the thing
nant among undistinguishing theorists to class which is thought qf;-—not to be lost sight of, by
together all the appearances which are observed the mind’s eye, even for a twinkling, without
at the same time, and in the immediate neigh involving all nature in darkness and confusion.

1 The following sentences will illustrate the text, and are in truth applicable to all moral theories on merely intellectual
principles :-“ Reason alone, did we possess it in a higher degree, won answer all the ends of the passions. Thus there
would be no need of parental affection, were all parents sufiiciently acquainted with the reasons for taking upon them the
guidance and support of those whom nature has placed under their care,'and were they virtue“: enough to be always determined
by those morons." (Parcs‘s Review, 121.) A very sli ht consideration Wlll show, that Without the last words the preceding
part would be utterly false, and with them it is utter y insignificant.
' ' Born in 1705; died in 1757
' London, 1749.
' G. E. STAlL, born in 1660; died in 1734; a German physician and chemist of deserved eminence.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 363
Hartley and Condillac,1 who, much about the became consistent Nominalists; a controversy
same time, but seemingly without any know on which Locke expresses himself with confu
ledge of each other’s speculations,“ began in a sion and contradiction; but on this subject they
very similar mode to simplify, but also to muti added nothing to What had been taught by
late the system of Locke, stopped short of what Hobbes and Berkeley. Both Hartley and Con
is called Materialism, which consummates the dillac4 have the merit of having been unseduced
confusion, but touched its threshold. Thither, by the temptations either of scepticism or of
it must be owned, their philosophy pointed, and useless idealism; which, even if Berkeley and
thither their followers proceeded. Hartley and Hume could have been unknown to them, must
Bonnet, 5 still more than Condillac, suffered them have been within sight. Both agree in referring
selves, liko most of their contemporaries, to all the intellectual operations to the association
overlook the important truth, that all the changes of ideas, and in representing that association as
in the organs which can be likened to other reducible to the single law, that ideas which en
material phenomena, are nothing more than an ter the mind at the same time, acquire a ten
tecedents and prerequisites of perception, bearing dency to call up each other, which is in direct
not the faintest likeness to it; as much outward proportion to the frequency of their having en
in relation to the thinking principle, as if they tered together. In this important part of their
occurred in any other part of matter; and of doctrine they seem, whether unconsciously or
which the entire comprehension, if it were at otherwise, to have only repeated, and very much
tained, would not bring us a step nearer to the expanded, the opinion of Hobbes.‘ In its sim
nature of thought. They who would have been plicity it is more agreeable than the system of
the first to exclaim against the mistake of a Mr Hume, who admitted five independent laws
sound for a colour, fell into the more unspeak of association; and it is in comprehension far
able error of confounding the perception of ob superior to the views of the same subject by Mr
jects, as outward, with the consciousness of our Locke, whose ill-chosen name still retains its
own mental operations. Locke’s doctrine, that place in our nomenclature, but who only appeals
REFLECTION was a separate source of ideas, left to the principle as explaining some fancies and
room for this greatest of all distinctions,— whimsies of the human mind. The capital fault
though with much unhappiness of expression, of Hartley is that of a rash generalization, which
and with no little variance from the course of may prove imperfect, and which is at least pre
his own speculations. Hartley, Condillac, and mature. All attempts to explain instinct by this
Bonnet, in hewing away this seeming deformity principle have hitherto been unavailing. Many
from the system of their master, unwittingly of the most important processes of reasoning have
struck off the part of the building which, how not hitherto been accounted for by it.‘ It would
ever unsightly, gave it the power of yielding appear by a close examination, that even this
some shelter and guard to truths, of which the theory, simple as it appears, presupposes many
exclusion rendered it utterly untenable. They facts relating to the mind, of which its authors

' Born in X715; died in 1180.

' Trail? .mr I‘Orlgim: dc: Connoiuancel Humainu, I746; Tmilc' dc: Sylhimu, 1749; Trailé du Smmfioru, 1754. Foreign
books were then little and slowly known in England. Hartley‘s reading, except on theology, seems confined to the phvsi.
cal and mathematical sciences; and his whole manner of thinking and writing is so different from that of Condillac, that
there is not the least reason to suppose the work of the one to have been known to the other.
The work of Hartley, as we learn from the sketch of his life by his son, prefixed to the edition of 1791, was begun in
1130, and finished in 1746.
' Born in 1720; died in I793.
_ ' The following note of Condillac will show how much he difl‘ered from Hartley in his mode of considering the Newton
ian hypothesis of vibrations, and how far he was in that respect superior to him. “ Je suppose ici et ailleurn que les per
ceptions de l‘lime out pour cause physique ‘ébranlement des fibres du cerveau: mm que je rrgnrdc mm Icy/polka! comm di
mantrie, moi: perrrqu' elle en la phu commode pour tryiliqutr ma pulée." (Q‘uvru d0 L‘oxniLLAC, I. 60. Paris, I798.)
‘ Human Nature, chap. iv. v. vi. For more ancient statements, see Notes and Illustrations, note T.
° “ Ce que les logicicns nnt dit des raisonnements dans bien dcs volumes, me paroit entiérement superfiu, et de nul
usage“ (Cosmuac, I. 115); an assertion of which the gross absurdity will be apparent to the readers of Dr Whatcly's
Trcalloc on Logic, one of the most important works of the present age.
364 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

do not seem to have suspected the existence. of self-love. “ The words goodness and beauty,”
How many ultimate facts of that nature, for ex says he, almost in the very words of Hobbes,
ample, are contained and involved in Aristotle’s “ express those qualities of things by which they
celebrated comparison of the mind in its first contribute to our pleasures.” In the whole of
state to a sheet of unwritten paper!‘ The tex his philosophical works, we find no trace of any
ture of the paper, even its colour, the sort of in desire produced by association, of any disinter
strument fit to act on it, it capacity to receive ested principle, or indeed of any distinction be
and to retain impressions, all its differences, tween the percipient and what, perhaps, we may
from steel on the one hand to water on the new venture to call the emotive or the pathematic
other, certainly presuppose some facts, and may part of human nature, until some more conve
imply many, without a distinct statement of nient and agreeable name shall be hit on by
which, the nature of writing could not be ex some luckier or more skilful adventurer, in such
plained to a person wholly ignorant of it. How new terms as seem to be absolutely necessary.
many more, as well as greater laws, may be no To the ingenuous, humble, and anxiously con
cessary to enable mind to perceive outward ob scientious character of Hartley, we owe the know
jects! If the power of perception may be thus ledge that, about the year 1730, he was inform
dependent, why may not what is called the asso ed that the Rev. Mr Gay of Sidney College,
ciation of ideas, the attraction between thought, Cambridge, then living in the west of England,
the power of one to suggest another, be affected asserted the possibility of deducing all our intel
by mental laws hitherto unexplored, perhaps un lectual pleasures and pains from association;
observed ? that this led him (Hartley) to consider the power
But to return from digression into the intel of association ; and that about that time Mr Gay
lectual part of man : It becomes proper to say, published his sentiments on this matter in a dis
that the difference between Hartley and Con sertation prefixed to Bishop Law’s Translation of
dillac, and the immeasurable superiority of the King’s Origin qfEvil.‘ No writer deserves more
former, are chiefly to be found in the applica— the praise of abundant fairness than Hartley in
tion which Hartley first made of the law of as this avowal. The dissertation of which he speaks
sociation to that other unnamed portion of our is mentioned by no philosopher but himself. It
nature with which morality more immediately suggested nothing apparently to any other read
deals; that which feels pain and pleasure, i er. The general texture of it is that of home
influenced by appetites and loathings, by desires spun selfishness. The writer had the merit to
and aversions, by affections and repugnances. see and to own that Hutcheson had established
Condillac’s Treatise on Sensation, published five as a fact the reality of moral sentiments and dis
years after the work of Hartley, reproduces the interested afl'ections. He blames, perhaps just
doctrine of Hobbes with its root, namely, that ly, that most ingenious man,“ for assuming that
love and hope are but transformed sensations,“ these sentiments and afi'ections are implanted,
by which he means perceptions of the senses; and partake of the nature of instincts. The ob
and its wide-spread branches, consisting in de ject of his dissertation is to reconcile the mental
sires and passions, which are only modifications appearances described by Hutcheson with the

‘ See Notes and Illustrations, note U.

' Cosnnmsc, III. 21 ; more especially Trailé dc: Sensations, part i. chap. vi. “ Its love for outward objects is only!!!
eti'ect oflove for itself."
' Trailé dc: Sensations, part iv. chap. iii.
° Hartley‘s Preface to the Observation: on film. The word inlellcclual is too narrow. Even mental would be of ve
doubtful propriety. The theory in its full extent requires a word such as inorganic, (if no better can be discovered? exten -
ing to all gratification, not distinctly referred to some specific organ, or at least to some assignable part of the bodi 7 frame.
5 It has not been mentioned in its proper place, that Hutcheson appears nowhere to greater advantage than in Letters
on the Fable of the Ben, published when he was very youn , at Dublin, in a publication called Hibernicua. “ Private vices
public benefits," says he, “ may signify any one of these ve distinct propositions : 1. They are in themselves Public be
nefits; or, 2. They naturally produce public happiness; or, 3. They may be made to produce it ; or, 4. They may natu
rally flow from it; or, 5. At least they may probably flow from it in our infirm nature." (See a small volume containing
Thoughts on Laughter, and Obltr'vflfimu on the Fable qftbe Bea, Glasgow, 1758, in which these letters are republished.)
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 365
first principle of the selfish system, that “ the hasty suggestions; the germs of theories which,
true principle of all our_actions is our own hap while some might adopt them without detec
piness.” Moral feelings and social affections tion, others might discover without being aware
are, according to him, “ resolvable into reason, that they were anticipated. To which it may
pointing out our private happiness; and when be added, that in spite of the imposing forms of
ever this end is not perceived, they are to be ac geometry, the work is not really distinguished
counted for from the association of ideas.” Even by good method, or even uniform adherence to
in the single passage in which he shows a glimpse that which had been chosen. His style is en
of the truth, he begins with confusion, advances titled to no praise but that of clearness, and a
with hesitation, and after holding in his grasp simplicity of diction, through which is visible a
for an instant the principle which sheds so singular simplicity of mind. No book perhaps
strong a light around it, suddenly drops it from exists which, with so few of the common allure
his hand. Instead of receiving the statements ments, comes at last so much to please by the
of Hutcheson (his silence relating to Butler is picture it presents of the writer’s character,-—a
unaccountable) as enlargements of the science character which kept him pure from the pursuit,
of man, he deals with them merely as difliculties often from the consciousness of novelty, and ren
to be reconciled with the received system of dered him a discoverer in spite of his own modes
universal selfishness. In the conclusion of his ty. In those singular passages in which, amidst
fourth section, he well exemplifies the power of the profound internal tranquillity of all the Euro
association in forming the love of money, of pean nations, he foretells approaching convul
fame, of power, Ste. ; but he still treats these sions, to be followed by the overthrow of states
effects of association as aberrations and infirmi and churches, his quiet and gentle spirit, else
ties, the fruits of our forgetfulness and short where almost ready to inculcate passive obe
sightedness, and not at all as the great process dience for the sake of peace, is supported under
employed to sow and rear the most important its awful forebodings hy the hope of that general
principles of a social and moral nature. progress in \irtue and happiness which he saw
This precious mine may therefore be truly through the preparatory confusion. A meek piety,
said to have been opened by Hartley; for he inclining towards mysticism, and sometimes in
who did such superabundant justice to the hints dulging in visions which borrow alustre from his
of Gay, would assuredly not have withheld the fervid benevolence, was beautifully, and perhaps
like tribute from Hutcheson, had he observ singularly, blended in him with zeal for the most
ed the happy expression of “ secondary pas unbounded freedom of inquiry, flowing both
sions,” which ought to have led that philoso from his own conscientious belief and his un
pher himself farther than he ventured to ad mingled love of truth. Whoever can so far
vance. The extraordinary value of this part of subdue his repugnance to petty or secondary
Hartley’s system has been hidden by various faults as to bestow a careful perusal on the
causes, which have also enabled writers who work, must be unfortunate if he does not see,
borrow from it to decry it. The influence of feel, and own, that the writer was a great phi
his medical habits renders many of his examples losopher and a good man.
displeasing, and sometimes disgusting. He has To those who thus study the work, it will be
none of that knowledge of the world, of that fa apparent that Hartley, like other philosophers,
miliarity with literature, of that delicate percep either overlooked, or failed explicitly to an
tion of the beauties of nature and art, which not nounce, that distinction between perception and
only supply the most agreeable illustrations of emotion, without which no system of mental
mental philosophy, but afford the most obvious philosophy is complete. Hence arose the partial
and striking instances of its happy application to and incomplete view of truth conveyed by the
subjects generally interesting. His particular use of the phrase “ association of ideas.” If
applications of the general law are often mis- I
the word association, which rather indicates the
taken, and seldom more than brief notes and connection between separate things, than the
366 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

perfect combination and fusion which occur in self the result of a transfer of our own personal
many operations of the mind, must, notwith feelings by association to other sentient beings,
standing its inadequacy, still be retained, the and of a subsequent transfer of their feelings to
phrase ought at least tobe “association of thoughtsour own minds, engenders the various social af
With emotions, as well as with each other.” fections, which at last generate in most minds
With that enlargement an objection to the Hart some regard to the wellbeing of our country, of,
leian doctrine would have been avoided, and its mankind, of all creatures capable of pleasure.
originality, as well as superiority over that of Rational self-love controls and guides those far
Condillac, would have appeared indisputable. keener self-regarding passions of which it is the
The examples of avarice and other factitious child, in the same manner as general benevo
passions are very well chosen; first, because few lence balances and governs the variety of much
will be found to suppose that they are original warmer social affections from which it springs.
principles of human nature ;1 secondly, because It is an ancient and obstinate error of philoso
the process by which they are generated, being phers to represent these two calm principles as
subsequent to the age of attention and recollec being the source of the impelling passions and
tion, may be brought home to the understanding afiections, instead of being among the last re
of all men ; and, thirdly, because they afford the sults of them. Each of them exercises a sort
most striking instance of secondary passions, of authority in its sphere, but the dominion of
which not only become independent of the pri neither is co-existent with the whole nature of
mary principles from which they are derived, man. Though they have the power to quicken
but hostile to them, and so superior in trength and check, they are both too feeble to impel;
as to be capable of overpowering their parents. and if the primary principles were extinguished,
As soon as the mind becomes familiar with the they would both perish from want of nourish.
frequent ease of the man who first pursued money ment. If indeed all appetites and desires were
to purchase pleasure, but at last, when he be destroyed, no subject would exist on which either
comes a miser, loves his hoard better than all of these general principles could act.
that it could purchase, and sacrifices all pleasures The affections, desires, and emotions, havingfor
for its increase, we are prepared to admit that, their ultimate object the dispositions and actions
by a like process, the affections, when they are of voluntary agents, which alone, from the nature
fixed on the happiness of others as their ultimate of their object, are co-extensive with the whole
object, without any reflection on self, may not of our active nature, are, according to the same
only be perfectly detached from self-regard or philosophy, necessarily formed in every human
private desires, but may subdue these, and every mind by the transfer of feeling which is effected.
other antagonist passion which can stand in by the principle of association. Gratitude, pity,
their way. As the miser loves money for its resentment, and shame, seem to be the simplest,
own sake, so may the benevolent man delight in the most active, and the most uniform elements
the wellbeing of his fellows. His good-will be in their composition.
comes as disinterested as if it had been implant It is easy to perceive how the complacency
ed and underived. The like process applied to inspired by a benefit may be transferred to a
what is called self-love, or the desire of perma benefactor, thence to all beneficent beings and
nent wellbeing, clearly explains the mode in acts. The well-chosen instance of the nurse
which that principle is gradually formed from familiarly exemplifies the manner in which the
the separate appetites, without whose previous child transfers his complacency from the grati
existence no notion of wellbeing could be ob fication of his senses to the cause of it, and thus
tained. In like manner, sympathy, perhaps it learns an affection for her who is the source of

' A very ingenious man, Lord Kames, whose works had a great effect in rousing the mind of his contemporaries and
countrymen, has indeed fancied that there is “ a hoarding instinct” in man and other animals. But such conclusions are
not so much objects of confutation, as ludicrous proofs of the absurdity of the premises which lead to them.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 367
his enjoyment. With this simple process con which is commonly and well called a Sense of
cur, in the case of a tender nurse, and far more Justice—the most indispensable, perhaps, of all
of a mother, a thousand acts of relief and en the component parts of the moral faculties. It
dearment, of which the complacency is fixed on is the main guard against wrong. It relates to
the person from whom they flow, and in some that portion of morality where many of the out
degree extended by association to all who re ward acts are capable of being reduced under
semble that person. So much of the pleasure certain rules, of which the violations, wherever
of early life depends on others, that the like pro the rule is sufliciently precise, and the mischief
cess is almost constantly repeated. Hence the sufiiciently great, may be guarded against by
origin of benevolence may be understood, and the terror of punishment. In the observation
the disposition to approve all benevolent, and of the rules of justice consists duty; breaches of
disapprove all malevolent acts. Hence also the them we denominate crimes. An abhorrence of
same approbation and disapprobation are ex crimes, especially of those which indicate the
tended to all acts which we clearly perceive to absence of benevolence, as well as of regard to
promote or obstruct the happiness of men. justice, is peculiarly strong; because well-framed
When the complacency is extended to action, penal laws, being the lasting declaration of the
benevolence may be said to be transformed into moral indignation of many generations of man
a part of conscience. The rise of sympathy kind, exceedingly strengthen the same feeling
may probably be explained by the process of in every individual, as long as they remain in
association, which transfers the feelings of others unison with the sentiments of the age and coun
to ourselves, and ascribes our own feelings to try for which they are destined, and, indeed,
others ;--at first, and in some degree, always wherever the laws do not so much deviate
in proportion as the resemblance of ourselves to from the habitual feelings as to produce a
others is complete. The likeness in the outward struggle between law and sentiment, in which
signs of emotion is one of the widest channels it is hard to say on which side success is most
in this commerce of hearts. Pity thereby be deplorable. A man who performs his duties
comes one of the grand sources of benevolence, may be esteemed, but is not admired; because
and perhaps contributes more largely than gra it requires no more than ordinary virtue to act
titude. It is indeed one of the first motives to well where it is shameful and dangerous to do
the conferring of those benefits which inspire otherwise. The righteousness of those who act
grateful afl'ectiou. Sympathy with the sufferer, solely from such inferior motives, is little better
therefore, is also transformed into a real senti than that “of the Scribes and Pharisees.” Those
ment, directly approving benevolent actions and only are just in the eye of the moralist who act
dispositions, and more remotely all actions that justly from a constant disposition to render to
promote happiness. The anger of the sufi'erer, every man his own.1 Acts of kindness, of gene
first against all causes of pain, afterwards against rosity, of pity, of plaeability, of humanity, when
all intentional agents who produce it, and final they are long continued, can hardly fail mainly
ly against all those in whom the infliction of to flow from the pure fountain of an excellent
pain proceeds from a mischievous disposition, nature. They are not reducible to rules; and
when it is communicated to others by sympathy, the attempt to enforce them by punishment
and is so far purified by gradual separation from would destroy them. They are virtues of which
selfish and individual interest as to be equally the essence consists in a good disposition of
felt against all wrong-doors, whether the wrong mind. As we gradually transfer our desire from
he done against ourselves, our friends, or our praise to praiseworthiness, this principle also is
enemies, is the root out of which springs that adopted into consciousness. On the other hand,

' “ Justitis est constans et perpetua voluntas suum cuique tribuendi ;" an excellent definition in the mouth of the Stoial
momlists, from whom it is borrowed, but altogether misplaced by the Roman J urists in a body of laws which deal only with
outward acts in their relation to the order an interest of society.
368 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

when we are led by association to feel a Painful at the view of Right and Wrong are ascribed to
contempt for those feelings and actions of our Conscience. But why, it may be asked, do these
past self which we despise in others, there is feelings, rather than others, run into each other,
developed in our hearts another element of that and constitute Conscience ? The answer seems
moral sense. It is a remarkable instance of the to be what has already been intimated in the ob
power of the law of association, that the con servations on Butler. The affinity between these
tempt or abhorrence which we feel for the bad feelings consists in this, that while all other
actions of others may be transferred by it, in any feelings relate to outward objects, they alone
degree of strength, to our own past actions of the contemplate exclusively the dispositions and
like kind. And as the hatred of bad actions is actions of voluntary agents. When they are
transferred to the agent, the same transfer may completely transferred from objects, and even
occur in our own case in a manner perfectly persons, to dispositions and actions, they are
similar to that of which we are conscious in our fitted, by the perfect coincidence of their aim, for
feelings towards our fellow-creatures. There are combining to form that one faculty which is di
many causes which render it generally feebler; rected only to that aim. ~ ‘
but it is perfectly evident that it requires no more The words Duty and Virtue, and the word
than a sufficient strength of moral feeling to Ought, which most perfectly denotes Duty, but is
make it equal; and that the most apparently also connected with Virtue, in every well-consti
hyperbolical language used by penitents, in de tuted mind, in this state become the fit language
scribing their remorse, may be justified by the of the acquired, perhaps, but universally and ne
principle of association. cessarily acquired, faculty of Conscience. Some
At this step in our progress, it is proper to ob account of its peculiar nature has been attempted
serve, that a most important consideration has in the remark on Butler ;—f0r others a fitter oc
escaped Hartley, as well as every other philoso casion will occur hereafter. Some light may how
pher.1 The language of all mankind implies that ever now be thrown on the subject bya short state
the moral faculty, whatever it may be, and from ment of the hitherto unobserved distinction be
what origin soever it may spring, is intelligibly tween the moral sentiments and another class of
and properly spoken of as ONE. It is as comfeelings with which they have some qualities in
mon in mind as in matter for a compound to common. The pleasures»(so called) of Imagina
have properties not to be found in any of its con tion appear, at least in most cases, to originate in
stituent parts. The truth'of this-proposition is association. But it is not till the original cause of
as certain in the human feelings as in any ma the gratification is obliterated from the mind, that
terial combination. It is therefore easily under they acquire their proper character. Order and
stood, that originally separate feelings may be so proportion may be at first chosen for their con
perfectly blended by a process performed in every venience: it is not'until they are admired for
mind, that they can no longer be disjoined from their own sake that they become objects of taste.
each other, but must always co-operate, and thus Though all the proportions for which a horse
reach the only union which we can conceive. is valued may be indications of speed, safety,
The sentiment of Moral Approbation, formed by strength, and health, it is not the less true that
association out of antecedent affections, may bethey only can be aid to admire the animal for
come so perfectly independent of them, that we his beauty, who leave such considerations out of
are no longer conscious of the means by which the account while they admire. The pleasure of
it was formed, and never can in practice repeat,contemplation in these particulars of nature and
though we may in theory perceive, the process art becomes universal and immediate, being
by which it was generated. It is in that mature entirely detached from all regard to individual
and sound state of our nature that our emotions beings. It contemplates neither use nor interest.

I See :upra, section on Butler.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 369
In this important particular the pleasures of from the trunk on which it grew: it takes sepa
imagination agree with the moral sentiments. rate root, and may altogether overshadow the
Hence the application of the same language to parent stock. As such a being cannot be con
both in ancient and modern times. Hence also ceived without the most perfect and constant re
it arises that they may contemplate the very ference to his goodness, so piety may not only
same qualities and objects. There is certainly become a part of conscience, but its governing
much beauty in the softer virtues—much gran and animating principle, which, after long lend
deur in the soul of a Hero or a Martyr. But ing its own energy and authority to every other,
the essential distinction still remains. The is at last described by our philosopher as swal
purest moral. taste contemplates these qualities lowing up all of them in order to perform the
only with quiescent delight or reverence. It has same functions more infallibly.
no further view ;—-it points towards no action. In every stage of this progress we are taught
Conscience, on the contrary, containing in it a by Dr Hartley that a new product appears,
pleasure in the prospect of doing right, and an which becomes perfectly distinct from the ele
ardent desire to act well, having for its sole ments which formed it, which may be utterly
object the dispositions and acts of voluntary dissimilar to them, and may attain any degree
agents, is not, like moral taste, satisfied with of vigour, however superior to theirs. Thus the
passive contemplation, but constantly tends to objects of the private desires disappear when we
act on the will and conduct of the man. Moral are employed in the pursuit of our lasting wel
taste may aid it, may be absorbed into it, and fare; that which was first sought only as a. means,
usually contributes its part to the formation of may come to be pursued as an end, and prefer
the moral faculty; but it is distinct from that red to the original end; the good opinion of our
faculty, and may be disproportioned to it. Con fellows becomes more valued than the benefits
science, being by its nature confined to mental for which it was at first courted; a man is ready
dispositions and voluntary acts, is of necessity to sacrifice his life for him who has shown ge
excluded from the ordinary consideration of all nerosity, even to others; and persons otherwise
things antecedent to these dispositions. The of common character are capable of cheerfully
circumstances from which such states of mind marching in a forlorn hope, or of almost instinc
may arise, are most important objects of con tively leaping into the sea to save the life of an
sideration for the understanding; but they are entire stranger. These last acts, often of almost
without the sphere of conscience, which never unconscious virtue, so familiar to the soldier and
ascends beyond the heart of the man. It is thus the sailor, so unaccountable on certain systems
that in the eye of conscience man becomes ame of philosophy, often occur without a thought of
nable to its authority for all his inclinations as applause and reward; too quickly for the thought
Well as deeds; that some of them are approved, of the latter, too obscurely for the hope of the
loved, and revered; and that all the outward former; and they are of such a nature that no
effects of disesteem, contempt, or moral anger, man could be impelled to them by the mere ex
are felt to be the just lot of others. pectation of either.
But, to return to Hartley, from this perhaps The gratitude, sympathy, resentment, and
intrusive statement of what does not properly shame, which are the principal constituent parts
,belong to him: He repreents all the social af of the Moral Sense, thus lose their separate
fections of gratitude, veneration, and love, in agency, and constitute an entirely new faculty,
spired by the virtues of our fellow-men, as ea co-extcnsive with all the dispositions and actions
pable of being transferred by association to the of voluntary agents; though some of them are
transcendent and unmingled goodness of the more predominant in particular cases of moral
Ruler of the world, and thus to give rise to sentiment than others, and though the aid of all
piety, to which he gives the name of the theopa continues to be necessary in their original cha
thetic ali'ection. This principle, like all the for racter, as subordinate but distinct motives of ac
mer in the mental series, is gradually detached tion. Nothing more evidently points out the
D188. 11. 3 A
370 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

distinction of the Hartleian system from all sys of perfectly disinterested principles of human
tems called selfish, not to say its superiority in action.
respect to disinterestedness over all moral sys It is needless to remark on the secondary and
tems before Butler and Hutcheson, than that auxiliary causes which contribute to the forma
excellent part of it which relates to the Rule of tion of moral sentiment; education, imitation,
Life. The various principles of human action general opinion, laws and government. They
rise in value according to the order in which all presuppose the moral faculty : in an improved
they spring up after each other. \Ve can then state of society they contribute powerfully to
only be in a state of as much enjoyment as we strengthen it, and on some occasions they en
are evidently capable of attaining, when we feeble, distort, and maim it; but in all cases
prefer interest to the original gratifications— they Inust themselves be tried by the test of an
honour to interest—the pleasures of imagination ethical standard.
to those of sense—the dictates of conscience to The value of this doctrine will not be essen
pleasure, interest, and reputation—the welk tially affected by supposing a greater number
beingof fellow-creatures to our own indulgences; of original principles than those assumed by Dr
in a word, when we pursue morul good and Hartley. The principle of association applies as
social happiness chiefly and for their own sake. much to a greater as to a smaller number. It
“ With self-interest,” says Hartley, somewhat is a quality common to it with all theories, that
inaccurately in language, “inan must begin. the more simplicity it reaches consistently with
He may end in self-annihilation. Theopathy, or truth, the more perfect it becomes. Causes are
piety, although the last result of the purified and not to be multiplied without necessity. If by a
exalted sentiments, may at length swallow up considerable multiplication of primary desires
every other principle, and absorb the whole the law of association were lowered nearly to
man.” Even if this last doctrine should be the level of an auxiliary agent, the philosophy
an exaggeration unsuited to our present con of human nature Would still be under indelible
dition, it will the more strongly illustrate the obligations to the philosopher who, by his for
compatibility, or rather the necessary connec tunate error, rendered the importance of that
tion, of this theory with the existence and power great principle obvious and conspicuous.

ABRAHAM TUCKER.‘

11' has been the remarkable fortune of this endowed, not indeed with more than ordinary
writer to have been more prized by the culti acnteness or sensibility, nor with a high degree
vators of the same subjects, and more disregard of reach and range of mind, but with a singular
ed by the generality even of those who read capacity for careful observation and original ro
books on such matters, than perhaps any other flcction, and with a. fancy perhaps unmatched in
philosopher! He had many of the qualities producing various and happy illustration. The
which might be expected in an affluent country most observable of his moral qualities appear to
gentleman, living in‘a privacy undisturbed by have beenprudence and eheerfulness, good-na
political'aeal, and with a leisure unbroken by ture and easy temper. The influence of his si
the calls of a professipnyat a time when Eng tuation and character is visible in his writings.
land bud not entirely renounced her old taste Indulging his own tastes and fancies, like most
for metaphysical speculation. He was naturally English squires of his time, he became, like

n . ;,_g .A .
1 Bom'intnouldied in 1774. I -
' “ I havelfound in this writer more original thinking and observation upon the several subjects that he has taken in
hand'than iii any other, not to say than in all othempu't together. His talent also t'tirllluatration is unrivalled.“ (Pusv,
Preface to Mordand Mlifiad-Phiknophy.) See the excellent preface toan abrialgement, by Mr Hazlitt, of Tucker's work,
published in London in “307. May I venture to refer also to my own discourse on the Law qflValur; and Nutivm, London,
1799- Mr Stewart treats Tucker and Hartley with unwanted harshness. ' »“‘ i "z ‘
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
many of them, a sort of humourist. Hence
much of his originality and independence; hence
the boldness with which he openly employs il
lustrations from homely objects. He wrote to
please himself more than the public. He had
too little regard for readers, either to sacrifice
his sincerity to them, or to curb his own pro
lixity, repetition, and egotism, from the fear of
fatiguing them. Hence he became as loose, as
rambling, and as much an egotist as Montaigne;
but not so agreeably so, notwithstanding a con
siderable resemblance of genius; because he
wrote on subjects where disorder and egotisin
are unseasonable, and for readers whom they
disturb instead of amusing. His prolixity at
last increased itself, when his work became so
long, that repetition in the latter parts partly
arose from forgetfulness of the former; and
though his freedom from slavish deference to
general opinion is very commendable, it must be
owned, that his want of a wholesome fear of the
public renders the perusal of a. Work which is
extremely interesting, and even amusing in most
of its parts, on the whole a laborious task.
was by early education a believer in Christian
ity, if not by natural character religious. His
calm good sense and accommodating temper led
him rather to explain established doctrines in a
manner agreeable to his philosophy, than to as
sail them. Hence he was represented as a time
server by free-thinkers, and as a heretic by the
orthodox. ‘ Living in a country where the se
cure tranquillity flowing from the Revolution
was gradually drawing forth all mental activity
towards practical pursuits and outward objects,
he hastened from the rudiments of mental and
moral philosophy, to those branches of it which
touch the business of men.' Had he recast
without changing his thoughts,—had he de
tached those ethical observations for which be
371
had so peculiar a vocation, from the disputes of
his country and his day,—-—he might have thrown
many of his chapters into their proper form of
essays, which might have been compared, though
not likened, to those of Hume. But the coun
try gentleman, philosophic as he was, had too
much fondness for his own humours to engage
in a course of drudgery and deference. It may,
however, be confidently added, on the authority
of all those who have fairly made the experi
ment, that whoever, unfettered by a previous
system, undertakes the labour necessary to dis
cover and relish the high excelleucies of this
metaphysical Montaigne, will find his toil light
ened as he proceeds, by a growing indulgence,
if not partiality, for the foibles of the humourist;
and at last rewarded, in a greater degree per
haps than by any other writer on mixed and
applied philosophy, by being led to commanding
stations and new points of view, whence the
mind of a moralist can hardly fail to catch some
fresh prospects of nature and duty.
It is in mixed, not in pure philosophy, that
He his superiority consists. In the part of his
work which relates to the intellect, he has
adopted much from Hartley, hiding but ag
gravating the offence by a change of technical
terms; and he was ungrateful enough to coun
tenance the vulgar sneer which involves the
mental analysis of that philosopher in the ridi
cule to which his physiological hypothesis is
liable.8 Thus, for the Hartleian term Associa
tion he substitutes that of Translation, when he
adopts the same theory of the principles which
move the mind to action. In the practical and
applicable part of that inquiry he indeed far
surpasses Hartley; and it is little to add, that
he unspeakably exceeds that bare and naked
thinker in the useful as well as admirable facul
ty of illustration. In the strictly theoretical

' This disposition to compromise and accommodation, which is discoverable in Paley, was carried to its utmost length by
Mr Hey, a man of much scutencss, Professor of Divinity at Cambridge.
' Perhaps no philosopher ever stated momustly. more naturally, or more modestly than Tucker, the ruling maxim of
his life. “ My thoughts," says he, “ have en a turn from my earliest youth towards searching into the foundations and
measures of right and wrong; my love for retirement has furnished me with continual leisure; and theexcrcise of my
reason has been my daily employment."
‘ Light qfNahlrt, I. c. xviii. of which the conclusion may be pointed out as a specimen of perhaps unmatched fruitfulnesa,
vivacity, sud felicity of illustration. The admirable sense of the conclusion of chap. xxv. seems to have suggested I’alcy‘l
chapter on Ilappineu- The alteration of Plato's comparison of reason to a charioteer, and the passion: to the horses.
in chap. xxvi. is of characteristic and transcendent excellence.
 372 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

part his exposition is considerably fuller; but have no signification; and that the represented
the defect of his genius becomes conspicuous tions by which he was seduced would leave only
when he handles a very general principle. The one appetite or desire in human nature. He had
very term Translation ought to have kept up in no adequate and constant conception, that the
his mind a steady conviction that the secondary translation of Desire from the end to the means
motives to action become as independent, and occasioned the formation of a new passion,
seek their own objects as exclusively, as the which is perfectly distinct from, and altogether
primary principles. His own examples are rich independent of, the original desire. Too fre
in proofs of this important truth. But there is quently (for he was neither obstinate nor uni
a slippery descent in the Theory of Human Na form in error) he considered these translations
ture, by which he, like most of his forerunners, as accidental defects in human nature, not as
slid unawares into selfishness. He was not pre— the appointed means of supplying it with its
served from this fall by seeing that all the deli variety of active principles. He was too apt
berate principles which have self for their object to speak as if the selfish elements were not de
are themselves of secondary formation ; and he stroyed in the new combination, but remain
was led to the general error by the notion that ed still capable of being recalled, when conve
Pleasure, or, as he calls it, Satisfaction, was the nient, like the links in a chain of reasoning,
original and sole object of all appetites and de which we pass over from forgetfulness, or for
sires; confounding this with the true but very brevity. Take him all in all, however, the
different proposition, that the attainment of all neglect of his writings is the strongest proof
the objects of appetite and desire is productive of the disinclination of the English nation,
of pleasure. He did not see that, without pre for the last half century, to Metaphysical Phi
supposing Desires, the word Pleasure would losophy.l

\VILLIAM PALEY.’

Tms excellent writer, who, after Clarke and
Butler, ought to be ranked among the brightest
ornaments of the English church in the eigh
teenth century, is, in the history of philosophy,
naturally placed after Tucker, to whom, with
praiseworthy liberality, he owns his extensive
obligations. It is a mistake to suppose that he
owed his system to Hume, a thinker too refined,
and a. writer perhaps too elegant, to have natu
rally attracted him. A coincidence in the prin
ciple of utility, common to both with so many
other philosophers, afl'ords no suflicient ground
for the supposition. Had he been habitually in
fluenced by Mr Hume, who has translated so
many of the dark and crabbed passages of But
ler into his own transparent as well as beautiful
language, it is not possible to suppose that such
a mind as that of Paley should have fallen into
those principles of gross selfishness of which Mr
Hume is a uniform and zealous antagonist.
The natural frame of Paley’s understanding
fitted it more for business and the world than
for philosophy; and he accordingly enjoyed
with considerable relish the few opportunities
which the latter part of his life afforded of tak
ing a part in the affairs of his county as a ma
gistrate. Penetration and shrewdness, firm
ness and coolness, a vein of pleasantry, fruitful
though somewhat unrefined, with an original
homeliness and significancy of expression, were

1 Much of Tucker‘s chapter on Pleasure, and of Paley'a on IIappifleu (both of which are invaluable), is contained in the
passage of The Traveller, of which the following couplet expresses the main object :
“ Unknown to them when sensual pleasures cloy,
“ To fill the languid pause with finerjoy."
“ An honest man,” says Mr Hume, “ has the frequent satisfaction of seeing knaves betrayed by their own maxims.“
(Enquiry into Morals.)
“ I used otten to lau h at your honest simple neighbour Flamborough, and one way or another generally cheated him once
a year. Yet still the ionest man went forward without suspicion, and grew rich, while I still continued tricksy and cun
ning, and was poor, without the consolation of being honest." (Vicar qf Wakqfleld, chap. xxvi.)
' Born in 1743; died in 1805.
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
perhaps more remarkable in his conversation
than the restraints of authorship and profession
allowed them to be in his writings. Grateful
remembrance brings this assemblage of qualities
with unfaded colours before the mind at the
present moment, after the long interval of twen- '
ty-eight years. His taste for the common busi
ness and ordinary amusements of life fortunate
ly gave a zest to the company which his neigh
bourhood chanced to yield, without rendering
him insensible to the pleasures of intercourse'
with more enlightened society. The practical
bent of his nature i visible in the language of
his writings, which, on practical matters, is as
precise as the nature of the subject requires,
but, in his rare and reluctant efforts to rise to
first principles, becomes indeterminate and un
satisfactory; though no man’s composition was
more free from the impediments which hinder a
writer’s meaning from being quickly and clearly
seen. He seldom distinguishes more exactly
than is required for palpable and direct useful
ness. He possessed that chastised acuteness of
discrimination, exercised on the afl'airs of men,
and habitually looking to a purpose beyond the
mere increase of knowledge, which forms the
character of a lawyer’s understanding, and
which is apt to render a mere lawyer too subtile
for the management of affairs, and yet too gross
for the pursuit of general truth. His style is as
near perfection in its kind as any in our lan
guage. Perhaps no words were ever more ex
pressive and illustrative than those in which he
represents the art of life to be that of rightly
“ setting our habits.”
The most original and ingenious of his writ
ings is the Horn: Paulina. The Evidences of
Christianity are formed out of an admirable
translation of Butler’s Analogy, and a most skil
ful abridgernent of Lardner’s Credibility of the
Gospel History. He may be said to have thus
given value to two works, of which the first was
scarcely intelligible to most of those who were
most desirous of profiting by it; and the second
soon wearies out the greater part of readers,
though the few who are more patient have al
' See Animal Mechanics, by Mr Charles Bell, published by the Society for Useful Knowledge.
373
most always been gradually won over to feel
pleasure in a display of knowledge, probity,
charity, and meekness, unmatched by an avow
ed advocate in a case deeply interesting his
warme'st'feelings. His Natural Theology is the
wonderful work of a man who, after sixty, had
studied anatomy in order to write it; and it
could only have been surpassed by a man who,
to great originality of conception and clearness
of exposition, added the advantage of a high
place in the first class of physiologists.1
It would be unreasonable here to say muchrof
a work which is in the hands of so many as his
Moral and Polmooz Philosophy. A very few re-'m
marks on one or two parts of it may be suffi
cient to estimate his value as a moralist, and to
show his defects as a metaphysician. His ge
neral account of virtue may indeed be chosen
for both purposes. The manner in which he
deduces the necessary tendency of all virtuous
actions to the general happiness, from the good
ness of the Divine Lawgiver, though the prin
ciple be not, as has already more than once ap
peared, peculiar to him, but rather common to
most religious philosophers, is characterized by 5-.»
a clearness and vigour which have never been
surpassed. It is indeed nearly, if not entirely,
an identical proposition, that a Being of unmixed
benevolence will prescribe those laws only to his
creatures which contribute to their wellbeing.
When we are convinced that a course of conduct
is generally beneficial to all men, we cannot
help considering it as acceptable to a benevo
lent Deity. The usefulness of actions is the
mark set on them by the Supreme Legislator,
by which reasonable beings discover it to be His fll
will that such actions should be done. In this
apparently unanswerable deduction it is partly
admitted, and universally implied, that the prin
ciples of right and wrong may be treated apart
from the manifestation of them in the Scriptures.
If it were otherwise, how could men of perfectly
different religions deal or reason with each other
on moral subjects? How could they regard
rights and duties as subsisting between them?
To what common principles could they appeal filer-‘1.
1
374 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

in their differences? Even the Polytheists them priety to have been called a proposition; but
selves, those worshippers of it is much more necessary to say that they con
Gods partial, chungeful, passionate, unjust, tain a false account of virtue. According to
“'hose attributes are rage, revenge, or lust, this doctrine, every action not done for the sake
by a happy inconsistency are compelled, how of the agent’s happiness is vicious. Now, it is
ever irregularly and imperfectly, to ascribe plain that an act cannot be said to be done for
some general enforcement of the moral code to the sake of any thing which is not present to
their divinities. If there were no foundation the mind of the agent at the moment of action.
for morality antecedent to revealed religion, we It is a contradiction in terms to aflirm that a
should want that important test of the conformi man acts for the sake of any object, of which,
ty of a revelation to pure morality, by which its ' however it may be the necessary consequence 01
claim to a divine origin is to be tried. The in his act, he is not at the time fully aware. The
ternal evidence of religion necessarily presup wgfilt consequences of his act can no more in
poses such a standard. The Christian contrasts fluence his will than its unknown consequences.
the precepts of the Koran with the pure and Nay, further, a man is only with any propriety
benevolent morality of the Gospel. The Maho said to act for the sake of his chief object; nor
metan claims, with justice, 8. superiority over can he with entire correctness be said to act for
the Hindoo, inasmuch as the Mussulman reli the sake of any thing but his sole object. So
gion inculcates the moral perfection of one Su that it is a necessary consequence of Paley’s
preme Ruler of the world. The ceremonial and proposition, that every act which flows from
exclusive character of Judaism has ever been generOsity or benevolence is a vice. So also of
regarded as an indication that it was intend every act of obedience to the will of God, if it
ed to pave the way for a universal religion,—a arises from any motive but a desire of the re
morality seated in the heart, and a worship of ward which he will bestow. Any act of obe
sublime simplicity. These discussions would dience influenced by gratitude, and afi'ection,
be impossible, unless morality were previously and veneration towards supreme benevolence
proved or granted to exist. Though the science and perfection, is so far imperfect; and if it
of Ethics is thus far independent, it by no means arises solely from these motives it becomes a
follows that there is any equality, or that vice. It must be owned, that this excellent and
there may not be the utmost inequality, in the most enlightened man has laid the foundations
moral tendency of religious systems. The most of religion and virtue in a more intense and ex
ample scope is still left for the zeal and activity clusive selfishness than was avowed by the Ca
of those who seek to spread important truth. tholic enemies of Fenelon, when they persecuted
But it is absolutely essential to ethical science him for his doctrine of a pure and disinterested
that it should contain principles, the authority love of God.
of which must be recognised by men of every In another province, of a very subordinate
conceivable variety of religious opinion. kind, the disposition of Paley to limit his princi
The peculiarities of Paley’s mind are dis ples to his own time and country, and to look at
coverable in the comparison, or rather contrast, them merely as far as they are calculated to
between the practical chapter on Happiness, and amend prevalent vices and errors, betrayed him
the philosophical portion of the chapter on Vir into narrow and false vieWs. His chapter on
tue. “ Virtue is the doing good to mankind, in what he calls the Law qf Honour is unjust, even
obedience'to the will of God, and for the sake in its own small sphere, because it supposes ho~
of everlasting happiness.”l It is not perhaps nour to allow what it does notforbid ,' though the
very important to observe, that these words, truth be, that the vices enumerated by him are
which he offers as “ a definition,” ought in pro only not forbidden by honour, because they are

'

\ PALEY, book i. chap. vii.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 375
not within its jurisdiction. He considers it as pecially in a case of far more importance to
“ a system of rules constructed by people of mankind than is at first sight obvious, is well dis~
fashion ;"-a confused and transient mode of tinguished as an object of honour, and the con
expression, which may be understood with diffi trary vice is punished by shame. Honour is not
culty by our posterity, and which cannot now be wasted on those who abstain from acts which are
exactly rendered perhaps in any other language. punished by the law. These acts may be avoided
The subject, however, thus narrowed and low without a pure motive. Wherever a virtue is
ered, is neither unimportant in practice, nor un easily performed by good men—wherever it is
worthy of the consideration of the moral philm its nature to be attended by delight—-wherever
sopher. Though all mankind honour virtue and its outward observance is so necessary to society
despise vice, the degree of respect or contempt is as to be enforced by punishment—it is not the
often far from being proportioned to the place proper object of honour. Honour and shame,
which virtues and vices occupy in a just system therefore, may be reasonably dispensed, without
of Ethics. Wherever higher honour is bestowed being strictly proportioned to the intrinsic mo
on one moral quality than on others of equal or rality of actions, if the inequality of their distri
greater moral value, what is called a point of ho bution contributes to the general equipoiso of
nour may be said to exist. It is singular that so the whole moral system.
shrewd an observer as Paley should not have A wide disproportion, however, or indeed any
observed a law of honour far more permanent disproportion not justifiable on moral grounds,
than that which attracted his notice, in the feel would be a depravation of the moral principle.
ings of Europe respecting the conduct of men Duelling is among us a disputed case, though
and women. Cowardice is not so immoral as the improvement of manners has rendered it so
cruelty, nor indeed so detestable, but it is more much more infrequent, that it is likely in time
despicable and disgraceful. The female point of to lose its support from opinion. Those who
honour forbids indeed a great vice, but one not excuse individuals for yielding to a false point of
so great as many others by which it is not vio honour, as in the suicides of the Greeks and
lated. It is easy enough to see, that where we Romans, may consistently blame the faulty prin
are strongly prompted to a virtue by a natural ciple, and rejoice in its destruction. The shame
impulse, we love the man who is constantly ac fixed on a Hindoo widow of rank who volun
tuated by the amiable sentiment, but we do not tarily survives her husband, is regarded by all
consider that which is done'without difliculty as other nations with horror. '1; *
requiring or deserving admiration and distinc There is room for great praise and some blame
tion. The kind affections are their own rich re in other parts of Paley's works. His political
ward, and they are the object of affection to opinions were those generally adopted by mode
others. To encourage kindness by praise would rate whigs in his own age. His language on the
be to insult it, besides its effect in producing Revolution of 1688 may be very advantageously
counterfeits. It is for the conquest of fear, it compared, both in precision and in generous bold
would be still more for the conquest of resent— ness,l to that of Blackstone, a great master of
ment, if that were not, wherever it is real, the classical and harmonious composition, but a fee
cessation of a state of mental agony, that the ble reasoner and a confused thinker, whose
applause of mankind is reserVed. Observations writings are not exempt from the taint of isla
of a similar nature will easily occur to every vislmess.
reader respecting the point of honour in the It cannot be denied that Paley was sometimes
other sex. The conquest of natural frailties, es rather a lax moralist, especially on public duties.

' “ Governmrnt may be too recurs. The greatest tyrants have been those whose titles were the most unquestioned.
“'henever. therefore, the opinion of right becomes too predominant and superstitious, it is aintrd ha brmking the canton
Thus the Revolution broke the custom of succession, and thereby moderated, both in the prince and m the wople, those
lofty notions of hereditary right, which in the one were become a continual incentive to tyranny, and die}; the other to
invite servitude, by undue compliance. and dangerous concessions." (Pun, hook vi. chap. ii.)
376 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

It is a sin which easily besets men of strong good
sene, little enthusiasm, and much experience.
They are naturally led to lower their precepts to
the level of their expectations. They see that
higher- pretensions often produce less good, to
say nothing of the hypocrisy, extravagance, and
turbulence, to which they lend some colour. As
those who claim more from men often gain less,
it is natural for more sober and milder casuists
to present a more accessible virtue to their fol
lowers. It was thus that the Jesuits began, till,
strongly tempted by their perilous station as
the moral guides of the powerful, some of them
by degrees fell into that absolute licentiousness
for which all, not without injustice, have been
cruelly immortalized by Pascal. Indulgence,
which is a great virtue in judgment concerning
the actions of others, is too apt, when blended
in the same system with the precepts of mora
lity, to be received as a licence for our own of
fences. Accommodation, Without which society
would be painful, and arduous affairs would be
come impracticable, is more safely imbibed from
temper and experience, than taught in early and
systematic instruction. The middle region be
tween laxity and rigour is hard to be fixed, and
it is still harder steadily to remain within its
boundaries. Whatever may be thought of Pa
ley’s observations on political influence and ec
clesiastical subscription, as temperaments and
mitigations which may preserve us from harsh
judgment, they are assuredly not well qualified
to form a part of that discipline which ought to
breathe into the opening souls of youth, at the
critical period of the formation of character,
those inestimable virtues of sincerity, of inte
grity, of independence, which will even guide
them more safely'through life than mere pru
dence, while they provide an inward fountain of
pure delight, immeasurably more abundant than
all the outward sources of precarious and perish
able pleasure.

JEREMY BENTHAM.

THE general scheme of this Dissertation would pupils of a modern professor, or the cool prose
be a suflicient reason for omitting the name of lytes of a modern writer. They are in general
a living writer. The devoted attachment and men of competent age, of superior understand
invincible repugnance which an impartial eti ing, who voluntarily embrace the laborious study
mate of Mr Bentham has to encounter on either of useful and noble sciences; who derive their
side, are a strong inducement not to deviate opinions not so much from the cold perusal of
from that scheme in his case. But the most his writings, as from familiar converse with a
brief sketch of ethical controversy in England master from whose lips these opinions are re
would be imperfect without it; and perhaps the commended by simplicity, disinterestedness, ori
utter hopelessness of any expedient for satisfy ginality, and vivacity; aided rather than im
ing his followers, or softening his opponents, peded by foibles not unamiable, enforced of late
may enable a writer to look steadily and solely by the growing authority of years and of fame,
at what he believes to be the dictates of truth and at all times strengthened by that undoubt
and justice. He who has spoken of former phi ing reliance on his own judgment which mightily
losophers with unreserved freedom, ought per increases the ascendant of such a man over those
haps to subject his courage and honesty to the who approach him. As he and they deserve
severest test by an attempt to characterize suchthe credit of braving vulgar prejudices, so they
a contemporary. Should the very few who are must be content to incur the imputation of fall
at once enlightened and unbiassed he of opinion ing into the neighbouring vices of seeking dis
that his firmness and equity have stood this tinction by singularity; of clinging to opinions
trial, they will be the more disposed to trust his
because they are obnoxious; of wantonly wound
fairness where the exercise of that quality is ing the most respectable feelings of mankind;
more easy. of regarding an immense display of method and
The disciples of Mr Bentham are more like nomenclature as a sure token of a corresponding
the hearers of an Athenian philosopher than the increase of knowledge; and of considering them
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 377
selves as a chosen few, whom an initiation into criticised, till the like experiment be repeated on
the most secret mysteries of philosophy entities other writings. It was a waste of extraordinary
to look down with pity, if not contempt, on the power to employ it in pointing out flaws and
profane multitude. Viewed with aversion or patches in the robe occasionally stolen from the
dread by the public, they become more bound philosophical schools, which hung loosely and
to each other and to their master; while they unbecomingly on the elegant commentator. This
are provoked into the use of language which volume, and especially the preface, abounds in
more and more exasperates opposition to them. fine, original, and just observation; it contains
A hermit in the greatest of cities, seeing only the germs of most of his subsequent productions,
his disciples, and indignant that systems of go: and it is an early example of that disregard for
vernment and law which he believes to be per the method, proportions, and occasion of a writ
fect are disregarded at once by the many and ing which, with all common readers, deeply af
the powerful, Mr Bentham has at length been fects its power of interesting or instructing.
betrayed into the most unphilosophical hypothe Two years after, he published a most excellent
sis, that all the ruling bodies who guide the tract on The Hard Labour Bill, which, concur
community have conspired to stifle and defeat ring with the spirit excited by Howard’s inqui
his discoveries. He is too little acquainted with ries, laid the foundation of just reasoning on Re
doubts to believe the honest doubts of others, forinatory Punishment. The Letters on Usuryl
and he is too angry to make allowance for their are perhaps the best specimen of the exhaustive
prejudices and habits. He has embraced the discussion of a moral or political question, leav
ing nolobjection, however feeble, unanswered,
most extreme party in practical politics; mani
festing more dislike and contempt towards those and no difficulty, however small, unexplained;
who are more moderate supporters of popular remarkable also for the elearness and spirit of
principles than towards their most inflexible op the style, for the full exposition which suits them
ponents. To the unpopularity of his philoso to all intelligent readers, for the tender and skilful
phical‘and political doctrines he has added the hand with which prejudice is touched, and for the
more general and lasting obloquy which arises urbanity of his admirable apology for projectors,
from an unseemly treatment of doctrines and addressed to Dr Smith, whose temper and manner
principles which, if there were no other motives he seems for a time to have imbibed. The Intro
for reverential deference, even a regard to the duction to the Principles of Morals and Politics,
feelings of the best men requires to be approach printed before the Letters, but published after
ed with decorum and respect. them, was the first sketch of his system, and is
Fifty-three years have passed since the publi still the only account of it by himself.
cation of Mr Bentham’s first work, A Fragment The great merit of this work, and of his other
on Governmcnt,—a considerable octavo volume, writings in relation to Jm'imnldence properly so
employed in the examination of a short para called, is not within our present scope. " To the
graph of Blackstone,—unmatched in acute hy Roman jurists belongs the praise of having al
percriticism, but conducted with a severity lotted a separate portion of their Digest to the
which leads to an unjust estimate of the writer signification of the words of most frequent use

' They Were addressed to Mr George ‘Vilson, who retired from the English bar to his native country, and died at Edin
burgh in 1816; an early friend of Mr Bentham, and afterwards an intimate friend of Lord Ellcnborongh, Sir Vicary Gibbs,
and of all the most eminent of his professional contemporaries. 'i'he rcctitude of jud cnt, purity of heart, elevation of ho
nour, the sternness only in integrity. the scorn of baseness, and indulgence tower weakness, which were joined in him
with a gravity exclusive neither of feeling nor of pleasantry, contributed still more than his abilities and attainments of van
rious sorts, to a moral authority with his friends, and in his profession, which few men more amply possessed. or more use
fully exerciscd. The same character, somewhat softened, and the same influence, distinguished his closest friend, the late
Mr Lens. Both were inflexible and incorruptible friends of civil and religious liberty, and both knew how to reconcile the
warmest zeal for that sacred cause, with a charity towards their opponents. which partisans, often more violent than steady,
treated as lukewarm. The present writer hopes that the good-natured reader will excuse him for having thus, perhaps on.
lessonsbly, bestowed heartfelt commendation on those who were above the pursuit of praise, and the remembrance of whose
good opinion and good-will help to support him under a deep sense of faults and vices. a
13155. H. B
378 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

in law and legal discussion.1 Bentham not only considered the multitude of occasional laws, and
first perceived and taught the great value of an the still greater mass of usages, opinions, and
introductory section, composed of definitions of determinations, as the materials of legislation,
general terms, as subservient to brevity and pre not precluding, but demanding a systematic ar
cision in every part of a code, but he also dis rangement of the whole by the supreme autho
covered the unspeakable importance of natural rity. Had the arrangement been more scienti
arrangement in urisprudence, by rendering the fic, had there been a holder examination and a
mere place of a proposed law in such an arrange more free reform of many particular branches, a
ment a short and easy test of the fitness of the model would have been ofl‘ered for liberal imi
proposal." But here he does not distinguish be tation by modern lawgivers. It cannot be de
tween the value of arrangement as scafl‘olding, nied, without injustice and ingratitude, that Mr
and the inferior convenience of its being the Ivory Bentham has done more than any other wri
frame-work of the structure. Mr Bentham, in ter to rouse the spirit of juridical reforma
deed, is much more remarkable for laying down tion, which is now gradually examining every
desirable rules for the determination of rights, part of law, and, when further progress is fa
and the punishment of wrongs, in general, than cilitated by digesting the present laws, will
for_weighing the various circumstances which doubtless proceed to the improvement of all.
require them to be modified in different countries Greater praise it is given to few to earn. It
and times in order to render them either more ought to satisfy Mr Bentham, for the disappoint
useful, more easily introduced, more generally ment of hopes which were not reasonable, that
respected, or more certainly executed. The art Russia should receive a code from him, or that
of legislation consists in thus applying the prin North America could be brought to renounce the
ciples of jurisprudence to the situation, wants, variety of her laws and institutions, on the single
interests, feelings, opinions, and habits, of each authprity of a foreign philosopher, whose opinions
distinct community at any given time. It bears had not worked their way either into legislation
the same relation to jurisprudence which the or into general reception in his own country.
mechanical arts bear to pure Mathematics. It ought also to dispose his followers to do fuller
Many of these considerations serve to show, that justice to the Romillys and Broughams, with
the sudden establishment of new codes can sel out whose prudence and energy, as well as rea
dom be practicable or effectual for their purpose; son and eloquence, the best plans of reformation
and that reformations, though foundedon the must have continued a dead letter,——for whose
principles of jurisprudence, ought to be not sake it might have been fit to reconsider the 0b
only adapted to the peculiar interests of a people, loquy heaped on their profession, and to show
but engrafted on their previous usages, and more general indulgence to all those whose chief
brought into harmony with those national dis offence seems to consist in their doubts whether
positions ,on which the execution of laws de sudden changes, almost always imposed by vio
pends.’ The Romans, under Justinian, adopted lence on a community, be the surest road to
at least the true principle, if they did not apply lasting improvement.
it with sufiicient freedom and boldness. They It is unfortunate that Ethical Theory, with

1 Digest- lib- l. tit. 16. De Verborum signification.

. ’ See a beautiful article on Codification, in the Edinburgh Rn-im, vol. XXIX. p. 217. It need no longer be concealed
that it was contributed by Sir Samuel Romilly. The steadiness with which he held the balance in weighm the merits of
his friend against his unfortunate defects, is an example of his union of the most commanding moral princip c with a sensi
bility so warm, that, if it had been released from that stem authority, it would not so long have endured the coarseness and
roughness of human concerns. From the tenderness of his feelings, and from an anger never roused but by cruelty and base
ness, as much as from his genius and his pure taste, sprung that ori inal and characteristic elo uence, which was the hope of
the afflicted as well as the terror of the oppressor. If his oratory had not flowed so is ely from this moral source, which
years do not dry up, he would not perhaps have been the only example of an orator who, at er the age of sixty, daily increased
in polish, in vigour, and in splendour.
. = An excellent medium between those who absolutely require new codes, and those who obstinately adhere to ancient
usages, has been pointed out by M. Meyer, in his most justly celebrated work, Institution: Judiciciru dc: Principauz Pay! dc
I'Europc, tome I. Introduction, p. 8, 9. La Haye et Amst'lBl9-23, 6 vols. 8vo.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 379
which we are now chiefly concerned, is not the effectual motives to such useful actions. It is
province in which Mr Bentham has reached the demonstrated by experience that they are not.
most desirable distinction. It may be remarked, It is even owned by the most ingenious writers
both in ancient and in modern times, that what of Mr Bentham’s school, that desires which are
ever modifications prudent followers may intro pointed to general and distant objects, although
duce into the system of an innovator, the prin they have their proper place and their due value,
ciples of the Master continue to mould the ha are commonly very faint and ineffectual induce.
bitual dispositions, and to influence the practical ments to action. A theory founded on utility,
tendency of the School. Mr Bentham preaches therefore, requires that we should cultivate, as
the principle of utility with the zeal of a disco excitements to practice, those other habitual dis
verer. Occupied more in reflection than in positions which we know by experience to be
reading, he knew not, or forgot, how often it generally the source of actions beneficial to our
had been the basis, and how generally an essen selves and our fellows; habits of feeling produc
tial part, of moral systems.l That in which tive of habits of virtuous conduct, and in their
he really differs from others, is in the necessity turn strengthened by the re-action of these last.
which he teaches, and the example which he sets, What is the result of experience on the choice of
of constantly bringing that principle before us. the objects of moral culture? Beyond all dispute,
This peculiarity appears to us to be his radical that we should labour to attain that state of mind
error. In an attempt, of which the constitution in which all the social afl'eetions are felt with the
of human nature forbids the success, he seems utmost warmth, giving birth to more compre
to us to have been led into fundamental errors hensive benevolence, but not supplanted by it;
in moral theory, and to have given to his practi when the moral sentiments most strongly ap
cal doctrine a dangerous taint. prove what i-s right and good, without being
The confusion of moral approbation with the perplexed by a calculation of consequences,
moral qualities which are its objects, common to though not incapable of being gradually rectifi
Mr Bentham with many other philosophers, is ed by reason, whenever they are decisively prov
much more uniform and prominent in him than ed by experience not to correspond in some of
in most others. This general error, already their parts to the universal and perpetual eti'ects
mentioned at the opening of this Dissertation, of conduct. It is a false representation of hu
has led him more than others to assume, that be~ man nature to afirm that “ courage” is only
cause the principle of utility forms a necessary “ prudence)", They coincide in their effects,
part of every moral theory, it ought therefore to and it is always prudent to he courageous. But
be the chief motive of human conduct. Now it a man who fights because he thinks it more haz
is evident that this assumption, rather tacitly ardous to yield, is not brave. He does not be
than avowedly made, is wholly gratuitous. No come brave till he feels cowardice to he base and
practical conclusion can be deduced from the painful, and till he is no longer in need of any
principle, but that we ought to cultivate those aid from prudence. Even if it were the interest
habitual dispositions which are the most effectual of every man to be hold, it is clear that so cold
motives to useful actions. But before a regard a consideration cannot prevail over the fear of
to our own interest, or a desire to promote the wel danger. Where it seems to do so, it must be
fare of men in general, be allowed to be the ex by the unseen power either of the fear of shame,
clusive, or even the chief regulators of human or of some other powerful passion, to which it
'conduct, it must be shown that they are the most lends its name. It was long ago with striking

' See Notes and Illustrations, note V.

’ Mr Mum‘s Analyria qfthc Human illind, vol. II. p. 231. It would be unjust not to say that this book. partly perhaps
from a larger adoption of the principles of Hartley, holds out fairer opportunities of negotiation with natural feelings and
the doctrines of former philosophers, than any other production of the IIIIIE school. But this very assertion about courage
clearly shows at least a forgetfulness that courage, even if it were the ofl‘spring of prudence, would not for that reason be a
species of it.
380 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

justice. observed by Aristotle, that he who ab authority of the moral principles.1 The latter,
stains from present gratification, under a dis which is general benevolence, regulates in like
tinct apprehension of its painful consequences, manner the equipoise of the narrower affections;
is only prudent, and that he must acquire a dis quickens the languid, and checks the encroach
relish for excess on its own account, before he ing; borrows strength from pity, and even from
deserves the name of a temperate man. It is indignation; receives some compensation, as it
only when the means are firmly and unalterably enlarges, in the addition of beauty and grandeur,
converted into ends, that the process of forming for the weakness which arises from dispersion;
the mind is completed. Courage may then seek, enables us to look on all men as brethren, and
instead of avoiding danger. Temperance may overflows on every sentient being. The general
prefer abstemiousness to indulgence. Prudence interest of mankind, in truth, almost solely af
itself may choose an orderly government of con fects us through the affections of benevolence
duct, according to certain rules, without regard and sympathy; for the coincidence of general
to the degree in which it promotes welfare. with individual interet, even where it is certain,
Benevolence must desire the happiness of others, is too dimly seen to produce any emotion which
to the exclusion of the consideration how far it can impel to, or restrain from action. As a gen
is connected with that of the benevolent agent ; eral truth, its value consists in its completing
and those alone can be accounted just who obey the triumph of morality, by demonstrating the
the dictates of justice from having thoroughly absolute impossibility of forming any theory of
learned an habitual veneration for its strict rules human nature which does not preserve the su~
and for its larger precepts. In that complete periority of virtue over vice; a great, though
state the mind possesses no power of dissolving not a directly practical advantage.
the combinations of thought and feeling which The followers of Mr Bentham have carried to
impel it to action. Nothing in this argument an unusual extent the prevalent fault of the more
turns on the difference between implanted and modern advocates of utility, who have dwelt so
acquired principles. As no man can cease, by exclusively on the outward advantages of virtue
any act of his, to see distance, though the power as to have lost sight of the delight which is a part
of seeing it be universally acknowledged to be of virtuous feeling, and of the beneficial influence
an acquisition, so no man has the power to ex of good actions upon the frame of the mind.
tinguish the affections and the moral sentiments, “ Benevolence towards others,” says Mr Mill,
however much they may be thought to be ac “ produces a return of benevolence from them.”‘I
quired, any more than that of eradicating the The fact is true, and ought to be stated. But how
bodily appetites. The best writers of Mr Ben unimportant is it in comparison with that which
tham's school overlook the indisolubility of is passed over in silence, the pleasure of the affec
these associations, and appear not to bear in tion itself, which, if it could become lasting and
mind that their strength and rapid action con intense, would convert the heart into a heaven !
stitute the perfect state of a moral agent. No one who has ever felt kindness, if he could
The pursuit of our own general welfare, or of accuratelyrecall his feelings, could hesitate about
that of mankind at large, though from their their infinite superiority. The cause of the
vagueness and coldness they are unfit habitual general neglect of this consideration is, that it is
motives and unsafe ordinary guides of conduct, only when a gratification is something distinct
yet perform functions of essential importance from a state of mind, that we can easily learn to
in the moral system. The former, which we consider it as a pleasure. Hence the great error
call self-love, preserves the balance of all the respecting the affections, where the inherent de
active principles which regard ourselves ulti light is not duly estimated, on account of that
mately, and contributes to subject them to the very peculiarity of being a part of a state of mind,
m; ' why
‘3‘ ' a?‘
I See Notes and Illustrations, note W. 1 Analysis of the Human Mind, vol. II.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 381
which renders it unspeakably more valuable as be a less doubtful or a much more considerable
independent of every thing without. The social blessing than this constant sedative, which soothes
affections are theonly principles of human nature and composes the irritable passions of vanity and
which have no direct pains.‘ To have any of pride? What is more conducive to lasting peace
these desires is to be in a state of happiness. of mind than the consciousness of proficiency in
The *malevolent passions have properly no that most delicate species of equity which, in the
pleasures; for that attainment of their purpose secret tribunal of conscience, labours to be im
which is improperly so called, consists only in partial in thecomparison ofourselves with others?
healing or assuaging the torture which envy, What can so perfectly assure us of the purity of
jealousy, and malice, inflict on the malignant our moral sense, as the habit of contemplating,
mind. It might with as much propriety be said not that excellence which we have reached, but
that the toothache and the stone have pleasures, that which is still to be pursued;' of not con
because their remov'alris followed by an agree sidering how far we may outrun others, but how
able feeling. These bodily disorders, indeed, are far we are from the goal P
often cured by the process which removes the Virtue has often outward advantages, and
suffering; but the mental distempers of envy always inward delights; but the second, though
and revenge are nourished by every act of odious constant, strong, inaccessible, and inviolable, are
indulgence which for a moment suspends their not easily considered by the common observer as
pain. apart from the virtue with which they are blend
The same observation is applicable to every ed. They are so subtile and evanescent as to
virtuous disposition, though not so obviously as escape the distinct contemplation of all but the
to the benevolent affections. That a brave man very few who meditate on the acts of mind.
is, on the whole, far less exposed to danger than The outward advantages, on the other hand,
a coward, is not the chief advantage of a courage cold, uncertain, dependent, and precarious as
ous temper. Great dangers are rare; but the they are, yet stand out to the sense and to the
constant absence of such painful and mortifying memory, may be handled and counted, and are
sensations as those of fear, and the steady con perfectly on a level with the general apprehen
sciousness of superiority to what subdues ordi sion. Hence they have become the almost ex
nary men, are a perpetual source of inward en clusive theme of all moralists who profess to fol
joyment. No man who has ever been visited by low reason. There is room for suspecting that
a gleam of magnanimity can place any outward a very general illusion prevails on this subject.
advantage of fortitude in comparison with the Probably the smallest part of the pleasure of
feeling of being always able fearlessly to defend virtue, because it is the most palpable, has be
a righteous cause.l Even Humility, in spite of come the sign and mental representative of the
first appearances, is a remarkable example. It whole. The outward and visible sign suggests
has of late been unwarrantably used to signify insensibly the inward and mental delight. Those
that painful consciousness of inferiority which who display the external benefits of magnani
is the first stage of envy.' It is a term conse mity and kindness, would speak with far less
crated in Christian ethics to denote that disposi fervour, and perhaps less confidence, if their feel
ings were not unconsciously affected by the
tion which, by inclining towards a modest esti~
mate of our qualities, corrects the prevalentmental state which they overlook in their state.
tendency of human nature to overvalue our ments, though they feel some part of it when
merits and to overrate our claims. \Vhat can they write or speak on it. When they speak of

‘ According to Cicero's definition of fortitude, “ Virlu: pugnam pm crquihxte." The rernains of the original sense of
Viv-nu, Manhood, give a beauty and force to these expressions, which cannot be preserved in our langu age. The Greek
Act", and the German Tugcnd, originally denoted Strength, afterwards Courugr, and at last Virtur. But the happy derive.
'tion of Vim“ from Vir gives an energy to the phrase of Cicero, which illustrates the use of etymology in the-hands of a
altilful writer.
' hit hilLL's Anulyri: of tlic Human Mind, vol. II. p. 222
‘ For a description of vanity, by a great orator, see the Rev. B. HALL'B Sermon on Modern Iqfldeflty.
382 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

what is without, they feel what was within, and the unbought approbation of those 'who judge
their words excite the same feeling in others. aright of excellent virtue!” A far greater than
Is it not probable that much of our love of Cicero rises from the purest praise of man, to
praise may be thus ascribed to humane and more sublime contemplations.
sociable pleasure in the sympathy of others with Fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil,
us? Praiseis the symbol which represents sym But lives and spreads aloft, by those pure eyes
pathy, and which the mind insensibly substitutes And perfect witness of all-judging Jove.
for it in recollection and in language. Does not Those who haVe most inculcated the doctrine
the desire of posthumous fame, in like manner, of utility have given another notable example of
manifest an ambition for the fellow-feeling of our the very vulgar prejudice which treats the un
race, when it is perfectly unproductive of any seen as insignificant. Tucker is the only one of
advantage to ourselves? In this point of view, them who occasionally considers that most im
it may be considered as the passion of which the portant effect of human conduct which consists
very existence proves the mighty power of dis in its action on the frame of the mind, by fitting
interested desire. Every other pleasure from its faculties and sensibilities for their appointed
sympathy is confined to the men who are now purpose. A razor or a penknife would well
alive. The love of fame alone seeks the sym enough cut cloth or meat; but if they were often
pathy of unborn generations, and stretches the so used, they would be entirely spoiled. The
chain which binds the race of man together, to same sort of observation is much more strongly
an extent to which hope sets no bounds. There applicable to habitual dispositions, which, if they
is a noble, even if unconscious, union of morality be spoiled, we have no certain means of repla
with genius in the mind of him who sympathizes cing or mending. Whatever act, therefore, dis
with the masters who lived twenty centuries composes the moral machinery of mind, is more
before him, in order that he may learn to com injurious to the welfare of the agent than most
mand the sympathies of the countless genera disasters from without can be ; for the latter are
tions who are to come. commonly limited and temporary; the evil of
In the most familiar, as well as in the highest the former spreads through the whole of life.
instances, it would seem, that the inmost thoughts Health of mind, as well as of body, is not only
and sentiments of men are more pure than their productive in itself of a greater sum of enjoy
language. Those who speak of “ a regard to ment than arises from other sources, but is the
character,” if they be serious, generally infuse only condition of our frame in which we are ca
into that word, unawares, a large portion of that pable of receiving pleasure from without. Hence
sense in which it denotes the frame of the mind. it appears how incredibly absurd it is to prefer,
Those who speak of “ honour” very often mean on grounds of calculation, a present interest to
a more refined and delicate sort of conscience, the preservation of those mental habits on which
which ought to render the more educated classes our wellbeing depends. lVhen they are most
of society alive to such smaller wrongs as the la moral, they may often prevent us from obtaining
borious and the ignorant can scarcely feel. What advantages. It would be as absurd to desire to
heart does not warm at the noble exclamation of lower them for that reason, as it would be to
the ancient poet: “ Who is pleased by false weaken the body, lest its strength should render
honour, or frightened by lying infamy, but he it more liable to contagious disorders of rare
who is false and depraved l” Every uncorrupted occurrence.
mind feels unmerited pain as a bitter reproach, It is, on the other hand, impossible to com
and regards a consciousness of demerit as a drop bine the benefit of the general habit with the
of poison in the cup of honour. How different advantages of occasional deviation; for every
is the applause which truly delights us all, a such deviation either produces remorse, or weak
proof that the consciences of others are in bar ens the habit, and prepares the way for its gra
mony with our own! “ What,” says Cicero, dual destruction. He who obtains a fortune by
“ is glory but the concurring praise of the good, the undetected forgery of a will, may indeed be
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
honest in his other acts; but if he had such'a
scorn of fraud before as he must himself allow
to be generally useful, he must suffer a severe
punishment from contritiou; and he will be
haunted with the fears of one who has lost his
own security for his good conduct. In all cases,
if they be well examined, his loss by the distem
per of his mental frame will outweigh the profits
of his vice. . sin that must most easily beset them, is that of
By repeating the like observation on similar
occasions, it will be manifest that the infirmity
of recollection, aggravated by the defects of lan
guage, gives an appearance of more selfishness
to man than truly belongs to his nature; and
that the effect of active agents upon the habitual
state of mind, one of the considerations to which
the epithet “ sentimental” has of late been ap
plied in derision, is really among the most se
rious and reasonable objects of moral philosophy.
When the internal pleasures and pains which
accompany good and bad feelings, or rather form
a part of them, and the internal advantages and
disadvantages which follow good and bad actions,
are sufficiently considered, the comparative im
portance of outward consequences will be more
and more narrowed; so that the Stoical philoso
pher may be thought almost excusable for re
jecting it altogether, were it not an indispensably
necessary consideration for those in whom right
habits of feeling are not sufficiently strong.
They alone are happy, or even truly virtuous,
who have little need of it.
The later moralists who adopt the‘ principle
of utility, have so misplaced it, that in their
hands it has as great a tendency as any theore
tics] error can have, to lessen the intrinsic plea
sure of virtue, and to unfit our habitual feelings
for being the most effectual inducements to good
conduct. - This is the natural tendency of a dis
cipline which brings utility too closely and fre
quently into contact with action. By this ha
bit, in its best state, an essentially weaker mo
five is gradually substituted for others which
must always be of more force. The frequent
appeal to utility as the standard of action tends
to introduce an uncertainty with respect to the
conduct of other men, which would render all
intercourse insnpportable. It afl'ords also so
fair aidisgnise for selfish and malignant passions,
383
as often to hide their nature from him who is
their prey. Some taint of these mean and evil
principles will at least creep in, and by their
venom give an animation not its own to the cold
desire of utility. The moralists who take an
active part in those affairs which often call out
nnamiable passions, ought to guard with peculiar
watchfulness against such self-delusions. The
sliding from general to particular consequences,
-—-that of trying single actions, instead of dis
positions, habits, and rules, by the standard of
ntility,'—-that of authorizing too great a latitude
for discretion and policy in moral conduct,—‘
that of readily allowing exceptions to the most
important rnles,--that of too lenient a censure
of the use of doubtful means when the end seems
to them good,—and that of believing unphiloso
phically, as well as dangerously, that there can
be any measure or scheme so useful to the world
as the existence of men who would not do a base
thing for any public advantage. It was said of
Andrew Fletcher, “ he would lose his life to
serve his country, but would not do a base thing
to save it.” Let those preachers of utility who
suppose that such a man sacrifices ends to means,
consider whether the scorn of baseness be not
akin to the contempt of danger, and whether a
nation composed of such men would not be in
vincible. But theoretical principles are coun
teracted by a thousand causes, which confine
their mischief as well as circumscribe their be
nefits. Men are never so good or so bad as
their opinions. All that can be with reason ap
prehended is, that they may always produce
some part of their natural evil, and that the
mischief will be greatest among the many who
seek excuses for these passions. Aristippus
found in the Socratic representation of the union
of virtue and happiness a pretext for sensuality;
and many Epicureans became voluptuarics in
spite of the example of their master; easily drop
ping by degrees the limitations by which he
guarded his doctrines. In proportion as a man
accustoms himself to be influenced by the utility
of particular acts, without regard to rules, be
approaches to the casuistry of the Jesuits, and
to the practical maxims of Cicsar Borgia.
Injury on this as on other occasions has been
384 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

suffered by Ethics, from its close affinity to Ju pleasures of taste and of the arts dependent on
risprudence. The true and eminent merit of Mr imagination, is a. proof both of the inevitable
Bentham is that of a reformer of jurisprudence. adherence of much of the popular sense of the
He is only a moralist with a view to being a words “ interest” and “ pleasure,” to the same
jurist; and he sometimes becomes for a few words in their philosophical acceptation, and of
hurried moments a metaphysician with a view to the pernicious influence of narrowing “ utility”
laying the foundation of both thc'moral sciences. to mere visible and tangible objects, to the ex
Both he and his followers have treated Ethics clusion of those which form the larger part of
toojuridically. They do not seem to be aware, human enjoyment.
or at least they do not bear constantly in mind, The mechanical philosophers who, under Des
that there is an essential difference in the sub cartes and Gassendi, began to reform Physics in
jects of these two sciences. the seventeenth century, attempted to explain
The object of law is the prevention of actions all the appearances of nature by an immediate
injurious to the community. It considers the reference to the figure of particles of matter im
dispositions from which they flow only indirect pelling each other in various directions, and with
ly, to ascertain the likelihood of their recur unequal force, but in all other points alike. The
rence, and thus to determine the necessity and communication of motion by impulse they con
the means of preventing them. The direct ob ceived to be perfectly simple and intelligible. It
ject of Ethics is only mental disposition. It never occurred to them, that the movement of
considers actions indirectly as the signs by which one ball when another is driven against it, is
such dispositions are manifested. If it were a fact of which no explanation can be given
possible for the mere moralist to see that a moral which will amount to more than a statement of
and amiable temper was the mental source of a its constant occurrence. That no body can act
bad action, he could not cease to approve and where it is not, appeared to them as self-evident
love' the temper, as we sometimes presume to as that the whole is equal to all the parts. By
suppose may be true of the judgments of the this axiom they understood that no body moves
Searcher of Hearts. Religion necessarily coin another without touching it. They did not per
cides with morality in this respect; and it is the ceive, that it was only self-evident where it
peculiar distinction of Christianity that it places means that no body can act where it has nottlze
the seat of virtue in the heart. Law and Ethics power qf acting; and that if it be understood
are necessarily so much blended, that in many more largely, it is a mere assumption of the pro
intricate combinations the distinction becomes position on which their whole system rested.
obscure. But in all strong cases the difl'erence is Sir Isaac Newton reformed Physics, not by
evident. Thus, law punishes the most sincerely simplifying that science, but by rendering it
repentant ; but wherever the soul of the penitent much more complicated. He introduced into it
can be thought to be thoroughly purified, reli the force of attraction, of which be ascertained
gion and morality receive him with open arms. many laws, but which even he (lid not dare to
It is needless, after these remarks, to observe, represent as being as intelligible and as con
that those whose habitual contemplation is di ceivably ultimate as impulsion itself. It was
rected to the rules of action, are likely to under necessary for Laplace to introduce intermediate
rate the importance of feeling and disposition; laws, and to calculate disturbing forces, before
an error of very unfortunate consequences, since the phenomena of the heavenly bodies could be
the far greater part of human actions flow from reconciled even to Newton’s more complex theory.
these neglected sources; while the law inter In the present state of physical and chemical
poses only in cases which may be called excep knowledge, a man who should attempt to refer
tions, which are now rare, and ought to be less all the immense variety of facts to the simple
frequent. impulse of the Cartesians, would have no chance
The coincidence of Mr Bentham’s school with of serious confutation. The number of laws
the ancient Epicureans in the disregard of the augments with the progress_of knowledge. The
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 385
speculations of the followers of Mr Bentham are bining and directing circumstances in such a
not unlike the unsuccessful attempt of the Car manner as to produce the best possible character.
tesians. Mr Mill, for example, derives the whole Without disputing for the present the theoreti
theory of Government1 from the single fact, that cal proposition, let us consider what would be
every man pursues his interest when he knows the reasonableness of similar expectations in a
it; which he assumes to be a sort of self-evident more easily intelligible case. The general theory
practical principle, if such a phrase be not con of the winds is pretty well understood; we
tradictory. That a man’s pursuing the interest know that they proceed from the rushing of air
of another, or indeed any other object in nature, from those portions of the atmosphere which are
is just as conceivable as that he should pursue his more condensed, into those which are more rare
own interest, is a proposition which seems never fied; but how great a chasm is there between
to have occurred to this acute and ingenious that simple law and the great variety of facts
writer. Nothing, however, can be more certain which experience teaches us respecting winds!
than its truth, if the term “interest” be em The constant winds between the tropics are
ployed in its proper sense of general wellbeing, large and regular enough to be in some measure
which is the only acceptation in which it can capable of explanation; but who can tell why,
serve the purpose of his arguments. If, indeed, in variable climates, the wind blows to-day from
the term be employed to denote the gratification the east, to‘morrow from the west? Who can
of a predominant desire, his proposition is self foretell what its shiftings and variations are to
evident, but wholly unserviceable in his argu be? \Vho can account for a tempest on one
ment; for it is clear that individuals and multi day, and a calm on another? Even if we could
tudes often desire what they know to be most foretell the irregular and infinite variations, how
inconsistent with their general welfare. A na far might we not still be from the power of com
tion, as much as an individual, and sometimes bining and guiding their causes? No man but
more, may not only mistake its interest, but, per the lunatic in the story of Rasselas ever dreamt
ceiving it clearly, may prefer the gratification of that he could command the weather. The diffi
a strong passion to it.“ The whole fabric of his culty plainly consists in the multiplicity and
political reasoning seems to be overthrown by minuteness of the circumstances which act on
this single observation; and instead of attempt the atmosphere. Are those which influence the
ing to explain the immense variety of political formation of the human character likely to be
facts by the simple principle of a contest of in less minute and multiplied?
terests, we are reduced to the necessity of once
more referring them to that variety of passions, The style of Mr Bentham underwent a more
habits, opinions, and prejudices, which we dis remarkable revolution than perhaps befell that
cover only by experience. Mr Mill’s Essay on of any other celebrated writer. In his early
Education5 affords another example of the incon works, it was clear, free, spirited, often and sea
venience of leaping at once from the most gene sonably eloquent. Many passages of his later
ral laws, to a multiplicity of minute appearances. writings retain the inimitable stamp of genius;
Having assumed, or at least inferred from insuf but he seems to have been oppressed by the vast
ficient premises, that the intellectual and moral ness of his projected works,—to have thought
character is entirely formed by circumstances, he that he had no longer more than leisure to pre
proceeds, in the latter part of the essay, as if it serve the heads of them,—-to have been impelled
were a necessary consequence of that doctrine by a fruitful mind to new plans before he had
that we might easily acquire the power of com completed the old. In this state of things, he

' Easy on Government, originally printed in the Supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the Encyclopedia
Britannica.
' The same mode of reasoning has been adopted by the writer of a late criticism on Mr MlLL‘s Buoy. See Edinburgh
Review, No. 97, March 1829.
' In the Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica.
D185 0 11 8c
386 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

gradually ceased to use'words for conveying his
thoughts to others, but merely employed them
as a short-hand to preserve his meaning for his
own purpose. It was no wonder that his lan
guage should thus become obscure and repulsive.
Though many of his technical terms are in them
selves exact and pithy, yet the overflow of his
vast nomenclature was enough to darken his
whole diction.
It was at this critical period that the arrange
ment and translation of his manuscripts were
undertaken by M. Dumont, a generous disciple,
who devoted a genius formed for original and
lasting works, to diffuse the principles and pro
mote the fame of his master. He whose pen
Mirabeau did not disdain to borrow,-—who, in
the same school with Romilly, had studiously
pursued the grace as well as the force of com
position,—was perfectly qualified to strip of its
uncouthness a philosophy which he understood
and admired. As he wrote in a general lan
guage, he propagated its doctrines throughout
Europe, where they were beneficial to jurispru
dence, but perhaps injurious to the cause of re
formation in government. That they became
more popular abroad than at home, is partly to
be ascribed to the taste and skill of M. Dumont;
partly to that tendency towards free specula
tion and bold reform which was more prevalent
among nations newly freed, or impatiently aspir
ing to freedom, than in a people long satisfied
with the possession of a system of government
like that which others were struggling to ob
tain, and not yet aware of the imperfections
and abuses in their laws, to the amendment of
which a cautious consideration of Mr Bentham’s
works will undoubtedly most materially con
tribute.

DUGALD STE‘VART.‘

MANIFOLD are the discouragements rising up was appointed

nation to the Professorship
of Ferguson, on the
not the least distinguished
at every step in that part of this Dissertation
which extends to very recent times. No sooner among the modern moralists inclined to the
does the writer escape from the angry disputes Stoical school.
of the living, than he may feel his mind clouded This oflice, filled in immediate succession by
by the name of a departed friend. But there Ferguson, Stewart, and Brown, received a
are happily men whose fame is brightened by lustre from their names, which it owed in no
free discussion, and to whose memory an ap degree to its modest exterior or its limited ad
pearance of belief that they needed tender treat vantages ; and was rendered by them the highest
ment would be a grosser injury than it could dignity, in the humble, but not obscure, esta
suffer from a respectable antagonist. ' blishments of Scottish literature. The lectures of
Dugald Stewart was the son of Dr Matthew Mr Stewart, for a quarter of a century, render
Stewart, Professor of Mathematics in the Uni ed it famous through every country where the
versity of Edinburgh; a station immediately light of reason was allowed to penetrate. Per
before filled by Maclaurin, on the recommenda haps few men ever lived, who poured into the
tion of Newton. Hence the poet spoke of “ the breasts of youth a more fervid and, yet reason
philosophic sire and son.”‘I He was educated able love of liberty, of truth, and of virtue.
at Edinburgh, and he heard the lectures of Reid How many are still alive, in different countries,
at Glasgow. He was early associated with his and in every rank to which education reaches,
father in the duties of the Mathematical Profes who, if they accurately examined their own
sorship; and during the absence of Dr Adam minds and lives, would not ascribe much of
Ferguson as Secretary to the Commissioners whatever goodness and happiness they possess,
sent to conclude a peace with North America, to the early impressions of his gentle and per-.
be occupied the chair of Moral Philosophy. He suasive eloquence ! He lived to see his disciples

1 Born in 1753; died in 1828. ' Burns.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 387

distinguished among the lights and ornaments
of the council and the senate.‘ He had the
consolation to be sure that no words of his pro
moted the growth of an impure taste, of an ex
clusive prejudice, of a malevolent passion. With
out derogation from his writings, it may be said
that his disciples were among his best works.
He, indeed, who may justly be said to have cul
tivated an extent of mind which would other
wise have lain barren, and to have contributed
to raise virtuous dispositions where the natural
growth might have been useless or noxious, is
not less a benefactor of mankind, and may indi
rectly be a larger contributor to knowledge, than
the author of great works, or even the discoverer
of important truths. The system of conveying
scientific instruction to a large audience by
lectures, from which the English universities
have in a great measure departed, renders his
qualities as a lecturer a most important part of
his merit in a Scottish university which still ad
heres to the general method of European educa
tion. Probably no modern ever exceeded him
in that species of eloquence which springs from
sensibility to literary beauty and moral excel
lence; which neither obscures science by pro
digal ornament, nor disturbs the serenity of pa
tient attention ; but though it rather calms and
soothes the feelings, yet exalts the genius, and
insensibly inspires a reasonable enthusiasm for
whatever is good and fair.
He embraced the philosophy of Dr Reid, a
patient, modest, and deep thinker," who, in his
first work (Enquiry into the Human Mind), de
serves a commendation more descriptive of a
philosopher than that bestowed by Professor
Cousin—of having made “ a vigorous protest
against scepticism on behalf of common sense."
His observations on suggestion, on natural signs,
on the connection between what he calls sensa
tion and perception, though perhaps occasioned
by Berkeley, whose idealism Reid had once
adopted, are marked by the genuine spirit of
original observation. As there are too many
who seem more wise than they are, so it was the
more uncommon fault of Reid to appear less
a philosopher than he really was. Indeed his
temporary adoption of Berkeleianism is a proof
of an unprcjudiced and acute mind. Perhaps no
man ever rose finally above the seductions of
that simple and ingenious system, who had not
sometimes tried their full effect by surrendering
his whole mind to them.
But it is never with entire impunity that
philosophers borrow vague and inappropriate
terms from vulgar use. Never did man afford
a stronger instance of the danger than Reid, in
his two most unfortunate terms, Common Sense
and Instinct. Common Sense is that average
portion of understanding, possessed bymost men,
which, as it is nearly always applied to conduct,
has acquired an almost exclusively practical

' As an exam e of Mr Stewart's school may be mentioned Francis Homer, a favourite pupil. and, till his last moment,
an affectionate riend. The short life of this excellent person is worthy of serious contemplation, by those more especially,
who, in circumstances like his, enter on the slippery path of public affairs. Without the aid: of birth or fortune, in an as
sembly where aristocratical propensities prevsi ._by his understanding, industry, pure taste, and useful information,-still
more by modest independence, by steadiness and sincerity, joined to moderation,_by the stamp of unbending integrity, and
by the conscientious considerateness which breathed through his well-chosen language,-_he raised himself, at the ear y “R”
of thirt -six, to a moral nullwrily which, without these qualities, no brilliancy of talents or power of reasoning could have
acquire . No eminent speaker in Parliament owed so much of his success to his moral charurirr. His high place was
therefore honourable to his audience and to his country. Regret for his death was expressed with touching unanimity
from every part of a divided assembly, unused to manifestations of sensibility, abhorrent from theatrical display, and whose
tribute on such an occasion derived its peculiar value from their general coldness and sluggishness. The tears of those to
whom he was unknown were shed over him; and at the head of those by whom he was “ praised, wept, and honoured,"
was one, whose commendation would have been more enhanced in the eye of Mr Homer, b his discernment and veracity,
than by the signal proofof the concurrence of all orders, as well as rties, which was affor ed by the name of Howard.
' Those who may doubt the justice of this description will do welfto weigh the words of the most competent of a,
who, though candid and even indulgent, was not prodigal of praise. “ It is certainly verv rare that a piece so deeply ilo.
wplriral is wrote with so much spirit, and afl'ords so much entertainment to the reader. henever I enter into your ideas,
no man appears to express himself with greater persgicuity. Your style is so correct and so good English, that I found
not any thing worth the remarking. I beg my comp 'ments to my friendly adversaries Dr Campbell and Dr (lcmrd, and
also to Dr Gregory, whom I suspect to be of the same disposition, though he has not openly declared himself such." (Law
from Mr Home to Dr Reid.- S'rnwanr‘s Biographies! Mmhs, p on.)
The latter part of the above sentences (written after a perusal of the proof-sheets of Dr Reid's Enquiry, but before its
publication) sufficiently shows, that Mr Hume felt no displeasure a inst Reid and Campbell, undoubtedly his most for
midablc antagonists, however he might resent the language of Dr cattle, an amiable man, an elegant and tender poet,
and a ood writer on miscellaneous literature in rose, but who, in his Easy on Truth—an unfair appeal to the multitude
on ph' osophical questions-indulged himselfin t e personalities and invectives of s popular pamphletccr.
 388 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

sense. Instinct is the habitual poWer of pro descry from it any distinction betWeen objects,
ducing effects like contrivances of reason, yet
—even that indispensable distinction between
so far beyond the intelligence and experience of
Reality and Illusion. As the works of Reid,
the agent, as to be utterly inexplicable by refer
and those of Kant, otherwise so difi'erent, ap
ence to them. No man, if he had been in search pear to be simultaneous efforts of the conserva
of improper words, could have discovered any tive power of philosophy to expel the mortal
more unfit than these two, for denoting that poison of scepticism, so the exertions of M.
law, or m, or faculty of mind, which compels Royer Collard and M. Cousin, however at va
us to acknowledge certain simple and very ab riance in metaphysical principles, seem to have
stract truths, not being identical propositions, been chiefly roused by the desire of delivering
to lie at the foundation of all reasoning, and to Ethics from that fatal taint of personal, and,
be the necessary ground of all belief. indeed, gross interest, which that science had
Long after the death of Dr Reid, his philoso received in France from the followers of Con
phy was taught at Paris by M. Royer Collard, ' dillac, especially Helvetius, St Lambert, and
who, on the restoration of free debate, became Cabanis. The success of these attempts to ren
the most philosophical orator of his nation, and der Speculative Philosophy once more popular
now fills, with impartiality and dignity, the in the country of Descartes, has already been
chair of the Chamber of Deputies. His inge considerable. The French youth, whose desire
nious and eloquent scholar, Professor Cousin, of knowledge and love of liberty afford an aus
dissatisfied with what he calls “ the sage and picious promise of the succeeding age, have
timid” doctrines of Edinburgh, which he con eagerly received doctrines, of which the moral
sidered as only a vigorous protest, on behalf of part is so much more agreeable to their liberal
common sense, against the scepticism of Hume, spirit, than the selfish theory, generated in the
sought in Germany for a philosophy of “ such stagnation of a corrupt, cruel, and dissolute
a masculine and brilliant character as might tyranny.
command the attention of Europe, and be able These agreeable prospects bring us easily back
to struggle with success on a great theatre, to our subject; for though the restoration of
against the genius of the adverse school.”2 It Speculative Philosophy in the country of Des
may be questioned whether he found in Kant cartes is due to the precise statement and vi
more than the same vigorous protest, under a gorous logic of M, Royer Collard, the modifica
more systematic form, with an immense nomen tions introduced by him into the doctrine of
clature, and constituting a philosophical edifice Reid coincide with those of Mr Stewart, and
of equal symmetry and vastness. The prefer would have appeared to agree more exactly, if
ence of the more boastful system, over a philo the forms of the French philosopher had not been
sophy thus chiefly blamed for its modest preten more dialectical, and the composition of Mr
sions, does not seem to be entirely justified by Stewart had retained less of that oratorical cha
its permanent authority in the country which racter, which belonged to a justly celebrated
gave it birth; where, however powerful its in speaker. Amidst excellencies of the highest
fluence still continues to be, its doctrines do not order, his writings, it must be confessed, leave
appear to have now many supporters: and, in some room for criticism. He took precautions
deed, the accomplished Professor himself rapid against ofi'ence to the feelings of his contempo
ly shot through Kantianism, and now appears raries, more anxious and frequent than the im
to rest or to stop at the doctrines of Schelling patient searcher for truth may deem necessary.
and Hegel, at a point so high, that it is hard to For the sake of promoting the favourable re

' Fragments of his lectures have been recently published in a French translation of Dr Reid, by M. Jontfroy: (Euvrc:
Complete: dc Tuouas Ram, vol. IV. Paris, 1828.
’ Cour: dc Philosophie, par M. COUSIN, leqon Paris, 1828.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 389
ception of philosophy itself, he studies perhaps to purity and stability of speech,—that we may
too visibly to avoid whatever might raise up avoid new terms, which are the easy resource of
prejudices against it. His gratitude and native the unskilful or the indolent, and often a cha
modesty dictated a superabundant care in sof racteristic mark of writers who love their lan
tening and excusing his dissent from those who guage too little to feel its peculiar excellencies,
had been his own instructors, or who were the or to study the art of calling forth its powers.
objects of general reverence. Exposed by his He reminds us not unfrequently of the cha
station, both to the assaults of political preju racter given by Cicero to one of his contempo
dice, and to the religious animosities of a coun raries, “ who expressed refined and abstruse
try where a few sceptics attacked the slumber thought in soft and transparent diction.” His
ing zeal of a Calvinistic people, it would have writings are a proof that the mild sentiments
been wonderful if he had not betrayed more have their eloquence as well as the vehement
wariness than would have been necessary or be passions. It would be difficult to name works
coming in a very different position. The ful in which so much refined philosophy is joined
ness of his literature seduced him too much into with so fine a fancy,—so much elegant litera
multiplied illustrations. Too many of the ex ture, with such a delicate perception of the
pedients happily used to allure the young may distinguishing excellencies of great writers, and
unnecessarily swell his volumes. Perhaps a with an estimate in general so just of the ser
successive publication in separate parts made vices rendered to knowledge by a succession of
him more voluminous than he would have been philosophers. They are pervaded by a philoso
if the whole had been at once before his eyes. phical benevolence, which keeps up the ardour
A peculiar susceptibility and delicacy of taste of his genius, without disturbing the serenity of
produced forms of expression, in themselves ex his mind,—-whieh is felt in his reverence for
tremely beautiful, but of which the habitual use knowledge, in the generosity of his praise, and
is not easily reconcilable with the condensation in the tenderness of his censure. It is still more
desirable in works necessarily so extensive. If, sensible in the general tone with which he re
however, it must be owned that the caution in lates the successful progress of the human un
cident to his temper, his feelings, his philosophy, derstanding, among many formidable enemies.
and his station, has somewhat lengthened his Those readers are not to be envied who limit
composition, it is not less true, that some of the their admiration to particular parts, or to excel
same circumstances have contributed towards lencies merely literary, without being warmed
those peculiar beauties which place him at the by the glow of that honest triumph in the ad
head of the most adorned writers on philosophy vancement of knowledge, and of that assured
in our language. faith in the final prevalence of truth and justice,
Few writers rise with more grace from a which breathe through every page of them, and
plain groundwork, to the passages which require give the unity and dignity of a moral purpose
greater animation or embellishment. He gives to the whole of these classical works.
to narrative, according to the precept of Bacon, He has often quoted poetical passages, of which
the colour of the time, by a selection of happy some throw much light on our mental opera
expressions from original writers. Among the tions. If he sometimes prized the moral com
secret arts by which he difi'uses elegance over mon-places of Thomson and the speculative
his diction, may be remarked the skill which, fancy of Akenside more highly than the higher
by deepening or brightening a shade in a se poetry of their betters, it was not to be wonder
condary term, by opening partial or prepara ed at that the metaphysician and the moralis't
tory glimpses of a thought to be afterwards un should sometimes prevail over the lover of poetry.
folded, unobservedly heightens the import of a His natural sensibility was perhaps occasionally
word, and gives it a new meaning, without any cramped by the cold criticism of an unpoetical
ofl'ence against old use. It is in this manner age; and some of his remarks may be thought
that philosophical originality may be reconciled to indicate a more constant and exclusive regard
390 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to diction than is agreeable to the men of a ge like mistake. When be absolutely contra
neration who have been trained by tremendous dicts Dr Reid, by truly stating that “ it is
events to a passion for daring inventions, and to more philosophical to resolve the power of
an irregular enthusiasm, impatient of minute habit into the association of ideas, than to re
elegancies and refinement. Many of those beau solve the association of ideas into habit,”fl he,
ties which his generous criticism delighted to in the sequel of the same volume,” refuses to go
magnify in the works of his contemporaries, farther than to own, that “ the theory of Hart
have already faded under the scorching rays of ley concerning the origin of our affections, and
a fiercer sun. of the moral sense, is a most ingenious refinenmrt
Mr Stewart employed more skill in contriving, on the selfish system, and that by means of it the
and more care in concealing, his very important force of many of the common reasonings against
reforms of Reid’s doctrines, than others exert to that system is eluded ;" though he somewhat
maintain their claims to originality. Had his inconsistently allows, that “ active principles
well-chosen language of“ laws of human thought which, arising from circumstances in which all
or belief” been at first adopted in that school, the situations of mankind must agree, are there
instead of “ instinct” and “common sense,” it fore common to the whole species, at whatever
would have escaped much of the reproach (which period of life they may appear, are to be regard
Dr Reid himself did not merit) of shallowness ed as a part of human nature, no less than the
and popularity. Expressions so exact, employed instinct of suction; in the same manner as the
in the opening, could not have failed to influence acquired perception of distance, by the eye, is
the whole system, and to have given it, not only to be ranked among the perceptive powers of
in the general estimation, but in the minds of its man, no less than the original perceptions of the
framers, a more scientific complexion. In those other senses)“ In another place also he makes
parts of Mr Stewart’s speculations in which he a remark on mere beauty, which might have led
most departed from his general principles, he him to a more just conclusion respecting the the
seems sometimes, as it were, to he suddenly ory of the origin of the affections and the moral
driven back by what he unconsciously shrinks sense : “ It is scarcely necessary for me to observe,
from as ungrateful apostasy ; and to be desirous that, in those instances where association operates
of making amends to his master, by more harsh in heightening (or he might have said creates) the
ness, than is otherwise natural to him, towards pleasures we receive from sight, the pleasing emo
the writers whom he has insensibly approached. tion continues still to appear, to our conscious
Hence perhaps the unwonted severity of his lan uses, simple and uncompounded.“ To this re
guage towards Tucker and Hartley. It is thus mark he might have added, that until all the
at the very time when be largely adopts the separate pleasures be melted into one,——as long
Principle of Association in his excellent Essay as any of them are discerned and felt as distinct
on the Beautiful,1 that he treats most rigidly from each other,-—.he associations are incom
the latter of these writers, to whom, though nei plete, and the qualities which gratify are not
ther the discoverer nor the sole advocate of that called by the name of beauty. In like manner,
principle, it surely owes the greatest illustration as has been repeatedly observed, it is only when
and support. all the separate feelings, pleasurable and pain
In matters of far other importance, causes ful, excited by the contemplation of voluntary
perhaps somewhat similar may have led to the action, are lost in the general sentiments of ap

‘ S'rrzwan'r's Philosophical Euays, part ii. essay i. especially chap. vi. The condensation, if not omission, of the discussion
of the theories of Bufiier, Reynolds, Burke, and Price, in this essay, would have lessened that temporary appearance which
is unsuitable to a scientific work.
‘ Elemm oftlw Philowphy of the Human Blind, vol. I. p. 281, edit. 1792, 4w.
3 ma. p. 383.
‘ Ibid. p. 385.
’ Philmrphical Ecrayl, part i. essay i. chap. vi.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 391
probation or disapprobation,-—when these gene to the existence of disinterested motives of hu
ral feelings retain no trace of the various emo man conduct.I It may also be observed, that
tions which originally attended different actions, he uniformly represents his opponents as de—
—when they are held in a state of perfect fusion riving the affections from self-lime, which, in its
by the habitual use of the words used in every proper sense, is not the source to which they
language to denote them,—-that conscience can refer even avarice; and which is itself derived
be said to exist, or that we can be considered from other antecedent principle, some of which
as endowed with a moral nature. The theory are inherent, and some acquired. If the object
which thus ascribes the uniform formation of of this theory of the rise of the most important
the moral faculty to universal and paramount feelings of human nature were, as our philoso—
laws, is not a refinement of the selfish system, pher supposes, “ to elude objections against the
nor is it any modification of that hypothesis. selfish system,” it would be at best worthless. Its
The partisans of selfishness maintain, that in positive merits are several. It afiirms the actual
acts of will the agent must have a view to the disinterestedness of human motives, as strongly
pleasure or happiness which he hopes to reap as Butler himself. The explanation of the men
from it. The philosophers who regard the social tal law, of which benevolence and conscience
afa‘tt'ons and the moral sentiments as formed by are formed habitually, when it is contemplated
a process of association, on the other hand, con deeply, impresses on the mind the truth that
tend that these affections and sentiments must they not only are but must be disinterested. It
work themselves clear from every particle of confirms, as it were, the testimony of conscious
self-regard, before they deserve the names of ness, by exhibiting to the understanding the
benevolence and of conscience. In the actual means employed to insure the production of dis
state of human motives, the two systems are not interestedness. It affords the only efi'ectual an
to be likened, but to be contrasted to each other. swer to the prejudice against the disinterested
It is remarkable that hlr Stewart, who admits theory, from the multiplication of ultimate facts
the “ question respecting the Origin of the afl‘ec and implanted principles, which, under all its
tions to be rather curious than important,”1 other forms, it seems to require. No room is
should have held a directly contrary opinion left for this prejudice by a representation of dis
respecting the moral sense;‘I to which these interestedness, which ultimately traces its forma
words, in his sense of them, seem to be equally tion to principles almost as simple as those of
applicable. His meaning in the former affirma Hobbes himself. Lastly, every step in just ge
tion is, that if the affections be acquired, yet they neralization is an advance in philosophy. No
are justly called natural; and if their origin be one has yet shown, either that man is not ac
personal, yet their nature may and does become tually disinterested, or that he may not have
disinterested. What circumstance distinguishes been destined to become so by such a process
the former from the latter case? With respect as has been described :—the cause to which the
to the origin of the affections, it must not be efi'ects are ascribed is a real agent, which seems
overlooked that his language is somewhat con adequate to the appearance; and if futurc obser
tradictory. For if the theory on that subject vation should be found to require that the theory
from which he dissents were merely “ a refine~ shall be confined within narrower limits, such a
ment on the selfish system,” its truth or false limitation will not destroy its value.
hood could not he represented as subordinate, The acquiescence of Mr Stewart in Dr Reid’s
since the controversy would continue to relate general representation of our mental constitu

‘ Outline: qfllloml Philosophy, 93.

' Oufllnel, p. H7. “ This is t e most important question that can be stated with respect to the Theory of Morals."
I In the Philomphy qf the Active and Moral Power: qfMan (vol. I. p. 164) Mr Stewart has done more manifest injustice
to the Hartleian theory, by calling it “a doctrine fundamentally the film" with the ral/“uh warm, and especially by represent
ing Hartley, who ought to be rather classed with Butler and Hume, as agreeing with Gay, Tucker, and Paley.
392 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

tion, led him to indulge more freely the natural of the distress which exists in the world. If
bent of his understanding, by applying it to theo we feel more for ourselves than for others,
ries of character and manners, of life and litera in the former case the facts are more fully be
ture, of taste and the arts, more than to the con fore us than they can be in the latter." Yet
sideration of those more simple principles which several parts of his writings afford the most
rule over human nature under every form. His satisfactory proof, that his abstinence from what
chief work, as he frankly owns, is indeed rather is commonly called metaphysical speculation,
a collection of such theories, pointing toward the arose from no inability to pursue it with sig
common end of throwing light on the structure nal success. As examples, his observations on
and functions of the mind, than a systematic General Terms, and on Causation, may be ap
treatise, such as might be expected from the title pealed to with perfect confidence. In the first
of “ Elements.” It is in essays of this kind two Dissertations of the volume bearing the title
that he has most surpassed other cultivators of of Philosophical Essays, he with equal boldness
mental philosophy. His remarks on the efl‘ects and acuteness grapples with the most extensive
of casual associations may be quoted as a speci and abstruse question of mental philosophy, and
men of the most original and justthoughts, con points out both the sources and the uttermost
veyed in the best manner.1 In this beautiful boundaries of human knowledge with a Verula
passage, he proceeds from their power of con mean hand. In another part of his writings, he
fusing speculation, to that of disturbing expe calls what are denominated first principles of
rience and of misleading practice; and. ends with experience, “fundamental laws of human belief;
their extraordinary efl'ect in bestowing on trivial,or primary elements of human reason ;”5 which
and even ludicrous circumstances, some portion last form of expression has so close a resemblance
of the dignity and sanctity of those sublime prin to the language of Kant, that it should have pro
ciples with which they are associated. The tected .the latter from the imputation of writing
style, at first only clear, afterwards admitting jargon.
the ornaments of a calm and grave elegance, at Mr Stewart’s excellent volume entitled Out
last rising to as high a strain as philosophy will lines ofMoral Philosophy,‘ though composed only
endure, and of which all the parts (various as as a text-book for the use of his hearers, is one
their nature is) are held together by an invisible of the most decisive proofs that he was perfectly
thread of gentle transition, affords a specimen qualified to unite precision with ease, to be brief
of adaptation of manner to matter which it will with the utmost clearness, and to write with be
be hard to match in any philosophical writer. coming elegance in a style where the meaning
Another very fine remark, which seems to beas is not overladcn by ornaments. This volume
original as it is just, may be quoted as a sample contains his properly Ethical Theory/,5 which is
of those beauties with which his writings abound. much expanded, but not substantially altered, in
“ The apparent coldness and selfishness of man his Philosophy ofthe Active and Moral Powers, °—
kind may be traced, in a great measure, to a a work almost posthumous, and composed under
want ofattention and a want of imagination. In circumstances which give it adeeper interest than
the case of those misfortunes which happen to can be inspired byany desert in science. Though,
ourselves or our near connections, neither of with his usual modesty, he manifests an anxiety
these powers is necessary to make us acquainted to fasten his ethical theory to the kindred specu
with our situation. But without an uncommon lations of other philosophers of the Intellectual
degree of both, it. is impossible for any man School, especially to those of Cudworth, recent
to comprehend completely the situation of his ly clothed in more modern phraseology by Price,
neighbour, or to have an idea of the greater part yet he still shows that independence and origin

! Elements of the Philosophy (9" the Human Mind, vol. I. p. 340-352. ‘ Edinburgh, 1794, 8vo.
’ Ibid. vol. I. p. 502. ‘ P. 16-148.
' Ibid. vol. II. p. 57. ‘ Two vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1828.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 393
ality which all his aversion from parade could criterion to distinguish moral from immoral
not entirely conceal. Right, duty, virtue, moral habits of feeling and action; for he considers
obligation, and the like or the opposite forms of the appearance of moral sentiment at an early
eXpression, represent, according to him, certain age, before the general tendency of actions could
thoughts, which arise necessarily and instantane be ascertained, as a decisive objection to the
ously in the mind (or in the reason, if we take origin of these sentiments in association,—-an
that word in the large sense in which it denotes objection which assumes that, if utility be the
all that is not emotive) at the contemplation of criterion of morality, associations with utility
actions, and which are utterly incapable of all must be the mode by which the moral sentiments
resolution, consequently of all explanation, and are formed, which no skilful advocate of the
which can be known only by being experienced. theory of association will ever allow. That the
These thoughts or ideas, or by whatever other main, if not sole object of conscience is to go
name they may be called, are followed as inex— vern our voluntary exertions, is manifest. But
plicably, but as inevitably, by pleasurable and how could it perform this great function if it
painful emotions, which suggest the conception did not impel the will? and how could it have
of moral beauty; :1 quality of human actions dis the latter efl'ect as a mere act of reason, or ‘in
tinct from their adherence to or deviationfrom rec deed in any respect otherwise than as it is made
h'lude, though generally coinciding with it. The up of emotions, by which alone its grand aim
question which a reflecting reader will here put could in any degree be attained? Judgment and
is, whether any purpose is served by the intro reason are therefore preparatory to conscience,
duction of the intermediate mental process be not properly a part of it. That the exclusion of
tween the particular thoughts and the moral reason reduces virtue to be a relative quality,
emotions. How would the view be darkened or is another instance of the confusion of the two
confused, or indeed in any degree changed, by questions in moral theory; for though a fitness
withdrawing that process, or erasing the words to excite approbation may be only a relation of
which attempt to express it? No advocate of objects to our susceptibility, yet the proposition
the intellectual origin of the moral faczdty has yet that all virtuous actions are beneficial, is a pro
stated a casein which a mere operation of reason position as absolute as any other within the
or judgment, unattended by emotion, could, con range of our understanding.
sistently with the universal opinion of mankind, A delicate state of health, and an ardent de~
as it is exhibited by the structure of language, sire to devote himself exclusively to study and
be said to have the nature or to produce the composition, induced Mr Stewart, while in the
effects of Conscience. Such an example would full blaze of his reputation as a lecturer, to ro
be equivalent to an experimentum crucis on the tire, in 1810, from the labour of public instrul>
side of that celebrated theory. The failure to tion. This retirement, as he‘himself describes
produce it, after .long challenge, is at least it, was that of a quiet but active life. Thrm
a presumption against it, nearly approach quarto and two octavo volumes, besides the
ing to that sort of decisively discriminative magnificent Dissertations prefixed to this En
experiment. It would be vain to restate what cyclopaedia, were among its happy fruits. These
has already been too often repeated, that all Dissertations are, perhaps, the most profusely
the objections to the selfish philosophy turn upon ornamented of any of his compositions; a pecu
the actual nature, not upon the original source liarity which must in part have arisen from a
of our principles of action; and that it is by a principle of taste, which regarded decoration as
confusion of these very distinct questions alone more suitable to the history of philosophy than
that the confutation of Hobbes can be made ap to philosophy itself. But the memorable in
parently to involve Hartley. Mr Stewart ap stances of Cicero, of Milton, and still more then
pears, like most other metaphysicians, to have of Dryden and Burke, seem to show that there
blended the inquiry into the nature of our moral is some natural tendency in the fire of genius to
sentiments with that other which only seeks a burn more brightly or to blaze more fiercely in
mss. n. 8 n
394 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the evening than in the morning of human life. Happily for him, his own cultivation and exer
Probably the materials which long experience cise of every kindly affection had laid up for
supplies to the imagination, the boldness with him a store of that domestic consolation which
which a more established reputation arms the none who deserve it ever want, and for the
mind, and the silence of the low but formidable loss of which, nothing beyond the threshold can
rivals of the higher principles, may concur in pro make amends. The same philosophy which he
ducing this uncXpected and little observed efl'ect. had cultivated from his youth upward employed
It was in the last years of his life, when suf his dying hand. Aspirations after higher and
fering under the effects of a severe attack of brighter scenes of excellence, always blended
palsy, with which he had been afliicted in 1822, with his elevated morality, became more earnest
that Mr Stewart most plentifully reaped the and deeper as worldly passions died away, and
fruits of long virtue and a well-ordered mind. earthly objects vanished from his sight.

THOMAS BRO“'N. ‘

A warrra, as he advances in life, ought to the Zoommia of Dr Darwin, the perhaps un

speak with difiidence of systems which he had matched work of a boy in the eighteenth year
only begun to consider with care after the age in of his age.a His first tract on Causation ap
which it becomes hard for his thoughts to flow peared to me the finest model of discussion in
into new channels. A reader cannot be said mental philosophy since Berkeley and Hume;
practically to understand a theory, till he has with this superiority over the latter, that its aim
acquired the power of thinking, at least for a is that of a philosopher who seeks to enlarge
short time, with the theorist. Even a bearer, knowledge, not that of a sceptic, the most illus
with all the helps of voice in the instructor, of trious of whom have no better end than that of
countenance from him and from fellow-hearers, displaying their powers in confounding and dark
finds it diflicult to perform this necessary process ening every truth; so that their very happiest
without either being betrayed into hasty and un efforts cannot be more leniently described than
distinguishing assent, or falling, while he is in as brilliant fits of mental debauchery.‘ From a
pursuit of an impartial estimate of opinions, in diligent perusal of his succeeding works at the
to an indifference about their truth. I have felt time of their publication, I was prevented by
this difliculty in reconsidering ancient opinions: pursuits and duties of a very difi'erent nature.
but it is perhaps more needful to own its power, These causes, together with ill health and grow
and to warn the reader against its efi‘ects, in the ing occupation, hindered me from reading his
case of a philosopher well known to me, and Lectures with due attention, till it has now be
with whom common friendships stood in the come a duty to consider with care that part of
stead of much personal intercourse, as a cement them which relates to Ethics.
of kindness. Dr Brown was born in one of those families
I very early read Brown’s Observations on 'of ministers in the Scottish church who, after a
c

1 Born in 1778: died in 1820.

' \VnLsn‘s Lifi! qf Brawn, p. 43; a pleasingly affectionate work, full of analytical spirit and metaphysical reading,-of
such merit, in short, that I could wish to have found in it no phrenology. Objections a priori in a case dependent on facts
are indeed inadmissible. Even the allowance of presumptions of that nature would open so wide a door for prejudices, that
at most they can be considered only as maxims of logical prudence, which fortify the watchfulness of the individual. The
fatal objection to phrenology seems to me to be, that what is new in it, or peculiar to it, has no approach to an adequate
foundation in experience. '
' “ Bayle. a writer who, pervading human nature at his ease, struck into the province of paradox as an exercise for the
unwearied vigour of his mind ; who, with a soul superior to the sharpest attacks of fortune, and a heart practised to the
best philosophy. had not enou h of real greatness to overcome that last foible of superior minds, the temptation of honour
which the academic exercise 0 wit is conceived to brin to its professor.” So \Varburton (Divine Legation, book i. sect- 4),
speaking of Boyle, but perhaps in part excusing himsel _-in a noble strain, of which it would have been more agreeable to
find the repetition than the contrast in his language towards Hume.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 395
generation or two of a humble life spent in hearth of his father, to the children who shared it
piety and usefulness, with no more than needful with him, and after them, first to the other part
knowledge, have more than once sent forth a ners of his childish sports, and then almost solely
man of genius from their cool and quiet shade, to those companions of his youthful studies who
to make his fellows wiser or better by tongue or continued to be the friends of his life. Specular
pen, by head or hand. Even the scanty endow tion seemed to keep his kindness at home. It is
ments and constant residence of that church, by observable, that though sparkling with fancy, he
keeping her ministers far from the objects which does not seem to have been deeply or durably
awaken turbulent passions and disperse the un touched by those affections which are lighted at
derstanding on many pursuits, afforded some of its torch, or at least tinged with its colours. His
the leisure and calm of monastic life, without heart sought little abroad, but contentedly dwelt
the exclusion of the charities of family and kin in his family and in his study. He was one of
dred. It may be well doubted whether this an those men of genius who repaid the tender care
dissipated retirement, which during the eigh of a mother by rocking the cradle of her repos
teenth century was very general in Scotland, did ing age. He ended a life spent in searching for
not make full amends for the loss of curious and truth, and exercising love, by desiring that he
ornamental knowledge, by its tendency to quali should be buried in his native parish, with his
fy men for professional duty, by the cultivation “ dear father and mother.” Some of these
of reason among a considerable number, and by delightful qualities were perhaps hidden from
those opportunities for high meditation, and for the casual observer in general society, by the
the unchangeable concentration of mind on wor want of that perfect simplicity of manner which
thy objects, to the few who had the natural capa is doubtless their natural representative. Man
city for such exertions.1 ner is a better mark of the state of a mind, than
An authentic account of the early exercises of those large and deliberate actions which form
Brown’s mind is preserved by his biographer.n what is called conduct. It is the constant and
At the age of nineteen he took a part with others, insensible transpiration of character. In serious
some of whom became the most memorable men acts a man may display himself. In the thou
of their time, in the foundation of a private so sand nameless acts which compose manner, the
ciety in Edinburgh, under the name of “ the mind betrays its habitual bent. But manner is
Academy of Physics."8 then only an index of disposition, when it is that
The character of Dr Brown is very attractive, of men who live at ease in the intimate famili~
as an example of one in whom the utmost ten arity of friends and equals. It may be diverted
derness of affection, and the indulgence of a from simplicity by causes which do not reach so
flowery fancy, were not repressed by the high~ deep as the character; by bad models, or by a
est cultivation, and by a perhaps excessive re restless and wearisome anxiety to shine, arising
finement of intellect. His mind soared and from many circumstances, none of which are pro
roamed through every region of philosophy and bably more common than the unseasonable ex
poetry; but his untravelled heart clung to the ertions of a recluse student in society, and the

1 See Sis H. Moscnzrrr‘s Life qf the Rnwrmd Dr Erskine.

I \Vntsn‘s Life ofBrown, p. 77, and App. p. 498
' A part of the first day‘s minutes is here borrowed from Mr \Velsh :-“ 7th January l797.-Present, Mr Erskine, Pre
sident,-Mr Brou_ ham, Mr lleddie, Mr Brown, Mr Birbeck, Mr Leyden," flu:- who were afterwards joined by Lord \Vcbb
Seymour, Messrs orner, Jeffrey, Smyth, kc. Mr Erskine, who thus a pears at the head of so remarkable an association,
and whom ditlidence and untoward circumstances have hitherto withhel from the full manifestation of his powers, confi
nued to be the bosom friend of Brown to the last, and showed the constancy of his friendship for others by converting all his
invaluable preparations for a translation of Sultan Baber‘s Commentariu (perhaps the best, certainly the most European
work of modern eastern prose) into the means of completing the imperfect attempt of Leydcn ; with a regard equally ge
nerous to the fame of his early friend, and to the comfort of that friend's surviving relations. The review of Baber's Com
mentaries. by M. Silvestre de Sacy, in the Journal dc: Sar'mu for May and June 1829, is perhaps one of the best specimens ex
tent of the value ofliterary commendation when it is bestowed with conscientious calmness, and without a sus icion ofbial,
by one of the greatest orientalists, in a case where he pronounces every thing to have been done by Mr lirs 'ine “ which
could have been performed by the most learned and the most scrupulously conscientious of editors and translators."
396 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

unfortunate attempts of some others, to take by habits indeed of so successful a lecturer, and the
violence the admiration of 'those with whom natural luxuriancy of his mind, could not fail to
they do not associate with ease. The association have somewhat tinctured all his compositions;
with unlike or superior companions which least but though he might still have fallen short of
distorts manners, is that which takes place with simplicity, he certainly would have avoided
those classes whose secure dignity generally much of the difl'usion, and even common-place,
renders their own manners easy; with whom which hang heavily on original and brilliant
the art of pleasing or of not displeasing each thoughts; for it must be owned, that though, as
other in society is a serious concern; who have a thinker, he is unusually original, yet when he
leisure enough to discover the positive and ne falls among the declaimers, he is infected by
gative parts of the smaller moralities; and who, their common-places.
being trained to a watchful eye on what is ludi In like manner, he would assuredly have
crous, apply the lash of ridicule to afl‘ectation, shortened or left out many of the poetical quo
the most ridiculous of faults. The busy in tations which he loved to recite, and which
every department of life are too respectably oc hearers even beyond youth hear with delight.
cupied to form these manners or to bestow them. There are two very different sorts of passages of
They are the frivolous work of polished idleness ; poetry to be— found in works on philosophy,
and perhaps their most serious value consists in which are as far asunder from each other in
the war which they wage against afl'eetation; value as in matter. A philosopher will admit
though even there they betray their nature in some of those wonderful lines or words which
punishingit, not as a deviation from nature, but bring to light the infinite varieties of character,
as a badge of vulgarity. the furious bursts or wily workings of passion,
The prose of Dr Brown is brilliant to excess. the winding approaches of temptation, the slip
It must not be denied that its beauty is some pery path to depravity, the beauty of tender
times Womanly; that it too often melts down ness, the grandeur of what is awful and holy in
precision into elegance; that it buries the main man. In every such quotation, the moral phi
idea under a load of illustration, of which every losopher, if he be successful, uses the best mate
part is expanded and adorned with such a visi rials of his science; for what are they but the
ble labour, as to withdraw the mind from atten results of experiment and observation on the hu
tion to the thoughts which it professes to intro man heart, performed by artists of far other skill
duce more easily into the understanding. It is and power than his? They are facts which could
darkened by excessive brightness; it loses ease have only been ascertained by Homer, by Dante,
and liveliness by over-dress; and, in the midst by Shakspeare, by Cervantes, by Milton. Every
of its luscious sweetness, we wish for the strik year of admiration since the unknown period
ing and homely illustrations of Tucker, and for when the Iliad first gave delight, has extorted
the pithy and sinewy sense of Paley, either of new proofs of the justness of the picture of hu
whom, by a single short metaphor from a fami man nature, from the responding hearts of the
liar, perhaps a low object, could at one blow set admirers. Every strong feeling which thesev
the two worlds of reason and fancy in move masters have excited is a successful repetition
ment. of their original experiment, and a continually
It would be unjust to censure severely the de growing evidence of the greatness of their dis
clarhatory parts of his Lectures; they are excus coveries. Quotations of this nature may be the
able in the first warmth of composition. They most satisfactory, as well as the most delightful,
might even be ustifiable allurements in attracting proofs of philosophical positions. Others of in
young hearers to abstruse speculations. Had he ferior merit are not to be interdicted: a pointed
lived, he would probably have taken his thoughts maxim, especially when familiar, pleases, and is
out of the declamatory forms of spoken address, recollected. I cannot entirely conquer my pass
and given to them the appearance, as well as sion for the Roman and Stoical declamation of
the reality, of deep and subtile discussion. The some passages in Luean and Akenside. But
 . DISSERTATION SECOND.
quotations from those who have written on phi
losophy in verse, or, in other words, from those
who generally are inferior philosophers, and vo
luntarily deliver their doctrines in the most dis
advantageous form, seem to be unreasonable. It
is agreeable, no doubt, to the philosopher, still
more to the youthful student, to meet his abstruse
ideas clothed in the sonorous verse of Akenside.
The surprise of the unexpected union of verse
with science is a very lawful enjoyment. But
such slight and momentary pleasures, though
they may tempt the writer to display them, do not
excuse a vain effort to obtrude them on the sym
pathy of the searcher after truth in after-times.
It is peculiarly unlucky that Dr Brown should
have sought supposed ornament from the moral
common—places of Thomson, rather than from
that illustration of philosophy which is really to
be found in his picturesque strokes.
Much more need not be said of Dr Brown’s
awn poetry, somewhat voluminous as it is, than
that it indicates fancy and feeling, and rose
at least to the rank of an elegant accomplish
ment. It may seem a paradox, but it appears
to me that he is really most poetical in those
poems and passages which have the most pro
perly nwlaphysical character. For every various
form of life and nature, when it is habitually
Contemplated, may inspire feeling; and the just
representation of these feelings may be poe—
tical. Dr Brown observed man, and his wider
world, with the eye of a metaphysician; and
the dark results of such contemplations, when
he reviewed them, often filled his soul with
feelings which, being both grand and melan
choly, were truly poetical. Unfortunately, how
ever, few readers can be touched with fellow
feeling. He sings to few, and must be content
with sometimes moving a string in the soul of
the lonely visionary, who, in the day-dreams of
youth, has felt as well as meditatcd on the mys
teries of nature. His heart has produced charm
ing passages in all his poems; but, generally
speaking, they are only beautiful works of art
‘ llis accomplished friend Mr Erskine confesses that Brown‘s poems “ are not written in the language of plain nndgmss
motion. The string touched is too delicate for general sympathy. They are in an unknown tongue to one half“ (he
might have said nineteen twentieths) “ of the reading part of the community." (\Vsuu‘s Lift QfBmm, p. 431.)
' Baown‘s Laura, vol. II. p. l-49.
397.
and imitation. The choice of Akenside as a fa
vourite and a model may, without derogation
from that writer, be considered as no proof of a
poetically formed mind.1 There is more poetry
in many single lines of Cowper than in volumes
of sonorous verses such as Akenside’s. Philoso
phical poetry is very different from versified
philosophy. The former is the highest exertion
of genius, the latter cannot be ranked above the
slighter amusements of ingenuity. Dr Brown’s
poetry was, it must be owned, composed either
of imitations, which, with some exceptions, may
be produced and read without feeling, or of efi'u
sions of such feelings only as meet a rare and
faint echo in the human breast.
A few words only can here be bestowed on the
intellectual part of his philosophy. It is an open
revolt against the authority of Reid; and, by a
curious concurrence, he began to lecture nearly
at the moment when the doctrines of that phi
losopher came to be taught with applause in
France. Mr Stewart had dissented from the
language of Reid, and had widely departed from
his opinions on several secondary theories. Dr
Brown rejected them entirely. He very justly
considered the claim of Reid to the merit of de
tecting the universal delusion which had be
trayed philosophers into the belief that ideas
which were the sole objects of knowledge had a
separate existence, as a proof of his having mis
taken their illustrative language for a metaphy
sical opinion ;' but he does not do justice to the
service which Reid really rendered to. mental
science, by keeping the attention of all future
speculators in a state of more constant watchful
ness against the transient influence of such an
illusion. His choice of the term feeling' to di»
note the operations which we usually refer to
the understanding, is evidently too wide a de
parture from its ordinary use, to have any pro
bability of general adoption. No definition can
strip so familiar a word of the thoughts and
emotions which have so long accompanied it, so
as to fit it for a technical term of the highest
' Ibid. vol. I. p. 220, 6:4;
398 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

abstraction. If we can be said to have a feeling for doing in the treatment of preceding philoso
“ of the equality of the angle of forty-five degrees phers. He falls into another more important
to half the angle of ninety degrees,”1 We may call and unaccountable error, in representing his own
Geometry and Arithmetic sciences of feeling. He reduction of Mr Hume's principles of association
has very forcibly stated the necessity of assum (resemblance, contrariety, causation, contiguity
ing “ the primary universal intuitions of direct be in time or place) to the one principle of conti
lief,” which, in their nature, are incapable of all guity, as a discovery of his own, by which his
proof. They seem to be accurately described as theory is distinguished from “ the universal
notions which cannot be conceived separately, opinion of philosophers.”4 Nothing but too ex
but without which nothing can be conceived. clusive a consideration of the doctrines of the
They are not only necessary to reasoning and to Scottish school could have led him to speak thus
belief, but to thought itself. It is equally im of what was hinted by Aristotle, distinctly laid
possible to prove or to disprove them. He has down by Hobbes, and fully unfolded both by
very justly blamed the school of Reid for “ an Hartley and Condillac. He has, however, ex
extravagant and ridiculous” multiplication of tremely enlarged the proof and the illustration
those principles which he truly represents as of this law of mind, by the exercise of “ a more
inconsistent with sound philosophy. To philo subtile analysis,” and the disclosure of “ a finer
sophize is indeed nothing more than to simplify species of proximity.“ As he has thus aided
securely.‘I and confirmed, though he did not discover the
' The substitution of suggestion for the former general law, so he has rendered a new and very
phrase, association of ideas, would hardly deserve important service to mental science, by what he
notice in so cursory a view, if it had not led him properly calls “ secondary laws of suggestion”6
to a serious misconception of the doctrines and or association,—circumstances which modify the
deserts of other philosophers. The fault of the action of the general law, and must be distinct
latter phrase is rather in the narrowness of the ly considered, in order to explain its connection
last, than in the inadequacy of the first word. with the phenomena. The enumeration and
Association presents the fact in the light of a re exposition are instructive, and the example is
lation between two mental acts. Suggestion de worthy of commendation. For it is in this lower
notes rather the power of the one to call up the region of science that most remains to be dis
other. But whether we say that the sight of covered ; it is that which rests most on observa
ashes suggests fire, or that the ideas of fire and tion, and least tempts to controversy; it is by
ashes are associated, we mean to convey the improvements in that part of knowledge that the
same fact; and, in both cases, an exact thinker foundations are secured, and the whole building
means to accompany the fact with no hypothe so repaired as to rest steadily on them. The
sis. Dr Brown has supposed the word associa distinction of common language between the
tion as intended to affirm that there was some head and the heart, which, as we have seen, is
“intermediate process”3 between the original so often overlooked or misapplied by metaphy
succession of the mental acts, and the power sicians, is, in the system of Brown, signified by
which they acquired therefrom of calling up the terms “ mental states” and " emotions.” It
each other. This is quite as much to raise up is unlucky that no single word could be found
imaginary antagonists for the honour of con for the former, and that the use of “ feeling,”
quering them, as he justly reprehends Dr Reid as the generic term, should disturb its easy

l Baows’s Lectures, vol. I. p. 222.

’ Dr Brown always expresses himself best where he is short and familiar. “ An hypothesis is nothing more than a rea
son for making one experiment or observation rather than another." (Lecturer, vol. I. p. 170.) In 1812, as the present
writer observed to him that Reid and Hume difi'ered more in words than in opinion, he answered, “ Yes, Reid bawled out,
we must believe an outward world; but added in a whisper, we can give no reason for our belief. Hume cries out, we can
give no reason for such a notion; and whispers, I own we cannot get rid of it."
' Lecturer, vol. II. p. 335-347. ~ Ibid. vol. II. p. 349. 5 Ibid. vol. II. p. 218, 81c. ' Ibid. vol. II. p. 270.
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
comprehension when it is applied more natu
rally.
In our more proper province he has followed
Butler, who appears to have been chiefly known
to him through Mr Stewart, in the theory of the
social affections. Their disinterestedness is en
forced by the arguments of both these philoso
phers, as well as of Hutcheson.l It is observ
able, however, that he applies the principle of
suggestion or association boldly to this part of
human nature, and seems inclined to refer to it
even sympathy itself." It is hard to understand
how, with such a disposition on the subject of a
principle so generally thought ultimate as Sym
pathy, he should, inconsistently with himself, fol
low Mr Stewart in representing the theory which
derives the affections from association as “ a
Modificatirm ofthe Selfish System.”5 He mistakes
that theory by stating, that it derives the afl'ec
tions from our experience that our own interest
was connected with that of others; while in
truth it considers our regard to our own interest
as formed from the same original pleasures by
association, which, by the like process, may and
do directly generate affections towards others,
without passing through the channel of regard
to our general happiness. But, says be, this is
only an hypothesis, since the formation of these
affections is acknowledged to belong to a time
of which there is no remembrance ;‘—an objec
tion fatal to every theory of any mental funetion,
—subvcrsive, for example, ofBerkeley’s discovery
of acquired visual perception, and most strange
ly inconsistent in the mouth of a philosopher
whose numerous simplifications of mental theory
are and must be founded on occurrences which
precede experience. It is in all other cases, and
it must be in this, sufficient that the principle of
the theory is really existing, that it explains the
appearances, that its supposed action resembles
what we know to be its action in these similar
cases of which we have direct experience. Last~
ly, he in express words admits that, according
to the theory to which he objects, we have af
‘ Baown’s Lectures, vol. III. p. 248.
' Ibid. vol. III. p. 282.
' Ibid. vol. 1V. p. 82, at seq.
‘ Ibid. vol. IV. p. 87.
399
fections which are at present disinterested.‘ Is
it not a direct contradiction in terms to call
such a theory “ a modification of the selfish
system ?” His language in the sequel clearly
indicates a distrust of his own statement, and a '
suspicion that he is not only inconsistent, but
altogether mistaken.a
As we enter more deeply into the territory of
Ethics, we at length discover in Brown a. distinc
tion, the neglect of which by preceding specula
tors we have more than once lamented as pro
ductive of obscurity and confusion :--“ The
moral affections,” says he, “ which I consider at
present, I consider rather physiologically” (or,
as he elsewhere better expresses it, “ psycholo
gically”) “ than ethically, as parts of our mental
constitution, not as involving thefillfilment 0r vio
lation of duties.”" He immediately, however,
loses sight of this distinction, and reasons incon
sistently with it, instead of following it to its
proper consequences in his explanation of con
science. Perhaps, indeed, (for the words are
capable of more than one sense,) he meant to
distinguish the virtuous affections from those
sentiments which have morality exclusively in
view, rather than to distinguish the theory of
moral sentiment from the attempt to ascertain
the characteristic quality of right action. Friend
ship is conformable in its dictates to morality;
but it may, and does exist, without any view to
it. He who feels the affections, and performs
the duties of friendship, is the object of that
distinct emotion which is called moral appro
bation.
It is on the subject of conscience that, in imi
tation of Mr Stewart, and with no other argu
ments than his, he makes his chief stand against
the theory which considers the formation of that
master faculty itself as probably referable to the
necessary and universal operation of those laws
of human nature to which he himself ascribes
almost every other state of mind. On both sides
of this question the supremacy of conscience is
alike held to be venerable and absolute. Once
‘ lbid. vol. IV. p. 87.
- 11.2.1. vol. W. p. 94417.
7 Ibid. vol. 111. p. 231.
400 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

more, be it remembered, that the question is
purely philosophical, and is only whether, from
the impossibility of explaining its formation by
more general laws, We are reduced to the neces
sity of considering it as an original fact in hu
man nature, of which no further account can be
given. Let it, however, be also remembered,
that we are not driven to this supposition by
the mere circumstance, that no satisfactory en
planation has yet appeared; for there are many
analogies in an unexplained state of mind to
states already explained, which may justify n!
in believing that the explanation requires only
more accurate observation, and more patient
meditation, to be brought to that eompletenem
which it probably will attain.

SECTION VII.

GENERAL REMARKS.

Havmc thus again premised an already often
repeated warning, it remains that we should
offer a few observations on the questions so
understood, which naturally occur on the con
sideration of Dr Brown’s argument in sup
port of the proposition, that moral approbation
is not only in its mature state independent of
and superior to any other principle of human
nature, regarding which there is no dispute, but
that its origin is altogether inexplicable, and
that its existence is an ultimate fact in mental
science. Though these observations are imme
diately occasioned by the perusal of Brown, they
are yet, in the main, of a general nature, and
might have been made without reference to any
particular writer.
The term Suggestion, which might be inof
fensive in describing merely intellectual asso
ciations, becomes peculiarly unsuitable when it a totally new product arises. The language in
is applied to those combinations of thought with
emotion, and to those unions of feeling, which
compose the emotive nature of man. Its com
mon sense of a sign recalling the thing signified,
always embroils the new sense vainly forced
upon it. No one can help owning, that if it betrayed into the selfish system by a desire of
were consistently pursued, so as that we were to
speak of suggesting a feeling or passion, the lan
guage would be universally thought absurd. To
suggest love or hatred is a mode of expression so
manifestly incongruous, that most readers would
choose to understand it as suggesting reflections
on the subject of these passages. Suggest would
not be understood by any common reason as sy~
nonymous with revive or rekindle. Defects of
the same sort may indeed be found in the par
rallel phrases of most if not all philosophers,
and all of them proceed from the same source,-
namely, the erroneous but prevalent notion, that
the law of association produces only such a close
union of a thought and a feeling, as gives one
the power of reviving the other; instead of the
truth, that it forms them into a new compound,
in which the properties of the component parts
are no longer discoverable, and which may itself
become a substantive principle of human nature.
They supposed the condition, produced by its
power, to resemble that of material substances
in a state of mechanical diffusion; whereas in
reality it may be better likened to a chemical
combination of the same substances, from which
volves a confusion of the question which relates
to the origin of the principles of human activity,
with the other and far more important question
which relates to their nature; and as soon as
this distinction is hidden, the theorist is either
clearness and simplicity, or tempted to the need
less multiplication of ultimate facts by mistaken
anxiety for what he supposes to be the guards of
our social and moral nature. The defect is com
mon to Brown with his predecessors, but in him
less excusable; for he saw the truth and recoil
ed from it.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 401
f It is the main defect of the term association is hard to say, then, why they should not be re
ciprocally tests of each other, though in a very
itself, that it does not, without long habit, convey
the notion of a perfect union, but rather leads difi'erent way ;—-the virtuous feelings, fitted as
to that of a combination which may be dissolved, they are by immediate appearance, by quick and
if not at pleasure, at least with the help of care powerful action, being sufficient tests of mora
and exertion ; which is utterly and dangerously lity in the moment of action, and for all prac
false in the important cases where such unions tical purposes; while the consideration of ten
are considered as constituting the most essential dency to general happiness, a more obscure and
principles of human nature. Men can no more slowly discoverable quality, should be applied
dissolvethese unions than they can disuse their in general reasoning, as a test of the sentiments
habit of judging of distance by the eye, and and dispositions themselves. It has been thus
often by the ear. But suggestion implies, that employed, and no proof has been attempted, that
what suggests is separate from what is suggest it has ever deceived those who used it in the pro
ed, and consequently negatives that unity in an per place. It has uniformly served to justify our
active principle which the whole analogy of na moral constitution, and to show how reasonable
ture, as well as our own direct consciousness, it is for us to be guided in action by our higher
shows to be perfectly compatible with its origin feelings. At all events it should be, but has not
in composition. been considered, that from these concessionsalone
Large concessions are, in the first place, to be it follows, that beneficial tendency is at least one'
remarked, which must be stated, because they constant property of virtue. Is not this, in efl‘ect,
very much narrow the matter in dispute. Those an admission that beneficial tendency does dis
who, before Brown, contended against beneficial tinguish virtuous acts and dispositions from those
tendency as the standard of morality, have which we call vicious? If the criterion be in
either shut their eyes on the connection of vir complete or delusive, let its faults be specified,
tue with general utility; or carelessly and ob and let some other quality be pointed out, which,
scurely allowed, without further remark, a con either singly or in combination with beneficial
nection which is at least one of the most re tendency, may more perfectly indicate the dis
markable and important of ethical facts. He tinction. “
acts more boldly, and avowedly discusses “ the But let us not be assailed by arguments which
relation of virtue to utility.” He was compell leave untouched its value as a test, and are in
ed by that discussion to make those concessions truth directed only against its fitness as an im
which so much abridge this controversy. “ Uti mediate incentive and guide to right action. To
lity and virtue are so related, that there is per those who contend for its use in the latter cha
haps no action generally felt to be virtuous, racter, it must be left to defend, if they can, so
which it would not be beneficial that all men in untenable a position. But all others must re
similar circumstances should imitate.”l “ In gard as pure sophistry the use of arguments
every case of benefit or injury willingly done, against it as a test, which really show nothing
there arise certain emotions of moral appro more than its acknowledged unfitness to be a
bation or disapprobation.” ' “ The intentional motive. .
produce of evil, as pure evil, is always hated; When voluntary benefit and voluntary injury
and that of good, as pure good, always loved.”8 are pointed out as the main, if not the sole ob
All virtuous acts are thus admitted to be uni jects of moral approbation and disapprobation,-
versally beneficial ; morality and the general when we are told truly, that the production of
benefit are acknowledged always to coincide. It good, as good, is always loved, and that of evil,

l Ledurel, vol. IV. p. 45. The unphiloso hical word “ perhaps" must he struck out of the proposition, unless the
whole be considered as a mere conjecture. It limits no affirmation, but destroys it, by convertin it into a guess. See the
like concession, vol. IV. p. 33, with some words interlarded, which betray a sort of reluctance an fluctuation, indicative of
the difficulty with which Brown struggled to withhold his assent from truth: which he unreasonably dreaded.
’ Ibid. vol. III. p. 661.
' [bid- vol. III. p. 02!.
DISS. II. 31-:
402 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS

as such, always hated,—can we require a more are as much entitled to immediate and implicit
clear, short, and unanswerable proof, that bene assent, as those principles which stand in'the
ficial tendency is an essential quality of virtue ? same relation to the reasoning faculties. The
It is indeed an evidently necessary consequence laws prescribed by a benevolent Being to his
of this statement, that if benevolence be amiable creatures must necessarily be founded on the
in itself, our affection for it must increase with principle of promoting their happiness. It would
its extent; and that no man can be in a per be singular indeed, if the proofs of the goodness
fectly right state of mind, who, if he consider of God, legible in every part of nature, should
general happiness at all, is not ready to acknow not, above all others, be most discoverable and
ledge that a good man must regard it as being conspicuous in the beneficial tendency of his
in its own nature the most desirable of all objects, moral laws. ' '
however the constitution and circumstances of But we are asked, if tendency to general wel
human nature may render it unfit or impossible fare be the standard of virtue, why is it not al
to pursue it directly as the object of life. It is ways present to the contemplation of every man
at the same time apparent that no such man who does or prefers a virtuous action ? Must
can consider any habitual disposition, clearly not utility be in that case “ the felt essence of
discerned to be in its Whole result at variance virtue P’“ Why are other ends, besides general
with general happiness, as not unworthy of being happiness, fit to be morally pursued?
~cultivated, or as not fit to be rooted out. It is These questions, which are all founded on
manifest that, if it were otherwise, he would that confusion of the theory of actions with the
cease to be benevolent. As soon as we conceive theory of semiments, against which the reader
the sublime idea of a Being who not only fore was so early warned,a might be dismissed with
sees, but commands, all the consequences of the no more than a reference to that distinction from
actions of all voluntary agents, this scheme bf the forgetfulness of which they have arisen. By
reasoning appears far more clear. In such a these advocates of utility, indeed, who hold it to
case, if our moral sentiments remain the same, be a necessary part (if their system, that some
they compel us to attribute his whole govern glimpse at least of tendency to personal or ge
ment of the World to benevolence. The conse neral wellbeing is an essential part of the m0
quence is as necessary as in any process of rea tives which render an action virtuous, these
son; for if our moral nature be supposed, it questions cannot be satisfactorily answered.
will appear self-evident, that it is as much im Against such they are arguments 0f irresistible
possible for us to love and'revere~ such a Being, force; but against the doctrine itself, rightly
if we ascribe to him a mixed or imperfect bene understood and justly bounded, they are alto
volence, as to believe the most positive contra gether powerless. The reason why there may,
diction in terms. ' Now, as religion consists in and must be, many ends morally more fit to be
that love and reverence, it is evident that it can pursued in practice than general happiness, is
not subsist without a belief in benevolence as plainly to be found in the limited capacity of
the 'sole principle of divine government. _ It is man. A perfectly good Being, who foresees and
nothing to tell us that this is not a process of comrmnds all the consequences of action, can
reasoning, or, to speak more exactly, that the not indeed be coneeived by us to have any other
first propositions are assumed. The first propo end in view than general wellbeing. Why evil
sitions in every discussion relating to intellectual exists under that perfect government, is a ques
operations must likewise be assumed. Con tion towards the solution of which the human
science is not reason, but it is'not less an es understanding can scarcely advance a single step.
sential part of human nature than reason. Prin But all who hold the evil to exist only for good,
ciples which are essential to all its operations and own their inability to explain why or how,

1 Lcrlum, vol. IV. p. 38. ’ See “lyre, p. 297-299.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 403
are perfectly exempt from any charge of incon brought him a solution of a problém.‘ The young
sistency in their obedience to the dictates of their man said, ‘ I have done this in order to have a
moral nature. The measure of the faculties of seat in the Academy.’ ‘ Sir,’ answered D’Alem
man renders it. absolutely necessary for him to bert, ‘ with such dispositions you never will earn
have many other practical ends; the pursuit of one. Science must be loved for its own sake,
all of which is moral, when it actually tends to and not for the advantage to be derived. No
general happiness, though that last end never other principle Will enable a. man to make pro
entered into the contemplation of the agent. It gress in the sciences.’ "1 It is singular that
is impossible fOr us to calculate the effects of a D’Alembert should not perceive the extensive
single action, any more than the chances of a application of this truth to' the whole nature of
single life. But let it not be hastily concluded, man. No man can make progress in a virtue
that the calculation of consequences is impossible who does not seek it for its own sake. No man
in moral. subjects. To calculate the general is a friend, a lover of his country, a kind father,
tendency of every sort of human action, is a a dutiful son, who does not consider the cultié
possible, easy, and common operation. The ge vation of affection and the performance of duty
neral good effects of temperance, prudence, for in all these cases respectively as incumbent on
titude, justice, benevolence, gratitude, veracity, him for their own sake, and not for the advan
fidelity,—of the affections of kindred, and of love tage to be derived from them. Whoever serves
for our country,—are the subjects of calculations another with a view of advantage to himself is
which, taken as generalities, are absolutely un universally acknowledged not to act from afl'ec
erring. They are founded on a larger and firmer tion. But the more immediate application of
basis of more uniform experience, than any of this truth to our purpose is, that in the case of
those ordinary calculations which govern pru those virtues which are the means of cultivating
dent men in the whole business of life. An and preserving other virtues, it is necessary 'to
appeal to these daily and familiar transactions acquire love and reverence for the secondary
furnishes at once a decisive answer, both to virtues for their own sake, without which they
those advocates of utility who represent the con never will be effectual means of sheltering and
sideration of it as a necessary ingredient in vir strengthening 'those intrinsically higher qualities
tuous motives, as well as moral approbation, to which they are appointed to minister. Every
and to those opponents who turn the unwar moral act must be considered 'as an end, and men
rantable inferences of unskilful advocates into must banish from their practice the regard to
proofs of the absurdity into which the doctrine the most naturally subordinate duty as a means.
leads. Those who are perplexed by the supposition
The cultivation of all the habitual sentiments that secondary virtues, making up by the extent
from which the various classes of virtuous actions of their beneficial tendency for what in each
flow—the constant practice of such actions— particular instance they may want in magnitude,
the strict observance of rules in all that province may become of as great importance as the pri
of Ethics which can be subjected to rules—the mary virtues themselves, would do well'to con
watchful care of all the outworks of every part sider a parallel though very homely case. A
of duty, of that descending series of useful ha house is useful for many purposes: many of
bits which, being securities to virtue, become these purposes are in themselves, 'for the time,
themselves virtues,—are so many ends which more important than shelter. The destruction
it is absolutely necessary for man to pursue and of the house may, nevertheless, become a greater
to seek for their own sake. evil than the defeat of several of these purposes,
“ I saw D’Alembert," says a verylate writer, because it is permanently convenient, and indeed
“ congratulate a young man very coldly, who necessary to the execution of most of them. A
v

' Mémoim dc Moulooier, vol. I. p. 60.

404 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

floor is made for warmm, for'dryness—to sup; the question, why moral approbation is not be
stowed on every thing beneficial, instead of be
port tables, chairs, beds, and all the household
implements which contribute to accommodation ing confined, as it eonfessedly is, to voluntary
and to pleasure. The floor is valuable only as acts. It may plausibly be said, that the esta
a means ; but, as the only means by which many blishment of the beneficial tendency of all those
ends are attained, it may be much more valuable voluntary acts which are the objects of moral
than some of them. The table might be, and approbation is not suflicient, since, if such ten
generally is, ef‘more valuable timber than the dency be the standard, it ought to follow, that
floor; but the workman who should for that rea whatever is useful should also be morally ap
son take more pains in making the table strong proved. To answer, as has before been done,1
than the floor secure Would not long be employ that experience gradually limits moral approba
ed by customers of common sense. The connec tion and disapprobation to voluntary acts, by
tion of that part of morality which regulates the teaching us that they influence the will, but are
intercourse'ofthe sexes with benevolence, afi'ords wholly wasted if they be applied to any other
the most striking instance of the very great im object,—-though the fact be true, and contributes
portancewhich may belong to a virtue, in itself somewhat to the result, is certainly not enough.
secondary, but on which the general cultivation It is at best a partial solution. Perhaps, on re
of the highest virtues permanently depends. consideration, it is entitled only to a secondary
Delicacy and modesty may be thought chiefly place. To seek a foundation for universal, ar
Worthy of cultivation, because they guard purity; dent, early, and immediate feelings, in processes
but they must he loved for their own sake, with of an intellectual nature, has, since the origin of
out which they cannot flourish. Purity is the philosophy, been the grand error of ethical in
sole school of domestic fidelity, and domestic quirers into human nature. To seek for such a
fidelity is the Only nursery of the affections be foundation in association, an early and insen
tween parents and children, from children to sible process, which confessedly mingles itself
wards each other, and, through these afl'ections, with the composition of our first and simplest
of all the kindness which renders the world habit feelings, and which is common to both parts
able. At each'step in the progress, the appropriate of our nature, is not liable to the same ani
end must be loved for its own sake; and it is easy madversion. If conscience be uniformly pro
to see how the only means of sowing the seeds duced by the regular and harmonious co-opcra
of benevolence, in all its forms, may become of tion of many processes of association, the ob
far greater importance than many of the modi jection is in reality a challenge to produce a
fications and exertions even of benevolence it complete theory of it, founded on that princi
self. To those who will consider this subject, ple, by exhibiting such a full account of all
it will not long seem strange that the sweetest these processes as may satisfactorily explain why
and most gentle affections grow up only under it proceeds thus far and no farther. This
the'apparently cold and dark shadow of stern would be a very arduous attempt, and perhaps
duty. The obligation is strengthened, not weak it may be premature. But something may be
ened, by the consideration that it arises from more modestly tried towards an outline, which,
human imperfection; which only proves it to though it might leave many particulars unex
be founded'on the nature of man. It is enough plained, may justify a reasonable expectation
that the pursuit of all these separate ends leads that they are not incapable of explanation; and
to general wellbeing, the promotion of which'is may even now assign such reasons for the limi
the final purpose of the creation. tation of approbation to voluntary acts, as may
The last and most specious argument against convert the objection derived from that fact into
beneficial tendency, even as a test, is conveyed in a‘corroboration of the doctrines to which it has

' See supra, p. 356, 357.

 DISSERTATION SECOND. 405
been opposed as an insurmountable difliculty. one of the classes of phenomena brought toge
Such an attempt will naturally lead to the close ther by it is not the subject of direct experience.
of the present Dissertation. The attempt has 3. That it should correspond, if not with all the
indeed been already made,1 but not without facts to be explained, at least with so great a
great apprehensions on the part of the author majority of them as to render it highly proba
that he has not been clear enough, especially in ble that means will in time be found of reconcil
those parts which appeared to himself to owe ing it to It is only on this ground that the
most to his own reflection. He will now en Newtonian system justly claimed the title of‘a
deavour, at the expense of some repetition, to be it
legitimate
was before
ances, unable
theory
to explain
the during many
labours that
of a long
celestial
period the
century,
more satisfactory.
There must be primary pleasures, pains, and
even appetites, which arise from no prior state genius of Laplace, at length completed .the
of mind, and which, if explained at all, can be theory, by adapting it to all the phenomena. A
derived only from bodily organization; for if theory may be just before it is complete.
there were not, there could be no secondary de In the application of these canons to the
sires. What the number of the underived prin theory which derives most of the principles of
ciples may be, is a question to which the an human action from the transfer of a small num
swers of philosophers have been extremely va ber of pleasures, perhaps organic, by the law of
rious, and of which the consideration is not association to a vast variety of new objects, it
necessary to our present purpose. The rules cannot be denied, 1st, That it satisfies the-first of
of philosophizing, however, require that causes the above conditions, inasmuch as association is
should not be multiplied without necessity. Of really one of the laws of human nature; 2dly,
two explanations, therefore, which give an That it also satisfies the second, for association
equally satisfactory accountof appearances, that certainly produces efi'ects like those which are
theory is manifestly to be preferred which sup referred to it by this theory, otherwise there
poses the smaller numbcr of ultimate and inex— Would be no secondary desires, no acquired re
plicable principles. This maxim, it is true, is lishes and dislikes ;—-—facts universally acknow
subject to three indispensable conditions. 1. ledged, which are and can be explained pnly by
That the principles employed in the explanation the principle called by Hobbes mental discourse;
should be known really to exist: in which con —by Locke, Hume, Hartley, Condillac, and the
sists the main distinction between hypothesis and majority of speculators, as well as in common
theory. Gravity is a principle universally known speech, associatim;—by Tucker, translation ;—
to exist; ether and a nervous fluid are mere and by Brown, suggestion. The facts generally
suppositions. 2. That these principles should referred to the principle resemble those which
be known to produce effects like those which are claimed for it by the theory in this important
are ascribed to them in the theory. This is particular, that in both cases equally, pleasure
a further distinction between hypothesis and becomes attached to perfectly new things, so
theory; for there are an infinite number of de that the derivative desires become perfectly in
grass of likeness, from the faint resemblances dependent on the primary. The great dissimi
which have led some to fancy that the functions larity of these two classes of passions has been
of the nerves depend on electricity, to the re supposed to consist in this, that the former al
markable coincidences between the appearances ways regards the interest of the individual, while
of projectiles on earth, and the movements of the latter regards the welfare of others. The
the heavenly bodies, which constitutes the New philosophical world has been almost entirely di
tonian system; a theory now perfect, though vided into two sects; the partisans of selfishness,
exclusively founded on analogy, and in which comprising mostly all the predecessors of Butler,

' See supra, p. 346-7, 365-9.

406 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and the greater part of his successors; and the important, the affections are formed at an earlier
advocates of benevolence, who have generally period than many' self-regarding passions,’and
contended that the reality of disinterestedness de they always precede the formation of self-love.
pends on its being a primary principle. Enough Many of the later advocates of the disinterest
has been said by Butler against the more fa ed system, though recoiling from an apparent
tal heresy of selfishness. Something has al approach to the selfishness into which the purest
ready been said‘against the error of the ad of their antagonists had occasionally fallen‘,
vocates of disinterestcdness, in the progress of were gradually obliged to make concessions to
this attempt to dcvelope ethical truths histo the derivative system, though clogged with the
rically, in the order in which inquiry and con contradictory assertion, that it was only a refine
troversy brought them out with increasing ment of selfishness: and ' we have seen that
brightness. The analogy of the material world Brown, the last and not the least in genius of
is indeed faint, and often delusive; yet we them, has nearly abandoned the greater, though
dare not utterly reject that on which the whole not indeed'the' most important part of the terri
technical language of mental and moral science tory in dispute, and scarcely contends for any
is necessarily grounded. The whole creation underived principle but the moral faculty.
teems with instances where the most powerful In this state of opinion among the very small
agents and the most lasting bodies are the ac number in Great Britain who still preserve some
knowledged results of the composition, some remains of a taste for such-speculations, it is
times of a. few, often of many elements. These needless here to trace the application of the law
compounds often in their turn become the ele of association to the formation of the secondary
ments of other substances ; and it is with them desires, whether private or social. For our pre
that we are conversant chiefly in the pursuits of sent purposes, the explanation of their origin
knowledge, solely in the concerns of life. No may be assumed to be satisfactory. In what
man ever fancied, that because they were com follows, it must, however, be steadily borne in
pounds, they were therefore less real. It is mind, that this concession involves an admission
impossible to confound them with any of the that the pleasure derived from low objects may
separate elements which contribute towards be transferred to the most pure; that from a
their formation. ' But a much more close resem part of a. self-regarding appetite such a pleasure
blance presents itself. Every secondary desire, may become a portion of a perfectly disinterest
or acquired relish, involves in it a transfer of ed desire; and that the disinterested nature and
pleasure'to something which was before indifi'cr absolute independence of the latter are not in
ent or disagreeable. Is the new pleasure the the slightest degree impaired by the considera
less real for being acquired ? Is it not often pre tion, that it is formed by'd'ne' of those grand
ferred to thé original enjoyment? Are not many mental processes to which the formation of the
of these secondary pleasures indestructible? Do
other habitual states of ‘the human mind have
not many of them survive primary appetites? been, with great probability, ascribed.
Lastly, the important principle of regard to When the social affections are thus formed,
our own general welfare, which disposes us to they are naturally followed in every instance by
prefér it to immediate pleasure, unfortunately the will to (lo whatever'can promote their object.
called self-love (as if, in any intelligible sense of Compassion excites a voluntary determination
the term love,'it' were possible for a man to love to do whatever relieves the person pitied. The
himself), is perfectly intelligible if its origin be like process must occur iii‘every case of grati
ascribed to association, but utterly incompre tude, generosity, and affection. Nothing so
hensible if it be considered as prior to the appe uniformly follows the kind disposition as" the-act
tites and desires, which alone furnish it with of will, because it is the only means by 'which
materials. 'As happiness consists of satisfactions, the benevolent desire can he gratified.
The re
self-love presupposes appetites and desires which sult of what Brown justly calls “afiner analysis,”
are to be satisfied. If the order of time were shows a mental contiguity of the affection to the
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 407
volition to be much closer than appears on a punishment, and disapprove those which hinder
coarser examination of this part of our nature. its infliction or destroy its efl'eet;_ at the head
No wonder, then, that the strongest association, of which may be placed that excess of punish
the most active power of reciprocal suggestion, ment beyond the average feelings'of good men
should subsist betWeen them. As all the effec which turns the indignation of the calm by
tions are delightful, so the volitions, voluntary stander against the culprit into pity. In this
acts which are the only means of their gratifica state, when anger is duly moderated,—when
tion, become agreeable objects of contemplation it is proportioned to the wrong,—when it is
to the mind. The habitual disposition to per detached from personal considerations,—when
form them is felt in ourselves, and observed in dispositions and actions are its ultimate oQ'ects,—it
others, with satisfaction. As these feelings be becomes a sense of ustice, and is so purified as
come more lively, the absence of them may be to be fitted to be a new element of conscience.
viewed in ourselves with a pain, in others with There is no part of morality which is so directly
an alienation capable of indefinite increase. They aided by a conviction of the necessity of its ob
become entirely independent sentiments; still, servance to the general interest, as justice. The
however, receiving constant supplies of nourish connection between, them is discoverable by the
ment from their parent affections, which, in most common understanding. All public deli
well~balanced minds, reciprocally strengthen berations profess the public welfare to be their
each other; unlike the unkind passions, which object; all laws propose it as their end. This
are constantly engaged in the most angry con calm principle of public utility serves to me
flicts of civil war. In this state we desire to diate between the sometimes repugnant feelings
experience these bemficmt UOZiliOIlS, to cultivate which arise in the punishment of criminals,
a disposition towards them, and to do every cor by repressing undue pity on one hand, and re
respondent voluntary act. They are for their own ducing resentment to its proper level on the
sake the objects of desire. They thus constitute other. Hence the unspeakable importance of
a large portion of those emotions, desires, and criminal laws as a part of the moral education
afi'ections, which regard certain dispositions of of mankind. Whenever they carefully conform
the mind and determinations of the will as their to the moral sentiments of the age and country,
sole and ultimate end. These are what are called —when they are withheld from approaching the
the moral sense, the moral sentiments, or best limits within which the disapprobation of good
though most simply, by the ancient name of Con men would confine punishment, they contribute
science; which has the merit, in our language, of in the highest degree to increase the ignominy
being applied to no other purpose, which pecu of crimes, to make men recoil from the first sug
liarly marks the strong working of these feelings gestions of criminality, and to nourish and ma
on conduct, and which, from its solemn and sacred ture the sense of justice, which lends new vigour
character, is well adapted to denote the vener to the conscience with which it has been united.
able authority of the highest principle of human Other contributary streams ‘ present them
nature. . selves. Qualities which are necessary to virtue,
Nor is this all: It has already been seen that but may be subservient to vice, may, independ
not only sympathy with the sufferer, but indig ently of that excellence or of that defect, be in
nation against the wrong-doer, contributes a themselves admirable. Courage, energy, deci
large and important share towards the moral sion, are of this nature. In their wild state
feelings. \Ve are angry at those who disappoint they are often savage and destructive. \Vhen
our wish for the happiness of others. We make they are tamed by the society of the affections,
the resentment of the innocent person wronged and trained up in obedience to the moral facul
our own. Our moderate anger approves all ty, they become virtues of the highest order,
well-proportioned punishment of the wrong-deer. and, by their name of magnanimily, proclaim
We hence approve those dispositions and actions the general sense of mankind that they are the
of voluntary agents which promote such suitable characteristic qualities of a great soul. They
408 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

retain whatever was admirable in their unre cious or prudent; but he is not benevolent if he
claimed state, together with all that they borrow confers benefits with a view to his own greatest
from their new associate and their high ruler. happiness. In like manner, it is ascertained by
Their nature, it must be owned, is prone to experience, that all the masters of science and
evil; but this propensity does not hinder them of art—that all those who have successfully
from being rendered capable of being ministers pursued truth and knowledge—love them for
of good, in a state where the gentler virtues rm their own sake, without regard to the gene
quire to be vigorously guarded against the attacks rally imaginary dower of interest, or even to
of daring depravity. It is thus that the strength the dazzling crown which fame may place on
of the well-educated elephant is sometimes em their heads.l But it may still be reasonably
ployed in vanquishing the fierceness of the tiger, asked, why these useful qualities are morally im
and sometimes ued as a means of defence against proved, and how they become capable of being
the shock of his brethren of the same species. combined with those public and disinterested
The delightful contemplation, howeVer, of these sentiments which principally constitute con
qualities, when purely applied, becomes one ofthe science? The answer is, because they are en
sentiments of which the dispositions and actions tirely conversant with volitions and voluntary
of voluntaryagents are the direct and final object. actions, and in that respect resemble the other
By this resemblance they are associated with constituents of conscience, with which they are
the other moral principles, and with them con thereby fitted to mingle and coalesce. Like
tribute to form Conscience, which, as the master those other principles, they may be detached
faculty of the soul, levies such large contribu from what is personal and outward, and fixed on
tions on every province of human nature. the dispositions and actions, which are the only
It is important, in this point of view, to con means of promoting their ends. The sequence
sider also the moral approbation which is un of these principles and acts of will becomes so fre
doubtedly bestowed on those dispositimts and ac quent, that the association between both may be
tions of voluntary agents which terminate in their as firm as in the former cases. All those senti
own satisfaction, security, and wellbeing. They ments of which the final object is astate of the will,
have been called duties to ourselves, as absurd become thus intimately and inseparably blended;
ly as a regard to our own greatest happiness is and of that perfect state'of solution (if such
called self-love. But it cannot be reasonably words may be allowed) the result is Conscierwe
doubted, that intemperance, improvidence, ti —-the judge and arbiter of human conduct ;
midity, even when considered only in relation which, though it does not supersede ordinary mo
to the individual, are not only regretted as im tives of virtuous feelings and habits, which are
prudent, but blamed as morally wrong. It was the ordinary motives of good actions, yet exer
excellently observed by Aristotle, that a man is cises a lawful authority even over them, and
not commended as temperate, so long as it costs ought to blend with them. lVhatsoever actions
him efforts of soy-denial to persevere in the and dispositions are approved by conscience
practice of temperance, but only when he pre acquire the name of virtues or duties: they are
fers that virtuefor its own sake. He is not meek, pronounced to deserve commendation; and we
nor brave, as long as the most vigorous self are justly considered as under amoral obligation to
command is necessary to bridle his anger or his practise the actions and cultivate the dispositions.
fear. On the same principle, be may be judi Thekodlition‘of the 'private and public feel
.911 Mar . v - u I V‘

' See the Purnn't of Knowledge under Diflc-ultler, 'i.‘ discourse forniing the firét part of the third volume of the Library of
Entertaining Knowledgc, London, 1829. The author of this Essa , for it! can bl no other than Mr Brougham, will by others
' be placed at the head of those who, in the midst of arduous em oyments,-and surrounded by all the allurements of society,
yet find leisure for exerting the unwearied vigour of their mi in every mode of rendering permanent'service to the hu
man species; more especia y in spreading a love of knowledge, and difl'using usefultruth among all classes of men. These
voluntar'y occupations deserve our attention still less as examples of prodigious power than as proofs of an intimate con
Viction, which binds them by unity of purpose with his public duties, that (to use the almost dying wards of an excellent
person) “ man can neither be happy without virtue, nor actively virtuous without liberty, nor sec.ureLv.£ree mithout rational
knowledge." (Close of Sir W. J ms's last' Diacounc to the Afidtic Sbciety‘qf Calcutta.) ‘
 ‘ DISSERTATION SECOND. ' 409
ings is very remarkable in two points of view, sible indeed to show, that while his disposition
from which it seems hitherto to have been scarce continues the same, he can derive any enjoy
ly observed. First, It illustrates very forcibly ment from the practice of virtue. But it may
all that has been here offered to prove, that the be most clearly shown, that every advance in the
peculiar character of the moral sentiments con amendment of that disposition is a step towards
sists in their exclusive reference to states of will, even temporal happiness. If he do not amend
and that every feelingwhich has that quality, his character, we may compel him' to own that
when it is purified from all admixture with dif he is at variance with himself, and offends against
ferent objects, becomes capable of being absorb a principle of which even he must recognise the
ed into Conscience, and of being assimilated to reasonableness.
it, so as to become a part of it. For no feelings The formation of Conscience from so many
can be more unlike each other in their object elements, and especially the combination of ele
than the private and the social; and yet, as both ments so unlike as the private desires and the
employ voluntary actions as their sole immedi social affections, early contributes to give it the
ate means, both may be transferred by associa appearance of that simplicity and independence
tion to states of the will, in which case they are which in its mature state really distinguish it.
transmuted into moral sentiments. No exam It becomes, from these circumstances, more dif
ple of the coalition of feelings in their general ficult to distinguish its separate principles; and
nature less widely asunder, could afford so much it is impossible to exhibit them in separate ac
support to this position. Secondly, By raising tion. The affinity of these various passions to
qualities useful to ourselves to the rank of virtues, each other, which consists in their having no ob
it throws a strong light on the relation of virtue ject but states of the will, is the only common pro
to individual interest; very much as justice illus perty which strikes the mind. Hence the faci
trates the relation of morality to general interest. lity with which the general terms, first probably
The coincidence of morality with individual inte limited to the relations between ourselves and
rest is an important truth in Ethics. It is most others, are gradually extended to all voluntary
manifest in that part of Ethics which we are acts and dispositions. Prudence and temper
now considering. A calm regard to our general ance become the objects of moral approbation.
interest is indeed a faint and infrequent motive When imprudeuce is immediately disapproved
of action. Its chief advantage is, that it is re by the by-stander, without deliberate considera
gular, and that its movements may be calculat tion of its consequences, it is not only displeas
ed. In deliberate conduct it may often be relied ing, as being pernicious, but it is blamed as
on, though perhaps never safely without know wrong, though with a censure so much inferior
ledge of the whole temper and character. But to that bestowed on inhumanity and injustice, as
in moral reasoning at least, the coincidence is may justify these writers who use the milder
of unspeakable advantage. If there be amiser term improper. At length, when the general
able man who has cold affections, a weak sense words come to signify the objects of moral ap
of justice, dim perceptions of right and wrong, probation, and the reverse, they denote merely
and faint feelings of them;-—-if, still more wretch the power to excite feelings which are as inde
. ed, his heart be constantly torn and devoured by pendent as if they were nnderived, and which
malevolent passions—the vultures of the soul; coalesce the more perfectly, because they are de
—we have one resource still left, even in cases tached from objects so various and unlike as to
so dreadful. Even he still retains a human render their return to their primitive state very
principle, to which we can speak. He must difficult.
own that he has some wish for his own lasting The question, ‘ why we do not morally approve
welfare. We can prove to him that his state of the useful qualities of actions which are altogether
mind is inconsistent with it. It may be impos involuntary, may now be shortly and satisfacto

' See “117m, p. 341.

DISS. H. 811
410 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rily answered: because conscience is in perpe distant an object as the welfare of all sentient
tual contact, as it were, with all the dispositions beings. But to what point is every one of its
and actions of voluntary agents, and is by that elements directed? What, for instance, is the
means indissolubly associated with them excl u aim of all the social affections? ’ Nothing but the
sively. It has a direct action on the will, and a production of larger or smaller masses of happi
constant mental contiguity to it. It has no such ness among those of our fellow-creatures who
mental contiguity to involuntary changes. It are the objects of these affections. In every case
has never perhaps been observed, that an opera these affections promote happiness, as far as their
tion of the conscience precedes all acts deliber foresight and their power extend. What can be
ate enough to be in the highest sense voluntary, more conducive, or even necessary, to the being
and does so as much when it is defeated as when and welIbeing of society, than the rules ofjustice ?
it prevails. In either case the association is re Are not the angry passions themselves, as faras
peated. It extends to the whole of the active they are ministers of morality, employed in re
man. All passions have a definite outward ob moving hinderances to the welfare of ourselves
ject to which they tend, and a limited sphere and others, which is indirectly promoting it?
within which they act. But conscience has no The private passions terminate indeed in the
object but a state of will; and as an act of will happiness of the individual, which, however, is
is the sole means of gratifying any pamion, a part of general happiness, and the part over
conscience is co-cxteusive with the whole man, which we have most power. Every principle of
and without encroachment curbs or aids every which conscience is composed has some portion
feeling, even within the peculiar province of that of happiness for its object. To that point they
feeling itself. As will is the universal means, all converge. General happiness is not indeed
conscimce, which regards will, must be a uni one of the natural objects of conscience, because
versal principle. As nothing is interposed be our voluntary acts are not felt and perceived to
tween conscience and the will when the mind is affect it. But how small a step is left for rea
in its healthy state, the dictate of conscience is son. It only casts up the items of the account.
followed by the determination of the will, with a. It has only to discover that the acts of those who
promptitude and exactness which very naturally labour to promote separate portions of happiness
is likened to the obedience of an inferior to the must increase the amount of the whole. It may
lawful commands of those whom he deems to be be truly said, that if observation and experience
rightfully placed over him. It therefore seems did not clearly ascertain that beneficial tendency
clear, that on the theory which has been attempt is the constant attendant and mark of all virtu
ed, moral approbation must be limited tovolun ous dispositions and actions, the same great
tary operations, and conscience must be universal, truth would be revealed to us by the voice of
independent, and commanding. conscience. The coincidence, instead of being
One remaining difficulty may perhaps be ob arbitrary, arises necessarily from the laws of
jected to the general doctrines of this Disserta human nature, and the circumstances in which
tion, though it does not appear at any time to mankind are placed. ‘Ve perform and approve
have been urged against other modifications of virtuous actions, partly because conscience re—
the same principle. “ If moral approbation,” it gards them as right, partly because we are
may be said, “involve no perception of beneficial prompted to them by good afl'ections. All these
tendency, whence arises the coincidence between affections contribute towards general wellbeing,
that principle and the moral sentiments?” It though it were not necessary, nor would it be
may seem at first sight, that such a theory rests fit, that the agent should be distracted by the
the foundation of morals upon a coincidence al contemplation of that vast and remote objects-Kv
together mysterious, and apparently capricious The various relations of conscience to religion
and fantastic. Waiving all other answers, let we have already been led to consider on the
us at once proceed to that which seems conclusive. principles of Butler, of Berkeley, of Paley, and
It is true that conscience rarely contemplate so especially of Hartley, who was led by his own
 DISSERTATION SECOND.
piety to contemplate as the last and highest
stage of virtue and happiness, a sort of self
annihilation, which, however unsuitable to the
present condition of mankind, yet places in the
strongest light the disinterested character of the
system, of which it is a conceivable though
perhaps not attainable result. The complete
ness and rigour acquired by conscience, when all
its dictates are revered as the commands of a
perfectly wise and good Being, are so obvious,
that they cannot be questioned by any reason
able man, however extensive his incredulity may
be. It is thus that conscience can add the
warmth of an affection to the inflexibility of
principle and habit. It is true that, in exa
mining the evidence of the divine original of a
religious system, in estimating an imperfect re
ligion, or in comparing the demerits of religions
of human origin, conscience must be the stand
ard chiefly applied. But it follows with equal
clearness, that those who have the happiness to
find satisfaction and repose in div-inc revela—
tion, are bound to consider all those precepts
for the government of the will, delivered by
it, which are manifestly universal, as the rules
to which all their feelings and actions should
conform. The true distinction between con
science and a taste for moral beauty has already
been pointed out;1 a distinction which, not
withstanding its simplicity, has been unobserved
by philosophers, perhaps on account of the fre
quent co-operation and intermixture of the two
feelings. Most speculators have either denied
the existence of the taste, or kept it out of view
in their theory, or exalted it to the place which
is rightfully filled only by conscience. Yet it
is perfectly obvious that, like all the other feel
ings called pleasures of imagination, it termi
nates in delightful contemplation, while the
moral faculty always aims exclusively at volun
tary action. Nothing can more clearly show
that this last quality is the characteristic of con
science, than its being thus found to distinguish
that faculty from the sentiments which most
nearly resemble it, most frequently attend it,
and are most easily blended with it.
’ See supra, p. 368, 369.
411
SOME attempt has now been made to develope
the fundamental principles of ethical theory, in
that historical order in which meditation and
discussion brought them successively into a
clearer light. That attempt, as far as it re
gards Great Britain, is at least chronologically
complete. The spirit of bold speculation, con
spicuous among the English of the seventeenth
century, languished after the earlier part of
the eighteenth, and seems, from the time of
Hutcheson, to have passed into Scotland, where
it produced Hume, the greatest of sceptics,
and Smith, the most eloquent of modern mo
ralists; besides giving rise to that sober, mo—
dest, perhaps timid Philosophy, which is com
monly called Scotch,—-which has the singular
merit of having first strongly and largely in
culcated the absolute necessity of admitting
certain principles as the foundation of all rea
soning, and as being the indispensable con
ditions of thought itself. In the eye of the
moralist, all the philosophers of Scotland, Hume
and Smith as much as Reid, Campbell, and
Stewart, have also the merit of having avoid
ed the selfish system; and of having, under
whatever variety of representation, alike main
tained the disinterested nature of the social af
fections and the supreme authority of the moral
sentiments. Brown reared the standard of re
volt against the masters of the Scottish School,
and in reality, still more than in words, adopt
ed those very doctrines against which his pre
decessors, after their war against scepticism,
uniformly combated. The law of association,
though expressed in other language, became
the nearly universal principle of his system;
and perhaps it would have been absolutely
universal if he had not been restrained rather
by respectful feelings than by cogent reasons.
With him the love of speculative philosophy,
as a pursuit, appears to have expired in Sect
land. There are some symptoms, yet how
ever very faint, of the revival of a taste for it
among the English youth. It was received with
approbation in France from M. Royer Collard,
the scholar of Stewart more than of Reid, and
412 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

with enthusiasm from his pupil and successor out Europe, which seem to have suggested the
M. Cousin, who has clothed the doctrines of the necessity of their adoption. Kant has himself
Schools of Germany in an unwonted eloquence, acknowledged that his whole theory of the per;
which always adorns, but sometimes disguises cipient and intellectual faculty was intended to
them. " " protect the first principles of human knowledge
The history of 'Political Philosophy, even if against the assaults of Hume. In like manner,
its extent and subdivisions were better defined, his ethical system is evidently framed for the
would, it is manifest, have occupied another Dis. ' purpose of guarding certain principles, either
scrtation, at least equal in length to the present. directly governing, or powerfully affecting prac
The most valuable parts of it belong to Civil tice, which seemed to him to have been placed
History. It is too often tainted by a turbulent on unsafe foundations by their advocates, and
and factions spirit to be easily combined with which were involved in perplexity and con‘
the calmer history of the progress of science, or fusion, especially by those who adapted the re
even of the revolutions of speculation. In no sults of various and sometimes contradictory
age of the World were its principles so inter systems to the taste of multitudes, more eager
woven with political events, and so deeply im to know than prepared to be taught. To the
bued with the passions and divisions excited by theoretical reason he superadded thet'practical
them, as in the eighteenth century. reason, 'which had peculiar laWs and prin
It was at one time the purpose, or rather per ciples of its own, from which all the rules of
haps hope, of the writer, to close this discourse morals may be deduced. The practical reason
by an account of the ethical systems which have cannot be conceived without these laws; there
prevailed in Germany during the last half cen fore they are inherent. It perceives them to be
tury; which, maintaining the same spirit amidst necessary and universal. Hence, by a process
great changes of technical language, and even ‘ not altogether dissimilar, at least in its gross re
of speculative principle, have new exclusive pos sults, to that which was employed for the like
session of Europe to the north of the Rhine, purpose by Cudworth and Clarke, by Price, and
have been welcomed by the French youth with in some degree by Stewart, he raises the social
open arms, have roused in some measure the affections, and still more the moral sentiments,
languishing genius of Italy, but are still little above the sphere of enjoyment, and beyond that
known and unjustly estimated by the mere series of enjoyments which is called happiness.
English reader. He found himself, however, The performance of duty, not the pursuit of
soon reduced to the necessity of either being su happiness, is in this system the chief end of man.
perficial, and'by consequence uninstructive; or By the same intuition we discover that virtue
of devoting to that subject afar longer time than deserves happiness; and as this desert is not
he can now spare, and a much larger space than uniformly so requited in the present state of
the limits of this Work would probably allow. existence, it compels us to belieVe a moral go
The majority of readers will indeed be more vernment of the world, and a future state of ex
disposed to require an excuse for‘the eXtent of istence, in which all the conditions of the prac
what has been done, than for the relinquishment tical reason will be realized ;—-truths, of which,
of projected additions. All readers must agree in the opinion of Kant, the argumentative proofs
that this is peculiarly a subject on which it is were at least very defective, but of “which the
better to be silent than to say too little. revelations of the practical reason afforded a
‘-A very few observations, however, on the Ger more conclusive demonstration than any process
man Philosophy, as'far'asfrelates to its ethical‘ of reasoning could supply. “Y qThe understanding,
bearings and influence, may perhaps be pardoned; he owned, saw nothing in the connection of mo
These'remarks are'not 0 much intended to be tive with rolition different from what it discover
applied to the moral doctrines of that school, ed in every other uniform sequence of a cause
considered in themselves, as tothose apparent de and an effect. But as the moral law delivered
facts in the prevailing systems of Ethics through“ by the practical reason issues peremptory and
 DISSERTATION sscom). 413

inflexible commands, the power of always obey agents without qualities which arei either like,
ing them is implied in their very nature. All in or produce the like efl'ects. It is necessarily re~
dividual objects, all outward things, must indeed garded by us as co-extensive with human, and
be viewed in the relation of cause and effect. even with moral nature. In what other sense
They are necessary conditions of all reasoning. can universality be predicated of any proposition
But the acts of the faculty which wills, of which not identical P \Vhy should it be tacitly assumed
we are immediately conscious, belong to another that all these great characteristics of conscience
province of mind, and are not subject to these should necessarilypresuppose its being unformed
laws of the theoretical reason. The mere intellect and underived? What contradiction is there
must still regard them as necessarily connected; between them and the theory of regular and
but the practical reason distinguishes its own uniform formation P
liberty from the necessity of nature, conceives In this instance it should seem that a general
volition without at the same time conceiving assent to truth is chiefly if not solely obstructed
_ an antecedent to it, and regards all moral beings by an inveterate prejudice, arising from the
as the original authors of their own actions. mode in which the questions relating to the af
Even those who are unacquainted with this fections and the moral faculty have been dis
complicated and comprehensive system, will at cussed among ethical philosophers. Generally
once see the slightness of the above sketch. speaking, those who contend that these parts of
Those who understand it, will own that so brief the mind are acquired, have also held that they
an outline could not be otherwise than slight. are, in their perfect state, no more than modi
It will, however, be sufficient for the present fications of self-love. On the other hand, philo
purpose, if it render what follows intelligible. sophers “ of purer fire,” who felt that conscience
lVith respect to what is called the practical is sovereign, and that affection is disinterested,
reason, the Kantian system varies from ours, in have too hastily fancied that their ground was
treating it as having more resemblance to the untenable, without contending that these quali
intellectual powers than to sentiment and emo ties were inherent or innate, and absolutely un
tion. Enough has already been said on that derived from any other properties of mind. If a
question. At the next step, however, the dif choice were necessary between these two systems
ference seems to resolve itself into a misunder as masses of opinion, without any freedom of dis
standing. The character and dignity of the crimination and selection, I should unquestion
human race surely depend, not on the state in ably embrace that doctrine which placcs in the
which they are born, but on that which they are clearest light the reality of benevolence and the
all destined to attain or to approach. No man authority of the moral faculty. But it is surely
would hesitate in assenting to this observation, easy to apply a test which may be applied to our
when applied to the intellectual faculties. Thus, conceptionsaseti'ectually as a decisive experiment
the human infant comes into the world imbecile is applied to material substances. Does not he a
and ignorant; but a vast majority acquire some who, whatever lw may think of the origin of
vigour of reason and extent of knowledge. these parts ofhuman nature, believes that actually
Strictly, the human infant is born neither self conscience is supreme, and affection terminates
ish nor social; but the far greater part acquire in its direct object, retain all that for which the
some provident regard to their own welfare, and partisans of the underived principles value and
a number, probably not much smaller, feel some cling to their system? “ But they are made,"
sparks of affection towards others. On our these philosophers may say, “ by this class of
principles, thereforepas much as on those of our antagonists, to rest on insecure foundations.
Kant, human nature is capable of disinterested Unless they are underived, we can see no reason
sentiments. For we too allow and contend that for regarding them as independent." In answer,
our moral faculty is a necessary part of, human it may be asked, how is the connection between
nature,--that it unirersully exists inn human these two qualities established? It is really as.
beings—that we cannot conceive any moral sumed. It finds its way easily into the mind
414 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
under the protection of another coincidence,
which is of a totally different nature. The great
majority of those speculators who have repre
sented the moral and social feelings as acquired,
have also considered them as being mere modi
fications of self-love, and sometimes as being
casually formed and easily eradicated, like local
and temporary prejudices. But when the na
ture of our feelings is thoroughly explored, is it
not evident that this coincidence is the result of
superficial confusion? The better moralists ob
served accurately, and reasoned justly, on the
province of the moral sense and the feelings in
the formed and mature man. They reasoned
mistakenly on the origin of these principles.
But the Epicureans were by no means right,
even on the latter question; and they were total
ly wrong on the other and far more momentous
part of the subject. Their error is more exten
sive, and infinitely more injurious. But what
should now hinder an inquirer after truth from
embracing but amending their doctrine where it
is partially true, and adopting without any change ‘
the just description of the most important prin
ciples of human nature which we owe to their
more enlightened as well as more generous an
tagonists ? ‘ are exposed to the peril, but not employed in
Though unwilling to abandon the arguments
by which, from the earliest times, the existence
of the supreme and eternal mind has been esta
blished, we, as well as the German philosophers,
are entitled to call in the help of our moral na
ture to lighten the burden of those tremendous
difficulties which cloud his moral government.
The moral nature is an actual part of man, as
much on our scheme as on theirs.
Even the celebrated question of Liberty and
Necessity may perhaps be rendered somewhat
less perplexing, if we firmly bear in mind that
peculiar relation of conscience to will which we
have attempted to illustrate. It is impossible
for reason to consider occurrences otherwise
than as bound together by the connection of
cause and efi'ect; and in this circumstance con
sists the strength of the necessitarian system.
But conscience, which is equally a constituent
part of the mind, has other laws. It is composed
of emotions and desires, which contemplate only
those dispositions which depend on the will. New,
it is the nature of an emotion to withdraw the
mind from the contemplation of every idea but
that of the object which excites it. Every desire
exclusively looks at the object which it seeks.
Every attempt to enlarge the mental vision al
ters the state of mind, weakens the emotion or
dissipates the desire, and tends to extinguish
both. If a man, while he was pleased with the
smell of a rose, were to reflect on the chemical
combinations from which it arose, the condition
of his mind would be changed from an enjoy
ment of the senses to an exertion of the under
standing. If, in_ the view of a beautiful scene,
a man were suddenly to turn his thoughts to
the disposition of water, vegetables, and earths,
on which its appearance depended, he might en
large his knowledge of geology, but he must
lose the pleasure of the prospect. The anatomy
and analysis of the flesh and blood of a beauti
ful woman necessarily suspend admiration and
affection. Many analogies here present them
selves. When life is in danger either in astorm
or a battle, it is certain that less fear is felt by
the commander or the pilot, and even by the
private soldier actively engaged, or the common
seaman laboriously occupied, than by those who
the means of guarding against it. The reason is
not that the one class believe the danger to be
less. They are likely in many instances to per
ceive it more clearly. But having acquired a
habit of instantly turning their thoughts to the
means of counteracting the danger, their minds
are thrown into a state which excludes the as
cendency of fear. Mental fortitude entirely
depends on this habit. The timid horseman is
haunted by the horrors of a fall. The bold and
skilful thinks only about the best way of curb
ing or supporting his horse. Even when all
means are equally unavailable, and his condition
appears desperate to the by-stander, he still owes
to his fortunate habit that he does not suffer
the agony of the coward. Many cases have
been known where forti-de has reached such
strength that the faculties, instead of being con
founded by danger, are never raised to their
highest activity by a'less violent stimulant. The
distinction betWeen such men and the coward
does not depend on difference of opinion about
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 415
the reality or extent of the danger, but on a move extrinsic agency from view, and concen
state of mind which renders it more or less ac trate all feeling in the agent himself! The
cessible to fear. Though it must be owned that one manner of thinking may predominate among
the moral sentiments are very different from any the speculative few in their short moments of
other human faculty, yet the above observations abstraction; the other will be that of all other
seem to be in a great measure applicable to every men, and of the speculator himself when he is
state of mind. The emotions and desires which called upon to act, or when his feelings are
compose conscience, while they occupy the mind, powerfully excited by the amiable or odious
must exclude all contemplation of the cause in dispositions of his fellow-men. In these work
which the object of these feelings may have ori ings of various faculties there is nothing that
ginated. To their eye the voluntary dispositions can be accurately described as contrariety of
and actions, their sole object, must appear to be opinion. An intellectual state, and a feeling,
the first link of a chain. In the view of con never can be contrary to each other. They
science they have no foreign original. The con are too utterly incapable of comparison to be
science being so constantly associated with all the subject of contrast. They are agents of a
volitions, its view becomes habitual z—being al perfectly different nature, acting in different
ways possessed of some, and capable of intense spheres. A feeling can no more be called
warmth, it predominates over the habits of true or false, than a demonstration, considered
thinking of those few who are employed in the simply in itself, can be said to be agreeable or
analyses of mental occupations. The reader disagreeable. It is true, indeed, that in conse
who has in any degree been inclined to adopt quence of the association of all mental acts with
the explanations attempted above, of the im each other, emotions and desires may occasion
perative character of conscience, may be dis habitual errors of judgment5—but liability to
posed also to believe that they afford some foun error belongs to every exercise of human reason;
(lation for that conviction of the existence of it arises from a multitude of causes; it con
a power to obey its commands, which (it ought stitutes, therefore, no difficulty peculiar to the
to be granted to the German philosophers) is case before us. Neither truth nor falsehood can
irresistibly suggested by the commanding tone be predicated of the perceptions of the senses,
of all its dictates. If such an explanation should but they lead to false opinions. An object seen
be thought worthy of consideration, it must be through different mediums may by the inex~
very carefully distinguished from that illusive perienced be thought to be no longer the same.
sense by which some writers have laboured to All men long concluded falsely, from what they
reconcile the feeling of liberty with the reality saw, that the earth was stationary, and the sun
of necessity. ‘ In this case there is no illusion ; in perpetual motion around it. The greater part
-——nothing is required but the admission, that of mankind still adopt the same error. Newton
every faculty observes its own laws, and that and Laplace used the same language with the
when the action of the one fills the mind, that ignorant, and conformed (if we may not say to
of every other is suspended. The car cannot their opinion) at least to their habits of thinking
see, nor can the eye hear. lVhy then should on all ordinary occasions, and during the far
not the greater powers of reason and conscience greater part of their lives. Nor is this all;
have different habitual modes of contemplating The language which represents various states of
voluntary actions? llow strongly do experience mind is very vague. The word which denotes
and analogy seem to require the arrangement of a compound state is often taken from its princi
motive and volition wider the class of causes pal fact, from that which is most conspicumls,
and effects! \Vith what irresistible power, on most easily called to mind, most warmly fill, or
the other hand, do all our moral sentiments re most frequently recurring. It is sometimes bor

' Loan KAMES, in his Easy: on Morality and Natural Religion, and in his Sketch" Q)" the Hillary Qf Mun.
 416 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rowed from a separate, but, as it were, neigh
bouring condition of mind. The grand distinc
tion between thought and feeling is so little ob
served, that we are peculiarly liable to confusion
on this ubject. Perhaps when we userlangnage
which indicates an opinion concerning the acts
of the will, we may mean little more than toex
press strongly and warmly the moral sentiments
which voluntary acts alone call up. It would
argue disrespect for the human understanding, fect wisdom and goodness estimates us accord
vainly employed for so many centuries in recon
ciling contradictory opinions, to propose such
suggestions without peculiar diflidence ; but be
fore they are altogether rejected, it may be well
to consider, whether the constant success of the
advocates of necessity on one ground, and of the
“partisans of free-will on another, does not seem
to indicate that the two parties contemplate the
subject from different points of view, that nei
ther habitually sees more than one side of it, and
that they look at it through the medium of dif
ferent states of mind.
It should be remembered that these hints of a
possible reconciliation between seemingly re
pugnant opinions are proposed, not as perfect
analogies, but to lead men’s minds into the in
quiry, whether, that which certainly befalls the
mind, in many cases onev small scale, may not,
under circumstances favourable to its develop .: lmean time,_if any statement of the opinions here
ment, occur with greater magnitude, and Wm lWOlded orintimated shall be proved to\be at
N
some degree, present itself to all mankind. It
is therefore unspeakably strengthened by gene
ral sympathy. All men respect themselves for
being habitually guided by it. It is the object of
general commendation ; and moral discipline has
no other aim but its cultivation. Whoever does
not feel more pain from his crimes than from his
misfortunes, is looked on wit-h general aversion.
And when it is considered that a Being of per
ing to the degree in which conscience governs
our voluntary acts, it is surely no wonder that,
in this most important discrepancy between the
great faculties of our nature, we should con
sider the best habitual disposition to be that
which the coldest. reason shows us to be most
conducive to welldoing and wellbeing.
. On every other point, at least, it should seem
that, without the multiplied suppositions and
immense apparatus of the. German School, the
authority of‘ morality may be: .yindicated,‘ the
disinterestedness ofhuman nature asserted, the
first principles of knowledge securedménld: the
hopes and consolations of mankind preseryed.
Ages may yet bemeswym. sire , teethiwl
theory all the forms and language of science, and
and
to apply
rulesit which
to the multiplied‘and
are within its provinceny'jn the

_ w important consequences. Thetcoward andmwe,‘ I!byariance with the reality of social affections, and
as has been stated, act differently at the approach with the feeling of moral distinction, the author
of danger, because it produces exertion in the of this Dissertation will be the first to relinqgish
one and fear in the other. But very brayq men a theory which will then show .itself inadequate
must, by the terms, be few. They have little to explain the most indisputable, as well as by
aid in their highest acts, therefore, from fellow far the most important, parts of human nature.
v I ,flThey arethey
' e, and often tooseldom
have obscure
beenfor the If it shall be shown to lower the character of
train
man, to cloud his hopes, i _ - a sense
.3"
3, “Q; duty, he willibe g 1 ‘
reverseonoccursintlze
date courage as a vir A
‘ difi'egeat,"" , i '_ t outhhisgerrot, * l'

standing andby ‘ .L. .l .W -. ’

tary The corrugation-(mat, in t0_ .w
.|\»u..
 ' iz ... - t': ~- ||'-, . ‘IVNI'H -_, v .l...

. . ., A . .. ,

; -- NOTES Ian-1) ILLUSTRATIONS. -

' .1 I | ' |-|I'--.. a - u _ P l

N03“ NOTE A, p. 305. " quoque mali semina, 'vix ut arma desieran't, ex- nam
in . s s s I e a s - u r u
mwmionek orto publicæ religionis diss1d1o. latentibus inltns, multam
THE remarks of Cicero on the Stoicism of Cato sed ut paulatim in majus erumperet. Lugdum vw
are perhaps the most perfect specimen of that sacras literas docebant viri eruditione præstan
refined raillery which attains the object of the tes Gomarus et Arminius, quorum ille ætema
orator without general injustice to the person Dei lege fixum meniorabat, cui hominum salus
whose authority is for the moment to he abated. destinaretur, quis in exitium tenderet; inde
“ Accessit his doctrina non moderata, necalios ad pietatem trahi, et tractos custodiri ne
mitis, sed, ut mihi videtur, paulo asperior et elabantur; relinqui alios communi humanitatis
durior quam aut veritas aut natura patiatur.” vitio et suis criminibus involutosz hie vero
‘After an enumeration of the Stoical paradoxes, contra integrum judicem, sed eundem optimum
he adds: “ Haze homo ingeniosissimus M. Cato patrem, id reorum fecisse discrimen, ut peecandi
arripuit, neque disputandi causa, ut magna pars, pertæsis fiduciamque in christum reponentibus
sed ita vivendi. nostri autem illi (fatebor enim veniam ac vitam daret, contumacibus pamam;
'me quoque in adolescentia diflisum ingenio meo Deoque gratum, ut omnes resipiscant, ac meliora
quæsisse adjumenta doctrinæl nostri, inquam, illi edocti retineant; sed cogi neminem. Accusa
a Platone atque Aristotele moderati homines et bantque invicem ; Arminius Gomarum, quod
temperati aiunt apud sapientem valere aliquando pcccandi causas Deo ascriberet, ac fati persua
gratiam; viri 'honi esse misereri ;§...;....omnes sione teneret immobiles animos; Gomarns Ar
virtutes mediocritate'quadam 'moderatas. Hos minium, quod longius ipsis Romanensium scitis
ad magistros si qua te fortuna, Cato, cum ista na hominem arrogantia impleret, nec pateretur soli
tura detulisset, non tu quidem vir melior esses, Deo acceptum ferri, rem maximam bonam men
nee fortior, nec temperantior, nee ustior (neque tem. constat his queis cura legere veterum
enim esse posses), sed paulo ad lenitatem pro libros, antiquos Christianorum tribuisse homi
pensior." tola-mo pro Murena.) v
num voluntati vim liberama tam in acceptanda,
quam in retinenda disciplina; unde sua præiniis
Nora B,'p. sos ac suppliciis azquitas. Neque iidem tamen
omisere cuncta divinam ad bonitatem rcferre,
The greater part of the following extract from cuj us munere salutare semen ad nos pervenisset,
Grotius’s History of the Netherlands is inserted ac cujus singulari auxilio pericula nostra indi
as the best abridgement of the ancient history of gerent. Primus omnium Augustinus, ex quo
these still subsisting controversies known in our ipsi cum Pelagic et cum secutis certamen (nam
time. I extract also the introduction as a mo ante aliter et ipse senserat), acer disputandi, ita
del of the manner in which an historian may libertatis vocem relinquere, ut ei decreta tiuædam
state a religious dispute which has influenced Dei prwponeret, quæ vim ipsam destruere vide
political affairs; but far more because it is an rentur. At per Sræciam quidem Asiamque re
unparalleled example of equity and forbearance tenta vetus illa ac simplicior sententia. Per oc
in the narrative of a contest of which the histo cidentem magnum Augustini nomen multos
rian was himself a victim. traxit in consensum, repertis tamen per Galliam
“ Habnit hic annus (1608) haud spernendi et alibi qui se opponerent. Posterioribus sæcu
mss. u. 8 o
418 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes lis, cum schola non alio magis quam Augustino “ Deus inclinat ad bonum administrando vir- Nam
and - o - - . md
lllullradmmdoctore uteretur, qms 1ps1 sensus, quis dexter tutem agendi et monendo ad bonum. Sed ad lummionb
L/w pugnare visa conciliandi modus, diu inter Fran- malum dicitur inclinare in quantum gratiam vvv
cisci et Dominici familiam disputato, doctissimi non prmbet, per quam aliquis a malo retrahere
Jesuitarum, cum eiractiori subtilitate nodum sol tur.” ilhid 364.)
vere laborassent,
tionem efi'ugere. Romie accusati aegreprinceps,
vAt 'Protestantium damna On the other side:
“ Accipitur fides pro eo quo creditur, et est
Lutherus, egressus monasterio quod Augustini virtus, et pro eo quod creditur, et non est virtus.
ut nomen, ita sensus sequebatur, parte Augustini Fides qua creditur, si cum caritate sit, virtus est.”
arrepta, id quod is reliquerim libertatis nomcn, abid IX. essay
cæpit exscindere; quod tam grave Erasmo vi “‘ Divina bonitas est primum principium com~
sum, ut cum cætera ipsius aut probaret aut si municationis totius quam Deus creaturis largi
lentio transmitteret, hic objiciat sese: cujus ar tur.”
gumentis motus Philippus Melanchthon, Lutheri “ Quamvis omne quod Dens vult justum sit,
adjutors quæ prius scripserat immutavit, auctor non tamen ex hoc justum dicitur quod Deus illud
que fuit Luthero, quod multi volunt, certe quod vult.” (Ibid. 697.)
constat Lutheranis, deserendi decreta rigida et
conditionem respuentiag sic tamen ut libertatis
non D, p. 309.
vocabulum quam rem magis perhorrescerent. At
in altera Protestantium parte dux Calvinus, The Augustinian doctrine is, with some hesi
primis Lutheri dictis in hac controversia inhæ tation and reluctance, acquiesced in by Scotus,
rescens, novis ea fulsit, praesidiis, addiditgue in in that milder form which ascribes election to an
tgctum 4ugustim, veram bac salutarem fidem rem express decree, and considers the rest of, mankind
esse perpetuam et amitti nesciam .- cujus proinde as only left to the deserved penalties of their
qui sibi essent conscii, eos æternæ felicitatis jam transgressions. “ In huj us quæstionis solutione
nunc certos esse, quos interim in crimina, quan mallem alios audire quam doc'ere.” (SCOTI Opera,
tumvis gravia, prolabi posse non diflitebatur. V. 1329. Lugd. 1639.) This modesty and pru
Auxit sententiae rigorem Genevze Beza, per Ger dence is foreign from the dogmatical genius of a
maniam Zanchius, Ursinus, Piscator, sæpe eo Schoolman; and these qualities are'still more ap
usque provecti, ut, quod alii anxie vitaverant, parent in the very remarkable language which
apertius nonnunquam traderent, etiam peccandi he applies to the tremendous doctrine of repro
necessitatem a prima causa pendere : quæ ampla bation. “ Eorum autem non miseret'ur (scil.
Lutheranis criminandi materia.” (H. Gnorn Deus) quibus gratiam non præbendam esse æquitate
Est. lib. xvii. p. 552.) occultissima et ab humanis sensibus remotissimaju
dicat.” (Ibid. 1329.) In the commentary on
'J l
a, Non: C, p. 309.
Scotus which follows, it appears that his acute
disciple Ockham disputed very freely against the
opinions of his master. in Mahfieri bonum est”
v This Calvinism, or rather Augustinianism, of
Aquinas, is placed beyond all doubt by the fol is a startling paradox, quoted by Scotus from
lowing passages :—“ Praedestinatio est causa Augustin. abid 1381.) It appears that Ock
gratiae et glorize.” (Opera, VII. 356, edit. Paris. ham saw no difference between election and re
1664.) - i I probation, and considered those who embraced
“ numerus preedestinatorum certus est.” abid only the former as at variance with themselves.
ass:)"',” i ' abid 1313.)
Praeicientia meritorum nullo modo est Scotus, at great length, contends that our
caiisa'praedestinationis' divina.” (Ibid. amp thoughts (ccnsequently our opinions) are not
. a Li‘b'erumarhitrinm est facultas qua bonum subject to the will. (VI. mss-mam One step
griatia assistentea vel malum, eadem de more would have led. him to acknowledge that
sistente.” uua VIII. 222.) i
all erroneous judgment is involuntary,and there
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 419

Notes fore inculpable and unpunishable, however per la prorsus essent mala.” (Sco'r. VII. p. 859.) Notes
and
nicious. But, says the commentator, “ Dico primo legem Inflation
Illustrations.
MM.) His attempt
to reconcile foreknowledge with naturalem non consistere in jussionc ulla qua \M/
contingency (V. 1300—1327), is a remarkable sit actus voluntatis Dei. Hzec est communissima
example of the power of human subtlety to keep theologorum sententia.” (ScorJVII. p. 858.)
up the appearance of a struggle where it is im And indeed the reason urged againstHQckham
possible to make one real efl'ort. completely justifies this approach" to unanimity.
But the most dangerous of all the deviations “ For,” he asks, “ why is it right to obey the
of Scotus from the system of Aquinas is, that he will of God? Is it because our moral faculties
opened the way to the opinion that the dis perceive it to be right ? But they equally per
ceive and feel the authority of all the primary
tinction of right and wrong depends on the mere principles of morality; and if thisl'ans'wer be
will of the Eternal Mind. The absolute power
of the Deity, according to him, extends to all made, it is obvious that those who make it do in
but contradictions. His regular power (ordi effect admit the independence of moral distinc
nata) is exercised conformably to an order es tions on the will of God.”
tablished by himself; “ sr PLACE'I‘ VOLUNTATI, “ If God,” said Ockham, “ had commanded
sub qua libcra est, macra ss'r LEX.” (8001'. V. his creatures to hate himself, hatred of God
1868, et seq.) would have been praiseworthy.” (Dosrm. 5010
de Justitia et Jure, lib. ii. quest. 3, “ Utru'm pm:
Norr. E, p. 309. cepta Decalogi sint dispensabilia ;” a book dedi
cated to Don Carlos, the son of Philip II.) Suarez,
ARM ,unv \buxnv 7i injusv axouo'av wao'av arav ayvoouaav. the last scholastic philosopher, rejected the Ock
(PLAT. Sop/l. cdit. Bip. II. 224.) hamical doctrine, but allowed will to be a part
Human axovo’lov apaflmv mau- (Ibid. 227.)
of the foundation of morality. “ Vol untasDei non
Plato is quoted on this subject by Marcus est tota ratio bonitatis aut malitiac.” (Suannz
Aurelius, in a manner which shows, if there de Legibus, lib. ii. 66, p. '71. edit. Lond. 1679.)
had been any doubt, the meaning to be, that all As the great majority of the Schoolmen sup
error is involuntary. ported their opinion of this subject by the con
Ham 4mm "mum, and” (HMmv), o'ngsrou aMfiuac. sideration of eternal and immutable ideas of
Every mind is unwillingly led from truth. right and wrong in the divine intellect, it was
(Eric-r. lib. i. cap. xxviii.) natural that the Nominalists, of whom Ockham
Augustin closes the long line of ancient tes~ was thia fohnder, who rejected all general ideas,
timoiiy to the involuntary character of error: should also have rejected those moral distinc
“ Quis est qui velit decipi? Fallere nolunt bo tions which were then supposed to originate in
ni; falli autem nee boni volunt nee mali." such ideas. Gerson was a celebrated Nominal
(AUG. Serm. dz Verbo.) ist; and he was the more disposed to follow the
{v opinions of his master, because they agreed in
Nors F, p. 810. maintaining the independence of the State on
the Church, and the superiority of the Church
From a long, able, and instructive disserta over the Pope.
tion by the commentator on Scotus, it appears
that this immoral dogma was propounded in No'rs G, p. 810.
terms more bold and startling by Ockham,
who openly afiirmed, that “ moral evil was It must be premised that Charitas among the
only evil because it was prohibited.” “ Oc ancient divines corresponded with Ego; of the
hamus, qui putat quod nihil posset esse malum Platonists, and with. the cm“ of later philoso
sine voluntate prohibitive. Dei, hancque volun phers, as comprehending the love of all that is
tatem esse liberam; sic ut posset earn non lovcworthy in the Creator or his creatures. It
habere, et consequenter ut posset fieri quod nul is the theological virtue of charity, and corre
420 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes spondslwith no term in use among modern mo- strengthen it, though they are not its objects, News
0 o o 0 n s 0 u U
muggionh rahsts. “Cum objectum amorl s1t bonum, dupliq and never could inspire such a feelmg. It seems Illustratiom
\IW citer potest aliquis tendere in bonum alieuj us rei ; to me also that he had a. dimer view of another KAN
uno mode, quod bonum illius rei ad alterum referat, doctrine, by which we are taught, that though
sicut amat quis vinum in quantum .dulcedinem our own happiness be not the end which we
vini peroptat; et hie amor vocatur a quibusdam pursue in loving others, yet it may be the final
amor ooneupiseentite. zbnor autem iste mm ter cause of the insertion of disinterested affections
minqtur ad rem qua: dicitur amari, sed rqflectitur into the nature of man. “ Ponere mercedem
ad rem illam cui optatur bonum illiuareia Alio aliquam finem amoris ex parte amati, est contra
modo amor fortior in bonum alicujns rei, ita quad rationein amicitiae‘ Sed ponere mercedem esse
ad rem ipsam TERMINATUR; et hie est amen finem amoris e; ‘parte amantis, non tamen ulti
benevolentiae. Qua bonum nostrum in Deo per mum, pront sailiqat ipse amor est qumdam ope
fectum est, in
ideo vhonum sicut
ipsoinesse
causa
magisuniversali complacet ratio amantis, non est contra rationem amicitiaa.
naturaliterhonor-um;
Possum operationem amoris amare propter ali
quam in nobis ipsis .~ et ideo etiam amore ami quid aliud, salva amicitia. Potest haheas chari
citiae naturaliter Deus ab homine plus seipso dili tatem babere oculum ad mereedem, uli penal beati
gitur.” tudinem creatam finem amoris, non autan finem
-The above quotations from Aquinas will pro amati.” Upon the last words my interpretation
bably be sufficient for_those who are acquainted chiefly depends. The immediately preceding
with these questions, andthey will certainly be sentence must be owned to have been founded
thought too large by those who are not. In the on a distinction between viewing the good fruits
next question he inquires, whether in the love of of our own affections as enhancing their intrin
God there can be any view to reward. He ap sic pleasures, and feeling love for another on
pears to consider himself as bound by authority account of the advantage to be [derived from
to answer in the aflirmative; and he employs him; which last is inconceivable.
much ingenuity in reconciling a certain expecta
tion of reward with the disinterested character Nor}: H, p. 810. I
ascribed by him to piety in common with all
the affections which terminate in other beings. “ Potestas spiritualis et secularisl utraqne
“ Nikil aliud est merces nostra quam perfrui Deo. dedueitur a potestate divina; ideo 'in-tantum
Ergo’charitas non solum non excludit, sed etiam secularis est sub spirituali, in quantum est a
facit phabere oculum ad mercedem." In this Deo supposita; scilicet, in his qua: ad salutem
answer he seems to have anticipated _ the re anima: pertinent. In his autem quw ad Lemur.
presentations , of J remy Taylor (Sermon on civile speetant, est magis obediendum potestati
Growth in Grace); of, Lord fihefwebury (Inquiry seculari; sicut illud Matthaei, ‘ Reddite qua;
conceming Virtue, book iapartiii.‘ sect. 3); of sunt Cmsaris Czesari.’ ” What follows is more
Mr_ Tupi-Erskine (Ereepcjss of the Edinb. doubtful. “ Nisiforte potestati spirituali etiam
1828) 5 and more especiallyrof .Mr John Smith potestas secularis conjungatur, ut in Papa, qui
(Disequrm, 'L9941..1660).. .Nofleetraew could utriusque potestatis apieem tenet.” (VIII. 435.)
convey a. just conception; o£ the \obseryations Here, says the, French editor, it may be doubt
which follow, unless‘ltheyr‘were‘ accompanied ed whether Aquinas means the Pope’s temporal
by a longer examination Io flt'hefitechnical lan power in his own dominions, or a secular autho
guage, of the ‘ Sehoolmen tlranglwpuld' be warf rity indirectly extending over all for the sake of
on thiswocc n5 II'tl\i's;Xcle;ir that he religion. My reasons for adopting, the more ra
distinguishes well the afiectiopwodfpierty‘ from thq tionallconstruction are shortly these :—1. The
haPPxfWi-rf estate antiwar, sewage textof. Matthew‘is‘ so plairi‘an'assertion _of the
itvi‘r. ? in- havens efaarewerdi’ Just, as the independepce of ,both powers, that it would be, -
semi realise affix? Pleasure. flea, advantage the {heightsf extmveseme sequoia it as! all We
of friendship may'enter into the tafi‘ection and for ,1 the'dependenee )of ‘the‘state. At‘
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 421

Notes most it could only be represented as recon- which it has been separated, has manifested the Noe:
Illuafrgiomcilable with such a dependence in one case. same unwillingness to avow the Augustinian mm‘urjgiofl
km 2. The word forte seems manifestly to refer system, and the same fear ofcontradictingit."To W
to the territorial sovereignty acquired by the his admirably clear and short statement of these
Popes. If they have a general power in secu abstruse controversies, must be added that of
lar affairs, it must be because it is necessary to his accomplished opponent Cardinal Pallavicino
their spiritual authority; and in that case to (lib. vi. and viii.), who shows still more e‘vidently
call it fortuitous Would be to ascribe to it an ad the strength of the Augustinian party, and the
junct destructive of its nature. ' ‘8. His former disposition of the Council to tolerate opinions
reasoning on the same question seems to be de almost Lutheran, if not accompanied by revolt
cisive. The power of the Pope ever bishops, from the Church. A little more compromising ‘9
he says, is not founded merely in his supe disposition in the Reformers might have be-"‘
rior nature, but in their authority being alto trayed reason to a' prolonged thraldom. We
gether derived from his, as the proconsular must esteem Erasmus and Melanchthon, but we
power from the imperial. Therefore he infers should reserve our gratitude for Luther and
that this case is not analogous to the relation Calvin. The Scotists maintained their doctrine
between the civil and spiritual porvcr, which are of merit of congruity, waived by the Council,
alike derived from God. 4. Had an Italian and soon after condemned by the Church of
monk of the twelfth century really intended to England; by which they meant that they who
affirm the Pope’s temporal'authority, he proba had good dispositions always received the divine
bly would have laid it down in terms more ex grace,” not indeed as a reward of which they
plicit and more acceptable at Rome. Hesitation were worthy, but as aid which they were fit and
and ambiguity are here indications of unbelief. willing to receive. The Franciscans denied
Mere venerati'on for the apostolical see might that belief was in the power of man. “ I Fran
present a more precise determination against it, cescani lo negavano seguendo Scoto, qual vuole
as it caused the quotation which follows, respect che siccome dalle dimostrazioni per necessitzi.
ing the primacy of Peter. (;Agum. Opera, VIII. nasce la'scienza, cosi dalle persuasioni nasca la
434, 435.) fedc; e ch’essa é nell’ intelletto, il qualc é agente
A mere abridgement of these very curious pas naturals, e mosso naturalmente dall’oggetto. Al
sages might excite a suspicion that I had tinc lega\'ano
che vuole,l'esperienza,
ma quello cheche 'nessunb 'puo' credcre
gli par 'vero.” v(Fun
tured Aquinas unconsciously with a colour of
my own opinions. Extracts are very difficult, PAOL0,' Istoria an Concilio '1‘rideitlinb,“L 193.
from the scholastic method of stating objections edit. Helmstadt, 1763, 4:0.) 1""
and answers, as well as from the mixture of Cardinal Sforza Pallavicino, a learned and
theological authorities with philosophical rea very able Jesuit, was appointed, according to
sons. his own account, in 1651, many years after the
death‘ of Fra Paolo, to write a true history of
Nora I, p. 312. the Council of'Trent, as a corrective 'of the
misrepresentations of the celebrated Venetian.
The debates in the first assembly of the Council 'Algernon Sidney, who knew this court historian
of Trent (1546), between the Dominicans who at Rome, and who may be believed when he
adhered to Aquinas, and the Franciscans who speaks well of a Jesuit and a‘ Cardinal, com
followed Scotuson original sin, justification, and mends the work in a letter to his father, Lord
grace, are to bc'found in. Era Paolo,"Ist0ria'.dcl Leicester. At the end of Pallavicino’s work is
Concilio Tridentino, lib. ii. They show how mach a list of three hundred and sixty errors .in mat
metaphysical controversy is hid in a theolog'i'czil ters 6f 'fact, which the Papal party pretend to
form, how many
very ancient disputes
origih, and howof our times the
strongly are whole
bf ho I have detected in the independent historian, whom
they charge with heresy or infidelity, and, in
western church, through all the divisions into either case, with hypocrisy.
me PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes Non K, p. 314. grammar, published his Minerva at Salamanca Notes

Illusii’n‘iionl. in 1587 ; so active was the cultivation of philo- marium
\NV “ nec tempore, Ferdinandoet Isabella regnan- sophy in Spain in the age of Cervantes.
tibus, in academia Salmantina jacta sunt ro
bustioris theologiæ semina; ingentis enim famæ Nora M, p. sem
vir Franciscus de Victoria, non tam lucubrati
onibus editis, quamvis hæc non magnæ molis at “ Alorsen repassant dans mon esprit les di
magni vpretii sint, sed doctissimornm theologo verses opinions qui m’avoient tour-àr-tour en—
rum educatione, quamdiu fuerit sacrae scientiae trainé depuis ma naissance, je vis que bien
honos inter mortales, vehementer laudabitur.” qu’aucune d’elles ne fût assez évidente pour pro
(ANTONII Bibl. Hisp. Nova, Præf. iv. Madrid, duire immédiatement la conviction, elles avoient
1783.) “ Si ad morum instructores respicias, divers degrés de vraisemblance, et que l’assenti
Sotus iterum nominabitur.” (Ibid.) ment intérieur s’y prêtoit ou s’y refusait â. dillvth
rentes mesures. Sur cette première observation,
NOTE L, p. 314. comparant entr’ elles toutes ces différentes idées
dans le silence des préjugés, je trouvai que la
The title of the published account of the con première, et la plus commune, êtoit aussi la plus
ference at Valladolid is, “ The controversy be simple et la plus raisonnable; et qu’il ne lui
tween the Bishop of Chiapa and Dr Sepulveda; manquoit, pour réunir tous les suffrages, que
in which the Doctor contended that the con d’avoir été proposée la dernière. Imaginez tous
quest of the Indies from the natives was lawful, vos philosophes anciens et modernes, ayant d’a
and the Bishop maintained that it was unlaw bord êpuisê leur bizarres systèmes de forces, de
ful, tyrannical, and unjust, .in the presence of chances, de fatalité, de nécessité, d’atomes, de
many theologians, lawyers, and other learned monde animé, de matiere vivante, de matéria
men assembled by his Majesty.” (ANTONII lisme de toute espece; et après eux tous l’illustre
Bibl. Hisp. ~N0va, tom. i. p. 192.) Clarke, éclairant le monde, annonçant enfinl’Etre
Las Casas died in 1566, in the 92d year of des êtres, et le dispensateur des choses. Avec
his age; Sepulveda died in 1571, in his 82d quelle universelle admiration, avec quel applau
year. dissement unanime n’eût. point été reçu ce nou
Sepulveda was the scholar of Pomponatius, veau systême si grand, si consolant, si sublime,
and a friend of Erasmus, Cardinal Pole, Aldus si propre à élever l’âme, à. donner une base à la
Manutius, &c. In his book De justis Belü vertu, et en même tems si frappant, si lumineux,
Cassis contra Indos suscepti, he contended only si simple, et, ce me semble, offrant moins de
that the king might justly “ ad ditionem Indos, choses incompréhensibles à l’esprit humain, qu’il
non herilcm sed regiam et civilem, lege belli re n’en trouve d’absurdes en tout autre système!
digere.” (ANTONIUS in voce Sepulveda: Bibi. Je me disois, les objections insolubles sont com
Hisp. Nova, tom. i. p. 703.) munes à tous, parceque l’esprit de l’homme est
But this smooth and specious language covered trop borné pour les résoudre: elles ne prouvent
a poison. Had it entirely prevailed, the cruel donc rien contre aucun par préférence, mais
consequence of the defeat of the advocate of quelle différence entre les preuves directes.”—
the oppressed would alone have remained; the (Emile, tome III. livre iv. p. 25.)
limitations and softenings employed by their
opponent to obtain success would have been Nora N, p. 387.
speedily disregarded and forgotten.
Covarruvias, another eminent Jurist, was sent “ Est autemjus quædam potentia moralis, et
by Philip II. to the Council of Trent, at its re obligatio necessitas moralis. Morale/n autem
newal in 1560, and, with Cardinal Buoncarm intelligo, quæ apud virum bonum æquipollet
pag-nh drew up the decrees of reformation. naturali: Nam ut præclare jurisconsultus Ro
Francis Sanchez, the father of philosophical manus ait, quæ contra bonos mores sunl, ea nec
 DISSERTATION snconn.
miles facere nos posse credmdum est. yir-ibamus autem
minim est, qui amat omnes, quantum ratio permittit.
m Justitiam igitur, quæ virtus est hujus afi'ectus
rectrix, quem dukmSgwmav Graeci vocant, commo
dissime, ni fallor, definiemus caritatem sapientis,
hoc est, sequentem sapientiae dictata. Itaque,
quod carneades dixisse fertur, justitiam llesse
summam stultitiam, quia alienis utilitatibus con
suli jubeat, neglectis propriiss ex ignorata eju
definitione natum est. caritas est benevolentia
universalis, et benevolentia amandi sive diligendi
habitus. Amare autem sive diligere est felici
tate alterius delectari, vela quod eodem redit, fe
licitatem alienam adsciseere in suam. Undo
difiicilis nodus solvitur, magni etiam iu Theolo
gia. momenti, quomodo amor non mercenarius
detur, qui sit a spe metuque et omni utilitatis
respectu separatusz scilicet, quorum utilitas de
lectat, eorum felicitas nostram ingreditur, nam
quæ delectanta per se expctuntur. Et uti pul
chrorum contemplatio ipsa jucunda est, pictaque
tabula Raphaelis intelligentem afiicit, etsi nullos
census ferat, adeo ut in oculis deliciisquc feramm
quodam simulacra amoris; ita quum res pulchra
simul etiam felicitatis est capax, transit afiectus
in verum amorem. Superat autem divinas amor
alios amores, quos Deus cum maximo successu
amare potest, quando Deo simul et felicius nihil
est, et nihil pulchrius felicitateque dignius intel
ligi potest. Et quum idem sit potentiae sapien
tiæque summm, felicita ejus non tantum ingre
ditur nostram (si sapimus, id est, ipsum ama
mus), sed et facit. Quia autem sapientia carita
tem dirigere debet, hujus quoque definitions
opus erit. Arbitror autem notioni hominum op
time satisfieri, si sapientiam nihil aliud esse
dicamus, quam ipsam scientiam felicitatis."
(LEIBNITII Opera, tom. IV. pars iii. p. 294-.)
“ Et jus quidem merum sive strictum nascitur which was the doctrine of the most eminent
ex principio servandæ pacis ; tequitas sive caritas men, including Augustin and Calvin himself,
ad majus aliquid contendit, ut, dum quisque
alteri prodest quantum potest, felicitatem suam
augeat in alienas et, ut verbo dicam, jus stric
tum miseriam \‘itat, jus superius ad felicitatem
tendit, sed qualis in hanc mortalitatem cadit.
Quod vero ipsam vitam, et quicquid hanc vitam
expetendam facit, magno commodo alieno post
habere debeamusa ita ut maximos etiam dolores in
aliorum gratiam perferre oporteat; magis pulchre salvation was an act of divine goodness, and the
423
præcipitur a philosophis quam solide demonstra- Notes
. I .
tur. Nam decus et glonam, et anum suiu virtute
. gnd
mummom
gaudentis sensum, ad quæ sub honestatis nomine vvv
provocant, cogitationis sive mentis bona esse
constat, magna quidem, sed non omnibus nec
omni malorum acerbitati praevalitura, quando non
omnes æque imaginando afliciuntur; præsertim
quos neque educatio liberalis, neque consuetudo
vivendi ingenua, vel vitæ sectæve disciplina ad
honoris eestimationem, vel animi bona sentienda
assuefecit. Ut vero universali demonstratione
conficiatur, omne honestum esse utile, et omne
turpe damnosum, assumenda est immortalitas
animæs et rector universi Deus. ita fit, ut omnes
in civitate perfectissima vivere‘intelligamur, sub
monarcha, qui nec ob sapientiam falli, nec ob
potentiam vitari potest; idemque tam amabilis
est, ut felicitas sit tali domino servire. Huic
igitur qui animam impendit, Christo docente, eam
lucratur. Hnjus potentia providentiaque effici
tur, ut omnc jus in factum transeat, iit nemo
lædatur nisi a se ipso, ut nihil recte gestum sine
præmio sit, nullum peccatum sine poena." abid
p. 296.) sulla
uilldm vg l
m1“. me .x
NOTE 0, p. 840. p ‘ l
The writer of this Discourse was ‘led, on a
former occasion, by a generally prevalent no
tion, too nearly to confound the theological doc
trine of predestination with the philosophical
opinion which supposed theldetermination of
the will to be, like other events,»‘ produced by
adequate causes. (See a criticismdn Mr Stewart’s
Dissertation, Edinb. Review, 'XXXVI. 255.)
More careful reflection has corrected aeonfusion
common to him with most writers on the sub
ject. What is called Sublapsarian Calvinism,
ascribed to God, and to man before the fall, what
is called free-will, which they even own still to
exist in all the ordinary acts of life, though it
be lost with respect to religious morality. The
decree of election, on this scheme, arises from
God’s foreknowledge that man was to fall, and
that all men became thereby with justice liable
to eternal punishment. The election of some to
424 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Notes preterition of the rest was an exercise of holiness from the difference between a stream fin'ced Notes
Inugg‘iiom and justice. . _ _ l . out of its course and freely flowing in its chan- mummihnh
\M/ Tlns sublnpsanan predestmatlon Is ewdently nel. VW
irreconcilable with the doctrine of necessity,
which considers free-will, or volitions not‘caused Nora P, p. 352.
by motives, as absolutely inconsistent with the
definition of an intelligent being, which is, that Though some parts of the substance of the
he acts from a motive, or, in other words, with following letter have already appeared in various
-a purpose. forms, perhaps the account of Mr Hume’s ill
The supralapsarian scheme, which represents ness, in the words'of his friend and physician
the fall itself as fore-ordained, may indeed be Dr Cullen, will be acceptable to many readers.
built on ,necessitarian principles. But on that I owe it to the kindness of Mrs Baillie, who had
scheme original sin seems wholly to lose that the goodness to copy it from the original, in the
importance which the former system gives it as collection of her late learned and excellent hus
a revolution in the state of the world, requiring band, Dr Baillie. Some portion of what has
an interposition of divine power to remedy a been formerly published I do not‘think it ne
part of its fatal effects. It becomes no more cessary to reprint. '
than the'first link in the chain of predestined
From Da CULLEN to Da HUNTER.
offences. Yet both Catholic and Protestant
- redestinarians hat'e borrowed the arguments “ MY DEAR FRIEND,—-I was favoured with
and distinctions of philosophical necessitarians. yours by Mr Halket on Sunday, and have an
One of the propositions of Jansenius, condemned swered some part of it by a gentleman whom I
by the hull of Innocent X. in 1653, is, that “ to was otherwise obliged to write by; but as I was
merit or dcmerit in a state of lapsed nature, it not certain how soon that might come to your
is not necessary that there should he in man a hand, I did not answer your postscript; in do
liberty free from necessity; it is sufficient that ing which, if I can oblige you, a part of the me
there be a liberty free from constraint.” (DUPIN, rit must be that of the information being early,
Histoire de Z’Eglise‘en abrégé, sieclev livre iv. and I therefore give it you as soon as I possibly
chap. viii. p. 198.) Luther, in his once famous could. You desire an account of Mr Hume’s
treatise de Servo Arbitrio against Erasmus (print last days, and I give it you with some pleasure;
ed in 1526), expresses himself as follows: “ Hic for though I could not look upon him in his ill
est fidei summus gradus, credere illum esse cle ‘ness without much concern, yet the tranquillity
mentem qui tam paucos salvat, tam multos dam and pleasantry which he constantly discovered
nat; credcre justum qui sua voluntate nos ne did even then giVe me satisfaction, and, now
cessario damnabiles facit, ut videatur, ut Eras that the curtain is dropped, allows me to indulge
mus refert, delectari cruciatibus miserorum, et the less allayed reflection. He was truly an ex
odio potius quam amore dignus." My copy of ample des grands hommes qui sont morls en
this stern and abusive book is not paged. In plaisantant....For many weeks before his death
another passage, he states the distinction be he was very sensible of his gradual decay; and
tween 'co-aetion and necessity as familiar a bun- his answer to inquiries after his health was, seve
dred'and thirty years before it was proposed by ral times, that he was going as fast as his ene
Hobbes, or condemned in the Jansenists. “ Ne mies could wish, and as easily as his friends
cessario dice, non coacte, sed, ut illi dicunt,'neces could desire. He was not, however, without a
sitate immutabilitatis, non" coactionis; hoe est, frequent recurrence of pain and uneasiness; but
homo, cum vocat Spiritus Dei, non quidem vio he passed most part of the day in his drawing
lentia,'velut raptus obtbrto cello, nolens facit ma room, admitted the visits of his friends, and, with
lum, quemadmodum fur aut latro nolens ad p03. his usual spirit, conversed with them upon lite
nam ducitur, sed sponte ct libera voluntate rature, politics, or whatever else was accidental
facit.” He uses also the illustration of Hobbes, ly started. In conversation he seemed to be per
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 425
Notes fectly at ease, and to the last abounded with haps appear trifling; but'to me no particulars Nam
and
lllultntioal.
that pleasantry, and those curious and enter seem trifling that relate to so great a man. 1‘ m and
\M/ taining anecdotes, which ever distinguished him. is perhaps from trifles, that we can bestndistimkm
This, however, I always considered rather as an guish the tranquillity and cheerfulness of the
effort to be agreeable; and he at length acknow philosopher, at a time when the most part of
ledged that it became too much for his strength. mankind are under disquiet, anxiety, and some
For a few days before his death, he became more times even horror....l had gone so far when I
averse to receive visits; speaking became more was called to the country; and I have returned
and more difficult for him, and for twelve hours only so long before the post as to say, that I am
before his death his speechxxsailed altogether. most affectionately yours, mlmqn‘ M,
His senses and judgment did not fail till the last l ‘ 'M‘Mbm'
i'vi‘v ' - “ WILllIAM
rain - 7 lUl ‘ '
hour_ of his life. He constantly discovered a
strong sensibility to the attention and care of his i, “ mam, 170- September ms." Miml'JJ
friends; and, amidst great uneasiness and lan \ “ii-416's: 'r-mrrdt v some qmi
guor, never betrayed any peevishnese or impli .iu; ‘1",hl-vo?‘ No'rs Q, p. 353. lfi-l-Ft'l~‘ “'1 3.
tience. This is a general account of his last Vits” 'ib a;
days; but a particular fact or two may perhaps Pyrrho was charged with carrying his scepti
convey to you a still better idea of them. i
cism so far as not to avoid a carriage if it was
e 'e a e e driven against him. ‘JEnesidemns, the most
famous of ancient sceptics, with great probabi
“ About a fortnight before his death, he added lity vindicates the more ancient doubter from
a codicil to his will, in which be fully discover such lunacy, of which indeed his having lived to
ed his attention to his friends, as well as his own the age of ninety seems suflicient to acquit him.
pleasantry. What little wine he himself drank Alvro'ldnpo; 6: PM! pIMo'opilv ,u." aural aura. rev 11;; max»;
was generally port, swine for which his friend the 7.07m, #01 ,uavro! 7i acgoogarw; imra wgarvm. (DIOG
poet [John Homejhad ever declared the strongest Laser. lib. ix. sect. 62.)
aversion. David bequeaths to his friend John one Brief and imperfect as our accounts of ancient
bottle of port; and, upon condition of his drink scepticism are, it does appear that their reason
ing this even at two down-sittings, bestows upon ing on the subject of causation had some resem
him twelve dozen of his best claret~ He plea blance to that of Mr Hume. Amgoun Biro amw
santly adds, that this subject of wine was the 0560' r0 amovnrv ego; r: rm, ape; 711g rqu amen-urge rm
Only one upon which they had ever difi'ered. In rat 6: ago; 1'! mmrmlqpovoi harem“ til 00' w ro amen an
the codicil there are several other strokes of lq'ngom'o av porn. (1613. ix. sect. 97.) It is perhaps
raillery and pleasantry, highly expressive of the impossible to translate the important technical
cheerfulness which he then enjoyed. He even expression m up; n. It comprehends two or
turned his attention to some of the-simple amuse more things as related to each other—both the
ments with which he had been formerly pleased. relative and correlative taken together as such.
In the neighbourhood of his brother's house in Fire considered as having, the power of burning
Berwickshire is a brook, by which the access in wood is re ago; r1. Thelwords of Laertius may
time of floods is frequently interrupted. Mr therefore be nearly rendered into the language
Hume bequeaths L.100 for} building a bridge of modern philosophy as follows: “ Causation
Over this brook, but upon the express condition they take away thus. A cause is so only in re
that none of the stones for that purpose shall be lation to an effect. What is relative is only con;
taken from a quarry in the neighbourhood, ceived, but does not exist. Therefore cause is a
which forms part of a romantic scene in which, mere conception."
in his earlier days, Mr Hume took particular de The first attempt to prove the necessity of be
light. Otherwise the money to go to the poor lief in a divine revelation, by demonstrating that
of the parish. natural reason leads to universal scepticism,
“ These are a few particulars which may per was made by Algazel, a professor at gagdad, in
mss. u. \
a
426 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Nous the beginning of the twelfth century of our era; ment devote, cloitrée, melancholique, ayant des Notes
Illulagzliomwhose work entitled The Destruction of the directeurs de conscience, ignorans, faux, et dé- muggdom
Philosopher is known to us only by the answer vots. Amoureuse et amie tres intime de la MN
0f,Averroes, called Destmctionlqf the Destruc Sainte Vierge, elle avait recu ordre de Dieu
He denied a necessary connection be méme d’écrire la vie de sa divine mere. Les in
.tween cause and efl'ect; for of two separate structions nécessaires lui avaient été fournies par
things, the ,afiirmation of the existence. of one le Saint Esprit. Elle commencoit la vie de Marie,
doesnot necessarily contain the, aflirrnation of non pas du jour de sanaissance, mais du moment
the existence of the other ; and the same may be de son immaculée conception dans le sein de sa
said of denial. It is curious enough that this mere Anne. Apres avoir narré en détail tout
argument was more especially pointed against ce que sa divine héroine fit les neuf mois qu’elle
those Arabian philosophers who, from the ne a passé dans le sein maternel, elle nous apprend
cessary connection of causes and efi'cctsyreasoned qu’ii Page de trois ans elle balayoit la maison,
against the possibility of miracles; thus antici aidée par neuf cents domestiques, tous anges,
pating one doctrine of Mr Hume, to impugn an dommandés par leur propre Prince Michel. Ce
other. (TENNEMAN, Gesck. der Phil. VIII. 387.) qui frappe dans ce livre est l’assurance que tout
The same attempt was made, by the learned est dit de bonne foi. Ce sont les visions d’un
but ,nnphilosophical Huet, bishop of Avranches esprit sublime, qui, sans aucune ombre d’orgueil,
(Quastiones Alnetana, Caen, 1690,v and Traité de ivre de Dieu, croit ne révéler que ce que l’Esprit
la .Fuiblcsse Jlie PEtprit Humain, Amsterdam, Saint lui inspire.” (Mémoirea de Casanova, IV.
1723), , A similar motivenrged Berkeley to his 343. Leipsic, 1827.)
attack on Fluxions, The attempt of Huet has A week’s confinement to this volume produced
been lately renewed. by the Abbé Lamennais, such an effect on the author, who, though an un
in his treatise on Religious Indr'fl'erence; a fine believer and a debauchee, was then enfeebled by
writer, whose apparent reasonings amount to melancholy, bad air, and bad food, that his sleep
little more than well-varied assertions, and well was haunted, and his waking hours disturbed by
dipguised, assumptions of the points to be proved. its horrible visions. Many years after, passing
m Tqhuild religion upon scepticism is the most through Agrada in Old Castile, he charmed the
citravagant of, attempts ;, for it destroys the old priest of that village by speaking of the bio
psrpgfs of adivine mission, and leaves no natural grapher of the virgin. The priest showed him
means“of: distinguishing between revelation , and all the spots which were consecrated by her pre
impegture. The. Abbe Lamennais, represents sence, and bitterly lamented that the Court of
authorityaszthgflflegl'qtlqd of belief. Why? Rome had refused to canonize her. It is the
be, given, the proposition natural reflection _of the writer, that the book
must hegfalse ; tit" none, it is phviously a mere was
mad, well
oritoqualified to turn'
make a man a solitary
at large prisoner
an atheist. It
groundless assertion.
~»i-_3i“-|ly| I I! ' ...v l '01"- s' ,9 .r I he ~ ,,
ought not to be forgotten, that the inquisitors of
2.. - .=.- - - "NO'IXBIRypJ'858t ~ state at’Vcnice, who proscribed this book, were
g“ ‘h- "”"'..'~‘ I'Hrl" ‘ " ' i ll" probably of the latter persuasion. It is a strik
..JGasanQva...a,Yenetwu doomed to solitary int ing instance of the infatuation of those who, in
prisopnrent'innthe dungeons, pt Venice in 1765,. their eagerness to rivet the bigotry of the igno‘
this speaks of the only books whichfor a time rant, use means which infallibly tend to spread
he was allowed“ tp'read» The title of, the first utter unbelief among the educated. , The book
was_.¢,a_,C#é‘1ldysligue_de Smur Mariede Jesus, is a disgusting, but in its general outline seem
appedée d’Agrada. _ . ingly faithful, picture of the dissolute manners
.l .‘f ,Ify Instant ce, que pent enfanter l’imagina spread oVer the Cpntinent of Eiémpe in the'
tion d’une viergeEspagnole extravagam middle of the eighteenth century. , {15, M “(.78.
, )

a
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 427

Notes Norr. S, p. 358. NOTE T, p. 363. News

and and
Illustrations. _ Illustrations.
\M/ “ The Treatise on the Law of War and Peace, Au 6' clu'rwg, dmrrg fl! yga/iparenp (,3 and“ imzgzn \IW
the Essay on Human Understanding, the Spirit “relaxant ysygapmvor 6mg o'U/Lfialvsl i771 rou vou. (ARIST.
of Laws, and then Inquiry into the Causes of the
de Anima, lib. iii. cap. v. Opera, tom. II. p. 50.
Wealth of Nations, are the works which haveParis, 1639.) " ' “"“ ""
- most directly infihehced'the general opinion of A little before, in the same treatise, appears a
Europe during the two last center-res: They great part of the substAnce ofthe famous maxim,
are also the most conspicuous landmarks in the Nil est in intellectu guod non prius fail in sensu.
progress "bf the sciences to which they relate. 'Hdt euvmrnu 1mm; r1; 60m uvou, mu aux am “1697,6550;
It is remarkable that the defects of all these ylyvro‘éai. (Ibid. 4-7.)
great works are very similar. The leading no In the tract on Memory and Reminiscence
tions of none of them can, in the strictest sense, we find his enumeration of the principles of as
be said to'be original, though Locke and Smith sociation. Ala mu ro resin; dngsuo/uv, vono'ouvn; arm rou
in that respect surpass their illustrious rivals. wv n aMou mag, mu ap' o',u.o:ou n smvr/ou, 7; rev dws'yyuc.
All of them employ great care in ascertaining (Ibia'. II. 86.) If the latter word he applied to
those laws which are immediately deduced from time as well as space, and considered as compre
experience, or directly applicable to practice; hending causation, the enumeration will coincide
but apply metaphysical and abstract principles with that of Hume. The term hgluu is assigni
with considerable negligence. None pursues ficant as if it had been chosen by Hobbes. But
the order of science, beginning with first ele it is to be observed, that these principles are ap
ments, and advancing to more and more com plied only to explain memory.
plicated conclusions; though Locke is perhaps Something has been said on the subject, and
less defective in method than the rest. All something on the present writer, by Mr Cole
admit digressions which, though often intrinsi ridge, in his unfortunately unfinished work called
cally excellent, distract attention, and break the Biographia Literaria, chap. v., which seems to
chain of thought. None of them is happy in justify, if not to require, a few remarks. That
the choice, or constant in the use, of technical learned gentleman seems to have been guilty of
terms; and in none do we find much of that an oversight in quoting as a distinct work the
rigoro'iis precision which is the first beauty of Parva Naturalia, which is the'collective name
philosophical language. Grotius and “Montes given by the scholastic translators to those trea
quieli wiere'imitatoi's’of Td’dithéfl—lihe first with tises of Aristotle which form the second volume
more gravity,"the ‘secorid with more vivacity; of Duval’s edition of his works, published at
' but both were tempted to forsake the simple Paris in 1689. I have already acknowledged
diction of science, in pursuit of the poignant the striking resemblance of Mr Hume's prin
brevity which that great historian has carried to ciples of association to those of Aristotle. In
a vicious excess. Locke and Smith chose an answer, however, to a remark of Mr Coleridge,
easy, clear, and free, but somewhat loose and I must add, that the manuscript of a part of
verbose style—more concise in Locke—more Aquinas which I bought many years ago (on the
elegant in Smith,—in both exempt from pedantry, faith of a bookseller's catalogue) as being Written
but not void of ambiguity and repetition. Per by Mr Hume, was not a copy of the Commentary
haps all those apparent defects contributed in on the Parva Naturalia, but of Aquinas’s own
some degree to the specific usefulness of these Secrmda Secundm; and that, on examination,‘it
great works; and, by rendering their contents proves not to be the handwriting of Mr Hume,
more accessible and acceptable to the majority and to contain nothing written by him. It is
of readers, have more completely blended their certain that, in the passages immediately preced
principles with the common opinions ofmankind.” ing the quotation, Aristotle explains recollection
(Edinburgh Review, vol. XXXVI. p. 244-.) as depending on a general law,—that the idea of
428 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

N0!" an object will remind us of the objects which aware of its source, or even conscious that it Notes
mugging immediately preceded or followed when origi was not originally his own. Yet the very Inuxsiom
WV nally perceived. But what Mr Coleridge has not narrow view of association by Locke, his appa~\’\~
told us is, that the Stagyrite confines the appli— rently treating it as a novelty, and the silence
cation of this law exclusively lathe phenomena qf of common books respecting it, afi'ord a pre
recollection alone, without any glimpse of a more sumption that the Peripatetic doctrine was so
general Operation extending to all connections of little known, that it might have escaped the
thought and feeling,—a wonderful proof, indeed, notice of these philosophers, one of whom boast
even so limited, of the sagacity of the great phi ed that he was unread, and the other is not
losopher, but which for many ages continued liable to the suspicion of unacknowledged bor
barren of further consequences. The illustra rowing. Q
tions of Aquinas throw light on the original doe To Mr Coleridge, who distrusts his own power
trine, and show that it was unenlarged in his of building a bridge by which his ideas may pass
time. “ When we recollect Socrates, the thought into a mind so dilferently trained asimine, I
of Plato occurs ‘as like him.’ When we re venture to suggest, with that sense of his genius
member Hector, the thought of Achilles occurs which no circumstance has hindered me from
‘ as contrary.’ The idea of a father is followed seizing every fit occasion to manifest, that more
by that of a son ‘as near.’ ” (AQUIN. Opera, I. of my early years were employed in contempla
pars ii. p. 62, et seq.) Those of Ludovicus tions of an abstract nature, than of those of the
Vives, as quoted by Mr Coleridge, extend no majority of his readers ; that there are not, even
farther. ' now, many of them less likely to be repelled from
But if Mr Coleridge will compare the parts of doctrines by singularity or uncouthness; more
Hobbes on Human Nature which relate to this willing to allow that every system has caught an
subject, with those which explain general terms, advantageous glimpse of some side or corner of
he will perceive that the philosopher of Malmes the truth; more desirous of exhibiting this dis
bury builds on these two foundations a general persion of the fragments of wisdom by attempts
theory of the human understanding, of which to translate the doctrine of one school into the
reasoning is only a particular case. In conse language of another ;—who, when he cannot
quence of the assertion of Mr Coleridge, that discover a reason for an opinion, considers it as
Hobbes was anticipated by Descartes in his ex important to diSOOYel‘ the causes of its adoption
cellent and interesting discourse on Method, I by the philosopher; believing, in the most un
have twice reperused that work in quest of this favourable cases, that one of the most arduous
remarkable anticipation, though, as I thought, and useful researches of mental philosophy is to
well acquainted by my old studieswith the writ explore the subtile illusions which enable great '
ings of that great philosopher. My labour has, minds to satisfy themselves by mere words, be
however, been vain. I have discovered no trace fore they deceive others by payment in the same
of that or of any similar speculation. My edi-~ counterfeit coin. These habits, together with
tion is in Latin by Elzevir, at Amsterdam, in the natural influence of my ageand avocations,
1650, the, year of Descartes’s' death. I am lead me to suspect that in speculative philosophy
obliged, therefore, to conjecture that Mr Cole— I am nearer to indifi'ere'nce than to an exclusive
ridge,
mistake, having
quotedmislaid his references,
the discourse on Method,has, spirit. I hope nor
instead presumptuous that offensive
it can neither
in me to doubt,

of another work; which would affect his in
ference from the priority of Descartes to Hobbes.
It is not to be denied, that the opinion of Aris
totle, repeated by so many commentators, may
have found its way into the mindof Hobbes,
and also of Hume; though neither might be
whether the circumstance. of its being found
diflicult to convey ametaphysical doctrine to a
person who, at one part of his life, made such
studies his chief pursuit, may not imply either
error in the opinion, ordefeet in the mode of
communication.
 DISSERTATION SECOND. 429
Notes Nora V, p. 379. avoids the needless decision of a controversy not' Notes
and an
Illustrations.
at the moment before him. Illustrations
MIW A very late writer, who seems to speak for M

Mr Bentham with authority, tells us that “ the Non: W, p. 380.

first time the phrase of ‘ the principle of utility’
was brought decidedly into notice, was in the A writer of consummate ability, who has fail
‘ Essays, by David Hume,’ published about the ed in little but the respect due to the abilities ‘
year 1742. In that work it is mentioned as the and character of his opponents, has given too
name of a principle which might be made the much countenance to the abuse and confusion of
foundation of a system of morals, in opposition language exemplified in the well-known verse of
to a system Uaen in vogue, which was founded on Pope,
what was called the ‘ moral sense.’ The ideas, Modes of self-love the Passions we may call.
however, there attached to it, are vague, and de “ We know," says he, “ no universal proposi
fective in practical application." (Westminster Re tion respecting human nature which is true but
view, No. xxi.) If these few sentences were scru one—that men always act from self-interest."
tinized with the severity and minuteness of Ben (Edinburgh Review, March 1829.) It is mani
tham’s Fragment on Government, they would be fest from the sequel, that the writer is not the
found to contain almostasmany misremembrances dupe of the confusion ; but many of his readers
as assertions. Utility is not “mentioned,” but may be so. If, indeed, the word self-interest
fullydiscussed, in Mr Hume’s Discourse. It is sel could with propriety be used for the gratification
dom spoken of by “ name." Instead of charging of every prevalent desire, he has clearly shown
it with “ vagueness,” it would be more just to ad that this change in the signification of terms
mire the precision which it combines with beau would be of no advantage to the doctrine which
t-y. Instead of being “ defective in practical ap he controverts. It would make as many sorts
plication,” perhaps the desire of rendering it p0 of self-interest as there are appetites, and it is
pular has crowded it with examples and illus irreconcilably at variance with the system of as
trations taken from life. To the assertion that sociation embraced by Mr Mill. To the word
“ it was opposed to the nwralcense,” no reply can self-love Hartley properly assigns two signifi
be needful but the following words extracted cations: 1. Gross self-love, which consists in
from the Discourse itself: “ I am apt to suspect the pursuit of the greatest pleasures, from all
that reason and sentiment concur in almost all those desires which look to individual gratifica
moral determinations and conclusions. The tion; or, 2. refined self-love, which seeks the
final sentence which pronounces characters and greatest pleasure which can arise from all the
actions amiable or odious, probably depends on some desires of human nature,—tl|e latter of which
internal sense or feeling, which nature has made is an invaluable, though inferior principle. The
universal in the whole species.” (An Enquiry con admirable writer whose language has occasioned
cerning the Principles of Morals, sect. i.) The this illustration, who at an early age has mastered
phrase “ made universal," which is here used every species of composition, will doubtless hold
instead of the more obvious and common word fast to simplicity, which survives all the fashions
“ implanted,” shows the anxious and perfect of deviation from it, and which a man of a
precision of language, by which a philosopher genius so fertile has few temptations to forsake.

END OF THE SECOND DISSERTATION.

 DISSERTATION THIRD;
EXHIBITING A GENERAL VIEW

OF THE

PROGRESS OF MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

SINCE THE REVIVAL OF LETTERS IN EUROPE

BY JOHN PLAYFAIR,
PROFESSOR OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH,

FELLOW Ol‘ THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LONDON,

AND SECRETARY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY Oi‘ EDINBURGH.

--__
 DISSERTATION THIRD.

PART FIRST.

IN conformity to the plan which has been the principles of the inductive method, or of the
traced and executed with so much ability in the branch of Logic which teaches the application
First Dissertation, I am now to present the of experiment and observation to the interpre
reader with an historical sketch of the principal tation of nature, must be the second object of
discoveries made in Natural Philosophy, from inquiry; and in this article I shall give an ac
the revival of letters down to the present time. count of Bacon’s Philosophy, as applied to Phy
In entering on this task, and on looking at the sical investigation. After these two sections,
instructive but formidable model already set be which may in some measure be considered as
fore me, I should experience no small solicitude, introductory, I am to treat of Natural Philo
did I not trust that the subject of which I am to sophy, under the divisions of Mechanics, Astro
speak, in order to be interesting, needs only to nomy, and Optics. Under the general denomi
be treated with clearness and precision. These nation of Mechanics I include the theory of Mo
two requisites I will endeavour to keep steadily tion, as applied not only to solids, but to fluids,
in view. both incompressible and elastic. Optics I have
In the order which I am to follow, I shall be placed after Astronomy, because the discove
guided solely by a regard to the subserviency of ries in Mechanics have much less affected the
one science to the progress of another, and to progress of the former of these sciences than of
the consequent priority of the former in the or the latter. To these will succeed a sixth divi
der of regular study. For this reason, the his~ sion, containing the laws of the three unknown
tory of the pure Mathematics will be first consi substances, if, indeed, they may be called sub
dered, as that science has been one of the two stances,—Heat, Electricity, and Magnetism.
principal instruments applied by the modems to These, though very different, agree in some ge
the advancement of natural knowledge. The neral characters. They permeate all substances,
other instrument is Experience; and, therefore, though not with the same facility; and, if other
was. 11!. PART I. 3 r
434 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
I

bodies had been formed in the same manner
with them, the idea of impenetrability would
never have been suggested to the mind. They
seem to receive motion, without taking any away
from the body which communicates it; so that
they can hardly be considered as inert. Two of
them, Heat and Electricity, are perceived by the
sense of touch; but the impression which they
make does not convey an idea of resistance.
The third is not perceived by touch; and, there
fore, all the three might be denominated impal
pable substances. If they have any gravity, it
cannot be appreciated; and, for these reasons,
had it not too paradoxical an appearance, we
might class them together as material, but incor
pareal substances. We know, indeed, nothing knowledge.
of them but as powers, transferable from one
body to another; and it is in consequence of this
last circumstance alone that they are entitled to
the name of substances.
Though the general design of this historical
sketch extends from the revival of letters to
the beginning of the nineteenth century, I
shall, in the present Part, confine myself en
tirely, as has been done in the first Disser
tation, to the period preceding the end of the
seventeenth century, or, more precisely, to
that preceding the invention of the fluxionary
calculus, and the discovery of the principle of
gravitation ;—one of the most remarkable epo
chas, without doubt, in the history of human

SECTION I.

IMATHEMATICS

l. GEOMETRY.

THE great inheritance of mathematical know were to be deciphered; and the skill of the
ledge which the ancients bequeathed to poste grammarian and the critic were to precede, in
rity could not, on the revival of learning, be im a certain degree, that of the geometrician or the
mediately taken possession of, nor could even its astronomer. The obligations which we have to
existence be discovered, but by degrees. Though those who undertook this laborious and irksomc
the study of the Mathematics had never been task, and who rescued the ancient books from
entirely abandoned, it had been reduced to mat the prisons to which ignorance and barbarism
ters of very simple and easy comprehension, had condemned them, and from the final de
such as were merely subservient to practice. truction by which they must soon have been
Therc had been men who could compute the overtaken, are such as we can never sufficiently
area of a triangle, draw a meridian line, or even acknowledge; and indeed we shall never know
construct a sun-dial, in the worst of times; but even the names of many of the benefactors to
between such skill, and the capacity to under whom our thanks are due. In the midst of the
stand or the taste to relish the demonstrations wars, the confusion, and bloodshed, which over
of Euclid, Apollonius, or Archimedes, there was whelmed Europe during the middle ages, the
a great interval, and many difficulties were to religious houses and monasteries afi'orded to the
be overcome, for which much time, and much remains of ancient learning an asylum, which a
subsidiary knowledge, were necessary. The repo salutary prejudice forced even the most lawless
sitories of the ancient treasures were to be open to respect; and the authors who have given the
ed, and made accessible; the knowledge of the best account of the revival of letters, agree that
languages was to be acquired; the manuscripts it is in a great measure to these establishments
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 435
that We owe the safety of the books which have genious and beautiful contrivanees in the Mathe
kept alive the scientific and literary attainments matics. It is a method of discovering truth by
of Greece and Rome. reasoning concerning things unknown, or pro
The study of the remains of antiquity gradual positions merely supposed, as if the one were
ly produced men of taste and intelligence, who given, or the other were really true. A quan
Were able to correct the faults of the manu tity that id‘unknown, is only to be found from
scripts they copied, and to explain the difficul the relations which it bears to quantities that
ties of the authors they translated. Such were are known. By reasoning on these relations,
Purbach, Regiomontanus, Commandine, Mau we come at last to some one so simple, that the
rolycus, and many others. By their means, the thing sought is thereby determined. By this
writings of Euclid, Archimedes, Apollonius, analytical process, therefore, the thing required
Ptolemy, and Pappus, became knoWn and acces is discovered, and we are at the same time put
sible to men of science. Arabia contributed its in possession of an instrument by which new
share towards this great renovation, and from the truths may be found out, and which, when skill
language of that country was derived the know in using it has been acquired by practice, may
ledge of many Greek books, of the originals of be applied to an unlimited extent.
which, some were not found till long afterwards, A similar process enables us to discover the
and others have never yet been discovered. demonstrations of propositions, supposed to be
In nothing, perhaps, i the inventive and ele true, or, if not true, to discover that they are
gant genius of the Greeks better exemplified false.
than in their geometry. The elementary truths This method, to the consideration of which
of that science were connected by Euclid into we shall again have an opportunity of return
one great chain, beginning from the axioms, ing, was perhaps the most valuable part of the
and extending to the properties of the five regu ancient Mathematics, inasmuch as a method of
lar solids; the whole digested into such admir discovering truth is more valuable than the
able order, and explained with such clearncss truths it has already discovered. Unfortunate
and precision, that no similar work of superior ly, however, the fragments containing this pre
excellence has appeared, even in the present ad cious remnant had suffered more from the in
vanced state of mathematical science. juries of time than almost any other.
Archimedes had assailed the more difficult In the fifteenth century, Regiomontanus, al
problems of geometry, and, by means of the ready mentioned, is the mathematician who _
method of Exhaustions, had demonstrated many holds the highest rank. To him we owe many
curious and important theorems with regard to translations and commentaries, together with
the lengths and areas of curves and the con several original and valuable works of his own.
tents of solids. The same great geometer had Trigonometry, which had never been known to
given a beginning to physico-mathematical sci the Greeks as a separate science, and which
ence, by investigating several propositions, and took that form in Arabia, advanced, in the
resolving several problems in Mechanics and hands of Regiomontanus, to a great degree of
Hydrostatics. - perfection, and approached very near to the
Apollonius had treated of the Conic Sections, condition which it has attained at the present
--the curves which, after the circle, are the day. He also introduced the use of decimal
most simple and important in geometry; and, fractions into arithmetic, and thereby gave to
by his elaborate and profound researches, had that scale its full extent, and to numerical com
laid the foundation of discoveries which were putation the utmost degree of simplicity and
to illustrate very distant ages. enlargement which it seems capable of attain
Another great invention, the Geometrical mg.
Analysis, ascribed very generally to the Plato This eminent man was cut off in the prime
nic school, but most successfully cultivated by of life; and his untimely death, says Mr Smith,
the geometer just named, is one of the most in amidst innumerable projects for the advance
436 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ment of science, is even at this day a matter of as the first geometer of that age. Beside fur
regret.1 He was buried in the Pantheon at nishing many valuable translations and com
Rome; and the honours paid to him at his mentaries, he wrote a treatise on the Conic Sec
death prove that science had now become a. tions, which is highly esteemed. He endeavour
distinction which the great were disposed to ed also to restore the fifth book of the Conics of
recognise. 9 Apollonius, in which that geometer treated of
Werner, who lived in the end of this century, the maxima and minima of the conic sections.
is the first among the modems who appears to His writings all indicate a. man of clear concep
have been acquainted with the geometrical ana tions, and of a strong understanding; though
lysis. His writings are very rare, and I have he is taxed with having dealt in astrological pre
never had an opportunity of examining them. diction.
What I here assert is on the authority of Men In the early part of the seventeenth century,
tucla, whose judgment in this matter may be Cavalleri was particularly distinguished, and
safely relied on, as he has shown, by many in made an advance in the higher geometry, which
stances, that he was well acquainted with the occupies the middle place between the discoveries
nature of the analysis referred to. It is not a of Archimedes and those of Newton.
little remarkable that Werner should have under For the purpose of determining the lengths
stood this subject, when we find many eminent and areas of curves, and the contents of solids
mathematicians, long after his time, entirely contained within curve superficies, the ancients
unaequainted with it, and continually express had invented a method, to which the name of
ing their astonishment how the ancient geo Exhaustions has been given; and in nothing,
meters found out those simple and elegant con perhaps, have they more displayed their powers
structions and demonstrations, of which they of mathematical invention.
have given so many examples. In the days of Whenever it is required to measure the space
Werner there was no ancient book known, ex hounded by curve lines, the length of a curve,
cept the Data of Euclid, from which any infor or the solid contained within a curve superficies,
mation concerning the geometrical analysis could the investigation does not fall within the range
be collected; and it is highly to his credit, that, of elementary geometry. Rectilineal figures are
without any other help, he should have come to compared, on the principle of superposition, by
the knowledge of amethod not a little recondite help of the notion of equality which is derived
in its principles, and among the finest inventions from the coincidence of magnitudes both similar
either of ancient or of modern science. Werner and equal. Two rectangles of equal bases and
resolved, by means of it, Archimedes’s problem equal altitudes are. held to be equal, because they
of cutting a sphere into two segments, having a can perfectly coincide. A rectangle and an
given ratio to one another. He proposed also to oblique angled parallelogram, having equal bases
translate, from the Arabic, the work of Apollo and altitudes, are shown to be equal, because
nius, entitled Sectio Rationis, rightly judging it the same triangle, taken from the rectangle on
to be an elementary work in that analysis, and one side, and added to it on the other, converts
to come next after the Data of Euclid.’ it into the parallelogram ; and thus two magni—
Benedetto, an Italian mathematician, appears tudes which are not similar, are shown to have
equal areas. In like manner, if a triangle and
also to have been very early acquainted with the
principles of the same ingenious method, as he a parallelogram have the same base and altitude,
published a book on the geometrical analysis at the triangle is shown to be half the parallelo
Turin in 1585. gram ; because, if to the triangle there be added
Maurolycusof Messina flourishedin the middle another, similar and equal to itself, but in the
of the sixteenth century, and is justly regarded reverse position, the two together will compose

' History #Aatrmmy, p. 90. Regiemontanus was born in 1436, and died in 1476.
’ See Mosrucns, Hieloirc dc: Muthématigun, vol. I. p. 68!.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 437
a parallelogram, having the same base and alti truth of this sort first occurred, when he found
tude with the given triangle. The same is true that two-thirds of the rectangle, under the or
of the comparison of all other rectilineal figures; dinate and abscissa of a parabola, was a limit
and if the reasoning be carefully analyzed, it always greater than the inscribed rectilineal
will always be found to be reducible to the pri figure, and less than the circumscribed. In
mitive and original idea of equality, derived some other curves, 'a similar conclusion was
from things that coincide or occupy the same found; and Archimedes contrived to show that
space; that is to say, the areas which are proved it was impossible to suppose that the area of
equal are always such as, by the addition or the curve could differ from the said limit, with
subtraction of equal and similar parts, may be out admitting that the circumscribed figure
rendered capable of coinciding with one another. might beeome less, or the inscribed figure great
This principle, which is quite general with re er than the curve itself. The method of Ex
spect to rectilineal figures, must fail, when we haustions was the name given to the indirect
would compare curvilineal and rectilineal spaces demonstrations thus formed. Though few things
with one another, and make the latter serve as more ingenious than this method have been de
measures of the former; because no addition or vised, and though nothing could be more con
subtraction of rectilineal figures can ever pro clusive than the demonstrations resulting from
duce a figure which is curvilineal. It is possible, it, yet it laboured under two very considerable
indeed, to combine curvilineal figures, so as to defects. In the first place, the process by which
produce one that is rectilineal ; but this principle the demonstration was obtained was long and
is of very limited extent; it led to the quadra difficult; and, in the second place, it was indi
ture of the lunulce of Hippocrates, but has hard rect, giving no insight into the principle on
ly furnished any other result which can be con which the investigation was founded. Of con
sidered as valuable in science. sequence, it did not enable one to find out simi
In the difficulty to which geometers were thus lar demonstrations, nor increase one’s power of
reduced, it might occur, that by inscribing a making more discoveries of the same kind. It
rectilineal figure within a curve, and circum was a demonstration purely synthetical, and re
scribing another round it, two limits could be quired, as all indirect reasoning must do, that
obtained, one greater and the other less than the the conclusion should be known before the rea
area required. It was also evident, that by in soning is begun. A more compendious, and a
creasing the number, and diminishing the sides more analytical method, was therefore much to
of those figures, the two limits might be brought he wished for, and was an improvement which,
continually nearer to one another, and of course at a moment when the field of mathematical
nearer to the curvilineal area, which was always science was enlarging so fast, seemed particu
intermediate between them. In prosecuting this larly to be required.
sort of approximation, a result was at length Cavalleri, born at Milan in the year 1598, is
found out, which must have occasioned no less the person by whom this great improvement
surprise than delight to the mathematician who was made. The principle on which he proceed
first encountered it. The result I mean is, that, ed was, that areas may be considered as made
when the series of inscribed figures was con up of an infinite number of parallel lines; so
tinually increased, by multiplying the number lids of an infinite number of parallel planes;
of the sides, and diminishing their size, there and even lines themselves, whether curve or
was an assignable rectilineal area, to which they straight, of an infinite number of points. The
continually approached, so as to come nearer it eubature of a solid being thus reduced to the
than any difference that could be supposed. The summation of a series of planes, and the quad
same limit would also be observed to belong to rature of a curve to the summation of a series
the circumscribed figures, and therefore it could of ordinates, each of the investigations was re
be no other than the curvilineal area required. duced to something more simple. It added to
It appears to have been to Archimedes that a this simplicity not a little, that the sums of se
438 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ries are often more easily found when the num arithmetical progression, and squares to be de
ber of terms is infinitely great, than when it is scribed on each of them, to find what ratio the
finite, and actually assigned. sum of all these squares bears to the greatest
It appears that a tract on Stereometry, writ square, taken as often as there are terms in the
ten by Kepler, whose name will hereafter be progression. Cavalleri showed, that when the
often mentioned, first led Cavalleri to take number of terms is infinitely great, the first of
this view of geometrical magnitudes. In that these sums is just one-third of the second. This
tract, which was published in 1615, the mea evidently led to the cubature of many solids.
surement of many solids was proposed, which Proceeding one step farther, he sought for
had not before fallen under the consideration of the sum of the cubes of the same lines, and
mathematicians. Such, for example, was that found it to be one-fourth of the greatest, taken
of the solids generated by the revolution of a as often as there are terms; and, continuing
cane, not about its axis, but about any line this investigation, he was able to assign the sum
whatsoever. Solids of that kind, on account of of the nth powers of a series in arithmetical
their afiinity with the figure of casks, and ves progression, supposing always the difference of
sels actually employed for containing liquids, the terms to be infinitely small, and their num
appeared to Kepler to offer both curious and ber to be infinitely great. The number of cu
useful subjects of investigation. There were no rious results obtained from these intestigatious
less than eighty-four such solids, which be pro may be easily conceived. It gave, over geome
posed for the consideration of mathematicians. trical problems of the higher class, the same
He was, however, himself unequal to the task power which the integral calculus, or the in
of resolving any but a small number of the verse method of fluxions does, in the case when
simplest of 'these problems. In these solutions, the exponent of the variable quantity is an in
he Was bold enough to introduce into geometry, teger. The method of indivisibles, however,
for the first time, the idea of infinitely great was not without difficulties, and could not but
and infinitely small quantities; and by this ap be liable to objection, with those accustomed to
parent departure from the rigour of the science, the rigorous exactness of the ancient geometry.
he rendered it in fact a most essential service. In strictness, lines, however multiplied, can
Kepler conceived a circle to be composed of an never make an area, or any thing but a line;
infinite number of triangles, having their com nor can areas, however they may be added to
mon vertex in the centre of the circle, and their gether, compose a solid, or any thing but an area.
infinitely small bases in the circumference. It This is certainly true, and yet the conclusions
is to be remarked, that Galileo had also intro of Cavalleri, deduced on a contrary supposition,
duced the notion of infinitely small quantities, are true also. This happened, because, though
in his first dialogue, De Mechanica, where he the suppositions that a certain series of lines, in
treats of a cylinder cut out of a hemisphere; finite in number, and contiguous to one another,
and he has done the same in tieating of the ac may compose a certain area, and that another
celeration of falling bodies. Cavalleri was the series may compose another area, are neither of
friend and disciple'of Galileo, but much more them true; yet is it strictly true, that the one
profound in the "Mathematics. In his hands the of these areas must have to the other the same
idea took a more regular and systematic form, ratio which the sum of the one series of lines
and was explained in his workon Indivisibles, has to the sum of the other series. Thus, it is
published in 1635. the ratios of the areas, and not the areas abso
The rule for summing an infinite series of lutely considered, which are determined by the
terms in arithmetical progression had been long reasonings of Cavalieri; and that this determi
known, and the application of it to find the area nation of their ratios is quite accurate, can very
of a triangle, according to the method of indi readily be demonstrated by the method of ex
visibles, was a matter of no difficulty. The haustions.
next step was, supposing a series of lines in The method of indivisibles, from the great
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 439
facility with which it could be managed, fur occupies in the history of geometry, first drew
nished a most ready method of ascertaining the attention of mathematicians. In the year
the ratios of areas and solids to one another, 1639, Galileo informed his friend Torricelli,
and, therefore, scarcely seems to deserve the that, forty years before that time, he had thought
epithet which Newton himself bestows upon it, of this curve, on account of its shape, and the
of involving in its conceptions something harsh, graceful form it would give to arches in archi
(durum) and not easy to be admitted. It was tecture. The same philosopher had endeavoured
the doctrine of infinitely small quantities carried to find the area of the cycloid; but though he
to the extreme, and gave at once the result of was one of those who first introduced the con
an infinite series‘of successive approximations. sideration of infinites into geometry, he was not
Nothing, perhaps, more ingenious, and certainly expert enough in the use of that doctrine, to be
nothing more happy, ever was contrived, than able to resolve this problem. It is still more
to arrive at the conclusion of all these approxi extraordinary, that the same problem proved
mations, without going through the approxim too difiicult for Cavalleri, though he certainly
tions themselves. This is the purpose served was in complete possession of the principles by
by introducing into Mathematics the considera which it was to be resolved. It is, however, not
tion of quantities infinitely small in size, and easy to determine whether it be to Torricelli,
infinitely great in number; ideas which, how the scholar of Cavalleri, and his successor in
ever inaccurate they may seem, yet, when care genius and talents, or to Roberval, a French
fully and analogically reasoned upon, have never mathematician of the same period, and a man
led into error. also of great originality and invention, that sci
Geometry owes to Cavalleri, not only the ge ence is indebted for the first quadrature of the
neral method just described, but many particular cycloid, or the proof that its area is three times
theorems, which that method was the instru that of its generating circle. Both these mathe
ment of discovering. Among these is the very maticians laid claim to it. The French and
remarkable proposition, that as jbur right angles, Italians each took the part of their own coun
to the excess of the three angles of any spherical tryman; and in their zeal have so perplexed the
triangle, above two right angles, so is the superficics question, that it is hard to say on which side
qf the hemisphere to the area qf the triangle. At the truth is to be found. Torricelli, however,
that time, however, science was advancing so was a man of a mild, amiable, and candid dis
fast, and the human mind was everywhere ex position; Roberval of a temper irritable, vio
panding itself with so much energy, that the lent, and envious; so that, in as far as the testi¢
same discovery was likely to be made, by more mony of the individuals themselves is concerned,
individuals than one at the same time. It was there is no doubt which ought to preponderate.
not known in Italy in 1632, when this deter They had both the skill and talent which fitted
mination of the area of a spherical triangle was them for this, or even for more difficult re
given by Cavalleri, that it had been published searches.
three years before by Albert Girard, a mathe The other properties of this curve, those that
matician of the Low Countries, of whose in respect its tangents, its length, its curvature,
ventive powers we shall soon have more occa &c. exercised the ingenuity, not only of the
sion to speak. geometers just mentioned, but of \Vren, Wallis,
The Cycloid afl'orded a number of problems, Huygens, and, even after the invention of the
well calculated to exercise the proficients in the integral calculus, of Newton, Leibnitz, and Ber
geometry of indivisibles, or of infinites. It is noulli.
the curve described by a point in the circumfe Roberval also improved the method of quad
rence of a circle, while the circle itself rolls in ratures invented by Cavalieri, and extended his
a straight line along a plane. It is not quite solutions to the case, when the powers of the
certain when this curve, so remarkable for its terms in the arithmetical progression of which
curious properties, and for the place which it the sum was to be found were fractional; and
440 PRELIMINARY DISSERTA TIONS.

Wallis added the case when they were negative.
Fermat, who, in hi inventive resources, as well
as in the correctness of his mathematical taste,1
yielded to none of his contemporaries, applied
the consideration of infinitely small quantities
to determine the maxima and minima of the or
dinates of curves, as also their tangents. Bar
row, somewhat later, did the same in England.
Afterwards the geometry of infinites fell into
the hands of Leibnitz and Newton, and acquired
that new character which marks so distinguished
an era in the mathematical sciences.

2. ALGEBEA.

IT was not from Greece alone that the light Ben Musa of Chorasan, distinguished for his
proceeded which dispelled the darkness of the mathematical knowledge, travelled, about the
middle ages; for, with the first dawn of that year 959, into India, for the purpose of receiving
light, a mathematical science, of a name and further instruction in the science which he cul
character unknown to the geometers of antiqui tivated. It is likewise certain, that some books,
ty, was received in Europe from Arabia. As which have lately been brought from India into
early as the beginning of the thirteenth century, this country, treat of algebra in a manner that
Leonardo, a merchant of Pisa, having made fre has every appearance of originality, or at least
quent visits to the East, in the course of com of being derived from no source with which we
mercial adventure, returned to Italy enriched are at all acquainted.
by the traffic, and instructed by the science of Before the time of Leonardo of Pisa, an im
those countries. He brought with him the know portant acquisition, also from the East, had
ledge of Algebra; and a late writer quotes a greatly imprOVed the science of arithmetic.
manuscript of his, bearing the date of 1202, and This was the use of the Arabic notation, and
another that of 1228.‘I The importation of al the contrivance of making the same character
gebra into Europe is thus carried back nearly change its signification, according to a fixed
200 years farther than has generally been sup rule, when it changed its position, being increased
posed; for Leonardo has been represented as tenfold for every place that it advanced towards
flourishing in the end of the fourteenth century, the left. The knowledge of this simple but re
instead of the very beginning of the thirteenth. fined artifice was learned from the Moors by
It appears, by an extract from his manuscript, Gerbert, a monk of the Low Countries, in the
published by the above author, that his know tenth century, and by him made known in Eu
ledge of algebra extended as far as quadratic rope. Gerbert was afterwards Pope, by the
equations. The language was very imperfect, name of Silvester the Second, but from that
corresponding to the infancy of the science; the high dignity derived much less glory than from
quantities and the operations being expressed in having instructed his countrymen in the deci
words, with the help only of a few abbreviations. mal notation.
The rule for resolving quadratics by completing The writings of Leonardo, above mentioned,
the square, is demonstrated geometrically. have remained in manuscript; and the first
Though algebra was brought into Europe printed book in algebra is that of Lucas de
from Arabia, it is by no means certain that this Burgo, a Franciscan, who, towards the end of
last is its native country. There is, indeed, the fifteenth century, travelled, like Leonardo,
reason to think that its invention must be into the East, and was there instructed in the
sought for much farther to the East, and pro principles of algebra. The characters employed
bably not nearer than Indostan. We are as in his work, as in those of Leonardo, are mere
sured by the Arabian writers, that Mahomet abbreviations of words. The letters p and m

1 He also was very skilful in the geometric analysis, and seems to have more thoroughly imbibed the spirit of that in
genious invention than any of the moderns before Halley.
’ M. Cossali of Pisa, in a tract on the Origin of Algebra, 1797.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 441
denote plus and minus; and the rule is laid accordingly, a melancholy proof, that there is no
down, that, in multiplication, plus into minus folly or weakness too great to be united to high
gives minus, but minus into minus gives plus. intellectual attainments.
Thus the first appearance of algebra is merely Before his time very little advance had been
that of a system of short-hand writing, or an made in the solution of any equations higher
abbreviation of common language, applied to than the second degree; except that, as we are
the solution of arithmetical problems. It was told, about the year 1508, Scipio Fcrrei, Profes
a contrivance merely to save trouble; and yet sor of Mathematics at Bologna, had found out a
to this contrivance we are indebted for the rule for resolving one of the cases of cubic equa
most philosophical and refined art which men tions, which, however, be concealed, or commu
have yet employed for the expression of their nicated only to a few of his scholars. One of
thoughts. This scientific language, therefore, these, Florido, on the strength of the secret he
like those in common use, has grown up slowly, possessed, agreeably to a practice then common
from a very weak and imperfect state, till it among mathematicians, challenged Tartalea of
has reached the condition in which it is now Brescia, to contend with him in the solution of
found. algebraic problems. Florido had at first the ad
Though in all this the moderns received none vantage; but Tartalea, being a man of ingenuity,
of their information from the Greeks, yet a work soon discovered his rule, and also another much
in the Greek language, treating of arithmetical more general, in consequence of which he came
questions, in a manner that may be accounted off at last victorious. By the report of this vic
algebraic, was discovered in the course of the tory, the curiosity of Cardan was strongly ex
next century, and given to the world, in a Latin cited; for, though he was himself much versed
translation, by Xylander, in 1575. This is the in the Mathematics, he had not been able to dis
work of Diophantus of Alexandria, who had cover a method of resolving equations higher
composed thirteen books of Arithmetical Ques than the second degree. By the most earnest
tions, and is supposed to have flourished about and importunate solicitation, he wrung from
150 years after the Christian era. The ques Tartalea the secret of his rules, but not till he
tions he resolves are often of considerable diffi had bound himself, by promises and oaths, never
culty; and a great deal of address is displayed to divulge them. Tartalea did not communicate
in stating them, so as to bring out equations of the demonstrations, which, however, Cardan
such a form as to involve only one power of the soon found out, and extended, in a very inge
unknown quantity. The expression is that of nious and systematic manner, to all cubic equa
common language, abbreviated and assisted by tions whatsoever. Thus possessed of an import
a few symbols. The investigations do not ex ant discovery, which was at least in a great part
tend beyond quadratic equations; they are, his own, he soon forgot his promises to Tartalea,
however, extremely ingenious, and prove the and published the whole in 1545, not concealing,
author to have been a man of talent, though the however, what he owed to the latter. Though
instrument he worked with was weak and im a proceeding so directly contrary to an express
perfect. stipulation cannot be defended, one does not
The name of Cardan is famous in the history much regret the disappointment of any man
of algebra. He was born at Milan in 1501, and who would make a mystery of knowledge, or
was a man in whose character good and ill, keep his discoveries a secret, for purposes merc
strength and weakness, were mixed up in sin ly selfish.
gular profusion. With great talents and indus Thus was first published the rule which still
try, he was capricious, insincere, and vain-glo bears the name of Cardan, and which, at this
rious to excess. Though a man of real science, day, marks apoint in the progress of algebraic
he professed divination, and was such a believer investigation, which all the efforts of succeeding
in the influence of the stars, that he died to ac analysts have hardly been able to go beyond.
complish an astrological prediction. He remains, As to the general doctrine of equations, it ap
mss. 11!. PART 1. 8 x
442 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

pears that Cardan was acquainted both with ters for plus and mime which are at present em
the negative and positiVe roots, the former of ployed.
which he called by the name of false roots. He Robert Records, an Engiish mathematician,
also knew that the number of positive, or, as he published about this time, or a few years later,
called them, true roots, is equal to the number the first English treatise on Algebra, and be
of the changes of the signs of the'terms; and there introduced the same sign of equality which
that the coéfiicient of the second term is the dif is now in use.
ference between the sum of the true and the The properties of algebraic equations were
false roots. He also had perceived the difiiculty discovered, however, very slowly. Pelitarius, a
of that case of cubic equations, which cannot be French mathematician, in a treatise which bears
reduced to his own rule. He was not able to the date of 1558, is the first who observed that
overcome the difliculty, but showed how, in all the root of an equation is a divisor of the last
cases, an approximation to the roots might be term; and he remarked also this curious pro
obtained. perty of numbers, that the sum of the cubes of
There is the more merit in these discoveries, the natural numbers is the square of the sum of
that the language of algebra still remained very the numbers themselves.
imperfect, and consisted merely of abbreviations The knowledge of the solution of cubic equa
of words. Mathematicians were then in the prac tions was still confined to Italy. Bombelli, a
tice of putting their rules into verse. Cardan mathematician of that country, gave a regular
has given his a poetical dress, in which, as may treatise on Algebra, and considered, with very
be supposed, they are very awkward and ob particular attention, the irreducible case of Car
scure ; for whatever assistance in this way is dan’s rule. He was the first who made the re
given to the memory, must be entirely at the mark, that the problemsbelonging tothat caseean
expense of the understanding. It is, at the same always be resolved by the trisection of an arch.1
time, a proof that the language of algebra was Vieta was a very learned man, and an excel
very imperfect. Nobody now thinks of trans lent mathematician, remarkable both for indus
'lating an algebraic formula into verse; because, try and invention. He was the first who em
if one has acquired any familiarity with the lan ployed letters to denote the known as well as
guage of the science, the formula will be more the unknown quantities; so that it was with him
easily remembered than any thing that can be that the language of algebra first became capable
substituted in its room. of expressing general truths, and attained to
Italy was not the only country into which the that extension which has since rendered it such
algebraic analysis had by this time found its a powerful instrument of investigation. He has
way : in Germany it had also made considerable also given new demonstrations of the rule for
progress; and Stiphelius, in a book of algebra, resolving. cubic, and even biquadratic equations.
published at Nuremberg in 1544, employed the He also discovered the relation between-the roots
same numeral exponents of powers, both posi of an equation of any degree, and the coefficients
tive and negative, which we now use, as far as of its terms, though only in the case where none
integer numbers are concerned; but he did not of the terms are wanting, and where all the roots
carry the solution of equations farther than the are real or positive. It is, indeed, extremely‘cu
second degree. He introduced the sanie charac rious to remark, how gradually the truths of this

I A passa e in Bombelli’s book, relative to the bra of India, has become more interestirfi, from the infa'mation
concerning t 2 science of that country, which has reuc ed Europe within the last twenty years. e tells us, that he had
seen in the Vatican library, a manuscript of a certain Diophantus, a Greek author, which be admired so much, that he had
formed the design of translating it. He adds, that in this manuscript he had found the Indian authors often quoted; from
which it appeared that algebra was known to the Indians before it was known to the Arabians. Nothing, however, of all
this is to he found in the work of Diophantus, which was published about three years afler the time when Bombelli wrote.
As it is, at the same time, impossible that he could be so much mistaken about a manuscript which he had particularly ex
amined, this passage remains a mystery, which those who are curious about the ancient history of science would be very
glad to have unruvelled. See IIUT'ION'S History qfAlgebrc.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 443
sort came in sight. This proposition belonged The person next in order, as an inventor in
to a general truth, the greater part of which algebra, is Thomas Harriot, an English mathe
remained yet to be discovered. Vista’s treatises matician, whose book, Artis Analyticce Pratt's,
.were originally published about the year 1600, was published after his death, in 1631. _ This
and were afterwards collected into one volume bookcontains the genesis of all equations, by
by Schooten, in 1646 the continued multiplication of simple equa
In speaking of this illustrious man, Victa, we tions; that is to say, it explains the truth in its
must not omit .his. improvements in trigonome— _full extent, to which Vieta and Girard had been
try, and still less his treatise on Angular Sec approximating. By Harriot also, the method
tions, which was a most important application of extracting the roots of equations was greatly
of algebra to investigate the theorems, and re improved; the smaller letters of the alphabet,
solve the problems of geometry. He also re instead of the capital letters employed by Vieta,
stored some of the books of Apollonius, in a were introduced ; and by this improvement,
manner highly creditable to his own ingenuity, trifling, indeed, compared with the rest, the
but not perfectly in the taste of the Greek geo form and exterior of algebraic expression were
metry; because, though the constructions are brought nearer to those which are now in use.
elegant, the demonstrations are all synthetical. I have been the more careful to note very
About the same period, algebra became great particularly the degees by which the properties
ly indebted to Albert Girard, a Flemish mathe of equations were thus unfolded, because I think
matician, whose principal work, Invention Nou it forms an instance hardly paralleled in science,
velle en Alge‘bre, was printed in 1669. This in where a succession of able men, without going
genious author perceiveda greater extent, but wrong, advanced, nevertheless, so slowly in the
not yet the whole of the truth, partially discov discovery of a truth which, when known, does
ered by Vieta, viz. the successive formation of not seem to be of a very hidden and abstruse
the coefficients of an equation from the sum of nature. Their slow progress arose from this,
the roots; the sum of their products taken two that they worked with an instrument, the use of
and two; the same taken three and three, 8w. which they did not fully. comprehend, and em
whether the roots be positive or negative. He ployed a language which expressed more than
appears also to have been the first who under they were prepared to understand ;-—a language
stood the use of negative roots in the solution which, under the notion, first of negative and
of geometrical problems, and is the author of the then of imaginary quantities, seemed .to involve
figurative expression, which gives to negative such mysteries as the accuracy of mathematical
quantities the name of quantities 1688 than not/liflg; science must necessarily refuse to admit.
a phrase that hasbeen severely censured by those The distinguished author of whom I have
who forget that there are correct ideas, which just been speaking was born at Oxford in 1560.
correct language can hardly be made to express. He was employed in the second expedition sent
The same mathematician conceived the notion of out by Sir Walter Raleigh to Virginia, and on
imaginary roots, and showed that the number of his return published an account of that country.
the roots of an equation could not exceed the He afterwards devoted himself entirely to the
exponent of the highest power of the unknown study of the Mathematics; and it appears from
quantity. He was also in possession of the very some of his manuscripts, lately discovered, that
refined and difficult rule, which forms the sums he observed the spots of the sun as early as Do
of the powers of the roots of an equation from cember 1610, not more than a month later than
the coiéflicicnts of its terms. This is the greatest Galileo. He also made observations on Jupiter’s
list of discoveries which the history of any alge satellites, and on the comets of 1607 and of
braist could yet furnish. 1618.‘

' The manuscripts which contain these observations, and probably many other things of rest interest, are preserved in
the collection of the Earl of Egrcmont, having come into the possession of his family from I enry Percy, Earl of Northam
berlsnd, a most liberal patron of science, with whom Harriet appears to have chiefly lived alter his return from Virginia.
444 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

The succession of discoveries above related on this hypothesis, to be always a conic section;
brought the algebraic analysis, abstractly con and he distinguishes the cases in which it is a
sidered, into a state of perfection little short of circle, an ellipsis, a parabola, or a hyperbole.
that whichi‘i‘t has attained at the present mo It was an instance of the most extensive investi
ment. It was thus prepared for the step which gation which had yet been undertaken in geo
was abiiht to be taken by Descartes, and which metry, though, to render it a complete solution
forms one of the most important epochas in the of the problem, much more detail was doubtless
history of the mathematical sciences. This was necessary. The inVestigation is extended to the
the application of the algebraic analysis, to de cases where the function, which remains the
fine the nature, and investigate the properties, same, is of three, four, or five dimensions, and
of curve lines, and, consequently, to represent where the locus is a line of a higher order,
the notion of variable quantity. It is often said though it may, in certain circumstances, become
that ' in m was the first who applied algebra
a conic section. The lines given in position may
to gedmetry ; but this is inaccurate; for such be more than four, or than any given number;
applications had been made before, particularly and the lines drawn to them may either be per
by Vieta, in his treatise on Angular Sections. pendiculars, or lines making given angles with
The invention just mentioned is the undisputed them. The same analysis applies to all the
property of Descartes, and opened up vast fields of cases; and this problem, therefore, afforded an
discovery for those who were to come after him. excellent example of the use of algebra in the
The work in which this was contained is a investigation of geometrical propositions. The
tract of no more than 106 quarto pages; and author takes notice of the unwillingness of the
there 'is probably no book of the same size which ancients to transfer the language of arithmetic
has conferred so much and so just celebrity on into geometry, so that they were forced to have
its author. It was first published in 1637. recourse to very circuitous methods of expressing
In the first of the three books into which the these relations of quantity in which powers be
tract ust mentioned isidivided, the author begins
yond the third are introduced. Indeed, to de
with the consideration of such geometrical pro liver investigation from those modes of expres
blems as maybe resolved by circles and straight sion which involve the composition of ratios, and
lines; and explains the method of constructing to substitute in their room the multiplication of
algebraic formulas, or of translating a truth from the numerical measures, is of itself a very great
the language of algebra into that of geometry. advantage, arising from the introduction of alge
He then proceeds to the consideration of the bra into geometry.
problem, known among the ancients by the name In this book also, an ingenious method of
of the locus ad quatuor rectas, and treated of by drawing tangents to curves is proposed by Des
Apollonius and Pappus.“ The algebraic analysis cartes, as following from his general principles;
afforded a method of resolving this problem in and it is an invention with which he appears to
its full extent; and the consideration of it is have been particularly pleased. He says, “ Nee
again resumed in the second book. The thing verehor dicere, prohlema hoc non modo eorum
required is, to find the locus of a point, from quae scio utilissimum et generalissimum esse,
which, if perpendiculars be drawn to four lines sed etiam eorum quae in geometria scire unquam
given in position, a given function of these per desideraverim.“ This passage is not a little
pendiculars, in which the variable quantities are characteristic of Descartes, who was very much
only of two dimensions, shall be always of the disposed to think well of what he had done him
same magnitude.1 Descartes shows the locus, self, and even to suppose that it could not easily
I'

' It will easily be perceived, that the word function is not contained in the original enunciation of the problem It isa
term but lately introduced into mathematical language, and affords here, as on many other occasions, a more general and
more concise expression than could be otherwise obtained.
2 Can'rssu Gcmlria, p. 40. la:
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 445
be rendered more perfect. The truth, however, operations on quantity, by the same system of
is, that his method of drawing tangents is ex— conventional symbols. Thus, in the expression
tremely operose, and is one of those hasty views res—a w“ + b3 = o, the letters a, b, w, denote
which, though ingenious and even profound, re quantities, but the terms :19, a z", &c. denote
quire to be vastly simplified, before they can be certain operations performed on those quantities,
reduced to practice. Fermat, the rival and as well as the quantities themselves; :05 is the
sometimes the superior of Descartes, was far quantity 2: raised to the cube; and as“ the same
more fortunate with regard to this problem, and quantity a: raised to the square, and then multi
his method of drawing tangents to curves is the plied into a, &c.; the combination, by addition
same in effect that has been followed by all. the or subtraction, being also expressed by the signs
geometers since his time; while that of Des + and —.
cartes, which could only be valued when the Now, it is when applied to this latter purpose
other was unknown?has been long since entire that the algebraic language possesses such ex
ly abandoned. The remainder of the second clusive excellence. The mere magnitudes them
book is occupied with thc’bonsidiira‘tion of the selves might be represented by figures, as in
curves, which have been called the Ovals of Des geometry, as well as in any way whatever; but
cartes, and with some investigations concerning the operations they are to be subjected to, if
the centres of lenses; the whole indicating the described in words, must be et before the mind
hand of a great master, and deserving the most slowly, and in succession, so that the impression
diligent study of those who would become ac is weakened, and the clear apprehension ren
quainted with twmihlm-gemm of mathe dered difficult. In the algebraic expression, on
matical science.‘3“"'3“‘l' "'11 ' ' ' the other hand, so much meaning is concentrat
The third book of the geometry treats of the ed into a narrow space, and the impression
construction1 of equations by geometric curves, made by all the parts is so simultaneous, that
and it also contains a new method of resolving nothing can be more favourable to the exertion
biquadratic equations. of the reasoning powers, to the continuance of
The leading principles of algebra were now their action, and their security against error.
unfolded, and the notation was brought, from a Another advantage resulting from the use of they
mere contrivanee for abridging common lan same notation, consists in the reduction of all
guage, to a 'system of symbolical writing, ad the different relations among quantities to the
mirably fitted to assist the mind in the exercise simplest of those relations, that of equality, and
of thought. the expression of it by equations. This gives a
The happy idea, indeed, of expressing quanti great facility of generalization, and of compar
ty, and the operations on quantity, by conven ing quantities with one another. A third arises
tional symbols, instead of representing the first from the substitution of the arithmetical opera
by real magnitudes, and enunciating the second tions of multiplication and division, for the geo
in words, could not but make a great change on metrical method of the composition and resolu
the nature of mathematiml investigation. The tion of ratios. Of the first of these, the idea is
language of Mathematics, whatever may be its so clear, and the work so simple; of the second,
form, must always consist of two parts; the one the idea is comparatively so obscure, and the
denoting quantifies simply, and the other denot process so complex, that the substitution of the
ing the manner in which the quantities are com former for the latter could not but be accom
bined, or the operations understood to be per panied with great advantage. This is, in
formed on them. Geometry expresses the first deed, what constitutes the great difference in
of these by real magnitudes, or by what may be practice between the algebraic and the geome
called natural signs; a line by a line, an angle tric method of treating quantity. When the
by an angle, an area by an area, &c.; and it de quantities are of a complex nature, so as to go
scribes the latter by words. Algebra, on the beyond what in algebra is called the third
other hand, denotes both quantity, and the power, the geometrical expression is so circuit
 446 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ous and involved, that it renders the reasoning minus ,- that is, their application to denote some
most laborious and intricate. The great facili thing like absolute qualities in the objects they
ty of generalization in algebra, of deducing one collect together. The attempts to free algebra
thing from another, and of adapting the analy from this use of the signs have of course failed,
sis to every kind of research, whether the quan and must ever do so, if we would preserve to
tities be constant or variable, finite or infinite, that science the extent and facility of its opera
depends on this principle more than any other. tions.
Few of the early algebraists seem to have been Even the most scrupulous purist in mathema
aware of these advantages. _ tical language must admit, that no real error is
The use of the signs plus and minus has given ever introduced by employing the signs in this
rise to some dispute. These signs were at first most abstract sense. If the equation .123 + pa“
used, the one to denote addition, the other sub + qz: + r = o, be said to have one positive and
traction, and for a long time were applied to no two‘ negative roots, this is certainly as excep
other purpose. But as, in the multiplication of tionable an application of the term negative as
a quantity, consisting of parts connected by any that can be proposed ; yet, in reality, it
those signs, into another quantity similarly means nothing but this intelligible and simple
composed, it was always found, and could be truth, that 0:5 + par“ + qz + r = (.r — a)
universally demonstrated, that, in uniting the (z + b) (a: + c); or that the former of these
particular products of which the total was made quantities is produced by the multiplication of
up, those of which both the factors had the sign' the three binomial factors, a: —— a, z + b, a: + c.
minus before them, must be added into one sum We might say the same nearly as to imaginary
with those of which all the factors had the sign roots : they show that the simple factors cannot
plus, while those of which one of the factors be found, but that the quadratic factors may be
had the sign plus, and the other the sign minus, found; and they also point out the means of
must be subtracted from the same,—this gene discovering them.
ral rule came to be more simply expressed by The aptitude of these same signs to denote
saying, that in multiplication like signs gave contrariety of position among geometric magni
plus, and that unlike signs gave minus. tudes, makes the foregoing application of them
Hence the signs plus and minus were con infinitely more extensive and more indispensable.
sidered, not as merely denoting the relation of From the same source arises the great simpli
one quantity to another placed before it, but, by city introduced into many of the theorems and
a kind of fiction, they were considered as de rules of the mathematical sciences. Thus, the
noting qualities inherent in the quantities to the rule for finding the latitude of a place from the
names of which they were prefixed. This fic sun’s meridian altitude, if we employ the signs
tion was found extremely useful, and it was plus and minus for indicating the position of the
evident that no error could arise from it. It sun and of the place relatively to the equator, is
was necessary to have a rule for determining enunciated in one simple proposition, which in
the sign belonging to a product, from the signs cludes every case, without any thing either com
of the factors composing that product, inde plex or ambiguous. But if this is not done,—
pendently of every other consideration; and if the signs plus and minus are not employed,
this was precisely the purpose for which the there must be at least two rules; one when the
above fiction was introduced. 80 necessary is sun and place are on the same side of the equa
this rule in the generalizations of algebra, that tor, and another when they are on different
' we meet with it in Diophantus, notwithstanding sides. In the more complicated calculations of
the imperfection of the language he employed; spherical trigonometry, this holds still more re
for he states, that And”; into Amt“; gives markably. VVhen‘one would accommodate such
'rmggli, &c. The reduction, therefore, of the rules to those who are unacquainted with the
operations on quantity to an arithmetical form, use of the algebraic signs, they are perhaps not
necessarily involves this use of the signs plus or to be expressed in less than four, or even six
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 447
difl'erent propositions; whereas, if the use of duct must be the tenth; and if the twelfth were
these signs is supposed, the whole is compre to be divided by the fourth, the quotient must
hended in a single sentence. In such cases, it be the eighth; so that the multiplication and
is obviouslthat both the memory and under division of such terms was reduced to the addi
standing derive great advantage from the use of tion and subtraction of the numbers which in
the signs, and profit by a simplification, which dicated their places in the progression.
is the work entirely of the algebraic language, This observation, or one very similar to it,
and cannot be imitated by any other. was made by Archimedes, and was employed by
That I might not interrupt the view of im that great geometer to convey an idea of a num
provements so closely connected with one ano ber too vast to be correctly expressed by the
ther, I have passed over one of the discoveries, arithmetical notation of the Greeks. Thus far,
which does the greatest honour to the seventeenth however, there was no difiiculty; and the dis
century, and which took place near the beginning covery might certainly have been made by men
of it. much inferior either to Napier or Archimedes.
As the accuracy of astronomical observation What remained to be done, what Archimedes
had been continually advancing, it was necessary did not attempt, and what Napier completely
that the correctness of trigonometrical calcula performed, involved two great difficulties. It is
tion, and of course its difficulty, should advance plain, that the resource of the geometrical pro
in the same proportion. The signs and tangents gression was suflicient, when the given numbers
of angles could not be expressed with suflicient were terms of that progression ; but if they were
correctness without decimal fractions, extending not, it did not seem that any advantage could
to five or six places below unity; and when to be derived from it. Napier, however, perceiv
three such numbers a fourth proportional was to ed, and it was by no means obvious, that all
be found, the work of multiplication and division numbers whatsoever might be inserted in the
became extremely laborious. Accordingly, in progression, and have their places assigned in it.
the end of the sixteenth century, the time and After conceiving the possibility of this, the next
labour consumed in such calculations had become difliculty was, to discover the principle, and to
excessive, and were felt as extremely burdensome execute the arithmetical process, by which these
by the mathematicians and astronomers all over places were to be ascertained. It is in these two
Europe. Napier of Merchiston, whose mind points that the peculiar merit of his invention
seems to have been peculiarly turned to arithme consists; and at a period when the nature of
tical researches, and who was also devoted to series, and when every other resource of which
the study of astronomy, had early sought for the he could avail himself, were so little known, his
means of relieving himself and others from this success argues a depth and originality of thought
difficulty. He had viewed the subject in a varie which, I am persuaded, have rarely been sur
ty of lights, and a number of ingenious devices passed.
had occurred to him, by which the tediousness The way in which he satisfied himself that
of arithmetical operations might, more or less all numbers might be intercalated between the
completely, be avoided. In the course of these terms of the given progression, and by which he
attempts, he did not fail to observe, that when found the places they must occupy, was founded
ever the numbers to be multiplied or divided on a most ingenious supposition; that of two
were terms of a geometrical progression, the pro points describing two different lines, the one with
duct or the quotient must also be a term of that a constant velocity, and the other with a Veloci
progression, and must occupy a place in it point ty always increasing in the ratio of the space the
ed out by the places of the given numbers, so point had already gone over: the first of these
that it might be found from mere inspection, if would generate magnitudes in arithmetical, and
the progression were far enough continued. If, the second magnitudes in geometrical progression.
for instance, the third term of the progression It is plain, that all numbers whatsoever would
were to be multiplied by the seventh, the pro find their places among the magnitudes so gene
_'448 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rated; and, indeed, this view of the subject is as His good fortune, also, not less than his great
simple and profound as any which, after two sagacity, may be remarked. Had the invention
hundred years, has yet presented itself to mathe of logarithms been delayed to the end of the
maticians. The mode of deducing the results seventeenth century, it would have come about
has been simplified; but it can hardly be said without effort, and would not have conferred on
that the principle has been more clearly deve the author the high celebrity which Napier so
loped. justly derives from it. In another respect he
I need not observe, that the numbers which has also been fortunate. Many inventions have
indicate the places of the terms of the geome been eclipsed or obscured by new discoveries;
trical progression are called by Napier the loga or they have been so altered by subsequent im
rithms of those terms. provements, that their original form can hardly
Various systems of logarithms, it is evident, be recognised, and, in some instances, has been
may be constructed according to the geometrical entirely forgotten. This has almost always hap
progression assumed; and of these, that which pened to the discoveries made at an early period
was first contrived by Napier, though the in the progress of science, and before their prin
simplest, and the foundation of the rest, was not ciples were fully unfolded. It has been quite
so convenient for the purposes of calculation, as otherwise with the invention of logarithms,
one which soon afterwards occurred, both to him which came out of the hands of the author so
self and his friend Briggs, by whom the actual perfect, that it has never received but one ma
calculation was performed. The new system of terial improvemeng—that which it derived, as
logarithms was an improvement, practically has just been said, from the ingenuity of his
considered; but in as far as it was connected friend in conjunction with his own. Subsequent
with the principle of the invention, it is only of improvements in science, instead of offering any
secondary consideration. The original tables thing that could supplant this invention, have
had been also somewhat embarrassed by too only enlarged the circle to which its utility
close a connection between them and trigono extended. Logarithms have been applied to
metry. The new tables were free from this in numberless purposes, which were not thought
convenience. of at the time of their first construction. Even
It is probable, however, that the greatest in the sagacity of their author did not see the
ventor in science was never able to do more immense fertility of the principle be had dis
than to accelerate the progress of discovery, and covered: be calculated his tables merely to
to anticipate what time, “ the author of authors,” facilitate arithmetical, and chiefly trigonome
would have gradually brought to light. Though trical computation; and little imagined that
logarithms had not been invented by Napier, he was at the same time constructing a scale
they would have been discovered in the progress whereon to measure the density of the strata
of the algebraic analysis, when the arithmetic of the atmosphere, and the heights of menu
of powers and exponents, both integral and frac tains; that he was actually computing the areas
tional, came to be fully understood. The idea and the lengths of innumerable curves, and
of considering all numbers as powers of one was preparing for a calculus which was yet
given number would then have readily occurred, to be discovered, many of the most refined and
and the doctrine of series would have greatly most valuable of its resources. Of Napier,
facilitated the calculations which it was neces therefore, if of any man, it may safely be pro
sary to undertake. Napier had none of these nounced, that his name will never be eclipsed
advantages, and they were all supplied by the by any one more conspicuous, or his invention
resources of his own mind. Indeed, as there superseded by any thing more valuable.
never was any invention for which the state of As a geometrician, Napier has left behind him
knowledge had less prepared the way, there a noble monument in the two trigonometrical
never was any where more merit fell to the theorems, which are known by his name, and
share of the inventor. which appear first to have been communicated
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 449
in writing to Cavalleri, who has mentioned them cularly adapted to logarithmic calculation. They
with great eulogy.1 They are theorems not a were published in the Canon Minficus Logarith
little difficult, and of much use, as being parti morum, at Edinburgh, in 1614.“

SECTION II.

- '
EXPERIMENTAL INVESTIGATION.
-.'|
IN this section I shall begin with a short view analysis of the Novum Orgaman ,' and shall then
of the state of Physical Knowledge before the inquire how far the principles established in that
introduction of the Inductive Method; I shall work have actually contributed to the advance
next endeavour to explain that method by an ment of Natural Philosophy.

r' ' I '.

1. ANCIENT PHYSICS.

i Tuouca the phenomena of the material world of every day’s experience, presented themselves,
could not but early excite the curiosity of a they excited wonder or surprise, and created an
being who, like man, receives his strongest im anxiety to discover some principle which might
pressions from without, yet an accurate know— connect them with the appearances commonly
ledge of those phenomena, and their laws, was observed. About these last, men felt no desire
not to be speedily acquired. The mere extent to be further informed; but when the common
and variety of the objects were, indeed, such ob order of things was violated, and something new
stacles to that acquisition, as could not be sur or singular was produced, they began to exa
mounted but in the course of many ages. Man mine into the fact, and attempted to inquire into
could not at first perceive from what point he the cause. Nobody sought to know why a
must begin his inquiries, in what direction he stone fell to the ground, why smoke ascended,
must carry them on, or by what rules he must or why the stars revolved round the earth. But
be He was like a traveller going forth if a fiery meteor shot acros the heavens,—if
to explore I. vast and unknown wilderness, in the flames of a volcano burst forth,—or if an
which a multitude of great and interesting ob earthquake shook the foundations of the world,
jects presented themselves on every side, while terror and curiosity were both awakened; and
there wasno path for him to follow, no rule to when the former emotion had subsided, the
direct his survey, and where the art of observ latter was sure to become active. Thus, to
ing, and the instruments of observation, must trace a resemblance between the events with
equally be the work of his own invention. In which the observer was most familiar, and
these circumstances, the selection of the objects those to which he was less accustomed, and
to bestudied was the effect of instinct rather than which had excited his wonder, was the first ob
of reason, or of the passions and emotions, more ject of inquiry, and produced the first advances
than of the understanding. When things new, towards generalization and philosophy.’ t '.
and unlike those which occurred in the course This principle, which it were easy to trace,

' “'Atus, 0 cm Min/i. tom. II. p. 875.

'_ A reprint o the Cmm” .Ilirijicm', from the ori inal edition, is given in the sixth volume of the great Thrmmm, in
which Baron Maseru, with his nmal zeal and int: 'genee, has collected and illustrated every thing of importance that has
been written on the subject of logarithms. See Scriplom Logarithmici, 4to. vol. \'I. p. 475.
' Ln maraviglin
Dell‘ ignoranza é la figlia,
E del sapere
La madre.
D188. III. PART I.
 450 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

from tribes the most rude and barbarous, to na cessity; and hence those laws remained quite
tions the most highly refined, was what yielded unknown throughout all antiquity.
the first attempts toward classification and ar When the law of motion were unknown, the
rangement, and enabled man, out of individuals other parts of Natural Philosophy could make no
subject to perpetual change, to form certain great advances. Instead of conceiving that there
fixed and permanent objects of knowledge,— resides in body a natural and universal tendency
the species, genera, orders, and classes, into to persevere in the same state, whether of rest
which he has distributed these individuals. By or of motion, they believed that terrestrial bo
this effort of mental abstraction, he has created dies tended naturally either to fall to the ground,
to himself a new and intellectual world, free or to ascend from it, till they attained their own
from those changes and vicissitudes to which place; but that, if they were impelled by an 0h
all material things are destined. This, too, is a lique force, then their motion became unnatural
work'not peculiar to the philosopher, but, in a or violent, and tended continually to decay. With
certain degree, is performed by every man who the heavenly bodies, again, the natural motion
compares one thing with another, and who em was circular and uniform, eternal in its course,
ploys the terms of ordinary language. but perpetually varying in its direction. Thus,
Another great branch of knowledge is occu by the distinction between natural and violent
pied, not about the mere arrangement and clas motion among the bodies of the earth, and the
sification of objects, but about events or changes, distinction between what we may call the laws
the laws which those changes observe, and the of motion in terrestrial and celestial bodiesfthe
causes by which they are produced. In a sci ancients threw into all their reasonings upon this
ence which treated of events and of change, the fundamental subject a confusion and perplexi
nature and properties of motion came of course ty, from which their philosophy never was de
to be studied, and the ancient philosophers na livered. ’
turally enough began their inquiries with the There was, however, one part of physical
definition of motion, or the determination of knowledge in which their endeavours were at
that in which it consists. Aristotle’s definition tended with much better success, and in which
is highly characteristical of the vagueness and they made important discoveries. This was in
obscurity of his physical speculations. He calls the branch of mechanics which treats of the
motionflt the act of a being in power, as far action of forces in equilibrio, and producing not
7‘ as in power ;” ‘words to which it is impossi motion but rest; a subject which may be under
ble that -' any distinct idea can ever have been stood, though the laws of motion are unknown.
annexed,1v an ‘1; -)1~v- <1 . 'i-i l|.|’.' The first writer on this subject is Archimedes.
I: The truth is, however, that the best defini He treated of the lever, and of the centre of
tion of motion can be of very little service in gravity; and has shown that there will be an
Physics. Epicurus defined it to be‘ the “ change equilibrium between two heavy bodies connect
of lines," ‘whieh is, nodoubt, the simplest and ed by an inflexible rod or lever, when the point
best definition that can be'given; but it must, in which the lever is supported is so placed be
at the same time, he confessed, that neither he, tween the bodies, that their distances from it
nor the modems who have retained his defini are inversely as their weights. Great ingenuity
tion, have derived the least adVantage from it is displayed in this demonstration ; and it is re
in their subsequent researches. "I The properties, markable, that the author borrows no principle
or, as they arccalled,‘the laws of motion, can from experiment, but establishes his conclusion
not be derived from mere definition; they must entirely by reasoning a priori. He assumes, in
be sought for in experience and observation, and deed, that equal bodies, at the ends of the equal
are not to-be found without a diligent compari arms of a lever, will balance one another; and
son, and scrupulous examination of facts. Of also, that a cylinder, or parallelopiped of homo
such an examination, neither Aristotle, nor any geneous matter, will be balanced about its centre
other of the ancients, ever conceived the ne of magnitude. These, however,are not inferences
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 DISSERTATION THIRD. 451
from experience; they are, properly speaking, the apparent motions of 1the heavenly bodies,
conclusions deduced from the principle of the from the observations begun by Hipparchus, and
suficient reason. continued Ptolemy. In this their success
- The same great geometer gave a beginning to Was great; and while the earth was supposed to
the science of hydrostatics, and discovered the be at rest, and while the instruments of obser
law which determines the loss of weight sustain vation had but a very limited degree of accuracy,
ed by a body on being immersed in water, or in a nearer» approach to the truth was probably not
any other fluid. His demonstration rests on a within the power of human ingenuity. Mathe
principle, which he lays down as a postulatum, matical reasoning» was very skilfully applied;
that, in water, the parts which are less pressed and no men whatever, in the same circum
are always ready to yield in any direction to stances, are likely to have performed more than
those that are more pressed; and from this, by the ancient astronomers. They succeeded, be
the application of mathematical reasoning, the cause they were observers, and examined care
whole theory of floating bodies is derived. The fully the motions which they treated of. The
above is the same principle on which the mo philosophers, again, who studied the motion of
dern writers on hydrostatics proceed ; they give terrestrial bodies, either did not observe at all,
it, not as a postulatum, but as constituting the or observed so slightly, that they could obtain
definition of a fluid. no accurate knowledge; and in general they
Archimedes, therefore, is the person who first knew just enough of the facts to be misled by
made the application of Mathematics to Natural them.
Philosophy. No individual, perhaps, ever laid The opposite ways which the ancients thus
the foundation of more great discoveries than thattook to study the Heavens and the Earth, obser
geometer, of whom Wallis has said with so much ving the one, and dreaming, as one may say,
truth, “ Vir stupendae sagacitatis, qui prima over the other, though a striking inconsistency,
fundamenta posuit inventionum fere omnium, in is not difiicult to be explained.
quibus promovendis eetas nostra gloriatur.” No information at all could be obtained in as
The mechanical inquiries, begun by the geo tronomy, without regular and assiduous obser
meter of Syracuse, were extended by Ctesibius vation, and without instruments capable of mea
and Hero; by Anthemius of Tralles; and, last suring angles, and of measuring time, either di
ly, by Pappus Alexandrinus. Ctesibius and rectly or indirectly. The steadiness and regu
Hero were the first who analyzed mechanical larity of the celestial motions seemed to invite
engines, reducing them all to combinations of the most scrupulous attention. On the other
five simple mechanical contrivances, to which hand, as terrestrial objects were always at hand,
they gave the name of Awe/bug, or Powers, the and spontaneously falling under men’s view, it
same which they retain at the present moment. seemed unnecessary to take much trouble to be
Even in mechanics, however, the success of come acquainted with them; and as for applying
these investigations was limited; and failed in measures, their irregularity appeared to render
those cases where the resolution of forces is ne— every idea of such proceeding nugatory. The
ccssary, that principle being then entirely un Aristotelian philosophy particularly favoured
known. Hencc the force necessary to sustain a this prejudice, by representing the earth, and
body on an inclined plane, is incorrectly deter all things on its surface, as full of irregularity
mined by Pappus, and serves to mark a point and confusion, while the principles of heat and
to which the mechanical theories of antiquity cold, dryness and moisture, were in a state of
did not extend. perpetual warfare. The unfortimate division of
In another department of physical knowledge, motion into natural and violent, and the dis—
astronomy, the endeavours of the ancients were tinction, still more unfortunate, between the pro
also accompanied with success. I do not here perties of motion and of body, in the heavens and
speak of their astronomical theories, which were, on the earth, prevented all intercourse between
indeed, very defective, but of their discovery of the astronomer and the naturalist, and all trans
452 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ference of the maxims of the one to the specula magnificent conception, whichthe latest improve
tions of the other. ments of the telescope have fully verified. Yet, as
Though, on account of this inattention to ex if to convince us that they derived this knowledge
periment, nothing like the true system of Natu from no pure or certain source, the same philo
ral Philosophy was known to the ancients, there sophers maintained, that the sun and the moon
are, nevertheless, to be found in their writings are bodies no larger than they appear to us to be.
many brilliant conceptions, several fortunate Very just notions concerning comets were
conjectures, and gleams of the light which was entertained by some of the ancients. The Chal
afterwards to be so generally difi‘used. deans considered these bodies as belonging to
Anaxagoras and Empedocles, for example, the same order with the planets; and this was
taught that the moon shines by light borrowed also the opinion of Anaxagoras, Pythagoras,
from the sun, and were led to that opinion, not and Democritus. The remark of Seneca on
only from the phases of the moon, but from its this subject is truly philosophical, and contains
light being weak, and unaccompanied by heat. a prediction which has been fully accomplished:
That it was a habitable body, like the earth, “ Why do we wonder that comets, which are
appears to be a doctrine as old as Orpheus; so rare a spectacle in the world, observe laws
some lines, ascribed to that poet, representing which to us are yet unknown, and that the be'
the moon as an earth, with mountains and cities ginning and end of motions, so seldom observed,
on its surface. are not yet fully understood P”—Veniet tempus,
Democritus supposed the spots on the face of quo isla qua: mmc latent, in Iucem dies ertrahat, a
the moon to arise from the inequalities of the Iongioris wvi diligenlia : ad inquiszlionem tanlorwn
surface, and from the shadows of the more ele— etas mm mm sqflicit. Veniet tempus, qua posteri
vated parts projected on the plains. Every one nostri tam apertu nos nescisse mirentur.l
knows how conformable this is to the discoveries It was, however, often the fate of such truths
made by the telescope. to give way to error. The comets, which these
Plutarch considers the velocity of the moon’s ancient phllosnpllcrs had ranked so justly with
motion as the cause which prevents that body the stars, were degraded by Aristotle into me—
from falling to the earth, just as the motion of teors floating in the earth’s atmosphere; and
a stone in a sling prevents it from falling to the this was the opinion concerning them which ul
ground. The comparison is, in a certain de timately prevailed.
gree, just, and clearly implies the notion of But, notwithstanding the above, and a few
centrifugal force; and gravity may also be con other splendid conceptions which shine through
sidered as pointed at for the cause which gives the obscurity of the ancient Physics, the system,
the moon a tendency to the earth. Here, there taken on the whole, was full of error and in
fore, a foundation was laid for the true philo consistency. Truth and falsehood met almost
sophy of the celestial motions; but it was laid on terms of equality; the former, separated from
without efi'ect. It was merely the conjecture its root, experience, found no preference above
of an ingenious mind, wandering through the the latter; to the latter, in fact, it was gene
regions of possibility, guided by no evidence, rally forced to give way, and the dominion of
and having no principle which could give sta error was finally established.
bility to its opinions. Democritus, and the One ought to listen, therefore, with caution
authors of that physical system which Lucretius to the encomiums sometimes bestowed on the
has so beautifully illustrated, were still more philosophy of those early ages. If these enco
fortunate in some of their conjectures. They miums respected only the talents, the genius,
taught that the Milky Way is the light of a great the taste of the great masters of antiquity, we
number of small stars, very close to one another; a would subscribe to them without any apprehen

. *muur

‘ Nat. Quert. lib. vii. cap. xxv.

 DISSERTATION THIRD.
sion of going beyond the truth. But if they ex
tend to the methods of philosophizing, and the
discoveries actually made, we must be excused
for entering our dissent, and exchanging the
language of panegyric for that of apology. The
infancy of science could not be the time when
its attainments were the highest; and before
we suffer ourselves to be guided by the vene
ration of antiquity, we ought to consider in what
real antiquity consists. \Vith regard to the pro
gress of knowledge and improvement, “ we are
more ancient than those who went before us.”1
The human race has now more experience than
in the generations that are past, and of course
may be expected to have made higher attain
ments in science and philosophy. Compared
with Natural Philosophy, as it now exists, the
ancient Physics are rude and imperfect. The
speculations contained in them are vague and
unsatisfactory, and of little value, but as they
elucidate the history of the errors and illusions
to which the human mind is subject. Science
was not merely stationary, but often retrograde;
the earliest opinions were frequently the best;
453
and the reasonings of Democritus and Anaxa
goras were in many instances more solid than
those of Plato and Aristotle. Extreme credu
lity disgraced the speculations of men who,
however ingenious, were little acquainted with
the laws of nature, and unprovided with the
great criterion by which the evidence of testi
mony can alone be examined. Though obser
vations were sometimes made, experiments were
never instituted; and philosophers who were
little attentive to the facts which spontaneously
ofl'ered, did not seek to increase their number
by artificial combinations. Experience, in those
ages, was a light which darted a few tremulous
and uncertain rays on some small portions of
the field of science; but men had not acquired
the power over that light which now enables
them to concentrate its beams, and to fix them
steadily on whatever object they wish to ex
amine. This power is what distinguishes the
modern Physics, and is the cause why later phi
losophers, without being more ingenious than
their predecessors, have been infinitely more
successful in the study of nature.

2. NOVUM ORGANUM.

THE defects which have been ascribed to the human power had taken place; its limits were
ancient Physics were not likely to be correct yet unknown; and the boundary between the
ed in the course of the middle ages. It is possible and the impossible was no longer to be
true, that during those ages a science of pure distinguished. The adventurers in an unexplor
experiment had made its appearance in the ed country, given up to the guidance of imagi
world, and might have been expected to remedy nation, pursued objects which the kindness, no
the greatest of these defects, by turning the at less than the wisdom of nature, has rendered
tention of philosophers to experience and obser unattainable by man; and in their speculations
vation. This efl'ect, however, was far from be peopled the air, the earth, and all the elements,
ing immediately produced; and none who pro with spirits and genii, the invisible agents des
fessed to be in search of truth ever wandered tined to connect together all the facts which
over the regions of fancy, in paths more devious they knew, and all those which they hoped to
and eccentric, than the first experimenters, in discover. Chemistry, in this state, might be
Chemistry. They had become acquainted with a said to have an elective attraction for all that
series of facts so unlike to any thing already was most absurd and extravagant in the other
known, that the ordinary principles of belief parts of knowledge ; alchemy was its immediate
were shaken or subverted, and the mind laid ofi'spring, and it allied itself in succession with
open to a degree of credulity far beyond any the dreams of the Cabalists, the Rosicrucians,
with which the philosophers of antiquity could and the Theosophers. I Thus a science, founded
be reproached. An unlooked-for extension of in experiment, and destined one day to afl'ord
.-.~ .

' BAG". ‘
454 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

such noble examples of its use, exhibited for se it is but fair to consider persecution inflicted by.
veral ages little else than a series of illusory the ignorant and bigoted as equivalent to praise
pursuits, or visionary speculations, while now bestowed by the liberal and enlightened. “mi,
and then a. fact was accidentally discovered. Much more recently, Gilbert, in his treatise
Under the influence of these circumstances on the Magnet, had given an example of an ex
arose Paracelsus, Van Helmont, Fludd, Garden, perimental inquiry, carried on with more con
and several others, conspicuous no less for the rectness, and more enlarged views, than had
weakness than the force of their understand been done by any of his predecessors. Never.
ings; men who united extreme credulity, the thelcss, in the end of the sixteenth century, it
most extravagant pretensions, and the most ex might still be afiirmed, that the situation of the
cessive vanity, with considerable powers of in great avenue to knowledge was fully understood
vention, a complete contempt for authority, and by none, and that its existence, to the bulkof
a desire to consult experience; but destitute of philosophers, was utterly unknown. dam'yflum
thejudgment, patience, and comprehensive views, It was about this time that Francis Bacon
without which the responses of that oracle are (Lord Verulam) began to turn his powerful and
never to be understood. Though they appealed creative mind to contemplate the state of human
to experience, and disclaimed subjection to the knowledge, to mark its imperfections, and to
old legislators of science, they were in too great plan its improvement. One of the considera
haste to become legislators themselves, and to tions which appears to have impressed his mind
deduce an explanation of the whole phenomena most forcibly, was the vagueness and uncertain
of nature from a few facts, observed without ac ty of all the physical speculations then existing,
curacy, arranged without skill, and never com and the entire want of connection between the
pared or confronted with one another. For sciences and the arts. . WM!- mé." . m,“
tunately, however, from the turn which their Though these two things are in their nature
inquiries had taken, the ill done by them has so closely united, that the same truth which isa
passed away, and the good has become perma principle in science becomes a rule in art, yet
nent. The reveries of Paracelsus have disap there was at that time hardly any practicalim
peared, but his application of Chemistry to Phar— provement which had arisen from a theoretical 1,
macy has conferred a lasting benefit on the discovery. The natural alliance between the
world. The Archwus of Van Helmont, and the knowledge and the power of man seemed entire
army of spiritual agents with which the disco ly interrupted; nothing was to be seen of the
very of elastic fluids had filled the imagination mutual support which they ought to afi'ord to one
of that celebrated empiric, are laughed at, or another; the improvement of art was left to the
forgotten; but the fluids which he had the sa slow and precarious operation of chance, and
gacity to distinguish, form, at the present mo that of science to the collision of opposite opin
ment, the connecting principles of the new Che ions. ., , A.
mistry. “ But whence,” said Bacon, “ can arise suc
Earlier than any of the authors just named, vagueness andsterility in all thephysical systems
but in a great measure under the influence of which have hitherto existed in the world? It is
the same delusions, Roger Bacon appears to not certainly from any thing in nature itself;
have been more fully aware than any of them of for the steadiness and regularity of the laws by
the use of experiment, and of mathematical rea which it is governed, clearly mark them out as
soning, in physical and mechanical inquiries. objects of certain and precise knowledge. Nei
But, in the thirteenth century, an appeal from ther can it arise from any want of ability in
the authority of the schools, even to nature her those who have pursued such inquiries, many of
self, could-notbe madewith impunity. Bacon, whom have been men of the highest talentand
accordingly, incurred the displeasure both of genius of the ages in which they lived; and it
the University and 'o'f'the Church; and this forms can, therefore, arise from nothing else but-the
one of his claims to the respect of posterity, as perverseness and insufficiency of the methods
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 455
that have been pursued; Men have sought to l. The Idols Qfthe Tribe, or of the race, are the
make a world from their own conceptions, and causes of error founded on human nature in ge—
to draw from their owu minds all the materials neral, or on principles common to all mankind.
which they employed; but if, instead of doing “ The mind,” he observes, “is not like a plain
so, they had consulted experience and observa mirror, which reflects the images of things ex
tion, they would have had facts, and not opinions, actly as they are ; it is like a mirror of an uneven
to reason about, and might have ultimately arriv surface, which combines its own figure with the
ed at the knowledge of the laws which govern figures of the object it represents."1
the material world.” ~'"-‘ I mir'n Among the idols of this class, we may reckon
“ As things are at present conducted,” he the propensity which there is in all men to find
adds, “ a sudden transition is made from sensible in nature a greater degree of order, simplicity,
objects and particular facts to general proposi and regularity, than is actually indicated by ob
tions, which are accounted principles, and round servation. Thus, as soon as men perceived the QJWM
fim4wiJ-J )‘
which, as round so many fixed poles, disputation orbits of the planets to return into themselves, W
and argument continually revolve. From the they immediately supposed them to be perfect
propositions thus hastily assumed, all things are circles, and the motion in those circles to be uni
derived, by a process compendious and precipi form; and to these hypotheses, so rashly and
tate, ill suited to discovery, but wonderfully ac gratuitously assumed, the astronomers and ma
commodated to debate. The way that promises thematicians of all antiquity laboured incessantly
success is the reverse of this. It requires that to reconcile their observations. 41!!"
we should generalize slowly, going from particu The propensity which Bacon has here charac
lar things to those that are but one step more terized so well, is the same that has been, since
general; from those to others of still greater ex his time, known by the name of the spirit ofsys
tent, and so on to such as are universal. By tern. The prediction, that the sources of error
such means, we may hope to arrive at principles, would return, and were likely to infest science
not vague and obscure, but luminous and well in its most flourishing condition, has been fully
defined, such as nature herself will not refuse verified with respect to this illusion, and in the
to acknowledge.” ' case of sciences which had no existence at the
Before laying down the rules to he observed time when Bacon wrote. .I- When it was ascer
in this inductive process, Bacon proceeds to tained, by observation, that a considerable part
enumerate the causes of error,-—the Iobls, as he ofthe earth’s sin-face’consists of minerals, dis
terma them, in his figurative language, or false posed in horizontal strata, it was immediately
divinities, which the mind had so long been concluded, that the whole exterior crust of the
accustomed to how. He considered this enume earth is composed, or has been composed, of
ration as the more necessary, that the same idols such strata, continued all round without inter
were likely to return, even after the reformation ruption ; and on this, as on a certain and gene
of science, and to avail themselves of the real ral fact, entire theories of the earth have been
discoveries that might have been made, for giv constructed.
ing a colour to their deceptions. There is no greater enemy which science has
These idols he divides into four classes, to to struggle with than this propensity of the
which he gives names, fantastical, no doubt, mind; and it is a struggle from which science is
but, at the same time, abundantly significant: never likely to be entirely relieved; because,
Idols. Trihus, Idols of the Tribe ; unfortunately, the illusion is founded on the
Specus, of the Den; same principle from which our love of know
Fori, of the Forum ; ledge takes its rise.
Theatli, 0f the Theatre. 2.‘-The Idols of the Den are those that spring
. I I

' Noun Organum, lib. i. aph. 4|.

 456 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

from the peculiar character of the individual. Men believe that their thoughts govern their
Besides the causes of error which are common words; but it also happens, by a certain kind is
to all mankind, each individual, according to of reaction, that their words frequently govern
Bacon, has his own dark cavern or den, into their thoughts. This is the more pernicious,
which the light is imperfectly admitted, and in that Words, being generally the work of the
the obscurity of which a tutelary idol lurks, at multitude, divide things according to the lines
whose shrine the truth is often sacrificed. most conspicuous to vulgar apprehensions.
One great and radical distinction in the capa Hence, when words are examined, few instances
cities of men is derived from this, that some are found in which, if at all abstract, they con
minds are best adapted to mark the difi'erences, Vey ideas tolerahly precise and well defined.
others Ito catch the resemblances, of things. For such imperfections there seems to be no re
Steady and profound understandings are dis medy, but by having recourse to particular in
posed to attend‘J‘carefully, to proceed slowly, htances, and diligently comparing the meanings
and to examine the most minute differences; of 'words with the external archetypes from
while those that are sublime and active are which they are derived.
ready to lay hold of the slightest resemblances. 4. The Idols of the Theatre are the last, and are
Each of these easily runs into'excess; the one the deceptions which have taken their rise from
by catching continually at distinct-ions, the other the systems or dogmas of the difl'erent schools
at affinities. 5!" ‘ of *philosophy. In the opinion of Bacon, as
The studies, also, to which a man is addicted, many of these systems as had been invented, so
have a‘great effect in influencing his opinions. many representations of imaginary worlds had
Bacon complains, that the chemists of1 his time, been brought-upon the stage. Hence the name
from 'a few experiments with the furnace and of idola theotri. They do not enter the mind
the'crucible, thought‘that they Were furnished imperceptibly, like the other three; a man must
with principles‘suflicient’to' explain the struc labour to acquire them, and they are often the
ture/of the universe; and‘he censures‘lAristotle result of great learning and study.
for having depraved his Physics so much with ‘ “ Philosophy,” said he, “ as hitherto pursued,
his Dialectics, as to render the-former entirely a has taken much from a few things, or a little
science of words and controversy. In like man fiom a great many; and, in both cases, has too
ner, he blames a philosopher of his own age, narrow a basis to be of much duration or uti
Gilbert, who vhad studied magnetism to good lity." The Aristotelian philosophy is of the latter
purpose, for having proceedad‘to form out of it kind; it has taken its principles from common
[J M its. a general' system of philosophy. Such things experience, but without due attmtion to the
‘,~./ Y flux,» have occurred in every period of science. Thus, evidence or the precise nature of the facts; the
.
4 a1
'\
,‘t/ it”) A7.
relectricity hasibeen‘applied td explain the mo philosopher-is left to work out the rest from his
1 tion of the heavenly bodies; and, of late, galva own inventidn. Of this kind, called by Bacon
.4 nism and electricity together have been held out the sop/zistical, were almost all the physical sys
as explaining not only the affinities of Chemistry, tems of antiquity.
but the phenomena ofi‘gravita'tion, and the laws When philosophy takes all its principles from
of vegetableandt animal ‘llfetlmlt Were a good a few facts, he calls it empirical,—such as was
caution'foria man who studies nature, 'to‘distrt'mt that of Gilbert, and of the chemists.
those things with which helis particularly con It should be observed, that Bacon does not
Versant, and which‘he is accustomed to contem charge'the Physics of antiquity with being ab
plate with pleasure. ~, " '~ solutely regardless of experiment. No system,
8. ‘The Idols oft/u Forum are those‘tliat arise indeed, however fantastical, has ever existed, to
out of the commerce or intercourse of society, which that reproach could be applied in its full
and especially from language, or the means by extent; because, without some regard to fact,
which men communicate their thoughts to one no theory can ever become in the least degree
another. plausible. The fault lies not, therefore, in the
 ' DISSERTATION THIRD. ‘457
absolute rejection of experience, but in the un certain, that no part of knowledge could attain
skilful use of it ; in taking up principles lightly much excellence without having its foundation
from an inaccurate and careless observation of laid in physical science.
many th'pgs ; or, if the observations have been He goes on to observe, that the end and ob
more accurate, from those made on a few facts, ject of knowledge had been very generally mis [4

unwarrantably generalized. taken; that many, instead of seeking through 11'“ ‘ ‘

Bacon proceeds to point out the circumstances, it to improve the condition of human life, by 19.4 g t. I
in the history of the world, which had hitherto new inventions and new resources, had aimed /
favoured these perverse modes of philosophizing. only at popular applause, and had satisfied them
He observes, that the periods during which sci selves with the knowledge of words more than
ence had been cultivated were not many, nor of of things; while others, who were exceptions
long duration. They might be reduced to three; to this rule, had gone still farther wrong, by di
the first with the Greeks; the second with the recting their pursuits to objects imaginary and
Romans; and the third with the western na unattainable. The alchemists, for example, al
tions, after the revival of letters. In none of ternately the dupes of their own credulity and
all these periods had much attention been paid of their own imposture, had amazed and tor
to Natural Philosophy, the great parent of the mented the world with hopes which were never
sciences. to be realized. Others, if possible more vision
With the Greeks, the time was very short ary, had promised to prolong life, to extinguish
during which physical science flourished in any disease and infirmity, and to give man a com
degree. The seven Sages, with the exception mand over the world of spirits, by means of
of Thales, applied themselves entirely to morals mystic incantations. “ All this,” says he, “ is
and politics; and in later times, after Socrates the mere boasting of ignorance; for, when the
had brought down philosophy from the heavens knowledge of nature shall be rightly pursued, it
to the earth, the study of nature was generally will lead to discoveries that will as far excel the
abandoned. In the Roman republic, the know pretended powers of magic, as the real exploits
ledge most cultivated, as might be expected of Caesar and Alexander exceed the fabulous
among a martial and ambitious people, was adventures of Arthur of Britain, or Amadis of
such as had a direct reference to war and poli Gaul."1
tics. During the empire, the introduction and Again, the reverence for antiquity, and the
establishment of the Christian religion drew the authority of great names, have contributed much
attention of men to theological studies, and the to retard the progress of science. Indeed, the
important interests which were then at stake notion of antiquity which men have taken up
left but a small share of talent and ability to be seems to be erroneous and inconsistent. It is
occupied in inferior pursuits. The vast hie the duration of the world, or of the human race,
rarchy which assumed the command both of as reckoned from the extremity that is past, and
the sword and the sceptre, while it occupied not from the point of time which is present, that
and enslaved the minds of men, looked with constitutes the true antiquity to which the ad
suspicion on sciences which could not easily be vancement of science may be conceived to bear
subjected to its control. some proportion; and just as we expect more
At the time, therefore, when Bacon wrote, it wisdom and experience in an old than in a
might truly be said, that a small portion even young man, we may expect more knowledge of
of the learned ages, and of the abilities of learned nature from the present than from any of the
men, had been dedicated to the study of Natural ages that are past.
Philosophy. This served, in his opinion, to ac “ It is not to be esteemed a small matter
count for the imperfect state in which he found in this estimate, that, by the voyages and travels
human knowledge in general ; for he thought it of these later times, so much more of nature has

‘ It'avlm Orgarmm, lib. i. aph. 87.

DlSS. Ill. PART I.
 458 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

been discovered than was known at any former which appear to them mean and mechanical;
>54- '
period. It would, indeed, be disgraceful to but these men do in fact oppose the attainment
mankind, if, after such tracts of the material of the object they profess to pursue, since the 0*» .WM
world have been laid open, which were unknown exercise of contemplation, and the comtruction
[/r 54/1
l
in former times,—so many seas traversed,—-so and invention of experiments, are supported on W
many countries explored,-—so many stars dis the same principles, and perfected by the same
covered,-—philosophy, or the intelligible world, means.”fl
should be circumscribed by the same boundaries After these preliminary discussions, the great
as before.” restorcr of philosophy proceeds, in the second
Another cause has greatly obstructed the pro book of the Novum Organum, to describe and
gress of philosophy, viz. that men inquire only exemplify the nature of the Induction, which he
into the causes of rare, extraordinary, and great deems essential to the right interpretation of
phenomena, without troubling themselves about nature.
the explanation of such as are common, and The first object must be to prepare a history
make a part of the general course of nature.‘ of the phenomena to be explained, in all their
It is, however, certain, that no judgment can be modifications and varieties. This history is to
formed concerning the extraordinary and singu comprehend not only all such facts as sponta
lar phenomena of nature, without comparing neously offer themselves, but all the experiments
them with those that are ordinary and frequent. instituted for the sake of discovery, or for any
The laws which are every day in action, are of the purposes of the useful arts. It ought
those which it is most important for us to un to be composed with great care; the facts accu
derstand; and this is well illustrated by what rately related, and distinctly arranged; their
has happened in the scientific world since the authenticity diligently examined ; those that rest
time when Bacon wrote. The simple falling of on doubtful evidence, though not rejected, being
a stone to the ground has been found to involve noted as uncertain, with the grounds of the
principles which are the basis of all we know in judgment so formed. This last is very neces
mechanical philosophy. Without accurate ex sary; for facts often appear incredible, only be
periments on the descent of bodies at the sur cause we are ill informed, and cease to appear
face of the earth, the objections against the marvellous, when our knowledge is farther ex
earth’s motion could not have been answered, tended.
the inertia of body would have remained un All such facts, however, as appear contrary
known, and the nature of the force which re to the ordinary course of our experience, though
tains the planets in their orbits could never thus noted down and preserved, must have no
‘ have been investigated. Nothing, therefore, weight allowed them in the first steps of inves
can be more out of its place than the fastidious tigation, and are to be used only when the ge
ness of those philosophers who suppose things neral principle, as it emerges from the inductive
to be unworthy of study, because, with respect process, serves to increase their probability.
to ordinary life, they are trivial and unimpor This record of facts is what Bacon calls Natu
tant. It is an error of the same sort which ral History; and it is material to take notice of
leads men to consider experiment, and the ac the comprehensive sense in which that term is
tual application of the hands, as unworthy of understood through all his writings. Accord
them, and unbecoming the dignity of science. ing to the arrangement of the sciences, which
“ There are some,” says Bacon, “ who, delight he has explained in his treatise on the Advance
ing in mere contemplation, are offended with ment of Knowledge, all learning is classed rela
our frequent reference to experiments and ope tively to the three intellectual faculties of Me
rations to be performed by the hand, things mory, Reason, and Imagination. Under the

‘ Nmmm Orgmmm, lib. i- aph. Ill). 7 ~ 2 Impetus I’hiloaophicir Opera, p. 681, Franc. ad Moan. 1665, folio.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 459
first of these divisions is contained all that is rate examination, and will be best understood
merely Narration, or History, of whatever kind if the facts are given fairly, without any depen
it may be. Under the second are contained the dence on what should yet be considered as un
difl'erent sciences, whether they respect the In known. This rule is very essential where the
tellectual or the Material world. Under the facts are in a certain degree complicated; for it
third are comprehended Poetry and the Fine is then much easier to describe with a reference
Arts. It is with the first of these classes only to theory than without it. It is only from a
that we are at present concerned. The first two skilful physician that you can expect a descrip
divisions of it are Sacred and Civil History, the tion of a disease which is not full of opinions con
meaning of which is sufficiently understood. cerning its cause. A similar observation might
.The third division is Natural History, which be made with respect to agriculture; and with
comprehends the description of the facts rela respect to no science more than geology.
tive to inanimate matter, and to all animals, ex The natural history of any phenomenon, or
cept man. Natural History is again subdivided class of phenomena, being thus prepared, the
into three parts: I. The history of the pheno next object is, by a comparison of the different
mena of nature, which are uniform; 2. Of the facts, to find out the cause of the phenomenon,
facts which are anomalous or extraordinary; its form, in the language of Bacon, or its essence.
3. Of the processes in the different arts. The form of any quality in body is something
“7e are not to wonder at finding the processes convertible with that quality; that is, where it
of the arts thus enrolled among the materials of exists, the quality is present, and where the qua
Natural History. The powers which act in the lity is present, the form must be so likewise.
processes of nature and in those of art are pre Thus, if transparency in bodies be the thing in
cisely the same, and are only directed, in the quired after, the form of it is something in which,
latter case, by the intention of man, toward par wherever it is found, there is transparency ; and,
ticular objects. In art, as Bacon elsewhere ob vice versa, wherever there is transparency, that
serves, man does nothing more than bring things which we have called the form is likewise
nearer to one another, or carry them farther present.
off; the rest is performed by nature, and, on The form, then, differs in nothing from the
most occasions, by means of which we are quite cause; only we apply the word cause where it is
ignorant. event or change that is the effect. When the
Thus, when a man fires a pistol, he does no effect or result is a permanent quality, we speak
thing but make a piece of flint approach a plate of the form or essence.
of hardened steel, with a certain velocity. It is Two other objects, subordinate to forms, but
nature that does the rest ;—that makes the small often essential to the knowledge of them, are also
red-hot and fluid globules of steel, which the flint occasionally subjects of investigation. These
had struck off, communicate their fire to the are the latent process, and the latent schema
gunpowder, and, by a process but little under tism ; latens prwessus, ct [aims sclwmalr'smus.
stood, sct loose the elastic fluid contained in it; The former is the secret and invisible progress
so that an explosion is produced, and the ball by which sensible changes are brought about,
propelled with astonishing velocity. It is obvi and seems, in Bacon’s acceptation, to involve the
ous that, in this instance, art only gives certain principle, since called the law of continuity, ac
powers of nature a particular direction. cording to which, no change, however small,
To the rules which have been given from can be effected but in time. To know the rela
Bacon, for the composition of Natural History, I tion between the time and the change effected in
may be permitted to add this other,-—that theo it, would be to have a perfect knowledge of the
retical language should, as much as possible, be latent process. In the firing of a cannon, for
avoided. Appearances ought to be described in example, the succession of events during the
terms which involve no opinion with respect to short interval between the application of the
their causes. These last are the objects of sepa match and the expulsion of the ball, constitutes
 '460 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

a latent process of a very remarkable and com ed, both affirmative and negative, may, for the
plicated nature, which, however, we can now sake of reference, be reduced into tables.
trace with some degree of accuracy. In mecha Bacon exemplifies his method on the subject
_ nical operations, we can often follow this pro of Heat; and, though his collection of facts he
cess still more completely. When motion is imperfect, his method of treating them is ex
communicated from any body to another, it is tremely judicious, and the whole disquisition
distributed through all the parts of that other, highly interesting.‘ He here proposes, as an
by a. law quite beyond the reach of sense to per experiment, to try the reflection of the heat of
ceive directly, but yet subject to investigation, opaque bodies.II He mentions also the vitrum
and determined by a principle which, though late calendars, or thermometer, which was just then
in being discovered, is now generally recognised. coming into use. His reflections, after finish
The applications of this mechanical principle are ing his enumeration of facts, show how sensible
perhaps the instances in which a latent, and, in he was of the imperfect state of his own know
deed, a very recondite process, has been most ledge.‘
completely analyzed. After a great number of exclusions have left
The latent sclicmatism is that invisible struc but a few principles, common to every case,
ture of bodies, on which so many of their proper one of these is to be assumed as the cause; and,
ties depend. When we inquirc into the consti by reasoning from it synthetically, we are to
tution of crystals, or into the internal structure try if it will account for the phenomena.
of plants, Sac. we are examining into the latent So necessary did this exclusiVe process appear
schematism. We do the same when we attempt to Bacon, that he says, “It may perhaps be
to explain elasticity, magnetism, gravitation, 82c. competent to angels, or superior intelligenccs,
by any peculiar structure of bodies, or any ar to determine the form or essence directly, by
rangement of the particles of matter.I aflirmations from the first consideration of the
In order to inquire into the jbrm or cause of subject. But it is certainly beyond the power
any thing by induction, having brought together of man, to whom it is only given to proceed at
the facts, we are to begin with considering what first by negatives, and, in the last place, to end
things are thereby excluded from the number of in an qflinnative, after the exclusion of every
possible forms. This exclusion is the first part thing else.“ '
of the process of induction: it confines the field The method of induction, as laid down here,
of hypothesis, and brings the true explanation is to beconsidered as applicable to all investiga
within narrower limits. Thus, if we were in~ tions where experience is the guide, whether in
quiring into the quality which is the cause of the moral or natural world. “ Some may doubt
transparency in bodies; from the fact that the whether we propose to apply our method of in
diamond is transparent,we immediately exclude vestigation to natural philosophy only, or to
rarity or porosity, as well as fluidity, from those other sciences, such as logic, ethics, politics.
causes, the diamond beinga very solid and dense We answer, that we mean it to be so applied.
body. And as the common logic, which proceeds by the
Negative instances, or those where the given syllogism, belongs not only to natural philoso
form is wanting, are also to be collected. phy, but to all the sciences, so our logic, which
That glass, when pounded, is not transparent, proceeds by induction, embraces every thing.“
is a negative fact, and of considerable importance Though this process had been pursued by a
when the form of transparency is inquired into; person of much inferior penetration and sagaci
also, that collections of vapour, such as clouds ty to Bacon, he could not but have discovered
and fogs, have not transparency, are negative that all facts, even supposing them truly and
facts of the same kind. The facts thus collect accurately recorded, are not of equal value in

l Nor'um Organum, lib. ii. aph. 5, 6, &c. ' lbid. aph. 18, 20, &c.
8 Ibid. uph. l. ‘ Ibid. apli. l4.
‘ Ibid. lib. ii. uph. 15. ' Ibid. lib. i. aph. I27.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 461
the discovery of truth. Some of them show the by means of them that Newton afterwards found
thing sought for in its highest degree, some in out the composition of light.
its lowest; some exhibit it simple and uncom Of the second kind of instlmticc solitan'at, Ba
bined, in others it appears confused with a va con mentions the white or coloured veins which
riety of circumstances. Some facts are easily occur in limestone or marble, and yet hardly
interpreted, others are Very obscure, and are differ in substance or in- structure from the
understood only in consequence of the light ground of the stone. He concludes, very just
thrown on them by the former. This led our ly, from this, that colour has not much to do
author to consider what he calls Prerogative: with the essential properties of body.
Instantiarum, the comparative value of facts as II. The instantia: migrants: exhibit some nature
means of discovery, or as instruments of inVes or property of body, passing from one condition
tigation. He enumerates twenty-seven differ to another, either from less to greater, or from
ent species, and enters at some length into the greater to less; arriving nearer perfection in the
peculiar properties of each. I must content first case, or verging towards extinction in the
myself, in this sketch, with describing a few of second. .o- ‘
the most important, subjoining, as illustrations, Suppose the thing inquired into were the
sometimes the examples which the author him cause of whiteness in bodies; an imtantz'a mi
self has given, but more frequently such as have grans is found in glass, which, when entire, is
been furnished by later discoveries in science. without colour, but, when pulverized, becomes
I. The first place in this classification is as white. The same is the case with water un
signed to what are called instanliw solitarite, broken, and water dashed into foam. In both
which are either examples of the same quality cases, the separation into particles produces
existing in two bodies which have nothing in whiteness. So also the communication of flu
common but that quality, or of a quality differ idity to metals by the application of heat, and
ing in two bodies which are in all other respects the destruction of that fluidity by the abstrac
the same. In the first instance, the bodies dif tion of heat, are examples of both kinds of the
fer in all things but one; in the second, they instantia migrans. Instances of this kind are
agree in all but one. The hypotheses that in very powerful for reducing the cause inquired
either case can be entertained, concerning the after into a narrow space, and for removing
cause or form of the said quality, are reduced to all the accidental circumstances. It is neces
a small number; for, in the first, they can in sary, however, as Bacon very justly remarks,1
volve none of the things in which the bodies that we should consider not merely the case
difl'er ; and, in the second, none of those in when a certain quality is lost, and another pro
which they agree. duced, but the gradual changes made in those
Thus, of the cause or firm of colour now in qualities during their migration, viz. the in
quired into, instantiw solitariw are found in crys crease of the one, and the corresponding diminu—
tals, prisms of glass, drops of dew, which occa tion of the other. The quantity which changes
sionally exhibit colour, and yet have nothing in proportionally to another, is connected with it
common with the stones, flowers, and metals, either as cause and effect, or as a collateral ef
which possess colour permanently, except the fect of the same cause. When, again, we find
colour itself. Hence Bacon concludes, that co two qualities which do not increase proportion
lour is nothing else than a modification of the ally, they aii'ord a negative instance, and assure
rays of light, produced, in the first case, by the us that the two are not connected simply as
different degrees of incidence; and, in the- se cause and effect. -'I

cond, by the texture or constitution of the sur The mineral kingdom is the great theatre of
faces of bodies. He may be considered as very the instantia: migrantrs, where the same nature is
fortunate in fixing on these examples ; for it was seen in all gradations, from the most perfect

I Nomun Organum, lib. ii. aph. 23.

 462 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

state, till it become entirely evanescent. Such These are instances in which the action of
are the shells which We see so perfect in figure certain principles is rendered visible by the re
and structure in limestone, and gradually losing moval of all the opposing forces. One may be
themselves in the finer marbles, till they can no given where it is the distinct and decisive nature
longer be distinguished. The use, also, of one of the fact which leads to the result.
such fact to explain or interpret another, is no Suppose it were inquired, whether the present
>where so well seen as in the history of the mi land had ever been covered by the sea. If we
neral kingdom. look at the stratified form of so large a portion
III. In the third place are the instantiw osten of the earth’s surface, we cannot but conclude
sive, which Bacon also calls elucescentite and it to be very probable that such land was form
pm'dmninantcs. They are the facts which show ed at the bottom of the sea. But the decisive
some particular nature in its highest state of proof is afi'orded by the shells and corals, or bo
power and energy, when it is either freed from the dies having the perfect shape of shells and co
impediments which usually counteract it, or is rule, and of other marine exuviee, which are
itself of such force as entirely to repress those found imbedded in masses of the most solid
impediments. For as every body is susceptible rock, and often on the tops of very high moun
of many difl‘erent conditions, and has many dif tains. This leaves no doubt of the formation of
ferent forms combined in it, one of them often the land under the sea, though it does not de
confines, depresses, and hides another entirely, termine whether the land, since its formation,
so that it is not easily distinguished. There has been elevated to its present height, or the
are found, however, some subjects in which the sea depressed to its present level. The decision
nature inquired into is completely displayed, of that question requires other facts to be con
either by the absence of impediments, or by the sulted.
predominance of its own power. IV. The instantia clandestim, which is, as it
Bacon instances the thermometer, or vitrum were, opposed to the preceding, and shows some
calendare, as exhibiting the expansive power of power or quality just as it is beginning to exist,
heat, in a manner more distinct and measurable and in its weakest state, is often very useful in
than in common cases. To this example, which the generalization of facts. Bacon also gave to
I is well chosen, the present state of science en
this the fanciful name of instanlia crqmsc'uli.
ables us to add many others. An example of this may be given from hy
If the weight of the air were inquired into, drostatics. If the suspension of water in ca
the Torricellian experiment, or the barometer, pillary tubes be inquired into, it becomes very
affords an ostensive instance, where the circum useful to view that effect when it is least, or
stance which conceals the weight of the atmo when the tube ceases to be capillary, and be
sphere in common cases, namely, the pressure of comes a vessel of a large diameter. The column
it in all directions, being entirely removed, that
is then reduced to aslender ring of water, which
weight produces its full effect, and sustains thegoes all round the vessel ; and this, though now
whole column of mercury in the tube. The bap so inconsiderable, has the property of being in
rometer affords also an example of the instantia dependent of the size of the vessel, so as to be
migrans, when the change is not total, but only in all cases the same when the material are the
partial or progressive. If it be the weight of same. As there can be no doubt that this ring
the air which supports the mercury in the tube proceeds from the attraction of the sides, and of
of the barometer, when that weight is diminish the part immediately above the water, so there
ed, the mercury ought to stand lower. On go can- be no doubt that the capillary suspension,
ing to the top of a mountain, the weight of the in part at least, is derived from the same cause.
incumbent air is diminished, because a shorter An efl'ect of the opposite kind takes place when
column of air is to be sustained; the mercury a glass vessel is filled with mercury.
in the barometer ought therefore to sink, and it V. Next to these may be placed what are call
is found to do so accordingly. ed instanlim mam'pulares, or collective instances,
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 463
that is, general facts, or such as comprehend a fact expressing the result of many hundred ob
great number of particular cases. As human servations. This holds with respect to each
knowledge can but seldom reach the most gene planet, and with respect to each element, as it is
ral cause or form, such collective instances are called, of the planet’s orbit, every one of which
often the utmost extent to which our generali is a general fact, expressing the result of an in
zation can be carried. They have great value definite number of particulars. This holds still
on this account, as they likewise have on ac more remarkably of the inferences which extend
count of the assistance which they give to fur to the distances of the planet from the earth, or
ther generalization. from the sun. The laws of Kepler are therefore
Of this we have a remarkable instance in one collective facts of the second, or even a. higher
of the most important steps ever taken in any order ; or such as comprehend a great number of
part of human knowledge. The laws of Kepler general facts, each of which is itself a general
are facts of the kind now treated of, and consist fact, including many particulars. It is much to
of three general truths, each belonging to the the credit of astronomy, that, in all this process,
whole planetary system; and it was by means no degree of truth or certainty is sacrificed; and
of them that Newton discovered the principle of that the same demonstrative evidence is preserv
gravitation. The first is, that the planets all ed from the lowest to the highest point. No
move in elliptical orbits, having the sun for their thing but the use of mathematical reasoning
common focus; the next, that about this focus could secure this advantage to any of the sciences.
the radius vector of each planet describes equal VI. In the next place may be ranked the in
areas in equal times; the third and last, that stances which Baeon calls analogous, or parallel.
the squares of the periodic times of the planets These consist of facts, between which an ana
are as the cubes of their mean distances from logy or resemblance is visible in some particu
the sun. The knowledge of each of these was lars, notwithstanding great diversity in all the
the result of much research, and of the compa rest. Such are the telescope and microscope, in
rison of a vast multitude of observations, inso the works of art, compared with the eye in the
much that it may be doubted if ever three truths works of nature. This, indeed, is an analogy
in science were discovered at the expense of so which goes much beyond the mere exterior; it
much labour and patience, or with the exertion extends to the internal structure, and to the
of more ingenuity and invention in imagining principle of action, which is the same in the eye
and combining observations. These discoveries and in the telescope,-—to the latent schematim,
were all made before Bacon wrote, but he is in the language of Bacon, as far as material
silent concerning them ; for the want of mathe substance is concerned. It was the experiment
matical knowledge concealed from his view some of the camera obscura which led to the discovery
of the most splendid and interesting parts of of the formation of the images of external ob
science. ' jects in the bottom of the eye by the action of
Astronomyis full of such collective instances, the crystalline lens, and the other humours of
and affords them, indeed, of the second and which the eye is formed.
third order, that is to say, two or three times Among the instances of conformity, those are
generalized. The astronomer observes nothing the most useful which enable us to compare pro
but that a certain luminous disk, or perhaps ductions of an unknown formation, with similar
merely a luminous point, is in a certain position, productions of which the formation is Well under
in respect of the planes of the meridian and the stood. Such are basalt, and the other trap rocks,
horizon, at a certain moment of time. By com compared with the lava thrown out from volca
paring a number of such observations, he finds noes. They have a structure so exactly similar,
that this luminous point moves in a certain plane, that it is hardly possible to doubt that their ori
with a certain velocity, and performs a revolu gin is the same, and that they are both produced
tion in a certain time. Thus, the periodic time by the action of snbterraneous fire. There are,
of a planet is itself a collective fact, or a single however, amid their similarity, some very re
464 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

markable differences in the substances which Connected with these are the irregular and
they contain, the trap rocks containing calcare deviating instances, in which nature seems to
ous spar, and the lava never containing any. depart from her ordinary course. Earthquakes,
On the supposition that they are both of igneous extraordinary tempests, years of great scarcity,
origin, is there any circumstance, in the condi winters of singular severity, &c. are of this num
tions in which heat may have been applied to ber. All such facts ought to. be carefully col
them, which can account for this difference? lected ; and there should be added an account of
Sir James Hall, in a train of most philosophical all monstrous productions, and of every thing re
and happily-contrived experiments, has explain markable for its novelty and its rareness. Here,
ed the nature of those conditions, and has shown however, the most severe criticism must be ap
that the presence of calcareous spar, or the want plied; every thing connected with superstition is
of it, may arise from the greater or less com suspicious, as well as whatever relates to alche
pression under which the fusion of the basalt my or magic.
was performed. This has served to explain a A set of facts, which belongs to this class,
great difiiculty in the history of the mineral consists of the instances in which stones have so
kingdom. ' often of late years been observed to fall from the
Comparative anatomy is full of analogies of heavens. Those stones are so unlike other at
this kind, which are most instructive, and use mospherical productions, and their origin must
ful guides to discovery. It was by remarking be so difi'erent from that of other minerals, that
'in the blood-vessels a contrivance similar to the it is scarcely possible to imagine any thing more
valves used in hydraulic engines, for preventing anomalous, and more inconsistent with the ordi
the counter-current of a fluid, that Harvey was nary course of our experience. Yet the exist
led to the discovery of the circulation of the ence of this phenomenon is so well authenticat
blood. The analogies between natural and arti ed by testimony, and by the evidence arising
ficial productions are always highly deserving of from certain physical considerations, that no
notice. doubt with respect to it can be entertained, and
The facts of this class, however, unless the it must therefore be received, as making a part
analogy be very close, are apt to mislead, by re of the natural history of meteors. But as every
presenting accidental regularity as if it were fact, or class of facts, which is perfectly singu
constant. Of this we have an example in the lar, must be incapable of explanation, and can
supposed analogy between the colours in the only be understood when its resemblance to
prismatic spectrum and the divisions of the mo other things has been discovered; so at present
nochord. The colours in the prismatic spectrum We are unable to assign the cause of, these pheno
do not occupy the same proportion of it in all mena, and have no right to offer any theory of
cases; the analogy depends on the particular kind their origin. '
of glass, not on any thing that is common to all VIII. Another class of facts is composed of
refraction. The tendency of man to find more what Bacon calls instantiw cmnitatus, or examples
order in things than there actually exists, is here of certain qualities which always accompany one
to be cautiously watched over. another. Such are flame and heat,—flame being
VII. Mmtodic, or singular facts, are the next in always accompanied by heat, and the same de
'order. They comprehend the instances which are gree of heat in a given substance being always
particularly distingnihed from all those of the accompanied with flame. So also heat and ex
genus or species to which they belong. Such is pansion,-—.an increase of heat being accompanied
the sun among the stars, the magnet among stones, with an increase of volume, except in a very
mercury amongmetals, boiling fountains among few cases, and in circumstances very particular.
springs, the elephant among quadrnpeds, So M» -The mastnperfect instantia armitatus known,
also among the planets, Saturn is singular from 'as being without any. negative, is that of body
his ring; the new planets are so likewisefrom their and weight... Whatever is impenetrable and
small size, from being extrazodiacal, 8w. inert, is .also heavy in a degree proportional to
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 465
its inertia. To this there is no exception, though nation from supposing that the sun is at rest,
We do not perceive the connection as necessary. and is the centre of those motions. The latter
Hostile instances, or those of perpetual sepa phenomena would therefore serve as instantiae
ration, are the reverse of the former. cracis, by which the superior credibility of the
Examples of this are found in air, and the Copernican system was fully evinced.
other elastic fluids, which cannot have a solid Another example which I shall give of an
form induced on them by any known means, instanh'a crucis is taken from Chemistry, and is,
when not combined with other substances. So indeed, one of the most remarkable experiments
also in solids, transparency and malleability are which has been made in that science. '
never joined, and appear to be incompatible, It is a general fact observed in Chemistry, that
though it is not obvious for what reason. metals are always rendered heavier by calcine
IX. Passing over several classes which seem tion. When a mass of tin or lead, for instance,
of inferior importance, we come to the instantia is calcined in the fire, though every precaution
crucis, the division of this experimental logic is taken to prevent any addition from the adhe
which is most frequently resorted to in the sion of ashes, coals, &c. the absolute weight of
practice of inductive investigation. When, in the mass is always found to be increased. It
such an investigation, the understanding is was long before the cause of this phenomenon
placed in equilibrio, as it were, between two or was understood. There might be some heavy
more causes, each of which accounts equally substance added, though what it was could not
well for the appearances, as far as they are easily be imagined; or some substance might
known, nothing remains to be done but to look have escaped, which was in its nature light,
out for a fact which can be explained by the and possessed a tendency upwards. Other phe
one of these causes, and not by the other: if nomena, into the nature of which it is at pre
such a one can be found, the uncertainty is re sent unnecessary to inquire, induced chemists
moved, and the true cause is determined. Such to suppose, that in calcination a certain sub
facts perform the oflice of a cross, erected at stance actually escapes, being present in the
the separation of two roads, to direct the tra regulus, but not in the calx of the metal. This
veller which he is to take ; and, on this account, substance, to which they gave the name of
Bacon gave them the name of inshzntize crucis. phlogiston, was probably that which, by its
Suppose that the subject inquired into were escape, rendered the metal heavier, and must,
the motion of the planets, and that the pheno therefore, be itself endued with absolute levity.
mena which first present themselves, or the The instantia crucis which extricated philoso
motion of these bodies in longitude, could be ex‘ phcrs from this difliculty, was furnished by an
plained equally on the Ptolemaic and the Coper experiment of the celebrated Lavoisier. That
nican system, that is, either on the system which excellent chemist included a quantity of tin in
makes the earth, or that which makes the sun, a glass retort, hermetically sealed, and accurate
the centre of the planetary motions; a cautious ly weighed together with its contents; he then
philosopher Would hesitate about which of the applied the necessary heat, and when the cal
two he should adopt, and notwithstanding that cination of the tin was finished, he found the
one of them was recommended by its superior weight of the whole precisely the same as before.
simplicity, he might not think himself autho This proved that no substance, which was either
rized to give to it a decided preference above light or heavy, in a sensible degree, had made
the other. If, however, he consider the motion its way through the glass. The experiment
of these bodies in latitude, that is to say, their went still farther. When the retort was cooled
digressions from the plane of the ecliptic, he and opened, the air rushed in; so that it was
will find a set of phenomena which cannot be evident that a part of the air had disappeared,
reconciled with the supposition that the earth or had lost its elasticity. On weighing the
is the centre of the planetary motions, but which whole apparatus, it was now found that its
receive the most simple and satisfactory expla weight was increased by ten grains; so that ten
BBQ. 11:. PART I. 8 s
466 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

grains of air had entered into the retort when lotting to each its due proportion of the effect.
it was opened. The calx was next taken out, Men deceive themselves in consequence of this
and weighed separately, and it was found to continually, and think they are reasoning from
have become heavier by ten grains precisely. fact and experience, when, in reality, they are
The ten grains of air then which had disap only reasoning from a mixture of truth and
peared, and which had made way for the ten falsehood. The only end answered by facts so
grains that rushed into the retort, had combined incorrectly apprehended, is that of making er
with the metal during the process of calcination. ror more incorrigible.
The further prosecution of this very decisive ex Of the twenty-seven classes into which in
periment led to the knowledge of that species of stantire are arranged by the author of the News:
air which combines with metals when they are Organum, fifteen immediately address themselves
calcined. The doctrine of phlogiston was of to the Understanding; five serve to correct or
course exploded, and a creature of the imagina to inform the Senses; and seven to direct the
tion replaced by a real existence. hand in raising the superstructure of Art on the
The principle which conducts to the contriv foundation of Science. The examples given
ance of an eaperimentum crucis is not difficult to above are from the first of these divisions, and
be understood. Taking either of the hypotheses, will suffice for a summary. To the five that
its consequences must be attempted to be traced, follow next, the general name of instanlirc lam
supposing a different experiment to be made. padis is given, from their oflice of assisting or
This must be done with respect to the other informing the senses.
hypothesis, and a case will probably at last oc Of these the instantia: januw assist the imme
cur, where the two hypotheses would give dif— diate action of the senses, and especially of sight.
ferent results. The experiment made in those The examples quoted by Bacon are the micro
circumstances will furnish an instantia crucis. scope and telescope, (which last he mentions as
Thus, if the experiment of calcination be per the invention of Galileo) and he speaks of them
formed in a close vessel, and if phlogiston be the with great admiration, but with some doubt of
cause of the increase of weight, it must either their reality.
escape through the vessel, or it must remain in The instantiw citantes enable us to perceive
the vessel after separation from the calx. If the things which are in themselves insensible, or not
former be the case, the apparatus will be in at all the objects of perception. They cite or
creased in weight; if the latter, the phlogistou place things, as it were, before the bar of the
must make its escape on opening the vessel. If senses, and from this analogy to judicial pro
neither of these be the case, it is plain that the ceedings is derived the name of instanthz cilantes.
theory of phlogiston is insufficient to explain the Such, to employ examples which the progress of
facts. science has unfolded since the time of Bacon,
The erpen'mentum crucis is of such weight in are the air-pump and the barometer for mani
matters of induction, that in all those branches festing the weight and elasticity of air; the
of science where it cannot easily be resorted to, measurement of the velocity of light, by means
(the circumstances of anexperiment being out of the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter, and
of our power, and incapable of being varied at the aberration of the fixed stars; the experi
pleasure) there is often 'a great want of con ments in electricity and galvanism, and in the
clusive evidence. Thisdiolds of agriculture, greater part of pneumatic chemistry. In all
medicine, political economy,.&'c.-, Tomake one these instances; things are made known which
experiment, similar,“ another in all respects before had entirely escaped the senses. m “[3,.
but one, is what thevemmneflmnmiand, in .- The. instantix m": are facts which manifest the
general, the process of induction, principally re continuousprogress of nature in her operations.
quires; but it is what, in the: sciences just There is a propensity in men to view nature as
named, can seldom be accomplished. Hence the it were at intervals, or at. the ends of. fixed pe
great difliculty of separating the causes, and al riods, without regarding her gradual and un-,
 DISSERTATION THIRD. ‘ 467
ceasing'action. 1 The desire of making obser 2. Instruments for measuring Weight or force;
vation easy is the great source of this propensity. such are the common balance, the hydrostatic
Men wish for knowledge, but would obtain it at balance, the barometer, the instruments used in
‘the least expense of time and labour. As there England by Cavendish, and in France by Cou
is no time, however, at which the hand of nature lomb, which measure small and almost insensi
ceases to work, there ought to be none at which ble actions by the force of torsion.
observation ceases to be made. These last rather belong to the class of the
The instantia: persecantes, or vellicantea, are instantiae luctm, where force is applied as the
those which force us to attend to things which, measure of force, than to the instantiw radii.
from their subtilty and minuteness, escape com 3. The thermometer, newly invented in the
mon observation. time of Bacon, and mentioned by him under
Some of Bacon’s remarks on this subtilty are the name of Vitrum Calendare, an instrument to
such as would do credit to the most advanced which we owe nearly all the knowledge we have
state of science, and show how much his mind of one of the most powerful agents in nature,
was fitted for distinguishing and observing the viz. Heat.
great and admirable in the works of nature. 4. The hygrometer, an instrument for mea
The last division contains seven classes, of suring the quantity of humidity contained in the
which I mention only two. The experiments air; and in the construction of which, after re
a of this division are those most immediately tend peated failures by the most skilful experimenters,
ing to produce the improvement of art from the the invention of Professor Leslie now promises
extension of science. “ Now there are,” says success. Almost every one of these instruments,
Bacon, “ two ways in which knowledge, even to which several more might be added, has
when sound in itself, may fail of becoming a safe brought in sight a new country, and has enriched
guide to the artist; and these are either when it science not only with new facts, but with new
is not sufliciently precise, or when it leads to principles.
more complicated means of producing an effect Among the remarks of Bacon on the experi
than can be employed in practice. There are menta radii, some are very remarkable for the
therefore two kinds of experiments which are extent of view which they display even in the in
of great value in promoting the alliance between fancy of physical science. He mentions the
knowledge and power;—those which tend to give forces by which bodies act on one another at a
accurate and exact measures of objects, and distance, and throws out some hints at the at
those which disencumber the processes deduced traction which the heavenly bodies exert on one
from scientific principles, of all unnecessary ope another.
rations.” “ Inquircndum est,” says he,“ si sit vis aliqua
In the instantia radii we measure objects by magnetica qua: operetur per consensum inter
lines and angles; in the instantia curriculi, by globum terraa et ponderosa, ant inter globum
time or by motion. lunaa et aquas maris, ant inter cmlum stellatum
To the former of these classes are to be re et planetas, per quam avocentur et attollantur ad
ferred a number of instruments which new con sua apogzea; haec omnia operantur ad distantias
stitute the greater part of the apparatus of Na admodum longinquas.”'
tural Philosophy. Though Bacon had a just Under the head of the imtantia curricula, or
idea of their utility in general, he was unac the measuring of things by time; after remark
quainted with most of them. The most remark ing that every change and every motion requires
able at present are those that follow. time, and illustrating this by a variety of in
I. Astronomical instruments, or, more gene stances, he has the following very curious anti
rally, all instruments for measuring lines and cipation of facts, which appeared then doubtful,
angles. but which subsequent discovery has ascertained :

' Novum Organum, lib. ii. aph. 4|. I ma. aph. 45.
468 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

“ The consideration of those things produced ancient philosophy, and the total ineptitude of
in me a doubt altogether astonishing, viz. Whe the methods which it followed, for all the pur
ther the face of the serene and starry heavens be poses of physical investigation. Like him, too,
seen at the instant it really exists, or not till some he felt himself strongly impelled to undertake
time later; and whether there be not, with re the reformation of this erroneous system; but
spect to the heavenly bodies, a true time and an the resemblance between them goes no farther;
apparent time, no less than a true place and an for it is impossible that two men could pursue
apparent place, as astronomers say, on account the same end by methods more diametrically
of parallax. For it seems incredible that the opposite.
qrecies or rays of the celestial bodies can pass Descartes never proposed to himself any thing
through the immense interval between them which had the least resemblance to induction.
and us in an instant, or that they do not even He began with establishing principles, and from
require some considerable portion of time.”1 the existence of the Deity and his perfections,
. The measurement of the velocity of light, and he proposed to deduce the explanation of all the
the wonderful consequences arising from it, are phenomena of the world, by reasoning a priori.
the best commentaries on this passage, and the Instead of proceeding upward from the effect to
highest eulogy on its author. the cause, he proceeded continually downward
from the cause to the effect. It was in this man
Such were the speculations of Bacon, and the ner that he sought to determine the laWs of mo
rules he laid down for the conduct of experi tion, and of the collision of bodies, in which last
mental inquiries, before any such inquiries had all his conclusions were erroneous. From the
yet been instituted. The power and compass of same source be deduced the existence of a ple
a mind which could form such a plan beforehand, num, and the continual preservation of the same
and trace not merely the outline, but many of quantity of motion in the universe; a proposi
the most minute ramifications, of sciences which tion which, in a certain sense, is true, but in the
did not yet exist, must be an object of admiration sense in which he understood it, is altogether
to all succeeding ages. He is destined, if in false. Reasonings of the kind which he em
deed any thing in the world be so destined, to ployed may possibly suit, as Bacon observed,
remain an instantia singidaris among men, and with intelligences of a higher order than man,
as he has had no rival in the times which are but to his case they are quite inapplicable. Of
past, so is he likely to have none in those which the fruit of this tree nature has forbidden him
are to come. Before any parallel to him can be to eat, and has ordained that, with the sweet of
found, not only must a man of the same talents his brow, and the labour of his hands, he should
be produced, but he must be placed in the same earn his knowledge as well as his subsistence.
circumstances; the memory of his predecessor Descartes, however, did not reject experiment
must be effaced, and the light of science, after altogether, though he assigned it a very subor
being entirely extinguished, must be again be dinate place in his philosophy. By reasoning
ginning to revive. If a second Bacon is ever to down from first principles, he tells ‘us that he
arise, he must be ignorant of the first. was always able to discoVer the effects ;‘ but the
Bacon is often compared with two great men number of different shapes which those effects
who lived nearly about the same time with him might assume was so great, that he could not
self, and who were both eminent reformers of determine, without having recourse to experi—
philosophy, Descartes and Galileo. * . ment, which of them nature had preferred to the
» Descartes flourished‘about forty years later rest. “ We employ experiment,” says he, “ not
than Bacon, but does not seem' to have been ac as 'al‘reason' by which any thing is proved, for
quainted with his writings.‘ Likehim, hOWever, we wish to deduce effects from their causes, and
he was forcibly struck withwhe defects of the not conversely causes from their efl'ects. We

' Novum Orgasm, lib. ii. aph. 46.

 DISSERTATION THIRD. 469
appeal to experience only, that out of innume names than that of Galileo. On comparing him
rable effects which may be produced from the with Bacon, however, I have no hesitation in
same cause, we may direct our attention to one saying, that the latter has given indications of a
rather than another.” It is wonderful, that genius of a still higher order. In this I know
Descartes did not see what a severe censure he that I differ from a historian who was himself
was here passing on himself; of how little value a philosopher, and whose suffrage, of conse
the peculations must be that led to conclusions quence, is here of more than ordinary weight.
so vague and indefinite; and how much more “ The great glory of literature,” says Hume,
philosophy is disgraced by affording an explana “ in this island, during the reign of James, was
tion of things which are not, than by not afford Lord Bacon. If we consider the variety of ta
ing an explanation of things which are. lents displayed by this man, as a public speaker,
As a system of philosophy and philosophic a man of business, a wit, a courtier, a compan
investigation, the method of Descartes can, ion, an author, a philosopher, he is justly en
therefore, stand in no comparison with that of titled to great admiration. If we consider him
Bacon. Yet his Physics contributed to the ad merely as an author and a philosopher, the light
vancement of science, but did so, much more by in which we view him at present, though very
that which they demolished, than by that which estimable, he was yet inferior to his contempo
they built up. In some particular branches the rary Galileo, perhaps even to Kepler. Bacon
French philosopher far excelled the English. pointed out, at a distance, the road to philosm
He greatly improved the science of optics, and phy; Galileo both pointed it out to others, and
in the pure mathematics, as has been already made himself considerable advances in it. The
shown, he left behind him many marks of a Englishman was ignorant of geometry; the
great and original genius. He will, therefore, Florentine revived that science, excelled in it,
be always numbered among those who have and was the first who applied it, together-.with
essentially contributed to the advancement of experiment, to natural philosophy. The former
knowledge, though nothing could be more per rejected, with the most positive disdain, the
verse than his method of philosophizing, and system of Copernicus; the latter fortified it
nothing more likely to impede the progress of with new proofs, derived both from reason and
science, had not an impulse been at that time the senses. Bacon’s style is stiff and rigid; his
given to the human mind which nothing could wit, though often brilliant, is also often unnatu
resist. ral and far-fetched. Galileo is a .lively, and
Galileo, the other rival and contemporary of agreeable, though somewhat a prolix writer,’-'¥_ .
Bacon, is, in truth, one of those to whom hu Though it cannot be denied that there isms.
man knowledge is under the greatest obligations. siderable truth in these remarks, yet itseamsto.
His discoveries in the theory of motion, in the me that the comparison is not made with the
laws of the descent of heavy bodies, and in the justness and discrimination ,which ,mightshave
motion of projectiles, laid the foundation ofall the been expected from Hume, who appears studi
great improvements which have since been made ously. to have‘contrasted what is most excellent
by the application of Mathematics to Natural in Galileo with what is most defective in Bacon,
Philosophy. If to this we add the invention of It is true that Galileo showed the way in the
the telescope, the discoveries made by that in application of mathematics and of geometry to
strument, the confirmations of the Copernican physical investigation, and thatflhq immediate
system which these discoveries afforded, and, utility of his performance was greater than that
lastly, the (wit and argument with which he of Bacon’s, as it impressedmore movement on
combated and exposed‘the prejudice,,and .pre-. the age in which, he livcd, ample beingplways
sumption of the schools, we must admitithat the somuch more powerful. than precept. Bacon,
history of human knowledge contains few greater indeed, wromlfomn. as» we venlighten“!than

’ Hiltory OfElgland, voL VI. Appendix.

470 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

his own, and it was long before the full merit and rigorous plan of inductive investigation. A
of his work Was understood. But though Gali question, however, may occur, How far has this
leo was a geometcr, and Bacon unacquainted method been really carried into practice by those
with the mathematics,—though Galileo added who have made the great discoveries in Natural
new proofs to the system of the earth’s motion, Philosophy, and who have raised physical science
which Bacon rejected altogether,—-yet is it cer to its present height in the scale of human know
tain, I think, that the former has more fellows ledge? Is the whole method necessary, or have
or equals in the world of science than the latter, not circumstances occurred, which have render
and that his excellence, though so high, is less ed experimental investigation easier in practice
unrivalled. The range which Bacon’s specula than it appear to be in theory? To answer
tions embraced was altogether immense. these questions completely, would require more
He
cast a penetrating eye on the whole of science, discussion than is consistent with the limits of
from its feeblest and most infantine state, to that this Dissertation: I shall, therefore, attempt no
strength and perfection from which it was then more than to point out the principles on which
so remote, and which it is perhaps destined to such an answer may be founded.
approach to continually, but never to attain. In a very extensive department of physical
More substitutes might be found for Galileo than science, it cannot be doubted that investigation
for Bacon. More than one could be mentioned, has been carried on, not perhaps more easily,
who, in the place of the former, would probably but with a less frequent appeal to experience,
have done what he did; but the history of hu than the rules of the Novum Organum would
man knowledge points out nobody of whom it seem to require. In all the physical inquiries
can be said, that, placed in the situation of where mathematical reasoning has been employ
Bacon, he would have done what Bacon did ;— ed, after a few principles have been established
no man whose prophetic genius would have by experience, a vast multitude of truths, equally
enabled him to delineate a system of science certain with the principles themselves, have been
which had not yet begun to exist—who could deduced from them by the mere application of
have derived the knowledge of what ought to be geometry and algebra.
from what was not, and who could have become In mechanics, for example, after the laws of
so rich in wisdom, though he received from his motion were discovered, which was done by ex
predecessors no inheritance but their errors. I periment, the rest of the science, to a great ex
am inclined, therefore, to agree with D’Alem tent, was carried on by reasoning from those
bert, “ that when one considers the sound and laws, in the same manner that the geometer
enlarged views of this great man, the multitude makes his discoveries by reasoning on the deli
of the objects to which his mind was turned, nitions, by help of a few axioms, or self-evident
and the boldness of his style, which unites the propositions. The only difference is, that, in the
most sublime images with the most rigorous one case, the definitions and axioms are supplied
precision, one is disposed to regard him as the solely from the mind itself, while, in the other,
greatest, the most universal, and the most elo all the definitions and axioms which are not
quent of philosophers.”1 those of pure geometry, are furnished by ex
perience.‘I
3. assumes, 8w.
Bacon certainly was not fully aware of the
It will hardly be doubted by any one who at advantages that were thus to accrue to the phy—
tentively considers the method explained in the sical sciences. He was not ignorant, that the
Novum Organum, which we have now attempted introduction of mathematical reasoning into
to sketch, that it contains a most comprehensive those sciences is not only possible, but that, un~

' Discours Preliminaire de l‘Encyclo édie.

' The part of Mechanics which invo ves only staticsl considerations, or the equilibrium of forces, is capable of being
treated by rcawm'ng a priori entirely, without any appeal to experience. This will appear, when the subject of Mechanics
is more particularly treated of.
 DISSERTATION THIRD.
der certain conditions, it may be attended with
the greatest advantage. He knew also in what
manner this application had been abused by the
Platonists, who had attempted, by means of geo
metry, to establish the first principles of Physics,
or had used them, in aziomatt's constitumdis, which
i exactly the province belonging exclusively to
experience. At the same time, he pointed out,
with great precision, the place which the Mathe
matics may legitimately occupy, as serving to
measure and compare the objects of physical in
quiry. He did not, however, perceive before
hand, nor was it possible that he should, the vast
extent to which the application of that science cases, the result of a number of particular facts,
was capable of being carried. In the book De
Augmentis, he has made many excellent remarks
on this subject, full of the sagacity which pene
trated so far into futurity, but, nevertheless,
could only perceive a small part of the scene
which the genius of Newton was afterwards to
unfold.
Hence, the route which leads to many of the another, it is refracted, that is, it ceases to go on
richest and most fertile fields of science, is not
precisely that which Bacon pointed out; it is
safer and easier; so that the voyager finds he
can trust to his chart and compass alone, with
out constantly looking out, or having the sound
ing-line perpetually in his hand.
Another remark I must make on Bacon’s me
thod is, that it does not give sufficient import
ance to the instantiez radii, or those which fur
nish us with accurate measures of physical quan
tities. The experiments of this class are intro
duced as only subservient to practice; they are,
however, of infinite value in the theoretical part
of induction, or for ascertaining the causes and
essences of the things inquired into. We have
an instance of this in the discovery of that im
portant truth in physical astronomy, that the
moon is retained in her orbit by the force of
gravity, or the same which, at the earth’s sur
face, makes a stone fall to the ground. This
proposition, however it might have been sus
pected to be true, could never have been demon
strated but by such observations and experiments
as assigned accurate geometrical measures to the
quantities compared. The semidiameter of the
earth ; the velocity of falling bodies at the earth’s
surface; the distance of the moon, and her ve
471
locity in her orbit ;—all these four elements must
have been determined with great precision, and
afterwards compared together by certain theo
rems deduced from the laws of motion, before the
relation between the force which retains the moon
in her orbit, and that which draws a stone to
the ground, could possibly be discovered. The
discovery also, when made, carried with it the
evidence of demonstration; so that here, as in
many other cases, the instantiee radii are of the
utmost importance in the theoretical part of
Physics.
Another thing to be observed is, that, in many
or the collective instance arising from them, can
only be found out by geometry, which, there
fore, becomes a necessary instrument in com
pleting the work of induction. An example,
which the science of optics furnishes, will make
this clearer than any general description. When
light passes from one transparent medium to
in a straight line, and the angle which the inci
dent ray makes with the superficies which bounds
the two media, determines that which the refract
ed ray makes with the same superficies. Now,
if we would learn any thing about the relation
which these angles bear to one another, we must
have recourse to experiment; and all that experi
ment can do is, for any particular angle of inci
dence, to determine the corresponding angle of
refraction. This may be done in innumerable
cases ; but, with respect to the general rule which,
in every possible case, determines the oneof those
angles from the other, or expresses the constant
and invariable relation which subsists between
them,—with respect to it, experiment gives no
direct information. The methods of geometry
must therefore be called in to our assistance,
which, when a constant though unknown relation
subsists between two angles, or two variable
quantities of any kind, andvwhcn an indefinite
number of values of those quantities are given,
furnishes infallible means ‘ of discovering that
unknown relation, either accurately, or at least
by _approximation. In “this way it has been
found, that, when the two media remain the
same, the canines of the angles above mentioned
have a constant ratio to .one another. Thus
472 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

it appears, that, after experiment has done The strict method of Bacon is therefore only
its utmost, geometry must be applied before necessary where the thing to be explained is new,
the business of induction can be completed. and where we have no knowledge, or next to
This can only happen when the experiments af none, of the powers employed. This is but rare
ford accnrate measures of the quantities con ly the case, at least in some of the branches of
cerned, like the instantite radii, curriculi, &c.; Physics; and, therefore, it occurs most c0mmon~
and this advantage of admitting generalization ly in actual investigation, that the inquirer finds
with so much certainty is one of their proper himself limited, almost from the first outset, to
ties, of which it does not appear that even Ba two or three hypotheses, all other suppositions
con himself was aware. involving inconsistencies which cannot for a
Again, from the intimate connection which moment he admitted. His business, therefore,
prevails among the principles of science, the suc is to compare the results of these hypotheses, and
cess of one investigation must often contribute to consider what consequences may in any case
to the success of another, in such a degree as to arise from the one that would not arise from
make it unnecessary to employ the complete ap the other. If any such difference can be found,
paratus of induction from the beginning. When and if the matter is a subject of experiment, we
certain leading principles have been once esta have then an instantia crucis which must decide
blished, they serve, in new investigations, to the question.
narrow the limits within which the thing sought Thus, the instantia crucis comes in real prac
for is contained, and enable the inquirer to arrive tice to be the experiment most frequently ap
more speedily at the truth. pealed
able to, and that
information from which the most valu
vis derived.
Thus, suppose that, after the nature of the
reflection and refraction of light, and particu In executing the method here referred to, the
larly of the colours produced by the latter, had application of much reasoning, and frequently
been discovered by experiment, the cause of the of much mathematical reasoning, is necessary,
rainbow were to be inquired into. It would, before an y appeal to the experiment can be made,
after a little consideration, appear probable, that in order to deduce from each of the hypotheses
the phenomenon to be explained depends on the an exact estimate of the consequences to which
reflection and refraction of light by the rain fall it leads. Suppose, for instance, that the law by
ing from a cloud opposite to the sun. Now, which the magnetic virtue decrease in its in
since the nature of reflection and refraction are tensity, as we rccede from its poles, were to be.
supposed known, we have the principles previ inquired into. It is obvious that the number of
ously ascertained which are likely to assist in hypotheses is here indefinite; and that we have
the explanation of the rainbow. We have no hardly any choice but to begin with the simplest,
occasion, therefore, to enter on the inquiry, as or with that which is most analogous to the law
if the powers to be investigated were wholly un of other forces propagated-from a centre. What
known. It is the combination of them only ever law we assume, we must enter into a good
which is unknown, and our business is to seek deal of geometric reasoning, before a conclusion
so to combine them, that the result may corre can be obtained, capable of being brought to the
spond with the appearances. This last is precise test of experience. The force itself, like all other
ly what Newton accomplished, when, by deduc forces, is not directly perceived, and its effects
ing from the known laws of refraction and re are not the result of its mere intensity, but of
flection the breadth of the coloured arch, the dia that intensity combined with the figure and mag
meter of the circle of which it is~a part, and the nitude of the body on which it acts; and, there
relation of the latter to the place of the specta fore, the calculus must be employed to express
tor and of the sun, he found all these to come the measure of the effect, in terms of the inten
out from his calculus, just as they are observed sity and the distance only. This being done, the
in nature. Thus he proved the truth of his solu hypothesis which gives results most nearly cor—
tion by the most clear and irresistible evidence. responding to the facts observed, when the mag
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 473
net acts on the same body, at difl'erent distances, have been reduced to a few general facts, and
must be taken as the nearest approximation to in some cases, as in that of gravity, to one
the truth. We have here an instance of the use only; and for aught that yet appears, this is
of hypothesis in inductive inVestigation, and, in the highest point which our science is destined
deed, of the only legitimate use to which it can to reach. -
ever be applied. In consequence of supposing a greater perfec
It also appears that Bacon placed the ultimate tion in knowledge than is ever likely to be at~
object of philosophy too high, and too much out tained, Bacon appears, in some respects, to have
of the reach of man, even when his exertions misapprehended the way in which it is ultimate
are most skilfully conducted. He seems to have ly to become applicable to art. He conceives
thought, that, by giving a proper direction to that, if the form of any quality were known, we
our researches, and carrying them on according should be able, by inducing that form on any
to the inductive method, we should arrive at the body, to communicate to it the said quality. It
knowledge of the essences of the powers and is not probable, however, that this would often
qualities residing in bodies; that we should, for lead to a more easy and simple process than that
instance, become acquainted with the essence of which art has already invented. In the case of
heat, of cold, of colour, of transparency. The colour, for example, though ignorant of itsform,
fact however is, that, in as far as science has or of the construction of surface which enables
yet advanced, no one essence has been dis bodies to reflect only light of a particular spe
covered, either as to matter in general, or as to cies, yet we know how to communicate that
any of its more extensive modifications. We powar from one body to another. Nor is it
are yet in doubt, whether heat is a peculiar mo likely, though this structure were known with
tion of the minute parts of bodies, as Bacon him ever so great precision, that we should be able
self conceived it to be; or something emitted or to impart it to bodies by any means so simple
radiated from their surfaces; or lastly, the vi— and easy, as by the common process of immersing
brations of an elastic medium, by which they them in a liquid of a given colour.
are penetrated and surrounded. Yet whatever In some instances, however, the theories of
he the form or essence of heat, we have disco Chemistry have led to improvements of art very
vered a great number of its properties and its conformable to the anticipations of the Novum
laws ; and have done so, by pursuing with more Organum. A remarkable instance of this occurs
or less accuracy the metziod of induction. We in the process for bleaching, invented by Ber
have also this consolation for the imperfection thollet. It had been for some time known, that
of our3 theoretical knowledge, that, in as much the combination of the chemical principle of
as art is concerned, or the possession of power oxygen with the colouring matter in bodies,
over heat, we have perhaps all the advantages destroyed or discharged the colour; and that,
that could be obtained from a complete know in the common process of bleaching, it was
ledge of its essence. chiefly by the union of the oxygen of the air
An equal degree of mystery hangs over the with the colouring matter in the cloth that this
other properties and modifications of body; efi'ect was produced. The excellent chemist
light, electricity, magnetism, elasticity, gravity, just named conceived, therefore, that if the oxy
are all in the same circumstances; and the only gen could be presented to the cloth in a dense
advance that philosophy has made toward the state,‘and, at the same time, feebly combined
discovery of the essences of these qualities or with any other body, it might unite itself to the
substances is, by exploding some theories, rather colouring ,irfat'ter so readily, that the process of
than'by establishing any,—s0 true is Bacon’s bleaching would by that means be greatly acce
maxim, that the first steps in philosophy neces lerated. His skill in Chemistry suggested to him
sarily consist'in negative propositions. Besides a way 'which'this mightleasily be done, by
this, iri'all the'above instances thenlaws'of ac
immersing the cloth in a liquid containing much
tion have "been ascertained; the phenomena oxygen in a loose state, or one in which it was
1:155. in. PART 1. 8o
4Z4 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

slightly combined with other substances; and he could conclude nothing against what it might
the efl'ect followed so exactly, that he was able hereafter accomplish. But after his method
to perform in a few hours what required weeks, has been followed, as it has now been, with
and even months, according to the common pro greater or less accuracy, for morethan two hun
cess. This improvement, therefore, was a real dred years, circumstances are greatly changed 3
gift from the sciences to the arts; and came and the impediments which, during all that
nearly, though not altogether, up to the ideas of time, have not yielded in the least to any effort,
Bacon. I suspect not altogether, because the are perhaps never likely to be removed. This
manner in which oxygen destroys the colour of may, however, be a rash inference; Bacon, after
bodies, or alters the structure of their surfaces, all, may be in the right; and we may be judg
remains quite unknown. ing under the influence of the vulgar prejudice,
It was natural, however, that Bacon, who which has convinced men in every age, that they
studied these subjects theoretically, and saw - had nearly reached the farthest verge of human
nowhere any- practical result in which he could knowledge. This must be left for the decision
confide, should listen to the inspirations of his of posterity; and we should rejoice to think,
own genius, and ascribe to philosophy a perfec that judgment will hereafter be given against
tion which it may be destined never to attain. the opinion which at this moment appears most
He knew, that from what it had not yet done, probable.

SECTION III.

MECHANICS.

1. THEORY OF MOTION.

Barons the end of the sixteenth century, me angle to the horizon. He resolved also a great
chanical science had never gone beyond the number of other problems connected with the
problems which treat of the equilibrium of bo preceding, but, nevertheless, did not discover
dies, and had been able to resolve these accu the general principle of the composition of forces,
rately, only in the cases which can be easily re though he became acquainted with this particu
duced to the lever. Guido Ubaldi, an Italian lar case, immediately applicable to the inclined
mathematician, was among the first who at plane.
tempted to go farther than Archimedes and the The remark, that a chain laid on an inclined
ancients had done in such inquiries. In a trea plane, with a part of it hanging over at top, in
tise which bears the date of 1577, he reduced a perpendicular line, will be in equilibrio, if the
the pulley to the lever; but with respect to the two ends of the chain reach down exactly to the
inclined plane, he continued in the same error same level, led him to the conclusion, that a
with Pappus Alexandrinus, supposing that a body may be supported on such a plane by a
certain force must be applied to sustain a body, force which draws in a direction parallel to it,
even on a plane which has no inclination. and has to the weight of the body the same ratio
Stevinus, an engineer of the Low Countries, that the height of the plane has to its length.
is the first who.can be said to have passed be Though it was probably from experience that
yond the point at which the ancients had stopp Stevinus derived the knowledge of this propo—
ed, by determining accurately the force neces sition, he attempted to prove the truth of it by
sary to sustain a body on aplane inclined at any reasoning a He supposed the two ex
 DISSERTATION THIRD. " 475
.tremities of the chain, when disposed as above, plane and the screw; and has also laid down
to be connected by a part similar to the rest, this general proposition, that mechanical engines
which, therefore, must hang down, and form an make a small force equivalent to a great one,
arch. If in this state, says he, the chain were by making the former move over a greater space
to move at all, it Would continue to move for in the same time than the latter, just in propor
ever, because its situation, on the whole, never tion as it is less. No contrivance can make a
changing, if it were determined to move at one small weight put a great one in motion, but
instant, it must be so determined at every other such a one as gives to the small weight a velo
instant. Now, such perpetual motion, he adds, city which is as much greater than that of the
is impossible; and therefore the chain, as here large weight, as this last weight is greater than
supposed, with the arch hanging below, does the first. These general propositions, and their
not move. But the force of the arch below influence on the action of machinery, Galileo
draws down the ends of the chain equally, be proceeded to illustrate with that clearness, sim
cause the arch is divided in the middle or low plicity, and extent of view, in which he was
est point into two parts similar and equal. Take quite unrivalled; and hence, I think, it is fair
away these two equal forces, and the remaining to consider him as the first person to whom the
forces will also be equal; that is, the tendency of mechanical principle, since denominated that of
the chain to descend along the inclined plane, and the virtual velocities, had occurred in its full ex
the opposite tendency of the part hanging per tent. .The object of his consideration was the
pendicularly down, are equal, or are in equilibrio action of machines in motion, and not merely of
with one another. Such is the reasoning of machines in equilibrio, or at rest; and he show
'Stevinus, which, whether perfectly satisfactory ed, that if the effect of a force be estimated by
or not, must be acknowledged to be extremely the weight it can raise to a given height in a
ingenious, and highly deserving of attention, as given time, this effect can never be increased by
having furnished the first solution of a .problem, any mechanical contrivance whatsoever.
by which the progress of mechanical science had In the same treatise, he lays it down as a pos
been long arrested. The first appearance of his tulate, (supposizimw) that the effect of one heavy
solution is said to have had the date of 1585; body to turn another round a centre of motion,
but his works, as we now see them, were col is proportional to the perpendicular drawn from
lected after his death, by his countryman Albert that centre to the vertical passing through the
Girard, and published at Leyden in 1634-. 1 Some body, or in general to the direction of the force.
discoveries of Stevinus in hydrostatics will be This proposition he states without a demonstra
hereafter mentioned. tion, and passes by means of it to the oblique
The person who comes next in the history of lever, and thence to the inclined plane. To
mechanics made a great revolution in the phy speak strictly, however, the demonstrations with
sical sciences. Galileo was born at Pisa in the respect to both these last are incomplete, the
year 1564-. He early applied himself to the preceding proposition being assumed in them
study of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy; without proof. It is probable that he satisfied
and it is from the period of his discoveries that himself of the truth of it, on the principle, that
we are to date the joint application of experi the distances of forces from the centre of motion
mental and geometrical reasoning to explain the must always be measured by lines making the
phenomena of nature. same angles with their directions, and that of
.As early as 1592 he published a treatise, dcIla such lines the simplest are the perpendiculars.
Scienza lllechanica, in which he has given the His demonstration is regarded by La Grange as
theory, ngt of the lever only, but of the inclined quite satisfactory.”

‘ The edition of Albert Girard is entitled (Euvru filathémaliquu dz Stcviru, in folio. See livre i. De la Statique, theo
réme ll. Steviuus also wrote a treatise on Navi tion, which was published in Flemish m 1586, and was afterwards honour
ed with a translation into Latin, by Grotius. T e merit of Stevinus has been particuarly noticed by La Grange. (Mé
caniquc Analyliqm', tom. I. sect. 1. § 5.)
' Mécaniqua Analytique, tom. I. sect. I. § 0.
 476 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Galileo extended the theory of motion still of his original assumption, the uniformity of
farther. He had begun, while pursuing his stu their acceleration.
dies at the University of Pisa, to make experi— His next step was to determine the path of
ments on the descent of falling bodies, and dis
covered the fact, that heavy and light bodies fall
to the ground from the same height in the same
time, or in times so nearly the same that the
difference can only be ascribed to the resistance
of the air. From obsei'ving the vibrations of
the lamps in the cathedral, he also arrived at
this very important conclusion in mechanics,
that the great and the small vibrations of the
same pendulum are performed in the same time,
and that this time depends only on the length of
the pendulum. The date of these observation
goes back as far as the year 1588.
' These experiments drew upon him the dis
pleasure of his masters, who considered it as
unbecoming of their pupil to seek for truth in the
Book of Nature, rather than in the writings of
Aristotle, ' when elucidated by their commen
taries; and from that moment began the perse
cutions with which the prejudice, the jealousy,
and bigotry of his contemporaries continued to
harass or afllict this great man throughout his
whole life.
That the acceleration of falling bodies is uni
form, or, that they receive equal increments of
velocity in equal times, he appears first to have
assumed as the law which they follow, merely
on account of its simplicity. Having once as
sumed this principle, he showed, by mathema
tical reasoning, that the spaces descended through
must be as the squares of the times, and that
the space fallen through in one second is just the of Galileo extended.
half of that which the body would have described
in the same time with the velocity last acquired.
The knowledge which he already had of the
properties of the inclined plane enabled him
very readily to perceive, that a body descending
on such a plane must be uniformly accelerated,
though more slowly than when it falls directly,
and is accelerated by its whole weight. By
means of the inclined plane, therefore, he was
able to bring the whole theory of falling bodies
to the test of experiment, and to prove the truth
a heavy body, when obliquely projected. He
showed this path to be a parabola; and here,
for the first time, occurs the use of a principle
which is the same with the composition of mo
tion in its full extent. Galileo, however, gave
no name to this principle; he did not enunciate
it generally, nor did he give any demonstration
of it, though he employed it in his reasonings.
The inertia of body was assumed in the same
manner ; it was, indeed, involved in the uniform
acceleration of falling bodies; for these bodies
did not lose in one minute the motion acquired
in the preceding, but, retaining it, went on con
tinually receiving more.
The theory of the inclined plane had led to the
knowledge of this proposition, that if a circle
be placed vertically, the chords of different arches
terminating in the lowest point of the circle,
are all descended through in the same space of
time. This seemed to explain why, in a circle,
the great and the small vibrations are of equal
duration. Here, however, Galileo was under a
mistake, as the motions in the chord and in the
arch are very dissimilar. The accelerating force
in the chord remains the same from the begin
ning to the end, but in the arch it varies con
tinually, and becomes, at the lowest point, equal
to nothing. The times in the chords, and in the
arches, are therefore different, so that here we
have a point marking the greatest distance in
this quarter, to which the mechanical discoveries
The first person who in
vestigated the exact time of a vibration in an
arch of a circle was Huygens, a very profound
mathematician.
To this list of mechanical discoveries, already
so important and extensive, we must add, that
Galileo was the first who maintained the ex
istence of the law of continuity, and who made
use of it as a principle in his reasonings on the
phenomena of motion.1
The vibrations of the pendulum having sug
gested to Galileo the means of measuring time

I Opera di Galileo, tom. IV. dial. i. p. 82, Florence edition, and in many other parts.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 477
accurately, it appears certain that the idea of and its laws. The great argument to which the
applying it to the clock had also occurred to friends of the latter system naturally had re
him, and of using the chronometer so formed for course, was the impossibility, as it seemed to
finding the longitude, by means of observations them to be, of the swift motion of the earth be
made on the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter. ing able to exist, without the perception, nay,
How far he had actually proceeded in an inven even without the destruction of its inhabitants.
tion which required great practical knowledge, It was natural for the followers of Copernicus
and which afterwards did so much credit to to reply, that it was not certain that these two
Huygens, appears to be uncertain, and not now things were incompatible; that there were many
easy to be ascertained. But, that the project cases in which it appeared, that the motion
had occurred to him, and that he had taken common to a whole system of bodies did not
some steps towards realizing it, is sufficiently affect the motion of those bodies relatively to one
established. another; that the question must be more deeply
One forms, however, a very imperfect idea of inquired into; and that, without this, the evi
this philosopher, from considering the discove dence on opposite sides could not be fairly and
ries and inventions, numerous and splendid as accurately compared. Thus, it was at a very
they are, of which he was the undisputed au fortunate moment that Galileo made his disco
thor. It is by following his reasonings, and by veries in mechanics, as they were rendered
pursuing the train of his thoughts in his own more interesting by those which, at that very
elegant, though somewhat difl'use exposition of time, he himself was making in astronomy.
them, that we become acquainted with the fer The system of Copernicus had, in this manner,
tility of his genius, with the sagacity, penetra an influence on the theory of motion, and, of
tion, and comprehensiveness of his mind. The course, on all the parts of Natural Philosophy.
service which he rendered to real knowledge is The inertia of matter, or the tendency of body,
to be estimated, not only from the truths which when put in motion, to preserve the quantity
he discovered, but from the errors which he de and direction of that motion, after the cause
tected,—-not merely from the sound principles which impressed it has ceased to act, is a prin
which he established, but from the pernicious ciple which might still have been unknown, if
idols which he overthrew. His acuteness was it had not been forced upon us by the discovery
strongly displayed in the address with which he of the motion of the earth.
exposed the errors of his adversaries, and refuted The first addition which was made to the me
their opinions, by comparing one part of them chanical discoveries of Galileo was by Torricelli,
with another, and proving their extreme incon in a treatise De Motu Gravium naturaliter de
sistency. Of all the writers who have lived in scendenlium et pmjectorum.‘ To this ingenious
an age which was yet only emerging from ig man we are indebted for the discovery of a re
norance and barbarism, Galileo has most entire— markable property of the centre of gravity, and
ly the tone of true philosophy, and is most free a general principle with respect to the equi
from any contamination of the times, in taste, librium of bodies. It is this: If there be any
sentiment, and opinion. number of heavy bodies connected together, and
The discoveries of this great man concerning so circumstanced, that by their motion their
motion drew the attention of phi10sophers more centre of gravity can neither ascend nor descend,
readily, from the circumstance that the astro these bodies will remain at rest. Thimproposi
nomical theories of Copernicus had directed their tion often furnishes the means of resolving very
attention to the same subject. It had become diflicult questions in mechanics.
evident, that the great point in dispute between Descartes, whose name is so great in philoso
his system and the Ptolemaic must be finally phy and mathematics, has also a place in the
decided by an appeal to the nature of motion history of mechanical discovery. With regard

' Vim Ilalorum Illunrium, vol. I. p. 347.

 4’78 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to the action of machines, he laid down the same preservation of the same quantity of motion in
principle which Galileo had established,——that the universe, is founded on the immutability of
an equal effort is necessary to give to a weight a the Divine nature, and is an instance of the in
certain velocity, as togive to double the weight tolerable presumption which so often distinguish
the half of that velocity, and so on in proportion, ed the reasonings of this philosopher. Though
the effect being always measured by the weight the immutability of the Divine nature will
multiplied into the velocity which it receives. readily be admitted, it remains to be shown, that
He could hardly be ignorant that this proposi the continuance of the same quantity of motion
tion had been already stated by Galileo, but he in the universe is a consequence of it. This, in
has made no mention of it. He indeed always deed, cannot be shown; for that quantity, in the
afl'ected a disrespect for the reasonings and opin sense in which Descartes understood it, is so far
ions of the Italian philosopher, which has done from being preserved uniform, that it variescon
him no credit in the eyes of posterity. tinually from one instant to another. It is no
The theory of motion, however, has in some vertheless true, that the quantity of motion in
points been considerably indebted to Descartes. the universe, when rightly estimated, is inva
Though the reasonings of Galileo certainly in riable, that is, .when reduced to the direction of
volve the knowledge of the disposition which three axes at right angles to one another, and
matter has to preserve its condition either of when opposite motions are supposed to have op
rest or of rectilineal and uniform motion, the posite signs. This is a truth now perfectly un
first distinct enunciation of this law is found in derstood, and is a corollary to the equality of
the writings of the French philosopher. It is, action and reaction, in consequence of which,
however, there represented, not as mere inacti whatever motion is communicated in one direc
vity, or indifference, but as a real force, which tion, is either lost in that direction, or generated
bodies exert in order to preserve their state of in the opposite. This, however, is quite difi'er
rest or of motion; and this inaccuracy affects ent from the proposition of Descartes, and if ex
some of the reasonings concerning their action pressed in his language, would assert, not that
on one another. the sum, but that the difference of the opposite
Descartes, however, argued very justly, that motions in the universe remains constantly the
all motion being naturally rectilineal, when a ame. When he proceeds, by help of the prin
body moves in a curve, this must arise from ciple which he had thus mistaken, to determine
some constraint, or some force urging it in a the laws of the collision of bodies, his conclu
direction different from that of the first impulse, sions are almost all false, and have indeed such
and that if this cause were removed at any time, a want of consistency and analogy with one an
the motion would become rectilineal, and would other .as ought, in the eyes of a mathematician,
be in the direction of a tangent, to the curve at to have appeared the most decisive indications of
the point where the deflecting force ceased to act. error. How this escaped the penetration of a
Lastly, he taught that the quantity of motion man well acquainted with the harmony of geo~
in the universe remains always the same. metrical truths, and the gradual transitions by
The reasoning by which he supported the first which they always pass into one another, is not
and second of these propositions is not very con easily explained, and perhaps, of all his errors,
vincing; and though he might have appealed to is the least consistent with the powerful and sys
experieric'e for the truth of both, it was not in tematic genius which he is so well known to
the spirit of his philosophy to take that method have possessed.
of demonstrating its principles. His argument Thus, the obligation which the theory of mo
was, that motion is a state of body, and that tion has to this philosopher, consists in his hav
body or matter cannot change its own state. ing pointed out the nature of centrifugal force,
This was his demonstration of the first proposi and ascribed that force to the true cause, the in
tion, from which the seeond followed necessarily. ertia of body, or its tendency to uniform and
The evidence produced for the third, or the rectilineal motion.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 479
The laws which actually regulate the collision ventive, Hooke was jealous and illiberal in the
of bodies remained unknown till somevyears later, extreme; be appropriated to himself the inven~
when they were recommended by the Royal So tions of all the world, and accused all the world
ciety of London to the particular attention of its of appropriating his. _
members. Three papers soon appeared, in which It has already been observed, that Galileo
these laws were all correctly laid down, though conceived the application of the pendulum to
no one of the authors had any knowledge of the the clock earlier, by several years, than either
conclusions obtained by the other two. The first of the periods just referred to. The invention
of these was read to the Society, in November did great honour to him and to his two' rivals;
1668, by Dr Wallis of Oxford; the next by Sir but that which argues the most profound think
Christopher Wren in the month following; and er, and the most skilful mathematician of the
the third by Huygens in January 1669. The three, is the discovery of the relation between
equality of action and reaction, and the maxim, the length of the pendulum and the time of
that the same force communicates to different its vibration, and this discovery belongs ex
bodies velocities which are inversely as their clusively to Huygens. The method which he
masses, are the principles on which these inves— followed in his investigation, availing himself
tigations are founded. of the properties of the cycloid, though it be
The ingenious and profound mathematician circuitous, is ingenious, and highly instruc
last mentioned is also the first who explained tive.
the true relation between the length of a pendu An invention, in 'which Hooke has certainly
lum and the time of its least vibrations, and the priority to any one, is the application of a
gave a rule by which the time of the rectilineal spiral spring to regulate the balance of a watch.
descent, through a line equal in length to the It is well known of what practical utility this
pendulum, might from thence be deduced. He invention has been found, and how much it has
next applied the pendulum to regulate the mo contributed to the solution of the problem of
tion of a. clock, and gave an account of his finding the longitude at sea, to which not only
construction, and the principles of it, in his be, but Galileo and Huygens, appear all to have
Horologium Oscillatorium, about the year 1670, had an eye.
though the date of the invention goes as far In what respects the theory of motion, Huy
back as 1656.1 Lastly, he taught how to cor gens has still another strong claim to our notice.
rect the imperfection of a pendulum, by making This arises from his solution of the problem of
it vibrate between cycloidal checks, in conse finding the centre of oscillation of a compound
quence of which its vibrations, whether great or pendulum, or the length of the simple pendulum
small, became, not approximately, but precisely vibrating in the same time with it. \Vithout
of equal duration. the solution of this problem, the conclusions re
Robert Hooke, a. very celebrated English me specting the pendulum were inapplicable to the
chanician, laid claim to the same application of construction of clocks, in which the pendulums
the pendulum to the clock, and the same use of used are of necessity compound. The problem
the cycloidal cheeks. There is, however, no dis was by no means easy, and Huygens was oblig
pute as to the priority of Huygens’s claim, the ed to introduce a principle which had not before
invention of Hooke being as late as 1670. Of been recognised, that if the compound pendu
the cycloidal cheeks, he is not likely to have lum, after descending to its lowest point, were to
been even the second inventor. Experiment be separated into particles distinct and uncon
could hardly lead any one to this discovery, and nected with one another, and each left at liberty
he was not sufficiently skilled in the Mathema to continue its own vibration, the common centre
tics to have found it out by mere reasoning. of gravity of all those detached weights would
The fact is, that though very original and in ascend to the same height to which it would

‘ Moxrucu, tom. 11'. p. 418, 2d edit.

480 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

have ascended had they continued to constitute given, does great credit to his ingenuity. This
one body. The above principle led him to the was the most diflicult mechanical inquiry which
true solution ; and his investigation, though less preceded the invention of the differential or
satisfactory than those which have been since fluxionary calculus.

2. HYDROSTATICS.

WHILE the theory of motion, as applied to he is said to have lamented that Galileo, when
solids, was thus extended, in what related to inquiring into the cause why water does not
fluids it was making equal progress. The laws ascend in pumps above a certain height, had not
which determine the weight of bodies immersed discovered the true cause of the phenomenon.
in fluids, and also the position of bodies floating The generosity of Torricelli was perhaps rarer
on them, had been discovered by Archimedes, than his genius. There are more who might
and were further illustrated by Galileo. It had have discovered the suspension of mercury in
also been discovered by Stevinus, that the pres the barometer, than who would have been will
sure of fluids is in proportion to their depth; and ing to part with the honour of the discovery to
thus the two leading principles of hydrostatics a master or a friend.
were established. Hydraulics, or the motion of This experiment opened the door to a multi
fluids, was amattcr of more difliculty; and here tude of new discoveries, and demolished a formi
the first step is to be ascribed to Torricelli, who, dable idol, the horror of a vacuum, to which so
though younger than Galileo, was for some time much power had been long attributed, and be
his contemporary. He proved that water issues fore which even Galileo himself had condescend
from a hole in the side or bottom of a vessel, ed to bow.
with the velocity which a body would acquire by The objections which were made to the expla
falling from the level of the surface to the level nation of the suspension of the mercury in the
of the orifice. This proposition, now so well tube of the barometer, were overthrown by car
known as the basis of the whole doctrine of hy rying that instrument to the top of Puy de
draulics, was first published by Torricelli at the Ddme, an experiment suggested by Pascal. The
end of his book De Motu Gravium et Pny'ecto descent of the mercury showed, that the pressure
rum ; but it is not the greatest discovery which which supported it was less there than at the
science owes to the friend and disciple of Galileo. bottom; and it was afterwards found, that the
The latter had failed in assigning the reason fall of the mercury corresponded exactly to the
why water cannot be raised in pumps higher diminution of the length of the pressing column,
than thirty—three feet; but he had remarked, that so that it afl‘orded a measure of that diminution,
if a pump is more than thirty-three feet in and, consequently, of the heights of mountains.
length, a'vaeuum ,will be left in it. Torricelli, The invention of the air-pump by Otto Guericke,
reflecting on this, conceived, that if a heavier burgomaster of Magdeburg, quickly followed
fluid than water were used, a vacuum might be that of the barometer by Torricelli, though it
produced, in a way far shorter and more com does not appear that the invention of the Italian
pendious. He tried mercury, therefore, and philosopher was known to the German. In
made use of a glass tube about three feet long, order to obtain a space entirely void of air, Otto
open at one end, and close at the other, where Guericke filled a barrel with water, and having
it terminated in a globe. He filled this tube, closed it exactly on all sides, began to draw out
shut it with his finger, and inverted it in a basin. the water by a sucking-pump applied to the
of mercury. The ' result is well known: he lower part of the vessel. He had proceeded but
found that a column of mercury was suspended a very little way, when the air burst into the bar
in the tube, an effect which he immediately. rel with a loud noise, and its weight was proved
ascribed to the pressure of the atmosphere. So by the failure of the experiment, as efl'ectually
disinterested was this philosopher, however, that as it could have been by its success. After some
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 481
other trials, which also failed, he thought of em city of the air in a variety of new lights,—they
ploying a sphere of glass, when the experiment made known the power of air to dissolve water,
succeeded, and a vacuum was obtained. This 8w. Boyle had great skill in contriving, and
was about the year 1654-. great dexterity in performing experiments. He
The elasticity of the air, as well as its weight, had, indeed, very early applied himself to the
now became known; its necessity to combus prosecution of experimental science, and was
tion, and the absorption of a certain proportion one of the members of the small but distin
of it, during that process; its necessity for con guished body who, during the civil wars, held
veying sound ;—all these things were clearly de private meetings for cultivating natural know
monstrated. The necessity of air to the respi ledge, on the plan of Bacon. They met first in
ration of animals required no proof from experi London, as early as 1645, afterwards at Oxford,
ment; but the sudden extinction of life, by im taking the name of the Pbilosophic College. Of
mersion in a vacuum, was a new illustration of them, when Charles the Second ascended the
the fact. throne, was formed the Royal Society of Lon
The first considerable improvements made on don, incorporated by letters patent in 1662.
the air-pump are due to Mr Boyle. He substi No one was more useful than Boyle in commu
tuted to the glass globe of Otto Guericke a re nicating activity and vigour to the new institu
ceiver of a more commodious form, and con tion. A real lover of knowledge, he was most
structed his pump so as to be worked with much zealous in the pursuit of it; and having tho
more facility. His experiments were farther roughly imbibed the spirit of Bacon, was an
extended,-—-they placed the weight and elasti avowed enemy to the philosophy of Aristotle.

SECTION IV.

ASTRONOMY.

l. ANCIENT ASTRONOMY.

IT has already been remarked, that the an press the positions of the heavenly bodies, rela
cients made more considerable advances in as tively to a given plane in fauctions of the time.
tronomy than in almost any other of the physi The problem, thus generally enunciated, com
cal sciences. They applied themselves diligently prehends all that is usually called by the name
to observe the heavens, and employed mathema of descriptive or mathematical astronomy.
tical reasoning to connect together the insulated The explanation of the celestial motions, which
facts, which are the only objects of direct ob naturally occurred to those who began the study
servation. The astronomer discovers nothing of the heavens, was, that the stars are so many
by help of his instruments, but that, at a given luminous points fixed in the surface of a sphere,
instant, a certain luminous point has a particu having the earth in its centre, and revolving on
lar position in the heavens. The application of an axis paSsing through that centre in the space
mathematics, and particularly of spherical trigo of twenty-four hours. iVhen it was observed
nometry, enables him to trace out the precise that all the stars did not partake of this diurnal
track of this luminous spot; to discover the rate motion in the same degree, but that some were
of its motion, whether varied or uniform; and carried slowly towards the east, and that their
thus to resolve the first great problem which paths estimated in that direction, after certain
the science of astronomy involves, viz. to ex intervals of time, returned into themselves, it
mss. In. PART 1. 3P
482 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

was believed that they were fixed in the sur the second towards the west. In this way, the
faces of spheres, which revolved westward more alterations from progressive to retrograde, with
slowly than the sphere of the fixed stars. These the intermediate stationary points, were readily
spheres must he transparent, or made of some explained; and Apollonius carried his investiga
crystalline substance; and hence the name of the tion so far as to determine the ratio between the
crystalline spheres, by which they are distin radius of the deferent and that of the epicycle,
guished. This system, though it grew more from knowing the stations and retrogradations
complicated in proportion to the number and of any particular planet.
variety of the phenomena observed, was the An object, which was then considered as of
system of Aristotle and Eudoxus, and, with a few great importance to astronomy, was thus accom
exceptions, of all the philosophers of antiquity. plished, viz. the production of a variable motion,
But when the business of observation came or one which was continually changing both its
to be regularly pursued,—-when Timocharis and rate and its direction from two uniform circular
Aristillus, and their succesors in the Alexan motions, each of which preserved always the
drian school, began to study the phenomena of same quantity and the same direction.
the heavens,—little was said of these orbs; and It was not long before another application was
astronomers seemed only desirous of ascertain made of the method of epicycles. Hipparchus,
ing the laws or the general facts concerning the the greatest astronomer of antiquity, and one of
planetary motions. the inventors in science most justly entitled to
To do this, however, without the introduction admiration, discovered the inequality of the sun’s
of hypothesis, was certainly difficult, and pro apparent motion round the earth. To explain
bably was then impossible. The simplest and or to express this irregularity, the same observer
most natural hypothesis was, that the planets imagined an epicycle of a small radius with its
moved eastward in circles, and at a uniform centre moving uniformly in the circumference
rate. But when it was found that, instead of of a large circle, of which the earth was the
moving uniformly to the eastward, every one of centre, while the sun revolved in the circumfer
them was subject to great irregularity, the mo ence of the small circle with the same angular
tion eastward becoming at certain periods slower, velocity as this last, but in a contrary direction.
and at length vanishing altogether, so that the As other irregularities in the motions of the
planet became stationary, and afterwards ac moon and of the planets were observed, other
quiring a motion in the contrary direction, pro epicycles were introduced; and Ptolemy, in his
ceeded for a time toward the west, it was far Almagest, enumerated all which then appeared
from obvious how all these appearances could be necessary, and assigned to them such dimensions
reconciled with the idea of a uniform circular as enabled them to express the phenomena with
motion. accuracy. It is not to be denied that the sys
.The solution of this difliculty is ascribed to tem of the heavens became in this way extreme
Apollonius Pergaaus, one of the greatest geome ly complicated; though, when fairly examined,
ters of antiquity. He conceived, that in the it will appear to be a work of great ingenuity
circumference of a circle, having the earth for and research. The ancients, indeed, may be re
its centre, there moved the centre of another garded as very fortunate in the contrivance of
circle, in the circumference of which the planet epicycles, because, by means of them, every in
actually revolved. The first of these circles was equality which can exist in the angular motion
called the defermt, and the second the epicycle, of a planet may be at least nearly represented.
and the motionnin the circumference of each
This I call fortunate, because, at the time when
was supposed uniform. Lastly, it was conceived Apollonius introduced the epicycle, he had no
that the motion of the centre of the epicycle in idea of the extent to which his contrivance would
the circumference of the deferent, and of the go, as he could have none of the conclusions
planet in that of the epicycle, were in opposite which the author of the llfécam'que Celeste was
directions, the first being towards the east, and to deduce from the principle of gravitation.
\
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 483
The same contrivance had another great ad Greek word, which is always a part of the verb
vantage; it subjected the motions of the sun, the rugs”, or some of its compounds. Thus, in treat
moon, and the planets, very readily to a geome ing of certain phenomena in the moon’s motion,
trical construction, or an arithmetical calcula he lays down two hypotheses, by either of which
tion, neither of them ditiicult. By this means they may be expressed; and he concludes, “in
the predictions of astronomical phenomena, the this way the similitude of the ratios, and the pro
calculation of tables, and the comparison of portionality of the times, will be saved (dlao'wcmrn)
those tables with observation, became matters on both suppositions.” 1 It is plain, from these
of great facility, on which facility, in a great words, that the astronomer did not here consi
measure, the progress of the science depended. der himself as describing any thing which ac
It was on these circumstances, much more than tually existed, but as explaining two artifiees,
on the simplicity with which it amused or de by either of which, certain irregularities in the
ceived the imagination, that the popularity of moon’s motion may be represented, in consist
this theory was founded,—-the ascendant which ence with the principle of uniform velocity. The
it gained over the minds of astronomers, and the hypothesis does not relate to the explanation,
resistance which, in spite of facts and observa but merely to the expression of the fact; it is
tions, it was so long able to make to the true first assumed, and its merit is then judged of
system of the world. synthetically, by its power to save, to reconcile,
It does not appear that the ancient astrono or to represent appearances. At a time when
mers ever considered the epicycles and deferents the mathematical sciences extended little beyond
which they employed in their system as having the elements, and when problems which could
a physical existence, or as serving to explain the not be resolved by circles and straight lines
causes of the celestial motions. They seem to could hardly be resolved at all, such artifices as
have considered them merely as mathematical the preceding were of the greatest value. They
diagrams, serving to express or to represent those were even more valuable than the truth itself
motions as geometrical expressions of certain would have been in such circumstances; and
general facts, which readily furnished the rules nothing is more certain than that the real
of astronomical calculation. elliptical orbits of the planets, and the uni
The language in which Ptolemy speaks of the form deseription of areas, would have been
epicycles is not a little curious, and very con very unseasonable discoveries at the period
formable to the notion, that he considered them we are now treating of. The hypotheses of epi
as merely the means of expressing a general law. cycles and of centres of uniform motion were
After laying down the hypothesis of certain epi well accommodated to the state of science,
cycles, and their dimensions, it is usual with him and are instances of a false system which has
to add, “ these suppositions will save the pheno materially contributed to the establishment of
mena.” Sa've is the literal translation of the truth.

' Mathematics Syntaxir, lib. iv. p. 223 of the Paris edition.-_Milton, the extent and accuracy of whose eruditicn can
never be too much admired, had probably in view this phraseelogy of Ptolemy, when he wrote the following lines:
....... ..IIe his fabric of the Heavens
Hath left to their disputes, perhaps to move
His laughter at their quaint opinions wide
Hereafter, when they come to model Heaven
And calculate the stars, how they will wield
The mighty frame, how build, unbuild, contrive
To save appearances, how gird the 5 here
“'ith centrick and eccentrick scribbled o'er,
Cycle and epicvcle, orb in orb. '
The obsolete verb to mice is employed by Bacon, and many others of the old English writers, in the same sense with 24m
in the work of Ptolem here referred to. “ The schOolmen were like the astronomers, who, to mlw phenomena, framed to
their conceit eccentri s and epicycles; so they, to mlve the practice of the church, had devised a great number of strange
positions.“ (Breeze)
 484 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

2. COPERNICUS AND TYCIIO.

ON the revival of learning in Europe, astro Two of the men who, in the fifteenth century,
nomy was the first of the sciences which was re contributed the most to the advancement of as
generated. Such, indeed, is the beauty and tronomical science, Purbach and Regiomonta
usefulness of this branch of knowledge, that, in nus, were distinguished also for their general
the thickest darkness of the middle ages, the knowledge of the Mathematics. Purbach was
study of it was never entirely abandoned. In fixed at Vienna by the patronage of the Em
those times of ignorance, it also derived addi peror Frederick the Third, and devoted himself
tional credit from the assistance which it seem to astronomical observation. He published a
ed to give to an imaginary and illusive science. new edition of the Almagesl, and, though he
Astrology, which has exercised so durable and neither understood Greek nor Arabic, his know
extensive a dominion over the human mind, is ledge of the subject enabled him to make it
coiéval with the first observations of astronomy. much more perfect than any of the former trans
In the middle ages, remarkable for the mixture lations. He is said to have been the first who
of a few fragments of knowledge and truth in a applied the plummet to astronomical instru
vast mass of ignorance and error, it was assi ments ; but this must not be understood strictly,
duously cultivated, and, in conjunction with for some of Ptolemy’s instruments, the parallac
alchemy and magic, shared the favour of the tic for instance, were placed perpendicularly by
people, and the patronage of the great. During the plumb-line.
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, it was Regiomontanus was the disciple of Purbacb,
taught in the universities of Italy, and professors and is still more celebrated than his master. He
were appointed, at Padua and Bologna, to in was a man of great learning and genius, most
struct their pupils in the influence of the stars. ardent for the advancement of knowledge, and
Everywhere through Europe the greatest respect particularly devoted to astronomy. To him we
. was shown for this system of imposture; and owe the introduction of decimal fractions, which
they who saw the deceit most clearly, could not completed our arithmetical notation, and form
always avoid the disgrace of being the instru ed the second of the three steps by which, in
ments. of it. Astronomy, however, profited by modern times, the science of numbers has been
the illusion, and was protected for the great as so greatly improved.
sistance which it seemed to afford to a science In the list of distinguished astronomers, the
more important than itself. name of Copernicus comes next, and stands at
Of those whov cultivated astronomy, many the head of those men who, bursting the fetters
were infected by this weakness, though some of prejudice and authority, have established
were completely superior to it. Alphonso, the truth on the basis of experience and observation.
King of Castile, was among the latter. He He was born at Thorn in Prussia, in 1473; he
flourished about the middle of the thirteenth studied at the University of Cracow, being in
century, and was remarkable for such freedom tended at first for a physician, though be after
of thought, and such boldness of language, as it wards entered into the church. A decided taste
required his royal dignity to protect. He ap for astronomy led him early to the study of the
plied himself diligently to the study of astrono science in which he was destined to make such
my; be perceived the inaccuracy of Ptolemy’s an entire revolution; and as soon as he found him
tables, and endeavoured to correct their errors self fixed and independent, he became a diligent
by new tables of his own. These, in the course and careful observer.
of the next age, were found to have receded from It would be in the highest degree interesting
the heavens, and it became more and more evi to know by what steps he was led to conceive
dent that astronomers had not yet discovered the bold system which removes the earth from
the secret of the celestial motions. the centre of the world, and ascribes to it a two
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 485
fold motion. It is probable that the complica the clouds which in that age hung over the hu
tion of so many epicyclcs and dcferents as were man mind, and that the unfounded distinctions
necessary, merely to express the laws of the of the Aristotelian Physics sometimes afforded
planetary motions, had induced him to think of arguments equally fallacious to him and to his
all the possible suppositions which could be em adversaries. One of his most remarkable physi
ployed for the same purpose, in order to discover cal mistakes was his misconception with respect
which of them was the simplest. to the parallelism of the earth’s axis; to account
It appears extraordinary, that so natural a for which, he thought it necessary to assume, in
thought should have occurred, at so late a period, addition to the earth’s rotation on an axis, and
for the first, or nearly for the first time. We revolution round the sun, the existence of a third
are assured by Copernicus himself, that one of motion altogether distinct from either of the
the first considerations which offered itself to others. In this he was mistaken; the axis na
his mind, was the effect produced by the motion turally retains its parallelism, and it would re
of a spectator, in transferring that motion to quire the action of a force to make it do other
the objects observed, but ascribing to it an op wise. This, as Kepler afterwards remarked, is
posite direction.‘ From this principle it imme a consequence of the inertia of matter; and, for
diately followed, that the rotation of the earth that reason, he very justly accused Copernicus
on an axis, from west to east, would produce the of not being fully acquainted with his own
apparent motion of the heavens in the direction riches.
from east to west. The first edition of the Aslnmomia Instaurala,
In considering some of the objections which the publication of which was solicited by Cardi
might be made to the system of the earth’s mo nal Schoenberg, and the book itself dedicated to
tion, Copernicus reasons with great soundness, the Pope, appeared in 1543, a few days before
though he is not aware of the full force of his the death of the author. Throughout the whole
own argument. Ptolemy had alleged, that if book, the new doctrine was advanced with great
the earth were to revolve on its axis, the violence caution, as if from a presentiment of the opposi
of the motion would be sufficient to tear it in tion and injustice which it was one day to ex
pieces, and to dissipate the parts. This argu perience. At first, however, the system attract
ment, it is evident, proceeds on a confused notion ed little notice, and was rejected by the greater
of a centrifugal force, the effect of which the part even of astronomers. It lay fermenting in
Egyptian astronomer overrated, as much as he secret with other new discoveries for more than
undervalued the firmness and solidity of the fifty years, till, by the exertions of Galileo, it
earth. Why, says Copernicus, was he not more was kindled into so bright a flame as to consume
alarmed for the safety of the heavens, if the diur the philosophy of Aristotle, to alarm the hierar
nal revolution be ascribed to them, as their mo chy of Rome, and to threaten the existence of
tion must be more rapid, in proportion as their every opinion not founded on experience and
magnitude is greater ? The argument here sug observation.
gested, now that we know howto measure centri , After Copernicus, Tycho Brahé was the most
fugal force, and to compare it with others, carries distinguished astronomer of the sixteenth centu
demonstrative evidence with it; because that ry. An eclipse of the sun which he witnessed
force, if the diurnal revolution were really per in 1560, when he was yet a very young man,
formed by the heavens, would be such as the by the exactness with which it‘answcred to the
forces which hold together the frame of the ma prediction, impressed him with the greatest re'
terial world would be wholly unable to resist. verence for a science which could see so far and
There are, however, in the reasonings of Co so distinctly into the future; and from that mo
pernicus, some unsound parts, which show, that ment he was seized with the strongest desire of
the power of his genius was not able to dispel all becoming acquainted with it. Here, indeed, was

' Altrwwmia Irulaurala, lib. i. cap. v.

 486 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

called into action a propensity nearly allied both The great difiiculty in the execution of this
to the strength and the weakness of the mind of work arose from the want of a direct and easy
this extraordinary man; the same that attached method of ascertaining the distance of one heav
him, on one hand, to the calculations of astrono enly body due east or west of another. The
my, and, on the other, to the predictions of judi distance north or south, either from one another
cial astrology. or from a fixed plane, that of the equator, was
In yielding himself up, however, to his love easily determined by the common method of
of astronomy, he found that he had several difii meridian altitudes, the equator being a plane
culties to overcome. He belonged to a class in which, for any given place on the earth’s sur
society elevated, in the opinion of that age, above face, retains always the same position. But no
through
the pursuit of knowledge, and jealous of the pri plane the poles,
extending retains
from northa tofixed position
south, or with
vilege of remaining ignorant with impunity.
Tycho was of a noble family in Denmark, so respect to an observer; and, therefore, the same
that it required all the enthusiasm and firmness way of measuring distances from such a plane
inspired by the love of knowledge, to set him cannot be applied. The natural substitute is
above the prejudices of hereditary rank, and the the measure of time; the interval between the
opposition of his relations. He succeeded, how passage of two stars over the meridian, bear
ever, in these objects, and also in obtaining the ing the same proportion to twenty-four hours,
patronage of the King of Denmark, by which he that the arch which measures their distance
was enabled to erect an observatory, and form an perpendicular to the meridian, or their dif
establishment in the island of Huen, such as ference of right ascension, does to four right
' had never yet been dedicated to astronomy. angles.
The instruments were of far greater size, more An accurate measure of time, therefore, would
skilfully contrived, and more nicely divided, answer the purpose; but such a measure no more
than any that had yet been directed to the existed in the age of Tycho, than it had done in
heavens. By means of them, Tycho could mea the days of Hipparchus or Ptolemy. These an
sure angles to ten seconds, which may be ac cient astronomers determined the longitude of
counted sixty times the accuracy of the instru the fixed stars by referring their places to those
ments of Ptolemy, or of any that had belonged of the moon, the longitude of which, for a given
to the school of Alexandria. time, was known from the theory of her motions.
Among the improvements which he made in Thus they were forced to depend on the most
the art of astronomical observation, was that of irregular of all the bodies in the heavens, for
verifying the instruments, or determining their ascertaining the positions of the most fixed,
errors by actual observation, instead of trusting, those which ought to have been the basis of the
as had been hitherto done, to the supposed infal former, and of so many other determinations.
libility of the original construction. Tycho made use of the planet Venus instead of
One of the first objects to which the Danish the moon; and his method, though more tedious,
astronomer applied himself, was the formation was more accurate than that of the Greek astron
of a new catalogue of the fixed stars. That omers. His catalogue contained the places of
which was begun by Hipparchus, and continued ‘77"! fixed stars.
by Ptolemy, did not give the places of the stars The irregularities of the moon’s motions were
with an accuracy nearly equal to that which the his next subjects of inquiry. The ancients had
new instruments were capable of reaching; and discovered the inequality of that planet depend
it was, besides, desirable to know whether the ing on the eccentricity of the orbit, the same
lapse of twelve centuries had produced any un which is now called the equation of the centre.1
foreseen changes in the heavens. Ptolemy had added the knowledge of another

‘ The allowance made for any such equality, when the place of a planet is to be computed for a given time, is called an
equation in the language of astronomy.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 481
inequality in the moon’s motion, to which the ting, the sun was raised above the horizon by
name of the evection has been given, amounting more than its own diameter.
to an increase of the former equation at the The comet of 1570 was carefully observed by,
quarters, and a diminution of it at the times of Tycho, and gave rise to a new theory of those
new and full moon. Tycho discovered another bodies. He found the horizontal parallax to be
inequality, which is greatest at the octants, and 20’, so that the comet was nearly three times as
depends on the difference between the longitude far off as the moon. He considered comets,
of the moon and that of the sun. A fourth irre therefore, as bodies placed far beyond the reach
gularity to which the moon’s motion is subject, of our atmosphere, and moving round the sun.
depending wholly on the sun’s place, was known This was a severe blow to the Physics of Aris
to Tycho, but included among the sun’s equa totle, which regarded comets as meteors gener-v
tions. Besides, these observations made him ated in the atmosphere. His observation of the
acquainted with the changes in the inclination new star in 1572 was no less hostile to the argu
of the plane of the moon’s orbit; and, lastly, ment of the same philosopher, which maintained,
with the irregular motion of the nodes, which, that the heavens are a region in which there is
instead of being always retrograde at the same neither generation nor corruption, and in which
rate, are subject to change that rate, and even existence has neither a beginning nor an end.
to become progressive according to their situa Yet Tycho, with this knowledge of astronomy,
tion in respect of the sun. These are the only and after having made observations more nume
inequalities of the moon’s motion known before rous and accurate than all the astronomers who
the theory of Gravitation, and, except the first went before him, continued to reject the system
two, are all the discoveries of Tycho. of Copernicus, and to deny the motion of the
The atmospherical refraction, .by which the earth. He was, however, convinced that the
heavenly bodies are made to appear more ele earth is not the centre about which the planets
vated above the horizon than they really are, revolve; for he had himself observed Mars,
was suspected before the time of this astrono when in opposition, to be nearer to the earth
mer, but not known with certainty to exist. than the earth was to the sun; so that, if the
He first became acquainted with it by finding planets were ranged as in the Ptolemaic system,
that the latitude of his observatory, as deter the orbit of Mars must have been within the
mined from observations at the solstices, and orbit of the sun. He therefore imagined the
from observations of the greatest and least alti system still known by his name, according to
tudes of the circumpolar stars, always differed which the sun moves round the earth, and is at
about four minutes. The effect of refraction he the same time the centre of the planetary mo
supposed to be 84."at the horizon, and to dimi tions. It cannot be denied, that the phenomena
nish from thence upward, till at 45° it ceased purely astronomical may be accounted for on
altogether. This last supposition is erroneous, this hypothesis, and that the objections to it are
but at 45° the refraction is less than 1’, and pro rather derived from physical and mechanical
bably was not sensible in the altitudes measured considerations than from the appearances them
with his instruments, or not distinguishable selves. It is simpler than the Ptolemaic sys-_
from the errors of observation. An instrument tem, and free from its inconsistencies; but it is
which he contrived on purpose to make the re more complex than the Copernican, and in no
fraction distinctly visible, shows the scale on respect afl'ords a better explanation of the phe-.
which his observatory was furnished. It was nomena. The true place of the Tychonic sys
an equatorial circle of ten feet diameter, turn tem is between the two former; an advance be-,
ing on an axis parallel to that of the earth. With yond the one, and a step short of the other; and
the sights of this equatorial he followed the sun such, if the progress of discovery were always
on the day of the summer solstice, and found, perfectly regular, is the place which it would
that as it descended towards the horizon, it rose have occupied in the history of the science. If
above the plane of the instrument. At its set Tycho had lived before Copernicus, his system
488 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

would have been a step in the advancement of on the supposition of the earth’s motion, at the
knowledge; coming after him, it was a. step bottom of the tower, but to the west of it, the
backward. earth, during its fall, having gone eastward from
It is not to his credit as a philosopher to have under it. The followers of Copernicus were
made this retrograde movement, yet he is not not yet provided with the true answer to this
altogether without apology. The physical argu objection, viz. that the ball does actually fall at
ments in favour of the Copernican system, the bottom of the mast. It was admitted that
founded on the incongruity of supposing the it must fall behind it, because the ball was no
greater body to move round the smaller, might part of the ship, and that the motion forward
not be supposed to have much weight, in an age was not natural, either to the ship or to the
when the equality of action and reaction was ball. The stone, on the other hand, let fall
unknown, and when it was not clearly under from the top of the tower, was a part of the
stood that the sun and the planets act at all on earth, and therefore the diurnal and annual
one another. The arguments which seem, in revolutions which were natural to the earth
the judgment of Tycho, to have balanced the were also natural to the stone; the stone would
simplicity of the Copernican system, were found therefore retain the same motion with the tower,
ed on certain texts of Scripture, and on the and strike the ground preciselyat the bottom ofit.
difficulty of reconciling the motion of the earth It must he confessed, that neither of these
with the sensations which we experience at its logicians had yet thoroughly awakened from the
surface, or the phenomena which we observe, dreams of the Aristotelian metaphysics; but
the same, in all respects, as if the earth were men were now in possession of the truth, which
at rest. The experiments and reasonings of was finally to break the spell, and set the mind
Galileo had not yet instructed men in the inertia
frec from the fetters of prejudice and authority.
of matter, or in the composition of motion; and Another charge, against which it is more dificult
the followers of Copernicus reasoned on prin to defend Tycho, is his belief in the predictions of
ciples which they held in common with their astrology. He even wrote a treatise in defence of
adversaries. A ball, it was said by the latter, this imaginary art, and regulated his conduct
dropt from the mast-head of a ship under sail, continually by its precepts. Credulity, so un
does not fall at the foot of the mast, but some worthy of a man deeply versed in real science, is
what behind it; and in the same manner, a certainly to be set down less to his own account
stone dropt from a high tower would not fall, than to that of the age in which he lived.

8. KEPLER AND GALILEO.

KsPLsn followed Tycho, and in his hands planets, are the work of the same astronomer.
astronomy underwent a change only second to
that which it had undergone in the hands of
Copernicus. He was born in 1571. He early
applied himself to study and observe the heavens,
and was soon distinguished as an inventor. He
began with taking a more accurate view of
astronomical refraction than had yet been done,
and he appears to have been the first who con
ceived that there must be a certain fixed law
which determined the quantity of it, correspond
ing to every altitude, from the horizon to the
zenith. The application of the principles of op
tics to astronomy, and the accurate distinction
between the optical and real inequalities of the
It was by the views thus presented that he was
led to the method of constructing and calculating
eclipses by means of projections, without taking
into consideration the diurnal parallax. These
are valuable improvements, but they were, how
ever, obscured by the greatness of his future
discoveries.
The planes of the orbits of the planets were
naturally, in the Ptolemaic system, supposed to
pass through the earth ; and the reformation of
Copernicus did not go so far as to change the
notions on that subject which had generally been
adopted. Kepler observed that the orbits of the
planets are in planes passing through the sun,
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 489
and that, of consequence, the lines' of their and ended with rejecting every thing hypotheti
nodes all intersect in the centre of that lumi¢ cal. In this great astronomer we find genius,
nary. This discovery contributed essentially to industry, and candour, all uniting together as
those which followed. instruments of investigation.
The oppositions of the plan'ets, or their places Though the angular motion of the planet was
when they pass the meridian at midnight, ofi'er not found to be uniform, it was discovered that
the most favourable opportunities for observing a very simple law connected that motion with
them, both because they are at that time nearest the rectilineal distance from the sun, the former
to the earth, and because their places seen from being everywhere inversely as the square of
thence are the same as if they were seen from the the latter; and hence it was easy 'to prove, that
sun. The true time of the opposition had how the area described by the line drawn from the
ever been, till now, mistaken by astronomers, planet to the sun increased at a uniform rate,
who held it to be at the moment when the appa and, therefore, that any two such areas were
rent plaee of the planet was opposite to the mean proportional to the times in which they were
place of the sun. It ought, however, to have described. The picture presented of the heavens
been, when the apparent places of both were op was thus, for the first time, cleared of every
posed to one another. This reformation was thing hypothetical.
proposed by Kepler, and, though strenuously The same astronomer Was perhaps the first
resisted by Tycho, was finally received. person who conceived that there must be always
Having undertaken to examine the orbit of a law capable of being expressed by arithmetic
Mars, in which the irregularities are_most con or geometry, which connects such phenomena
siderable, Kepler discovered, by comparing to as have a physical dependence on one another.
gether seven oppositions of that planet, that its His conviction of this truth, and the delight
orbit is elliptical; that the sun is placed in one which he appears to have experienced in the
of the foci; and that there is no point round contemplation of such laws, led him to seek,
which the angular motion is uniform. In the with great eagerness, for the relation between
pursuit of this inquiry he found that the same the periodical times of the planets and their
thing is true of the earth’s orbit round the sun: distances from the sun. He seems, indeed, to
hence by analogy it was reasonable to think, have looked towards this object with such ear
that all the planetary orbits are elliptical, hav nestness, that, while it was not attained, he re
ing the sun in their common focus. garded all his other discoveries as incomplete.
The industry and patience of Kepler, in this He at last found, infinitely to his satisfaction,
investigation, were not less remarkable than his that in any two planets the squares of the times
ingenuity and invention. Logarithms were not of the revolution are as the cubes of their mean
yet known, so that arithmetical computation, distances from the sun. This beautiful and
when pushed to great accuracy, was carried on simple law had a value beyond what Kepler
at a vast expense of time and labour. In the could possibly conceive; yet a sort of scientific
calculation of every opposition of Mars, the instinct instructed him in its great importance.
work filled ten folio pages, and Kepler repeated He has marked the year and the day when it
each calculation ten times, so that the whole became known to him; it was on the 8th of
work for each opposition extended to one hun May 1618; and perhaps philosophers will agree
dred such pages: seven oppositions thus calcu that there are few days in the scientific history
lated produced a large folio volume. of the world which deserve so well to be remem
In these calculations the introduction of hy bered.
potheses was unavoidable, and Kepler’s candour These great discoveries, however, were not
- in rejecting them, whenever they appeared er much attended to by the astronomers of that
roneous, without any other regret than for the period, or by those who immediately followed.
time which they had cost him, cannot be suffi They were but little considered by Gassendi,—
ciently admired. He began with hypothesis, they were undervalued by Riccioli,—-and were
mss. Ill. PART I. 39
'

490 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

never mentioned by Descartes. It was an ho straight line by the action of some cause, not
nour reserved for Newton to estimate them at residing in itself. Thus he prepared the way
their true value. for physical astronomy, and in these ideas he
Indeed the discoveries of Kepler were at first was earlier than Descartes.
so far from being duly appreciated, that they The discoveries of Kepler were secrets extort
were objected to, not for being false, but for of ed from nature by the most profound and labo
fering to astronomers, in the calculation of the rious research. The astronomical discoveries of
place of a planet in its orbit, a problem too dif Galileo, more brilliant and imposing, were made
ficult to be resolved by elementary geometry. at a far less expense of intellectual labour. By
To cut the area of a semi-ellipsis in a given ratio this it is not meant to say that Galileo did not
by a line drawn through the focus, is the geo possess, and did not exert, intellectual powers of
metrical problem into which he shoWed that the the very highest order; but it was less in his
above inquiry ultimately resolved. As if he had astronomical discoveries that he had occasion to
been answerable for the proceedings of nature, exert them, than in those which concerned the
the difiiculty of this question was considered as theory of motion. The telescope, turned to the
an argument against his theory, and he himself heavens for the first time, in the hands of a man
seems somewhat to have felt it as an objection, far inferior to the Italian philosopher, must have
especially when he found that the best solution unfolded a series of wonders to astonish and
he could obtain was no more than an approxi delight the world.
mation. With all his power of invention, Kep It was in the year 1609 that the news of a
ler was a mathematician inferior to many of discovery, made in Holland, reached Galileo,
that period; and though he displayed great abi viz. that two glasses had been so combined as
lity in the management of this difficult investi greatly to magnify the objects seen through them.
gation, his solution fell very far short of the More was not told, and more was not necessary
simplicity which it was afterwards found ca to awaken a mind abundantly alive to all that
pable of attaining. ' interested the progress either of science or of art.
In addition to all this, he rendered another Galileo applied himself to try various combina
very important service to the science of astro tions of lenses, and he quickly fell on one which
nomy and to the system of Copernicus. Coper made objects appear greater than when seen by
nicus, it has been already mentioned, had sup the naked eye, in the proportion of three to one.
posed that a force was necessary to enable the He soon improved on this construction, and
earth to preserve the parallelism of its axis du found one which magnified thirty-two times,
ring its revolution round the sun. He imagined, nearly as much as the kind of telescope he used
therefore, that a third motion belonged to the is capable of. That telescope was formed of two
earth, and that, besides turning on its axis and lenses; the lens next the object convex, the other
revolving round the sun, it had another move concave; the objects were presented upright,
ment by which its axis was preserved always and magnified in their lineal dimensions in the
equally inclined to the ecliptic. Kepler was the proportion just assigned.
first to observe that this third motion was quite Having tried the effect of this combination on
superfluous, and that the parallelism of the terrestrial objects, he next directed it to the
earth’s axis, in order to be preserved, required moon. What the telescope discovers on the
nothing but the absence of all force, as it neces ever-varying face of that luminary, is now well
sarily proceeded from the inertia of matter, and known, and needs not to be described; but the
its tendency to persevere in a state of uniform sensations which the view must have communi
motion; "Kepler had a clear idea of the inertia cated to the philosopher who first beheld it, may
of‘body; he was the first who employed the be conceived more easily than expressed. To
term; and, considering all motion as naturally the immediate impression which they made upon
rectilineal, he concluded that when a body moves the sense, to the wonder they excited in all who
in a curve, it' is drawn or forced out of the saw them, was added the proof, which, on re
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 491

flection, they afi'orded, of the close resemblance such regular periods of return as could be de
between the earth and the celestial bodies, whose rived only from the motion of the disk itself;
divine nature had been so long and so errone and thus the sun’s revolution on his axis, and
ously contrasted with the ponderous and opaque the time of that revolution, were clearly ascer
substance of our globe. The earth and the planets tained. . a
were now proved to be bodies of the same kind, ‘ This succession of noble discoveries, the most
and views were entertained of the universe, splendid, probably, which it ever fell to the lot
more suitable to the simplicity and the magni of one individual to make, in a better age would
ficence of nature. have entitled its author to the admiration and
When the same philosopher directed his tele gratitude of the whole scientific world, but was
scope to the fixed stars, if he was disappointed now viewed from several quarters with suspicion
at finding their magnitudes not increased, he was and jealousy. The ability and success with
astonished and delighted to find them multiplied which Galileo had laboured to overturn the doc
in so great a degree, and such numbers brought trines of Aristotle and the schoolmen, as well as
into view, which were invisible to the naked eye. to establish the motion of the earth and the im
In Jupiter he perceived a large disk, approach mobility of the sun, had excited many enemies.
ing in size to the moon. Near it, as he saw it There are always great numbers who, from
for the first time, were three luminous points habit, indolence, or fear, are the determined sup
ranged in a straight line, two of them on one porters of what is established, whether in prac
side of the planet, and one on the other. Thi tice or in opinion. To these the constitution of
occasioned no surprise, for they might be small the universities of Europe, so entirely subjected
stars not visible to the naked eye, such as he to the church, had added a numerous and learn
had already discovered in great numbers. By ed phalanx, interested to preserve the old sys
observing them, however, night after night, he tems, and to resist all innovations which could
found these small stars to be four in number, endanger their authority or their repose. The
and to be moons or satellites, accompanying church itself was roused to action, by reflecting
Jupiter, and revolving round him, as the moon that it had staked the infallibility of its judg
revolves round the earth. ments on the truth of the very opinions which
The eclipses of these satellites, their conjunc were now in danger of being overthrown. Thus
tions with the planet, their disappearance behind was formed a vast combination of men, not very
his disk, their periodical revolutions, and the scrupulous about the means which they used to
very problem of distinguishing them from one annoy their adversaries : the power was entirely "\

another, offered, to an astronomer, a series of in their hands, and there was nothing but truth
new and interesting observations. and reason to be opposed to it.
In Saturn he saw one large disk, with two The system of Copernicus, however, while it
smaller ones very near it, and diametrically op remained obscure, and known only to astrono
posite, and always seen in the same places; but mers, created no alarm in the church. It had
more powerful telescopes were required before even been ushered into the world at the solici
these appearances could be interpreted. tation of a cardinal, and under the patronage of
The horned figure of Venus, and thc gibbosi the Pope; but when it became more popular,
ty of Mars, added to the evidence of the Coper when the ability and acuteness of Galileo were
nican system, and verified the conjectures of its enlisted on its side, the consequences became
author, who had ventured to say, that, if the alarming; and it was determined to silence by
sense of sight were sufliciently powerful, we force an adversary who could not he put down
should see Mercury and Venus exhibiting phases by argument. His Dialogues contained a full
similar to those of the moon. exposition of the evidence of the earth’s motion,
The spots of the sun derived an interest from and set forth the errors of the old, as well as the
their contrast with the luminous disk over which discoveries of the new philosophy, with great
they seemed to pass. They were found to have force of reasoning, and with the charms of the
I
 492 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

most lively eloquence. They are written, in imprisonment, though the sentence was after
deed, with such singular felicity, that one reads wards mitigated, and he was allowed to return
tham at the present day, when the truths con to Florence.1 The Court of Rome was very
tained in them are known and admitted, with careful to publish this second reeantation all
all the delight of novelty, and feels one’s self over Europe, thinking, no doubt, that it was ad
carried back to the period when the telescope ministering a complete antidote to the belief of
was first directed to the heavens, and when the the Copernican system. The sentence, indeed,
earth’s motion, with all its train of consequences, appears to have pressed very heavily on Galileo’s
was proved for the first time. The author of mind, and he never afterwards either talked or
such a work could not be forgiven. Galileo, ac wrote'on the subject of astronomy. Such was
cordingly, was twice brought before the Inqui the triumph of his enemies, on whom ample
sition. The first time a council of seven ear vengeance would have long ago been executed,
dinals pronounced a sentence which, for the if the indignation and contempt of posterity
sake of those disposed to believe that power can could reach the mansions of the dead.
subdue truth, ought never to be forgotten: Conduct like this, in men professing to be the
“ That to maintain the sun to be immovable, ministers of religion and the guardians of truth,
and without local motion, in the‘centre of the can give rise to none but the most painful re
world, is an absurd proposition, false in philo flections. That an aged philosopher should be
sophy, heretical in religion, and contrary to the forced, laying his hand on the sacred Scriptures,
testimony of Scripture. That it is equally ab to disavow opinions which he could not cease to
surd and false in philosophy to assert that the held without ceasing to think, was as much a
earth is not immovable in the centre of the profanation of religion as a violation of truth
world, and, considered theologically, equally er and justice. Was it the act of hypocrites, who
roneous and heretica .” considered religion as a state engine, or of bigots,
These seven theologians might think them long trained in the art of believing without evi
selves oflieially entitled to decide on what was dence, or even in opposition to it? These ques
heretical or orthodox in faith; but, that they tions it were unnecessary to resolve; but one
should determine what was true or false in phi conclusion cannot be denied, that the indiscreet
losophy, was an insolent invasion of a territory defenders of religion have often proved its worst
into which they had no right to enter, and is a enemies.
proof how ready men are to suppose themselves At length, however, by the improvements,
491
wise, merely because they happen to be power the discoveries, and the reasonings, first of Kep
ful. At this time a promise was extorted from ler, and then of Galileo, the evidence of the C0
Galileo,-that he would not teach the doctrine of pcrniean system was fully developed, and no
the earth’s motion, either by speaking or by thing was wanting to its complete establishment
writing. To this promise he did not conform. but time suflicient to allow opinion to come gra—
His third dialogue, published, though not till long dually round, and to give men an opportunity
afterwards, contained such a full display of the of studying the arguments placed before them.
beauty and simplicity of the new system, and such Of the adherents of the old system, many had
an exposure of the inconsistencies of Ptolemy and been too long habituated to it to change their
Tycho, as completed the triumph of Copernicus. views; but as they disappeared from the scene,
In the year 1633, Galileo, now seventy years they were replaced by young astronomers, not
old, being brought before the Inquisition, was under the influence of the same prejudices, and
forced solemnly to disavow his belief in the eager to follow doctrines which seemed to offer
earth’s motion; and condemned to perpetual so many new subjects of investigation. In the

l He was thrown into prison previously to his trial, and attempts were made to render him obnoxious to the people.
From the text of a priest who preached against him, we may judge of the wit and the sense with which this persecution was
conducted: Viri Galiltri, quid static in calum :mpicienm .9
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 493
next generation the systems of Ptolemy and The light thus struck out darted its rays into
Tycho had no followers. regions the most remote from physical inquiry.
It was not astronomy alone which was be When men saw opinions entirely disproved,
nefited by this revolution, and the discussions which were sanctioned by all antiquity, and by
to which it had given rise. A new light, as al the authority of the greatest names, they began
ready remarked, was thrown on the physical to have different notions of the rules of evi
world, and the curtain was drawn aside which dence, of the principles of philosophic inquiry,
had so long concealed the great experiment, by and of the nature of the mind itself. It ap
which nature herself manifests, at every in peared that science was destined to be continu
stant, the inertia of body, and the composition ally progressive; provided it was taken for
of forces. To reconcile the real motion of the an inviolable maxim, that all opinion must
earth with its appearance of rest and with our be ultimately amenable to experience and obser
feeling of its immobility, required such an exa vation.
mination of the nature of motion as discovered, It was no slight addition to all these advan
if not its essence, at least its most general and tages, that, in consequence of the discussions
fundamental properties. The whole science of from which Galileo had unhappily been so great
rational mechanics profited, therefore, essential a sufferer, the line was at length definitely drawn
ly by the discovery of the earth’s motion. which was to separate the provinces of faith and
A great barrier to philosophic improvement philosophy from one another. It became a prin
had arisen from the separation so early made, ciple, recognised on all hands, that revelation,
and so strenuously supported in the ancient not being intended to inform men of those
systems, between terrestrial and celestial sub things which the unassisted powers of their own
stances, and between the laws which regulate understanding would in time be able to discover,
motion on the earth and in the heavens. This had, in speaking of such matters, employed the
barrier was now entirely removed; the earth language and adopted the opinions of the times;
was elevated to the rank of a planet; the planets and thus the magic circle, by which the priest
were reduced to the condition of earths; and by had endeavow'ed to circumscribe the inquiries
this mutual approach, the same rules of inter of the philosopher, entirely disappeared. The
pretation became applicable to the phenomena ' reformation in religion which was taking place
of both. Principles derived from experiments about the same time, and giving such energy to
on the earth, became guides for the analysis of the human mind, contributed to render this
the heavens; and men were now in a situation emancipation more complete, and to reduce the
to undertake investigations, which the most exorbitant pretensions of the Remish church.
hardy adventurer in science could not before have The prohibition against believing in the true
dared to imagine. Philosophers had ascended system of the world either ceased altogether, or
to the knowledge of the affinities which pervade was reduced to an empty form, by which the
all nature, and which mark so strongly both afl'ectation of infallibility still preserves the me
the wisdom and unity of its author. mory of its errors.1

5.. nsscxn'rss, HUYGENS, &c.

DESCARTES flourished about this period, and or who formed the great and philosophic con
has the merit of being the first who undertook ception of reducing all the phenomena of the
to give an explanation of the celestial motions, universe to the same law. The time was now

_1 The learned fathers who have, with so much ability, commented on the Principia of Newton, have prefixed to the
third book this remarkable declaration : “ Newtonus in hoc tcrtio lihro telluris mote hypothesin sssumit. Auctoris pro
posrtiones‘shter explicari non poterant, nisi cadem facts hypothesi. Hinc alienam coacti sumus gercre personnm. L‘elnum
lati: a mmmi: Pontificihus conlm tcIIuri: motum Dccrcti: no: obsequi prqfifrmur.” There is an nrchness in the last sentence,
that looks as if the authors wanted to convey meanings that would ditfer according to the orthodoxy of the readers.
494 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

arrived when, from the acknowledged assimila which circulates with great rapidity and great
tion of the planets to the earth, this might be centrifugal force, the denser bodies, which have
undertaken with some reasonable prospect of less rapidity and less centrifugal force, are
success. No such attempt had hitherto been forced down toward the sun, the centre of the
made, unless the crystalline spheres or homo vortex. In like manner, each planet is itself
centric orbs of the ancients are to be considered the centre of a smaller vortex, by the subtile
in that light. The conjectures of Kepler about matter of which the phenomena of gravity are
a kind of animation, and of organic structure, produced, just as with us at the surface of the
which pervaded the planetary regions, were too earth.
vague and indefinite, and too little analogous to The gradation of smaller vortices may be
any thing known on the earth, to be entitled to continued in the same manner, to explain the
the name of a theory. To Descartes, therefore, cohesion of the grosser bodies, and their other
belongs the,honour of being the first who ven sensible qualities. But I forbear to enter into
tured on the solution of the most arduous pro the detail of a system which is now entirely ex
blem which the material world ofl'ers to the con ploded, and so inconsistent with the views of
sideration of philosophy. For this solution he nature Which have become familiar to every one,
sought no other data than matter and motion, that such details can hardly be listened to with
and with them alone proposed to explain the patience. Indeed the theory of vertices did not
structure and constitution of the universe. The explain a single phenomenon in,a satisfactory
matter which he required, too, was of the manner, nor is there a truth of any kind which
simplest kind, possessing no properties but ex has been brought to light by mean of it. None
tension, impenetrability, and inertia. It was of the peculiar properties of the planetary orbits
matter in the abstract, without any of its pecu were taken into the account; none of the laws
liar or distinguishing characters. To explain of Kepler were considered; nor was any expla~
these characters was indeed a part of the task nation given of those laws, more than of any
which he proposed to himself; and thus, by the other that might be imagined. The philosophy
simplicity of his assumptions, he added infinite of Descartes could explain all things equally
ly to the difiiculty of the problem which he un well, and might have been accommodated to
dertook to resolve. the systems of Ptolemy or Tycho, just as well
The matter thus constituted was supposed to as to that of Copernicus. It forms, therefore,
fill all space, and its parts, both great and small, no link in the chain of physical discovery; it
to be endued with motion in an infinite variety served the cause of truth only by exploding
of directions. From the combination of these, errors more pernicious than its own; by ex
the rectilineal motion of the parts became im hausting a source of deception, which might
possible ; the atoms or particles of matter were have misled other adventurers in science; and
continually diverted from the lines in which by leaving a striking proof how little advance
they had begun to move; so that circular mo ment can be made in philosophy by pursuing
tion and centrifugal force originated from their any path but that of experiment and induction.
action on one another. Thus matter came to Descartes was, nevertheless, a man of great
be formed into a multitude of vortices, difi'ering genius, a deep thinker, of enlarged views, and
in extent, in velocity, and in density; the more entirely superior to prejudice. Yet, in as far as
subtile parts constituting the real vortex, in which the explanation of astronomical phenomena is
the denser bodies float, and by which they are concerned, (and it was his main object) he did
pressed, though not equally, on all sides. good only by showing in what quarter the at
Thus the universe consists of a multitude of tempt could not be made with success; he was
vortices, which limit and circumscribe one ano the forlorn hope of the new philosophy, and must
ther. The earth and the planets are bodies car be sacrificed for the benefit of those who were
ried round in the great vortex of the solar sys to fellow.
tem ; and by the pressure of the subtile matter, Gassendi, the contemporary and countryman
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 495
of Descartes, possessed great learning, with a moves in its circumference in such a manner,
very clear and sound understanding. He was that a plane passing through it and through the
a good observer, and an enlightened advocate of axis shall be carried round with a uniform an
the Copernican system. He explained, in a very gular velocity. It is plain that the cone and its
satisfactory manner, the connection between the axis are mere fictions, arbitrarily assumed, and
laws of motion and the motion of the earth, and not even possessing the advantage of simplicity.
made experiments to show, that a body carried The author himself departs from this hypothe
along by another acquires a motion which re sis, and calculates the places of a planet, on the
mains after it has ceased to be so carried. Gas supposition that it moves in the circumference
sendi first observed the transit of a planet over of an epicycle, and the epicycle in the circum
the disk of the sun,—that of Mercury, in 1681. ference of an eccentric deferent, both angular
Kepler had predicted this transit, but did not motions being uniform, that of the planet in the
live to enjoy a spectacle which afforded so satis epicycle being retrograde, and double the other.
factory a proof of the truth of his system, and The figure thus described may be shown to be
of the accuracy of his astronomical tables. an ellipse, but the line drawn from the planet
The first transit of Venus which was observed, to the focus does not cut off areas proportional
happened a few years later, in 1639, when it to the time.
was seen in England by Horrox and his friend An hypothesis advanced by Ward, bishop of
Crabtree, and by them only. Horrox, who was Salisbury, was simpler and more accurate than
a young man of great genius, had himself cal that of the French astronomer. According to
culated the transit, and foretold the time very it, the line drawn from a planet to the superior
accurately, though the astronomical tables of focus of its elliptic orbit, turns with a uniform
that day gave different results; and those of angular velocity round that point. In orbits of
Kepler, in which he confided the most, were, small eccentricity, this is nearly true, and al
in this instance, considerably in error. Horrox most coincides in such cases with Kepler’s prin
has also the merit of being among the first who ciple of the uniform description of areas. Dr
rightly appreciated the discoveries of the astron Ward, however, did not consider the matter in
omer just named. He had devoted much time that light; he assumed his hypothesis as true,
to astronomical observation, and, though he died guided, it would seem, by nothing but the opin
very young, he left behind him some prepara ion, that a centre of uniform motion must some
tions for computing tables of the moon, on a where exist, and pleased with the simplicity thus
principle which was new, and which Newton introduced into astronomical calculation. It is
himself thought worthy of being adopted in his indeed remarkable, as Montucla has observed,
theory of the inequalities of that planet. how little the most enlightened astronomers
The first complete system of astronomy in of that time seem to have studied or under
which the elliptic orbits were introduced, was stood thc laws discovered by Kepler. Riccioli,
the Astronomia Philolaica of Bullialdus, (Boul of whom we are just about to speak, enumerates
liau) published in 1645. They were intro all the suppositions that had been laid down
duced, however, with such hypothetical addi concerning the velocities of the planets, but
tions, as show that the idea of a centre of uni makes no mention of their describing equal areas
form motion had not yet entirely disappeared. in equal times round the sun. Even Cassini,
It is an idea, indeed, which gives considerable great as he was in astronomy, cannot be entire
relief to the imagination, and it besides leads to ly exempted from this censure.
methods of calculation more simple than the Riccioli, a good observer, and a learned and
true theory, and Bullialdus may have flattered diligent compiler, has collected all that was
himself that they were sufficiently exact. lle known in astronomy about the middle of the
conceives the elliptic orbit as a section of an seventeenth century, in a voluminous work, the
oblique cone, the axis of which passes through New Almagest. Without much originality, he
the superior focus of the ellipse, while the planet was a very useful author, having had, as the
496 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

historian of astronomy remarks, the courage and made up twelve, the double of six, the first of
the industry to read, to know, and to abridge the perfect numbers. In 1671, however, Cassini
every thing. He was, nevertheless, an enemy discovered another satellite, and afterwards three
to the Copernican system, and has the discredit more, making five in all, which the more perfect
of having measured the evidence for and against telescopes of Dr Herschell have lately augment
that system, not by the weight, but by the num ed to seven.
ber of the arguments. The pains which he took To the genius of Huygens astronomy is in
to prop the falling edifice of deferents and epi debted for an addition to its apparatus, hardly
cycles, added to his misapprehending and depre less essential than the quadrant and the tele
ciating the discoveries of Kepler, subject him to scope. An accurate measure of time is of use
the reproach of having neither the genius to dis even in the ordinary business of life, but to the
cover truth, nor the good sense to distinguish it astronomer is infinitely valuable. The dates of
when discovered. He was, however, a priest his observations, and an accurate estimate of the
and a jesuit; he had seen the fate of Galileo; time elapsed between them, are necessary, in or
and his errors may have arisen from want of der to make them lead to any useful conse
courage, more than from want of discernment. quences. Besides this, the only way of measur
Of the phenomena which the telescope in the ing with accuracy those arches in the heavens,
hands of Galileo had made known, the most pa which extend from east to west, or which are
radoxical were those exhibited by Saturn ; some parallel to the equator, depends on the earth’s
times attended by two globes, one on each side, rotation; because such an arch bears the same
without any relative motion, but which would, proportion to the entire circumference of a cir
at stated times, disappear for a while, and leave cle, that the time of its passage under the meri
the planet single, like the other heavenly bodies. dian bears to an entire day. The reckoning of
Nearly forty years had elapsed, without any fur time thus furnishes the best measure of position,
ther insight into these mysterious appearances, as determined by arches parallel to the equator,
when Huygens began to examine the heavens whether on the earth or in the heavens.
with telescopes of his own construction, better Though the pendulum afforded a measure of
and more powerful than any which had yet been time, in itself of the greatest exactnesr», the
employed. The two globes that had appeared means of continuing its motion, without disturb
insulated, were now seen connected by a circu ing the time of its vibrations, was yet requir
lar and luminous belt, going quite round the ed to be found; and this, by means of the clock,
planet. At last, it was found that all these ap Huygens contrived most ingeniously to effect
pearances resulted from a broad ring surround Each vibration of the pendulum, by means of an
ing Saturn, and seen obliquely from the earth. arm at right angles to it, allows the tooth of a
The gradual manner in which this truth unfold wheel to escape, the wheel being put in motion
ed itself is very interesting, and has been given by a weight. The wheel is so contrived, that
with the detail that it deserves by Huygens, in the force with which it acts is just sufficient to
his Systema Satumium. restore to the pendulum the motion which it had
The attention which Huygens had paid to the lost by the resistance of the air, and the friction
ring of Saturn, led him to the discovery of a at the centre of motion. Thus the motion of
satellite of the same planet. His telescopes the clock is continued without any diminution
were not powerful enough to discover more of of its uniformity, for any length of time. . s. .
them than one; he believed, indeed, that there The telescope had not yet served astronomy
were no more, and that the number of the in all the capacities in which it could be useful.
planets now discovered was complete. The rea Huygens, of whose inventive genius the history
soning by which be convinced himself, is a proof of science has so much to record, applied it to
how slowly men are cured of their prejudices, the measurement of small angles, forming it into
even with the best talents and the best infome the instrument which has since been called ami
tion. The planets, primary and secondary, thus crometer. By introducing into the focus of the
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 497
telescope a round aperture of a given size, he one second of the point aimed at. Thus the
contrived to measure the angle which that aper accuracy, cwten's paribus, is proportional to the
ture subtended to the eye, by observing the time magnifying power.
that a star placed near the equator required to The application of the telescope, however, to
traverse it. When the angle subtended by any astronomical instruments, was not introduced
other object in the telescope was to be measured, without opposition. Hevelius of Dantzic, the
he introduced into the focus a thin piece of metal, greatest observer who had been since Tycho
just sufficient to cover the object in the focus. Brahé, who had furnished his observatory with
The proportion of the breadth of this plate to the best and largest instruments, and who was
the diameter of the aperture formerly measured, familiar with the use of the telescope, strenu
gave the angle subtended by the image in the ously maintained the superiority of the plain'
focus of the telescope. This contrivance is de sights. His principal argument was founded
scribed in the Systema Satumium, at the end. on this,—that, in plain sights, the line of colli
The telescope has further contributed materi mation is determined in its position by two fixed
ally to the accuracy of astronomical observation, points at a considerable distance from one an
by its application to instruments used for measur other, viz. the centres of the two apertures of
ing, not merely small angles, but angles of any the sights, so that it remains invariable with
magnitude whatever. The telescope here comes respect to the index.
in place of the plain sights with which the index In the case of the telescope there was one fixed
or allidad of an instrument used to be directed point, the intersection of the wires in the focus
to an object, and this substitution has been ac of the eye-glass; but Hevelius did not think
companied with two advantages. The disk of a that the other point, viz. the optical centre of
star is never so well defined to the naked eye as the object-glass, was equally well defined. This
it is in the telescope. doubt, however, might have been removed by a
Besides, in using plain
sights, the eye adapts itself to the farther off of
direct appeal to experiment, or to angles actually
the two, in order that its aperture may be dis measured on the ground, first by an instrument,
tinctlyseen. Whenever this adjustment is made, and then by trigonometrical operations. From
the object seen through the aperture necessarilythence it would soon have been discovered, that
appears indistinct to the eye, which is then adapt
the centre of a lens is in fact a point defined
ed to a near object. This circumstance pro more accurately than can be done by any me
duces an uncertainty in all such observations, chanical construction.
which, by the use of the telescope, is entirely This method of deciding the question was not
removed. resorted to. Hevelius and Hooke had a very
But the greatest advantage arises from the serious controversy concerning it, in which the
magnifying power of the telescope, from which advantage remained with the latter. It should
it follows, that what is a mere point to the naked have been observed, that the French astronomer
eye, is an extended line which can be divided Picard was the first who employed instruments
into a great number of parts when seen through furnished with telescopic sights, about the year
the former. The best eye, when not aided by 1665. It appears, however, that Gascoigne, an
glasses, is not able to perceive an object which English gentleman who fell at the battle‘of
subtends an angle less than half a minute, or Marston-moor in 1644-, had anticipated the
thirty seconds. When the index of a quadrant, French astronomer in this invention, but that
therefore, is directed by the naked eye to any it had remained entirely unknown. He had also
point in the heavens, we cannot be sure that it anticipated the invention of the micrometer.
is nearer than half a minute on either side of The vast additional accuracy thus given to in
that point. But when we direct the axis of a struments formed a new era in the history of
telescope, which magnifies thirty times, to the astronomical observations.
same object, we are sure that it is within the Though Galileo had discovered the satellites
thirtieth part of half a minute, that is, within of Jupiter, their times of revolution, and even
mss. 11!. PART I. 3 n
498 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

some of their inequalities, it yet remained to de of these facts was Olaus Roemer, a Danish as
fine their motions with precision, and to con tronomer. He observed that the increase of the
struct tables for calculating their places. This retardation corresponded nearly to the increase of
task was performed by the elder Cassini, who the earth’s distance from Jupiter, and converse
was invited from Italy, his native country, by ly, the acceleration to the diminution of that dis
Louis the Fourteenth, and settled in France in tance. Hence it occurred to him, that it was
1669. His tables of the satellites had been pub to the time which light requires to traverse
lished at Bologna three years before, and he those distances that the whole series of pheno
continued to improve them, by a series of ob mena was to be ascribed. This explanation was
servations made in the observatory at Paris, so simple and satisfactory, that it was readily
with great diligence and accuracy. received.
The theory of the motions of these small bodies Though Roemer was the first who communi
is a research of great difficulty, and had been cated this explanation to the world, yet it seems
attempted by many astronomers before Cassini, certain that it had before occurred to Cassini,
with very little success. The planes of the and that he was prevented from making it known
orbits, their inclinations to the orbit of Jupiter, by a consideration which does him great honour.
and the lines in which they intersected that The explanation which the motion of light af
orbit, were all to be determined, as well as the forded, seemed not to be consistent with two cir
times of revolution, and the distances of each cumstances involved in the phenomenon. If
from its primary. Add to this, that it is only such was the cause of the alternate acceleration
in a few points of their orbits that they can be and retardation above described, why was it ob
observed with advantage. The best are at the served only in the eclipses of the first satellite,
times of immersion into the shadow of Jupiter, and not in those of the other three .7 This difli
and emersion from it. The same excellent culty appeared so great to Cassini, that he sup
astronomer discovered four satellites of Saturn, pressed the explanation which he would other
in addition to that already observed by Huy wise have given.
gens. He also discovered the rotation of Jupi The other difficulty occurred to Maraldi.
ter and of Mars upon their axes. WVhy did not an equation or allowance of the
The constant attention bestowed on the eclip same kind arise from the position of Jupiter,
ses of the satellites of Jupiter, made an inequa with respect to his aphelion, for, all other things
lity be remarked in the periods of their return, being the same, his distance from the earth must
which seemed to depend on the position of the be greater, as he was nearer to that point of his
earth relatively to Jupiter and the sun, and not, orbit? Both these difficulties have since been
as the inequalities of that sort might have been completely removed. If the aforesaid inequality
expected to do, on the place of Jupiter in his was not for some time observed in any satellite
orbit. From the opposition of Jupiter to the but the first, it, was only because the motions of
sun, till the conjunction, it was found that the the first are the most regular, and were the
observed emersion of the satellites from the soonest understood; but it now appears that the
shadow fell more and more behind the comput same equation belongs to all the satellites. The
ed; the ditferences amounting near the conjunc solution of Maraldi’s difiiculty is similar ; for
tion to about fourteen minutes. When, after the the quantity of what is called the equation of
conjunction, the immersions were observed, an the light, is now known to be affected by Jupi
acceleration was remarked, just equal to the for ter’s place in his orbit.
mer retardation; so that, at the opposition, the Thus every thing conspires to prove the reality
eclipse happened fourteen minutes sooner than of the motion of light, so singular on account of
by the calculation. the immensity of the velocity, and the smallness
The first person who offered an explanation of the bodies to which it is communicated.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 499

5. ESTABLISHMENT OF ACADEMIES, &c

ABOUT the middle of the seventeenth century spirit which produced it to the writings of the
Were formed those associations of scientific men, philosopher just named. These examples, and
which, under the appellation of Academies or a feeling that the union and co-operation of
Philosophical Societies, have contributed so numbers were necessary to the progress of expe
much to the advancement of knowledge in Eu rimental philosophy, operated still more exten
rope. The Academia del Cimerdo of Florence, sively. The Royal Academy of Sciences at
founded in 1651, carried in its name the im Paris was founded in 1666, in the reign of Louis
pression of the new philosophy. It was in the the Fourteenth, and during the administration
country of Galileo where the first institution for of Colbert. The Institute of Bologna in Italy
the prosecution of experimental knowledge might belongs nearly to the same period; but almost
be expected to arise; and the monuments which all the other philosophical associations, of which
it has left behind it, will ever create regret for there are now so many, had their beginning in
the shortness of its duration. the eighteenth century.
England soon after showed the same example. Frequent communication of ideas, and a regu
It has been already remarked, that, during the lar method of keeping up such communication,
civil wars, 9. number of learned and scientific are evidently essential to works in which great
men sought, in the [retirement of Oxford, an labour and industry are to be employed, and to
asylum from the troubles to which the country which much time must necessarily be devoted;
was then a prey. They had met as early as when the philosopher must not always sit quiet
1645; most of them were attached to the royal ly in his cabinet, but must examine nature with
cause; and after the restoration of Charles the his own eyes, and be present in the work-shop
Second, they were incorporated by a royal char of the mechanic, or the laboratory of the che
ter in 1662. mist. These operations are facilitated by the
The first idea of this institution seems to have institution now referred to, which, therefore,
been suggested by the writings of Bacon, who, are of more importance to the physical sciences
in recommending the use of experiment, had than to the other branches of knowledge. They
severely censured the schools, colleges, and aca who cultivate the former are also fewer in num
demies of his own time, as adverse to the ad ber, and being, of course, farther separated, are
vancement of knowledge ;I and, in the Nova less apt to meet together in the common inter
Atlantis, had given a most interesting sketch of course of the world. The historian, the critic,
the form of a society directed to scientific im the poet, finds everywhere men who can enter
provement. In Germany, the Academia Naturw in some degree at least into his pursuits, who
('uriosorum dates its commencement from 1652; can appreciate his merit, and derive pleasure
and the historian of that institution ascribes the from his writings or his conversation. The ma
;

1 “ In moribus et institutis scholarum, academisrum, collegiorum, et simil'nun conventuum, ute doctorum hominum
sedibus et eruditionis culturze destinata aunt, omnia progressui scientinrum adverse inveniuntur. ectioncs enim et exerci.
tin ita aunt disposita, ut aliud a consuetis hnud facile cui uam in mentem veniat cogitare aut contemplnri. Si vero unul
aut alter fortasse judicii libermte uti sustinuerit, is sibi so i hnnc operam im wnere pussit ; ab nliorum autem consortia ni
hil ca iet utilitatis. Sin et hoc toleraverit, tamen in capcssends fortuna in ustriam hanc et magnnnimitutem sibi non levi
impet imento fore experictur. Studio enirn hominum in ejusmodi loci: in quorundam auctorum scripts, velnti in carceres,
conclusa aunt; a quibus si quis dissentiut, continue ut homo turbidus, et rerum novarum cupidus, corripitur....1n nrflhu
autmlet sclcnliis, rauquam in mclalli fodinir, omnia navia optribu: ct ulterioribm progrcuibm circunutrrperc dcbml." (Not-um Orga
mml, ib. i. cap. xc.)
It would be gratifying to be able to observe, that the universities of Europe had contributed to the renovation of science.
The fact is otherwise; they were oflen the fastnesses from which prejudice and error were latest in being expelled. They
joined in rsecuting the reformers of science. It has been seen, that the masters of the University of Paris were an
with Gal' eo for the experiments on the descent of bodies. Even the University of Oxford brought on itself the indeli le
disgrace of rsecutin , in Friar Bacon, the first man who appears to have had a distinct view of the means by which
the knowl ge of the we of nature must be acquired.
500 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

thematician, the astronomer, the mechanician, their turn to furnish the meetings with scien
sees few men who have much sympathy with tific memoirs; and each of them also, at the be
his pursuits, or who do not look with indiifer ginning of every year, was expected to give an
ence on the objects which he pursues. The account of the work in which he was to be em
world, to him, consists of a few individuals, by ployed. This institution has been of incredible
the censures or approbation of whom the public advantage to science. To detach a number of
opinion must be finally determined; with them ingenious men from every thing but scientific
it is material that he should have more frequent pursuits; to deliver them alike from the embar
intercourse than could he obtained by casual rassments of poverty or the temptations of
reneounter; and he feels that the society of men wealth; to give them a place and station in
engaged in pursuits similar to his own is a ne society the most respectable and independent,
cessary stimulus to his exertions. Add to this, is to remove every impediment, and to add every
that such societies become centres, in which in stimulus to exertion. To this institution, ac
formation concerning facts is collectcd from all cordingly, operating upon a people of great ge
quarters. .For all these reasons, the greatest nius and indefatigable activity of mind, we are
benefit has resulted from the scientific insti to ascribe that superiority in the mathematical
tutions which, since the middle of the seven sciences which, for the last seventy years, has
teenth century, have become so numerous in been so conspicuous.
Europe. The establishment of astronomical observa
The Royal Society of London is an associa tories, as national or royal works, is connected
tion of men, who, without salaries 0r appoint in Europe with the institution of scientific or
ment from Government, defray, by private con philosophical societies. The necessity of the
tribution, the expense of their meetings, and former was, indeed, even more apparent than
of their publications. This last is another im that of the latter. A science which has the
portant service which a society so constituted heavenly bodies for its object, ought, as far as
renders to science. possible, to be exempted from the vicissitudes of
The demand of the public for memoirs in the earth. As it gains strength but slowly, and
Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, many of requires ages to complete its discoveries, the
them perhaps profound and difficult, is not suf plan of observation must not be limited by the
ficiently great to defray the expense of publica life of the individual who pursues it, but must
tion, if they come forward separately and un he followed out in the same place, year after
connected with one another. In a collective year, to an unlimited extent. A perception of
state they are much more likely to draw the this truth, however indistinct, seems, from the
attention of the public; the form in which they earliest times, to have suggested the utility of
appear is the most convenient both for the reader observatories, to those sovereigns who patronized
and the author; and if, after all, the sale of the astronomy, whether they looked to that science
work is unequal to the expense, the deficiency for real or instruction. The circle
is made up from the funds of the society. An of Osymandias is the subject of one of the most
institution of this kind, therefore, is a. patriotic ancient traditions in science, and has preservul
and disinterested association of the lovers of the name of a prince which otherwise would
science, who engage not only to employ them have been entirely unknown. A building, dedi
selves in discovery, but, by private contribu cated to astronomy, made a conspicuous part of
tion, to defray the expense of scientific publica the magnificent establishment of the school of
tions. Alexandria. During the middle ages, in the
The Academy of Sciences in Paris was not course of the migrations of science toward the
exactly an institution of the same kind. It con east, sumptuous buildings, furnished with astro
sisted of three classes of members, one of which, nomical instruments, rose successively in the
the Pensimmaires, twenty in number, had sala plains of Mesopotamia, and among the moun
ries paid by Government, and were bound in tains of Tartary. An observatory in the gardens
 DISSERTATION THIRD.
of the Caliph of Bagdad contained a quadrant
of fifteen cubits1 in radius, and a sextant of
forty.. Instruments of a still larger size dis
tinguished the observatory of Samarcand; and
the accounts would seem incredible, if the ruins second, Flamsteed and Halley, are at the head
of Benares did not, at this moment, attest the ' of a series of successors who have done honour
reality of similar constructions.
On the revival of letters in Europe, establish
ments of the same kind were the first decisive
indications of a taste for science. We have seen
the magnificent observatory on which Tycho ex
pended his private fortune, and employed the
muuificence of his patron, become a sad memo
rial (after the signal services which it had ren
dered to astronomy) of the instability of what
ever depends on individual greatness. The 0b
servatories at Paris and London were secured
from a similar fate, by being made national es
tablishments, where a succession of astronomers
.. I -
J u~n1uJL
. 6. FIGURE AND MAGNITUDE OF THE EARTH.
~.II .
THE progress made during the seventeenth
century, in ascertaining the magnitude and figure
of the earth, is particularly connected with the
establishments which we have just been con
sidering?“ Concerning the figure of the earth,
no accurate information was derived from anti
quity, if we except that of the mathematical
principle on which itswas to be determined.
The measurement of an arch of the meridian
was attempted by Eratosthenes of Alexandria,
in perfect conformity with that principle, but by
means very inadequate to the importance and
difficulty of the problem. By measuring the
sun’s distance from the zenith of Alexandria on
the solstitial day, and by knowing, as he thought
he did, that on the same day the sun was ex
actly in the zenith of Syene, he found the dis
tance in the heavens between the parallels of
those places to be 7" 12', or a 50th part of the
circumference of a great circle. Supposing, then,
that Alexandria and Syene were in the same
meridian, nothing more was required than to
find the distance between them, which, when
multiplied by 50, would give the circumference blem was the main object; and the actual solu.
of the globe. The manner in which this was
' Twenty~two feet three inches.
were to devote themselves to the study of the
heavens. The observatory at Paris was begun
in 1667, and that at Greenwich in 1675. In
the first of these, La Hire and Cassini, in the
:‘1 to their respective nations. If there be in Britain
any establishment, in the success and conduct
of which the nation has reason to boast, it is
that of the Royal Observatory, which, in spite
of a climate which so continually tries the pa
tience, and so often disappoints the hopes of the
astronomer, has furnished a greater number of
observations to be completely relied on, than all
the rest of Europe put together, and afforded
the data for those tables in which the French
mathematicians have expressed, with such accu
racy, the past, the present, and the future con
dition of the heavens. flaunts
,I__-.$l.~\,i'1‘ ';
fl (ram '10 m»
oi) rr-ivft hm; l
attempted by Eratosthenes, is quite characteris
tic of the infant state of the arts of experiment
and observation. ' He took no trouble to ascer
tain whether Alexandria and Syene were due
north and south of one another: the truth is,
that the latter is considerably east of the former;
so that, though their horizontal distance had
been accurately known, a considerable reduction
would have been necessary, on account of the
distance of the one from the meridian of the
other. It does not appear, horvever, that Era
tosthenes was at any more pains to ascertain the
distance than the bearing of the two places. He
assumed the former just as it was commonly es
timated; and, indeed, it appears that the dis
tance was not measured till long afterwards,
when it was done by the command of Nero.
It was in this way that the ancients made ob
servations and experiments; the mathematical
principles might be perfectly understood, but
the method of obtaining accurate data for the
application of those principles was not a subject
of attention. The power of resolving the pro
tion was a matter of very inferior importance.
' Sixty feet five inches
502 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

The slowness with which the art of making ac was lost in that of other measurements still
curate experiments and observations has been more accurately conducted.
matured, and the great distance it has kept bc A computation which, for the time, deserves
hind theory, is a remarkable fact in the history considerable praise, is that-0f Norwood, in 1635,
of the physical science. It has been remarked, who measured the distance between London and
that mathematicians had found out the area of York, taking the bearings as he proceeded along
the circle, and calculated its circumference to the road, and reducing all to the direction of the
more than a hundred places of decimals, before meridian, and to the horizontal plane. The dif
artists had divided an arch into minutes of a de ference of latitude he found, by observation of
gree ; and that many excellent treatises had been the solstices, to be 2° 28'; and from that and his
written on the properties of curves, before a measured distance, be concluded the degree to
straight line had been drawn of any considerable be 367,176 feet English, or 57,800 toises. This
length, or measured with any tolerable exact has been found to be a near approximation; yet
ness, on the surface of the globe.1 his method was not capable of great accuracy,
The next measurement on record is that of the nor did he always execute it in the best manner.
astronomers of Almamon, in the plains of Me “ Sometimes,” says he, “ I measured, sometimes
sopotamia; and the manner of conducting the I paced; and I believe I am within a scantling of
operation appears to have been far more accu the truth.”
rate than that of the Greek philosophers; but, Fernel, a French physician, measured with a
from a want of knowledge of the measures em wheel from Paris to Amiens, which are nearly
ployed, it has conveyed no information to pos in the same meridian, and he determined the de
terity. gree from thence to be 56,746 French toises; a
The first arch of the meridian, measured in result which falls short of the truth, though not
modern times with an accuracy any way cor very considerably.
responding to the difliculty of the problem, was These investigations, it isplain, could not but
by Snellius, a Dutch mathematician, who has leave considerable uncertainty with respect to
given an account of it in a volume which he the magnitude of the earth. The Academy of
calls Eratosthcnes Batavus, published in 1617. Sciences became interested in the question, and the
The arch was between Bergen-op-Zoom and Alk measurement of an arch in the meridian was un
maar; its amplitude was 1° 11' 30", and the dis dertaken under its auspipes, and executed by the
tance was determined by a series of triangles, Abbe Picard, already known for his skill in the
depending on a base line carefully measured. operations of practical geometry. He followed a
The length of the degree that resulted was 55,021 method similar to that of Snellius, according to
toises, which, as was afterwards found, is consi which, the distance between Amiens and Mal
derably too small. Certain errors were disco voisine was found from a series of triangles, and
vered, and when they were corrected, the degree a base of 5663), toises. He determined the dif
came out 57,033 toises, which is not far from ference of latitude by means of a zenith sector of
the truth. The corrections were made by Snel ten feet radius, and found it to be 1° 22’ 55". The
lius himself, who measured his base over again, whole distance was 78,850 toises, whence the
and also the angles of the triangles. He died, degree came out 57,060 toises. This was the
however, before he could publish the result. first measurement of a degree of the meridian
Muschenbroek, who calculated the whole anew on which perfect reliance could be placed.
from his papers, came to the conclusion just Hitherto no doubt had been entertained of the
mentioned, which, of course, was not known till spherical figure of the earth, and, of consequence,
long after the time when the measure was exe of the equality of all the degrees of the meridian,
cuted. No advantage, accordingly, was derived so that if one was known, the whole circum
to the world from this measurement till its value ference was determined. Men, with the preci

1 Edinburgh Review, vol. V. p. 391.

 DISSERTATION THIRD. 503
pitation which they so often manifest, of assum of Africa and America, near the line, and found
ing, without sufficient evidence, the conclusion the necessity of shortening the pendulum, to
which appears most simple, were no sooner sa make it vibrate seconds in those latitudes. The
tisfied that the earth was round, than they sup first explanation of this remarkable phenomenon
posed it to be truly spherical. An observation was given by Newton, in the third book of his
soon occurred, which gave reason to suspect, Principia, published in 1687, where it is de
that much more must be done before its figure or duced as a necessary consequence of the earth’s
its magnitude could be completely ascertained. rotation on its axis, and of the centrifugal force
With a view of observing the sun’s altitude in thence arising. That force changes both the di
the vicinity of the equator, where the distance rection and the intensity of gravity, giving to the
from the zenith being inconsiderable, the effects earth an oblate spheroidal figure, more elevated
of refraction must be of small account, it was at the equator than the poles, and making bodies
agreed, by the same academy, to send an astro fall, and pendulums vibrate, more slowly in low
nomer, M. Richer, to make observations at the than in high latitudes.
island of Cayenne, in South America. This solution, however, did not, any more than
Richer observed the solstitial altitude of the the book in which it was contained, make its
sun at that place in 1672, and found the dis way very readily into France. The first expla
tance of the tropics to be 46° 57’ 41’, and there nation of the retardation of the pendulum, which
fore the obliquity of the ecliptic 23° 28' 32”; was received there, was given by Huygens in
agreeing almost precisely with the determination 1690. Huygens deduced it also from the cen
of Cassini. trifugal force, arising from the earth’s rotation,
The most remarkable circumstance, however, and the view which he took was simpler, though
which occurred in the course of this voyage, was, much less accurate than that of Newton. It had
that the clock, though furnished with a. pendu indeed the simplicity which often arises from
lum of the same length which vibrated seconds neglecting one of the essential conditions of a
at Paris, was found, at Cayenne, to lose two problem; but it was nevertheless ingenious, and
minutes and a half a-day nearly. This created involved a very accurate knowledge of the nature
great astonishment in France, especially after of centrifugal force—I am thus brought to touch
the accuracy of it was confirmed by the observa on a subject which belongs properly to the
tions of Varin and Deshayes, who, some years second part of this Dissertation, for which the
afterwards, visited difl'erent places on the coasts fuller discussion of it must of course be reserved.

SECTION V.

OPTICS.

l. OPTICAL KNO‘VLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS

ON account of the rectilineal propagation of success, to explain the laws of vision, before a
light, the phenomena of optics are easily express similar attempt had been made with respect to
ed in the form of mathematical propositions, and any other branch of terrestrial Physics, and at
seem, as it were, spontaneously to offer them least fifty years before the researches of Archi
selves to the study of geometers. Euclid, per medes had placed mechanics among the number
ceiving this affinity, began to apply the science of the mathematical sciences.
which he had already cultivated with so much In the treatise ascribed to Euclid, there arc,
504 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

however, only two physical principles which have defective; the proposition, however, is true, of
completely stood the test of subSequent improve plain speeulums always, and of spherical as far
ment. The first of these is the proposition just as Euclid’s investigations extended, that is, while
referred to, that a point in'any object is seen in the rays fall on the speculum with no great ob
the direction of a straight line drawn from the liquity. His assumption, therefore, did not af
eye to that point; and the econd is, that when fect the truth of his conclusions, though it would
a point in an object is seen by reflection from a have been a very unsafe guide in more general
polished surface, the lines drawn from the eye investigations. The book is in many other re
and from the object to the point whence the re spects imperfect, the reasoning often unsound,
flection is made, are equally inclined to the re and the whole hardly worthy of the great geo
flecting surface. These propositions are assum meter whose name it bears. There is, however,
ed as true: they were, no doubt, known before no doubt that Euclid wrote on the subject of op
the time of Euclid; and it is supposed that the tics, and many have supposed that this treatise
discovery of them was the work of the Platonic is a careless extract, or an unskilful abridgement
school. The first of them is the foundation of of the original work.
Optics proper, or the theory of vision by direct Antiquity furnished another mathematical
light; the second is the foundation of Catoptrics, treatise on optics, that of the astronomer Ptolemy.
or the theory of vision by reflected light. Diop This treatise, though known in the middle ages,
tries, or vision by refracted light, had not yet and quoted by Roger Bacon, had disappeared,
become an object of attention. . and was supposed to be entirely lost, till within
Two other principles which Euclid adopted these few years, when a manuscript on optics,
as postulates in his demonstrations, have not professing to be the work of Ptolemy, and to be
met with the same entire confirmation from ex translated from the Arabic, was found in the
periment, and are indeed true only in certain King’s Library at Paris. The most valuable
cases, and not universally, as he supposed. The part of this work is that which relates to refrac
first of these is, that we judge of the magnitude tion, from whence it appears that many experi
of an object altogether by the magnitude of the ments had been made on that subject, and the
optical angle, or the angle which it subtends at angles of incidence and refraction, for different
the eye. It is true that this angle is an import transparent substances, observed with so much
ant element in that judgment; and Euclid, by accuracy, that the same ratio, very nearly, of the
discovering this, came into the possession of a sines of these angles, from air into water or into
valuable truth; but by a species of sophistry, very glass, is obtained from Ptolemy’s numbers, which
congenial to the human mind, he extended the the repeated experiments of later times have
principle too far, and supposed it to be the only shown to be true. The work, however, in the
circumstance which determines our judgment state in which it now appears, is very obscure,
of visible magnitude. It is, indeed, the only the reasoning often deficient in accuracy, and the
measure which we are furnished with directly mathematical part much less perfect than might
by the eye itself; but there are few cases in have been expected. Modern writers, presum
which we form our estimate without first appeal ving'partly on the reputation of Ptolemy, and
ing to the commentary afforded by the sensations partly guided by the authority of Roger Bacon,
of touch, or the corrections derived from our had ascribed to this treatise more merit than it
own motion. ' appears to possess; and, of consequence, had
- Another principle, laid down by the same geo allowed less to the Arabian author Alhazen,
meter, is in circumstances nearly similar to the who comes next in the order of time, than of
preceding. According to it, the place of any right belongs to him. Montucla, on the autho
rity of Bacon, says, that Ptolemy ascribed the
point of an object seen by reflection is always the
intersection of the reflected ray, with the per increase of the apparent magnitude of the heaven
pendicular drawn from that point to the reflect ly bodies near the horizon, to the greater dis
ing surface. The proof offered is obscure and tance at which they are supposed to be, on ac
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 505
count of the number of intervening objects across which they contain; light, therefore, cannot
which they are seen. Ptolemy’s explanation,
contain any matter, that is, it cannot be mate
however, as stated byDelalnbre, 1 from the manu rial.’ That the velocity of light was infinitely
script just mentioned, is quite diEerent from great, seemed to him to follow from this, that
this, and amounts to no more than the vague its progress, estimated either in the direction of
and unsatisfactory remark, that an observer looks north and south or of east and west, apPeared
at the bodies near the zenith in a constrained to be instantaneous. In the opinion of the
posture, and in a situation to which the eye is Platonists, and of the greater part of the an
not accustomed. The former explanation, there cients, vision was performed by mean of certain
fore, given by Alhazen, but supposed to have rays which proceeded from the eye to the object,
been borrowed from Ptolemy, must now be re though they did not become the instruments of
turned to its right owner. It is the best expla conveying sensations to the mind, but in conse
nation yet known. quence of the presence of light. In this theory,
These are the only mathematical treatises on we can now see nothing but a rude and hasty
optics of any consideration which the ancients attempt to assimilate the sense of sight to that
have transmitted to us ;"‘ but many metaphysical of touch, without inquiring suficiently into the
speculations on light and vision arc to be found particular characters of either.
in the writings of the philosophers. Aristotle Epicurus, and the philosophers of his school,
defined light much as he had defined motion; as we learn from Lucretius, entertained more
the act 01' energy of a transparent body, in as much correct notions of vision, though they were still
as it is transparent. The reason for calling light far from the truth. They conceived vision to
an act of a transparent body is, that, though a be performed in consequence of certain simu
body may be transparent in power or capacity, lacra, or images continually thrown off from the
it does not become actually transparent but by surfaces of bodies, and entering the eye. This
means of light. Light brings the transparency was the substitute in their philosophy for rays
into action; it is, therefore, the act of a trans of light, and had at least the merit of represent
parent body. In such miserable puerilities did ing that which is the medium of vision, or which
the genius of this great man exhaust itself, owing forms the communication between the eye and
to the unfortunate direction in which his re external objects, as something proceeding from
searches were carried on. the latter. The idea of simulacra, or spectra,
In his further speculations concerning light, flying off continually from the surfaces of bodies,
he denied it to be a substance; and his argu and entering the eye, was perhap'as near an
ment contains a singular mixture of the ingeni approach to the true theory of vision as could
ous and the absurd. The time, he says, in which be made before the structure of the eye was
light spreads from one place to another is infi understood.
nitely small, so that light has a velocity which In the arts connected with optics, the ancients
is infinitely great. New, bodies move with a had made some progress. They were sufliciently
velocity inversely as the quantities of matter acquainted with the laws of reflection to con

' Connoiuancc der Term, 1816, p. 245, &c. The glimpses of truth, not destined to be fully discovered till many ngcs
sfierwards, which are found in the writings of the ancients, are always interesting. Ptolemy distin uishes what has since been
called the virtualfocm, which takes place in certain cases of reflection, from spherical specula. e remarks. that colours are
confounded by the rapidity of motion, and gives the instance of a wheel painted with diti'erent colours, and turned quickly
round.
' Another Greek treatise on optics, that of Heliodorus of Larissa, has been preserved, and was first published by Eras
mus Bartholinus at Paris, in 1657. It is a superficial work, which, to a good deal of obscure and unsound metaphysics,
slid! the demonstration ofa few very obvious truths. The author holds the opinion, that vision is performed by the emission
of something from the eyes ; and the reason which he assigns is, that the eyes are convex, and more adapted to emit than
to receive. His metaphysics may bejud ed of from this specimen. He has not been made mention of by any ancient
author, and the time when he wrote is un newn. As he quotes, however, the writings of Ptolemy and Here, he must have
been later than the first century.
' The truth of the mathematical proposition, that 1% = 0, was perceived by Aristotle. A strong intellect is always
visible in the midst of his greatest errors.
DISS. III. PART 1. 3s
506 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

struct mirrors both plane and spherical.
made them also conical; and it appears from
Plutarch, that the fire of Vesta, when extin
guished, was not permitted to be rekindled but
by the rays of the sun, which were condensed
by a conical speculum of copper. The mirrors
with which Archimedes set fire to the Roman
galleys have been subjects of much discussion,
and the fact was long disbelieved, on the ground
of being physically impossible. The experi
ments of Kircher and Bufl'on showed that this
impossibility was entirely imaginary, and that
the effect ascribed to the specula of the Greek
geometer might be produced without much dif
ficulty. There remains now no doubt of their
reality. A passage from Aristophanes‘ gives
reason to believe that, in his time, lenses of
glass were used for burning, by collecting the
rays of the sun ; but in a matter that concerns
the history of science, the authority of a comic
poet and a satirist would not deserve much at
tention, if it were not confirmed by more sober
testimony. Pliny, speaking of rock crystal,.
says that a globe or ball of that substance was
They sometimes used by the physicians for collecting
the rays of the sun, in order to perform the
operation of cautery. In another passage, he
mentions the power of a glass globe filled with
water, to produce a strong heat when exposed
to the rays of the sun, and expresses his sur
prise that the water itself should all the while
remain quite cold.
With respect to the power of glasses to mag
nify objects seen through them, or to render
such objects more distinct, the ancients appear
to have observed ill, and to have reasoned worse.
“ Literac, quamvis minutae et obscurre, per vi
tream pilam aqua plenam majores clarioresque
cernuntur. Sidera ampliora per nubem adspi
cienti videutur; quia acies nostra in humido labi
tur, nee apprehendere quad vult fideliter potash”
This passage, and the speculations concerning
the rainbow in the same place, when they are
conidered as containing the opinions of some
of the most able and best-informed men of an
tiquity, must be admitted to mark, in a very
striking manner, the infancy of the physical
sciences.

2. FROM ALHAZEN TO KEPLER.

AN interval of nearly a thousand years divid hazen is, nevertheless, in many respects, supe
ed Ptolemy from Alhazen, who, in the history rior to that of Ptolemy, and in nothing more
of optical discovery, appears as his immediate than in the geometry which it employs. The
successor. This ingenious Arabian lived in the problem known by his name, tolfind the point
eleventh century, and his merit can be more in a spherical speculum, at which a ray coming
fairly, and will be more highly appreciated, now from one given point shall be reflected to ano
that the work of his predecessor has become ther given point, i very well resolved in his
known. The merit of his book on Optics was al book, though a problem of so much difiiculty,
ways admitted; but he was supposed to have bor that Montucla hazards the opinion, that no Ara
rowed much from Ptolemy, without acknowledg— bian geometer was ever equal to the solution of
ing it; and the prejudices entertained in favour it.‘ It is now certain, however, that the solu
of a Greek author, especially of one who had been tion, from whatever quarter it came, was not
for so many years a legislator in science, gave borrowed from Ptolemy, in whose work no men
a false impression, both of the genius and the tion is made of any such question; and it may
integrity of his modern rival. The work of Al very well bedoubted, whether, had this problem

' Anrs'rormmis Nuber, v. 766. edit. Brunck.

:u'
' Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvii. cap. ii.
‘ SENECA, Nat. Quint. lib. i. cap. vi.
‘ Barrow, in his 9th lecture, says of this roblem, that it may truly be called inpnzsm, as hardly any one more difiicult
had then been attempted by geometers. e adds, that, after trying the analysis in many different ways, he had found
nothing preferable to the solution of Alhazen, which he therefore gives, only freed from the prolixness and obscurity with
which the original is chargeable. (Lectionu Optica, sect. 9, p. 65.) A very elegant solution of the same problem is given
by Simeon, at the end of his Conic Sectiaru.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 507

been proposed to him, the Greek geometer would riod, and applied to the study of optics with
have appeared to so much advantage as the peculiar diligence. It does not appear, however,
Arabian. that he added much to the discoveries of Alha
The account which the latter gives of the zen and Ptolemy, with whose writings, particu~
augmentation of the diameters of the heavenly larly those of the former, he seems to have been
bodies near the horizon, has been already men well acquainted. In some things he was much
tioned. He treated also of the refraction of behind the Arabian optician, as be supposed,
light by transparent bodies, and particularly of with the ancients, that vision is performed by
the atmospheric refraction; but not with the rays emitted from the eye. It must, however,
precision of Ptolemy, whose optical treatise De be allowed, that the arguments employed on both
lambre seems to think it probable that he had sides of this question are so weak and inconclu
never seen. The anatomical structure of the sive, as very much to diminish the merit of being
eye was known to him; concerning the uses of right, and the demerit of being wrong. What
the difi'erent parts he had' only conjectures to is most to the credit of Bacon, is the near ap
ofl'er; but on seeing single with two eyes, he proach he appears to have made to the know
made this very important remark, that, when ledge of lenses, and their use in assisting vision.
corresponding parts of the retina are affected, Alhazen had remarked, that small objects, let
We perceive but one image. ters, for instance, viewed through a segment of
Prolixity and want of method are the faults a glass sphere, were seen magnified, and that it
of Alhazen. Vitello,l a learned Pole, comment is the larger segment which magnifies the most.
ed on his works, and has very much improved The spherical segment was supposed to be laid
their method and arrangement in a treatise pub with its base on the letters, or other minute ob
lished in 1270. He has also treated more fully jects which were to be viewed. Bacon recom
of the subject of refraction, and reduced the re mends the smaller segment, and observes, that
sults of his experiments into the form of a table, the greater, though it magnify more, places the
exhibiting the angles of refraction corresponding object farther off than its natural position, while
to the angles of incidence, which he had tried in the other brings it nearer. This shows suffi
water and glass. It was not, however, till long ciently, that he knew how to trace the progress
after this period that the law which connects of the rays of light through a spherical transpa
these angles was discovered. The cause of re rent body, and understood, what was the thing
fraction appeared to him to be the resistance least obvious, how to determine the place of the
which the rays suffer in passing into the denser image. Smith, in his Optics, endeavours to
medium of water or glass ; and one can see in show, that these conclusions were purely theo
his reasoning an obscure idea of the resolution retical, and that Roger Bacon had never made
of forces. He also treats of the rainbow, and any experiments with such glasses, notwith
remarks, that the altitude of the sun and bow standing that he speaks as if he had done so.’
together always amount to 42 degrees. He next This severe remark proceeds on some slight in
considers the structure of the eye, of which he accuracy in Bacon’s description, which, how
has given a tolerably accurate description; and ever, does not seem sufficient to authorize so
proves, as Alhazen had before done," that vision harsh a conclusion. The probability appears
is not performed by the emission of rays from rather to be, as Molineux supposed, that Bacon
the eye. had made experiments with such glasses, and
' Roger Bacon, distinguished for pursuing the was both practically and theoretically acquainted
path of true philosophy in the midst of an age with their properties. At the same time, it must
of ignorance and error, belongs to the same pe be acknowledged, that his credulity on many

' The name of this author is commonly written Vitdlia He may be supposed to have known best the orthography of
his own name.
' Auuzss. Opt. lib. i.
' Sui'ru's Optia, vol. II. Remarks, sect. 76.
508 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

points, and hi fondness for the marvellous, theory, though so imperfect, led him neverthe
which, with every respect for his talents, it is less to form a right judgment of the defects of
impossible to deny, take something away from short-sighted and long-sighted eyes. In one of
the force of his testimony, except when it is very his first works, Theorenuzta de Lumine et Umbra,
expressly given. However that may be in the he also gives an accurate solution of a question
present case, it is probable that the knowledge proposed by Aristotle, viz. why the light of the
of the true properties of these glasses, whether sun, admitted through a small hole, and received
it was theoretical or practical, may have had a on a plane at a certain distance from it, always
share in introducing the use of lenses, and in illuminates a round space, whatever he the figure
the invention of spectacles, which took place not of the hole itself; whereas, through a large aper
long after. ture, the illuminated space has the figure of the
It would be desirable to ascertain the exact aperture. To conceive the reason of this, sup
pose that the figure of the hole is a triangle; it
period of an invention of such singular utility as
this last; one that difi‘uses its advantages so is plain that at each angle the illuminated space
widely, and that contributes so much to the so will be terminated by a circular arch, of which
lace and comfort of old age, by protecting the the centre corresponds to the angular point, and
most intellectual of the senses against the gene' the radius to the angle subtended by the sun’s
ral progress of decay. In the obscurity of a semidiameter. Thus the illuminated space is
dark age, careless about recording discoveries of rounded off at the angles; and when the hole is
which it knew not the principle or the value, a so small that the size of those roundings bears a
few faint traces and imperfect indications serve large proportion to the distance of their centres,
only to point out certain limits within which the the figure comes near to a circle, and may be to
thing sought for is contained. Seeking for the appearance quite round. This is the true solu
origin of a discovery, is like seeking for the tion, and the same with that of Maurolycns.
source of a river where innumerable streams The same author appears also to have observed
have claims to the honour, between which it is the caustic curve formed by reflection from a
impossible to decide, and where the only thing concave speculum.
that can be known with certainty is the boun A considerable step in optical discovery was
dary by which they are all circumscribed. The made at this time by Baptista Porta, a Neapo
reader will find the evidence concerning the in litan, who invented the Camera Obscura, about
vention of spectacles very fully discussed in the year 1560, and described it in a work en
Smith’s Optics, from which the most probable titled Magia Naturalist. The light was admitted
conclusion is, that the date goes back to the through a small hole in the window-shutter of
year 1313, and cannot with any certainty be a dark room, and gave an inverted picture of
traced farther.x ‘ the objects from which it proceeded, on the op
The lapse of more than two hundred years posite wall. A lens was not employed in the
brings us down to Maurolycus, and to an age first construction of this apparatus, but was af
when men of science ceased to be so thinly scat terwards used; and Porta went so far as to
tered over the wastes of time. Maurolycus, consider how the effect might be produced with
whose knowledge of the pure mathematics has out inversion. He appears to have been a man
been already mentioned, was distinguished for of great ingenuity; and though much of the
his skill in optics. He was acquainted with the Magia Naturalis is directed to frivolous objects,
crystalline lens, and conceived that its oflice is it indicates a great familiarity with experiment
to transmit to the optic nerve the species of ex and observation. It is remarkable, that we find
ternal objects; and in this process he does not mention made in it of the reflection of cold by
consider the retina as any way concerned. This a speculum,I an experiment which, of late, has

' Sau'ra‘s Optica, vol. II. Remarks, sect. 75.

' Magic Naturalh, lib. xvii. cap. iv. p. 583- Amsterdam edit. 1664.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 509

drawn so much attention, and has been supposed finding out the true laws of the planetary sys
to be so entirely new. The cold was perceived tem, added that of first analyzing the whole
by making the focus fall on the eye, which, in scheme of nature in the structure of the eye.
the absence of the thermometer, was perhaps He perceived the exact resemblance of this or
the best measure of small variations of tempe gan to the dark chamber, the rays entering the
rature. Porta’s book was extremely popular; pupil being collected by the crystalline lens, and
and when we find it quickly translated into Ita the other humours of the eye, into foc'i, which
lian, French, Spanish, and Arabic, we see how paint on the retina the inverted images of exter
much the love of science was now excited, and nal objects. By another step of the process, to
what efi'ccts the art of printing was now begin which our analysis can never be expected to
ning to produce. Baptiste. Porta was a man of extend, the mind perceives the images thus
fortune, and his house was so much the resort formed, and refers them at the. same time to
of the curious and learned at Naples, that it things without.
awakened the jealousy with which the court of It seemed a great difliculty, that, though the
Rome watched the progress of improvement. images be inverted, the objects are seen erect;
How grievous it is to observe the head of the but when it is considered that each point in the
Christian church in that and the succeeding age, object is seen in the direction of the line in
like the Anarclt old in Milton, reigning in the which the light passes from it to the retina,
midst of darkness, and complaining of the en through the centre of the eye, it will appear that
croachments which the realm of light was con the upright position of the object is a necessary
tinually making on his ancient empire ! consequence of this arrangement.
The constitution of the eye, and the functions Kepler’s discovery is explained in his Para
of the different parts of which it consists, were lipomena in Vitellionem,1 (Remarks on the Optics
not yet fully understood. Maurolycus had of Vitello) a work of great genius, abounding
nearly discovered the secret; and it was but a with new and enlarged views, though mixed occa
thin, though to him an impenetrable veil, which sionally with some unsound and visionary specu
' still concealed one important part of the truth. lations. This book appeared in 1604. In the
This veil was drawn aside by the Neapolitan next article we shall have occasion to return to
philosopher; but the complete discovery of the the consideration of other parts of Kepler’s op
truth was left to Kepler, who, to the glory of tical discoveries.

3. FROM KEPLER TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF NEWTON’S OPTICAL DISCOVEIUES.

Tm: rainbow had, from the earliest times,
been an object of interest with those who be
stowed attention on optical appearances; but it
is much too complicated a phenomenon to be
easily explained. In general, however, it was
understood to arise from light reflected by the
drops of rain falling from a cloud opposite to
the sun. The difliculty seemed to be, how to
account for the colour, which is never produced
in white light, such as that of the sun, by mere
reflection. Maurolycus advanced a considerable
step when he supposed that the light enters the
drop, and acquires colour by refraction; but in
tracing the course of the ray he was quite be
wildered. Others supposed the refraction and
the colour to be the efl'ect of one drop, and the
reflection of another; so that two refractions
and one reflection were employed, but in such
a manner as to be still very remote from the
truth.
Antonio de Dominis, archbishop of Spalatro,
had the good fortune to fall upon the true ex
planation. Having placed a bottle of water op
posite to the sun, and a little above his eye, he
saw a beam of light issue from the under side
of the bottle, which acquired different colours,
in the same order and with the same brilliancy
as in the rainbow, when the bottle was a little

' Caput v. Dc Mada Viaionix.

510 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

raised or depressed. From comparing all the into. The result, however, as is usual in such
circumstances, he perceived that the rays had cases, has not been quite satisfactory; and all
entered the bottle, and that, after two refractions that i known with certainty is, that the honour
from the convex part, and a reflection from the belongs to the town of Middlebnrg in Zealand,
concave, they were returned to the eye tinged and that the date is between the last ten years
with different colours, according to the angle at of the sixteenth century and the first ten of the
which the ray had entered. The rays that gave seventeenth. Two different workmen belonging
the same colour made the same angle with the to that town, Zachariah Jans and John Lap
surface, and hence all the drops that gave the prey, have testimonies in their favour, between
same colour must be arranged in a circle, the which it is difficult to decide: the former goes
centre of which was the point in the cloud op back to 1590, the latter comes down to about
posite to the sun. This, though not a complete 1610. It is not of much consequence to settle
theory of the rainbow, and though it left a great the priority in a matter which is purely acci
deal to occupy the attention, first of Descartes, dental; yet one would not wish to forget or
and afterwards of Newton, was perfectly just, mistake the names of men whom even chance
and carried the explanation as far as the prin had rendered so great benefactors to science.
ciples then understood allowed it to go. The What we know with certainty is, that the ac
discovery itself may be considered as an ano count of the effect produced by this new combi
maly in science, as it is one of a very refined nation of glasses being carried to Galileo in
and subtile nature, made by a man who has 1610, led that great philosopher to the construc
given no other indication of much scientific sa tion of the telescope, and to the interesting dis
gacity or acuteness. In many things his writings coveries already enumerated. By what prin
show great ignorance of principles of optics well ciple he was guided to the combination, which
known in his own time; so that Boscovich, an consists of one convex and one concave lens, he
excellent judge in such matters, has said of has not explained, and we cannot now exactly
him, “ homo opticarum rerum, supra id quod ascertain. He had no doubt observed, that a
patiatur ea tetas, imperitissimus.” The book con convex lens, such as was common in spectacles,
taining this discovery was published in 16113 formed images of objects, which were distinctly
A discovery of the same period, but somewhat seen when thrown on a wall or on a screen. He
earlier, will always be considered as among the might observe also, that if the image, instead of
most remarkable in the whole circle of human falling on the screen, were made to fall on the
knowledge. It is the invention of the telescope, eye, the vision was confused and indistinct. In
the work in which (by following unconsciously the trials to remedy this indistinctness by means
the plan of nature in the formation of the eye) of another glass, it would be found that a con
man has come the nearest to the construction of cave lens succeeded when placed before the eye,
a new organ of sense. For this great invention, the eye itself being also a little more advanced
in its original form, we are indebted to accident, than the screen had been.
or to the trials of men who had little knowledge This instrument, though very imperfect, com
of the principles of the science on which they pared with those which have been since con
were conferring so great a favour. A series of structed, gave so much satisfaction, that it re
scientific improvements, continued for more mained long without any material improvement.
than two hundred years, has continually added Descartes, whose treatise on Optics was written
to the perfection of this noble instrument, and near thirty years after the invention of the tele
has almost entitled science to consider the tele scope, makes no mention of any but such as is
scope as its own production. composed of a convex object-glass and a con
It will readily be believed, that the origin of cave eye-glass. The theory of it, indeed, was
such an invention has been abundantly inquired given by Kepler in his Dioptrics, in 1611, when

' De Bad“: Luck in Viki! penpcctivi: rt Iridc. Venetiis, 4m.

 DISSERTATION THIRD. 511
he also pointed out the astronomical telescope, posed to be produced, till it do so likewise. Now,
or that which is composed of two convex lenses, the general truth which Snellius found to hold,
and inverts the objects. He did not, however, whatever was the position of the incident ray,
construct a telescope of that kind, which appears _ is, that the segments of the refracted ray and of
to have been first done by Scheiner, who has the incident ray, intercepted by these parallels,
given an account of it in the Rosa Ursina, in had always the same ratio to one another. If
1650, quoted by lVIontucla.1 either of the media were changed, that through
After the invention of the telescope, that of which the incident ray, or that through which
the microscope was easy; and it is also to Gali the refracted ray passed, this ratio would be
leo that we are indebted for this instrument, changed; but while the media remained the same,
which discovers an immensity on the one side the ratio continued unalterable. It is seldom
of man, scarcely less wonderful than that which that a general truth is seen .at first under the
the telescope discovers on the other. The ex most simple aspect: this law admits of being
tension and divisibility of matter are thus ren more simply expressed; for, in the triangle form
dered to the natural philosopher almost as unli ed by the two segments of the rays, and by the
mited as the extension and the divisibility of parallel which they intersect, the said segments
space are to the geometer. have the same ratio with the sines of the oppo
The theory of the telescope, now become the site angles, that is, with the sines of the angles
main object in optical science, required that the of incidence and refraction. The law, therefore,
law of refraction should, if possible, be accurate comes to this, that, in the refraction of light by
ly ascertained. This had not yet been effected; the same medium, the sine of the angle of inci
and Kepler, whose Dtbptrics was the most per dcnce has to the sine of the angle of refraction
fect treatise on refraction which had yet appear always the same ratio. This last simplification
ed, had been unable to determine the general did not occur to Snellius; it is the work of Des
principle which connects the angles of incidence cartes, and was first given in his Dabptrics, in
and refraction. In the case} of glass, he had 1637, where no mention is made of Snellius, and
found by experiment, that those angles, when the law of refraction appears as the discovery of
small, are nearly in the ratio of three_to two; the author. This naturally gave rise to heavy
and on this hypothesis he had found the focus of charges against the candour and integrity of the
a double convex lens, when the curvature of both French philosopher. The work of Snellius had
sides is equal, to be the centre of curvature of never been published, and the author himself
the side turned toward the object,—a proposition was dead; but the preposition just referred to
which is known to coincide with experiment. had been communicated to his friends, and had
From the same approximation he derived other been taught by his countryman Professor Hor
conclusions, which were found useful in prac tensius, in his lectures. There is no doubt,
tice, in the cases where the angles ust mention therefore, that the discovery was first made by
ed were very small. Snellius; but whether Descartes derived it from
The discovery of the true law of refraction him, or was himself the second discoverer, re
was the work of Snellius, the same mathemati mains undecided. The question is one of those,
cian whose labours concerning the figure of the where a man’s conduct in a particular situation
earth were before mentioned. In order to ex can only be rightly interpreted from his general
press this law, he supposed a perpendicular to character and behaviour. If Descartes had been
the refracting surface, at the point where the uniformly fair and candid in his intercourse with
refraction is made, and also another line paral others, one would have rejected with disdain a
lel to this perpendicular at any given distance suspicion of the kind just mentioned. But the
from it. The refracted ray, as it proceeds, will truth is, that he appears throughout a jealous
meet this parallel, and the incident ray is sup and suspicious man, always inclined to depress

' Vol. II. p. 234. 2d edit.

512 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

and conceal the merit of others. ' In speaking of tion, and moves with greater velocity, than in
the inventor of the telescope, he has told minute
dense bodies. On this supposition, and appeal,
ly all that is due to accident, but has passed ing, not to physical, but to final causes, Fermat
'carefully over all that proceeded from design,. imagined to himself that he could deduce the
and has incurred the reproach of relating the true law of refraction. He conceived it to be a
origin of that instrument, without mentioning fact that light moves always between two points,
the name of Galileo. In the same manner, he so as to go from the one to the other in the least
omits to speak of the discoveries of Kepler, so time possible. Hence, in order to pass from a
nearly connected with his own ; and in treating given point in a rarer medium where it moves
of the rainbow, he has made no mention of An faster, to a given point in a denser medium
tonio de Dominis. It is impossible that all this where it moves slower, so that the time may be
should not produce an unfavourable impression; a minimum, it must continue longer in the for
and hence it is, that'even the warmest admirers mer medium than if it held a rectilineal course;
of Descartes do not pretend that his conduct to and the bending of its path, on entering the lat
ward Snellius can be completely justified. ter, will therefore be toward the perpendicular.
Descartes would have conceived his philoso On instituting the calculus, according to his own
phy to be disgraced if it had borrowed any ge doctrine of maxima and minima, Fermat found,
neral principle from experience, and he therefore to his surprise, that the path of the ray must be
derived, or affected to derive, the law of refrac such, that the sines of the angles of incidence
tion from reasoning or from theory. In this and refraction have a constant ratio to one an
reasoning there were so many arbitrary suppo other. Thus did these philosophers, setting out
sitions concerning the nature of light, and the from suppositions entirely contrary, and follow
action of transparent bodies, that no confidence ing routes which only agreed in being quite un
can be placed in the conclusions deduced from philosophical and arbitrary, arrive, by a very
it. It is indeed quite evident that, independent~ unexpected coincidence, at the same eon'clusiou.
ly of experiment, Descartes himself could have Fermat could no longer deny the law of refrac
put no trust in it; and it is impossible not to feel tion, as laid down by Descartes; but he was less
how much more it would have been for the credit than ever disposed to admit the justness of his
of that philosopher to have fairly confessed that reasoning.
the knowledge of the law was from experiment, Descartes proceeded from this to a problem
and that the business of theory was to deduce which, though suggested by optical considera
from thence some inferences with respect to the tions, was purely geometrical, and in which his
constitution of light and of transparent bodies. researches were completely successful. It was
This I conceive to be the true method of philo well known that, in the ordinary cases of re
sophizing, but it is the reverse of that which fraction by spherical and other surfaces, the rays
Descartes pursued on all occasions. are not collected into one point, but have their
The weakness of his reasoning was perceived foci spread over a certain surface, the sections
and attacked by Fermat, who, at the same time, of which are the curves called caustic curves;
was not very fortunate in the theory which he and that the focus of opticians is only a point in
proposed to substitute for that of his rival. The this surface, where the rays are more condensed,
latter had laid it down as certain, that light, of and, of course,’ the illumination more intense,
which he supposed the velocity infinite, or the than in other parts of it. It is plain, however,
propagation instantaneous, meets with less ob that if refraction is to be employed, either for
struction in dense than in rare bodies, for which the purpose of producing light or heat, it would
reason, it is refracted toward the perpendicular, be a great advantage to have all the rays which
in passing from the latter into the former. This come from the same point of an object united
seemed to Fermat a. very improbable supposi accurately, after refraction, in the same point of
tion, and be conceived the contrary to be true, the image. This gave rise to an inquiry into
viz. that light in rare bodies has less obstruc the figure which the superficies, separating two
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 513
transparent media of different refracting powers, in general, made but little progress, till the Op
must have, in order that all the rays diverging tica Prmnota of James Gregory, in 1663, seemed
from a given point might, by refraction at the to put them again in motion. The author of
said superficies, be made to converge to another this work, a profound and inventive geometer,
given point.1 The problem was resolved by had applied diligently to the study of optics and
Descartes in its full extent; and he proved that the improvement of optical instruments. The
the curves, proper for generating such super Optica Promota embraced several new inquiries
ficies by their revolution, are all comprehended concerning the illumination and distinctness of
under one general character, viz. that there are the images formed in the foci of lenses, and
always two given points, from which, if straight contained an account of the reflecting telescope,
lines be drawn to any point in the curve, the‘ still known by the name of its author. The
one of these, plus or minus, that which has a consideration which suggested this instrument
given ratio to the other, is equal to a given line. was the imperfection of the images formed by
It is evident, when the given ratio here men spherical lenses, in consequence of which, they
tioned is a ratio of equality, that the curve is a are not in plane, but in curved surfaces. The
conic section, and the two given points its two desire of removing this imperfection led Gregory
foci. The curves, in general, are of the fourth to substitute reflection for refraction in the con
or the second order, and have been distinguish struction of telescopes ; and by this means, while
ed by the name of the ovals of Descartes. he was seeking to remedy a small evil, be pro
From this very ingenious investigation, no vided the means of avoiding a much greater one,
practical result of advantage in the constructionwith which he was not yet acquainted, viz. that
of lenses has been derived. The mechanical which arises from the unequal refrangibility of
difficulties of working a superficies into any light. The attention of Newton was about the
figure but a spherical one are so great, that, notsame time drawn to the same subject, but with
withstanding all the efforts of Descartes himselfa perfect knowledge of the defect which he
and of many of his followers, they have never wanted to remove. Gregory thought it neces
been overcome; so that the great improvements sary that the specula should be of a parabolic
in optical instruments have arisen in a quarter figure; and the execution proved so difficult,
entirely different. . that the instrument, during his own life, was
Descartes gave also a full explanation of the never brought to any perfection. The specula
rainbow,‘ as far as colour was not concerned; a were afterwards constructed of the ordinary
part of the problem which remained for Newton spherical form, and the Gregorian telescope, till
to resolve. The path of the ray was traced, and the time of Dr Herschel, was more in use than
the angles of the incident ray, with that which the Newtonian.
emerges after two refractions and one reflec Gregory was Professor of Mathematics at St
tion, were accurately determined. Descartes paid Andrews, and afterwards for a short time at
Edinburgh. His writings strongly mark the
little attention to those who had gone before him,
and, as already remarked, never once mentioned imperfect intercourse which subsisted at that
the archbishop of Spalatro. Like Aristotle, he time between this country and the Continent.
seems to have formed the design of cutting oil" Though the Optics of Descartes had been pub
the memory of all his predecessors; but the in lished twenty-five years, Gregory had not heard
vention of printing had made this a far more of the discovery of the law of refraction, and had
hopeless undertaking than it was in the days of found it out only by his own efl'orts;—happy in
the Greek philosopher. being able, by the fertility of his genius, to
After the publication of the Dioptrics of Des supply the defects of an insulated and remote
cartes, in 1637, a considerable interval took situation.
place, during which optics, and indeed science A course of lectures on optics, delivered at

1 CARTESH Dinytrice, cap. viii. ; Geomdrin, lib. ii. ' i'llctcom, cap. viii.
D158. 1]]. PART I 3r
514 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Cambridge in 1668, by Dr Barrow, and pub; scopes, which, though of different sizes, shall
lished in the year following, treated of all the have the same degree of distinctness, illumina
more diflicult questions which had occurred in tion, 81c. Huygens was, besides, a practical op
that state of the science, with the acuteness and tician; he polished lenses and constructed tele
depth which are found in all the writings of scopes with his own hands, and some of his ob
that geometer. This work contains some new ject-glasses were of the enormous focal distance
vievvs in optics, and a great deal of profound of 130 feet. To his Dioptrics is added a valu
mathematical discussion. able treatise De Formandi's Vitris.
About this time Grimaldi, a learned Jesuit, In the history of optics, particular attention
the companion of Riccioli, in his astronomical is due to his theory of light, which was first
labours, made known some optical phenomena ‘communicated to the Academy of Sciences of
which had hitherto escaped observation. They Paris, in 1678, and afterwards published, with
respected the action of bodies on light, and when enlargements, in 1690.'
compared with reflection and refraction, might Light, according to this ingenious system,
be called, in the language of Bacon’s philosophy, consists in certain undulations communicated
crepuscular instances, indicating an action of the by luminous bodies to the ethereal fluid which
same kind, but much weaker and less percep fills all space. This fluid is composed of the
tible. Having stretched a. hair across a sun most subtile matter, is highly elastic, and the
beam, admitted through a hole in the window undulations are propagated through it with great
shutter of a dark chamber, he was surprised to velocity in spherical superficies proceeding from
find the shadow much larger than the natural a centre. Light, in this view of it, differs from
divergence of the rays could have led him to that of the Cartesian system, which is supposed
expect. Other facts of the same kind made to be without elasticity, and to convey impres~
known the general law of the difi'mction or in sions instantaneously, as a stafl' does from the
flection of light, and showed that the rays are object it touches to the hand which holds it.
acted on by bodies, and turned out of their rec It is not, however, in this general view that
tilineal course, even when not-in contact, but the ingenuity of the theory appears, but in its
at a. measurable distance from the surfaces or application to explain the equality of the angles
edges of such bodies. Grimaldi gave an account of incidence and reflection; and, most of all,
of those facts in a treatise printed at Bologna the constant ratio which subsists between the
in 1665.‘ sines of the angles of incidence and of refrac
Optics, as indeed all the branches of Natural tion. Few things are to be met with more
Philosophy, have great obligations to Huygens. simple and beautiful than this last application of
The former was among the first scientific ob the theory; but that which is most remarkable
jects which occupied his mind; and his Diap of all is, the use made of it to explain the double
h'ics, though a posthumous work, is most of it refraction of Iceland crystal. This crystal, which
the composition of his early youth. It is writ is no other than the calcareous spar of mineral
ten with great perspicuity and precision, and is ogists, has not only the property of refracting light
said to have been a favourite book with Newton in the usual manner of glass, water, and other
himself. Though beginning from the first ele transparent bodies, but it has also another power
ments, it contains a full development of the of refraction, by which even the rays falling
matters of greatest difficulty in the construction perpendicularly on the surface of the crystal are
of telescopes, particularly in what concerns the turned out of their course, so that a double
indistinctness arising from the imperfect foci image is formed of all objects seen through these
into which rays are united by spherical lenses; crystals. This property belongs not only to
and rules are deduced for constructing tele calcareous spar, but, in a greater or less degree,

' I’lzylico-lllathnis dc Lamina, Coloribur, 41:. 4t!)

' Traité de la Lmm'érc. Leyde, 1690
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 515

to all substances which are both crystallized and the laws which they obey, to the imagina
and transparent. tion or the understanding; and there is perhaps
The common refraction is explained by Huy no theory in optics, and but very few in natural
gens, on the supposition that the undulations philosophy, of which more can be said. Theory,
in the luminous fluid are propagated in the form therefore, in this instance, is merely to be re
of spherical waves. The double refraction is garded as the expression of a general law; and
explained on the supposition that the undula in that light, I‘think, it is considered by La
tions of light, in passing through the calcareous place.
spar, assume a spheroidal form; and this hypo To carry the theory of Huygens farther, and
thesis, though it does not apply with the same to render it quite satisfactory, a reason ought to
simplicity as the former, yet admits of such pre be assigned why the undulations of the luminous
cision, that a proportion of the axes of the sphe fluid are spheroidal in the case of crystals, and
roids may be assigned, which will account for spherical in all other cases. This would be to
the precise quantity of the extraordinary refrac render the generalization more complete; and
tion, and for all the phenomena dependent on it, till that is done, and a connection clearly estab
which Huygens had studied with great care, and lished between the structure of crystallized bo
had reduced to the smallest number of general dies and the property of double refraction, the
facts. That these spheroidal undulations ac theory will remain imperfect. The attention
tually exist, he would, after all, be a bold theo which at present is given to this most singular
rist who should affirm ; but, that the supposition and interesting branch of optics, and the great
of their existence is an accurate expression of number of new phenomena observed and classed
the phenomena of double refraction, cannot be under the head of the Polarisation of Light, make
doubted. When one enunciates the hypothesis it almost certain that this object will be either
of the spheroidal undulations, he, in fact, ex speedily accomplished, or that science has here
presses in a single sentence all the phenomena reached one of the immovable barriers by which
of double refraction. The hypothesis is there the circle of human knowledge is to be for ever
fore the means of representing these phenomena, circumscribed.

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 DISSERTATION THIRD.

PART SECOND.

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF NEWTON'S DISCOVERIES TO THE YEAR 1818

Is the former part of this sketch, the history ing, in the interval which extends from the first
of each division of the sciences was continued of Newton’s discoveries to the year 1818, three
without interruption, from the beginning to the difl'erent conditions of the Physico-Mathematical
end. During the period, however, on which I sciences, well marked and distinguished by great
am now to enter, the advancement of knowledge improvements, I have divided the above interval
has been so rapid, and marked by such distinct into three corresponding parts. The first of
steps, that several pauses or resting-places occur, these, reaching from the commencement of New
of which it may be advisable to take advantage. ton’s discoveries in 1663, to a little beyond his
Were the history of any particular science to be death, or to 1730, may be denominated, from
continued for the whole of the busy interval the men who impressed on it its peculiar charac
which this second part embraces, it would leave ter, the period of NEWTON and LEIBNITZ. The
the other sciences too far behind, and would second, which, for a similar reason, I call that
make it difficult to perceive the mutual action of Eon-m and D’ALEMBERT, may be regarded
by which they have so much assisted the pro as extending from 1730 to 1780; and the third,
gress of one another. Considering some sort of that of Laosssos and LAPLACE, from 1780 to
subdivision, therefore, as necessary, and observ 1818.

PERIOD FIRST.

SECTION I.

THE NEW GEOMETRY.

THE seventeenth century, which had advan series of philosophical discoveries yet recorded
ced with such spirit and success in combating in the history of letters. It was about to wit
prejudice, detecting error, and establishing truth, ness, in succession, the invention of Fluxions,
was destined to conclude with the most splendid the discovery of the Composition of Light, and
518 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

of the Principle of Universal Gravitation,—all marked, that, in the first of these series, the
three within a period of little more than twenty equation to the circle itself might beintroduced,
years, and all three the Work of the same indi and would occupy the middle place between the
vidual. It is to the first of these that our atten first and second terms of the series, or between
tion at present is to be particularly directed. an equation to a straight line and an equation to
The notion of Infinite Quantity had, as we the common parabola. He concluded therefore,
have already seen, been for some time introdu that if, in the second series, he could interpolate
ced into geometry, and having become a subject a term in the middle, between its first and se
of reasoning and calculation, had, in many in cond terms, this term must necessarily be no
stances, after facilitating the process of both, other than the area of the circle. But when he
led to conclusions from which, as if by magic, proceeded to pursue this very refined and phi
the idea of infinity had entirely disappeared, and losophical idea, he was not so fortunate; and
left the geometer or the algebraist in possession his attempt toward the requisite interpolation,
of valuable propositions, in which were involved though it did not entirely fail, and made known
no magnitudes but such as could be readily ex a curious property of the area of the circle, did
hibited._ The discovery of such results had in not lead to an indefinite quadrature of that
creased both the interest and extent of mathe curve.I Newton was much more judicious and
matical investigation. successful in his attempt. Proceeding on the
It was in this state of the sciences that New same general principle with Wallis, as be him
ton bcgan his mathematical studies, and, after a self tells us, the simple view which he took of
very short interval, his mathematical discove the areas already computed, and of the terms of
ries.l The book, next to the elements, which which each consisted, enabled him to discover the
was put into his hands, was Wallis’s Arithmetic law which was common to them all, and under
(1f Infiniles, a work well fitted for suggesting new which the expression for the area of the circle,
views in geometry, and calling into activity the as well as of innumerable other curves, must
powers of mathematical invention. Wallis bad needs be comprehended. In the ease of the circle;
effected the quadrature of all these curves in as in all those where a fractional exponent ap
which the value of one of the co-ordinates can peared, the area was exhibited in the form of an
be expressed in terms of the other, without in infinite series.
volving either fractional or negative exponents. The problem of the quadrature of the circle,
Beyond this point, neither his researches nor and of so many other curves, being thus resolv
those of any other geometer had yet reached, ed, Newton immediately remarked, that the law
and from this point the discoveries of Newton of these series was, with a small alteration, the
began. The Savilian professor had himself been law for the series of terms which expresses the
extremely desirous to advance into the new re root of any binomial quantity whatsoever. Thus
gion, where, among other great objects, the quad he was put in possession of another valuable dis
rature of the circle must necessarily be contain covery, the Binomial Theorem, and at the same
ed; and he made a very noble efl'ort to pass the time perceived that this last was in reality, in
barrier by which the undiscovered country ap the order of things, placed before the other, and
peared to be defended. He saw plainly, that if afforded a much easier access to such quadratures
the equations of the curves which he had squar than the method of interpolation, which, though
ed were ranged in a regular series, from the the first road, appeared now neither to be the
simpler to the more complex, their areas would easiest nor the most direct.
constitute another corresponding series, the It is but rarely that we can lay hold with cer
terms of which were all known. He further re— tainty of the thread by which genius has been

‘ He entered at Trinity College, Cambridge, in June 1660. The date of his first discoveriea is about 1663.
2 The interpolation of Wallis failed, because he did not employ literal or general esponents. His theorem, expressing
the area of the entire circle by a fraction, of which the numerator and denominator are each the continued product of a
certain series of numbers, is a remarkable anticipation of some of Euler's discoveries. (Cale. Int. tom. 1. cap. Vlli.)
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 519

guided in its first discoveries. Here we are pro compliance. All this was previous to the year
ceeding on the authority of the author himself; 1669; the treatise itself was not published till
for in a letter to Oldenburg,‘ Secretary of the 1711, more than forty years after it was written.
Royal Society of London, he has entered into For a long time, therefore, the discoveries of
considerable detail on this subject, adding, (so Newton were only known to his friends; and
ready are the steps of invention to be forgotten) the first work in which he communicated any
that the facts would have entirely escaped his thing to the world on the subject of fluxions was
memory, if he had not been reminded of them in the first edition of the Principia, in 1687, in
by some notes which he had made at the time, the second Lemma of the second book, to which,
and which he had accidentally fallen on. The in the disputes that have since arisen about the
whole of the letter just referred to is one of the invention of the new analysis, reference has been
most valuable documents to be found in the his so often made. The principle of the fluxionary
tory of invention. calculus was there pointed out, but nothing ap
1 In all this, however, nothing occurs from which peared that indicated the peculiar algorithm, or
it can be inferred that the method of fiuxions had the new notation, which is so essential to that
yet occurred to the inventor. His discovery con calculus. About this Newton had yet given no
sisted in the method of reducing the value of y, the information; and it was only from the second
ordinate of a curve, into an infinite series of the volume of \Vallis’s Works, in 1693, that it be~
integer powers of x the abscissa, by division, or came known to the world.‘ It was no less than
the extraction of roots, that is, by the Binomial ten years after this, in 1704-, that Newton him
Theorem; after which, the part of the area belong self first published a work on the new calculus,
ing to each term could be assigned by the arith his Quadrature Qf Curves, more than twenty
metic of infinites, or other methods already known. eight years after it was written.
He has assured us himself, however, that the These discoveries, however, even before the
great principle of the new geometry was known press was employed as their vehicle, could not
to him, and applied to investigation, as early as remain altogether unknown in a country where
1665 or 1666.“ Independently of that authori the mathematical sciences were cultivated with
ty, we also know, on the testimony of Barrow, zeal and diligence. Barrow, to whom they were
that soon after the period just mentioned there first made known by the author himself, com
was put into his hands by Newton a manuscript municated them to Oldenburg, the Secretary of
treatise,s the same which was afterwards pub the Royal Society, who had a very extensive cor
lished under the title of Analysis pa Equa respondence all over Europe. By him the series
timuzs Numero Terminorum Infinitas, in which, for the quadrature of the circle were made known
though the instrument of investigation is no to James Gregory, in Scotland, who had oc
thing else than infinite series, the principle of cupied himself very much with the same subject.
fluxions, if not fully explained, is at least dis They were also communicated to Leibnitz in Ger
tinctly pointed out. Barrow strongly exhorted many, who had become acquainted with Olden
his young friend to publish this treasure to the burg in a visit which he made to England in
world; but the modesty of the author, of which 1673. At the time of that visit, Leibnitz was
the excess, if not culpable, was certainly in the but little conversant with the Mathematics ; but
present instance very unfortunate, prevented his having afterwards devoted his great talents to

' Cmnmerdmn Epistolicum, No. 55.

' Quadrature q‘Curru, Introduction.
' Commerm'um Epiatohcum, No. I. 11. III. 6w.
‘ Wallis says, that he had inserted in the English edition of his book, published in 1685, several extracts from Newton's
Letterl, “ Omiui: mulli: 015i: inibi notulu dignil, to quad sprravtrim clariuimum virum rolniuc tum illa, tum alia qlnr apud
511mm premil, cdidine. Cum vcro iIIud nondum fecerit, h'bet mrum nonnslla hie stringent, ne percent." Amon these last is an
aceount of the fluxionary notation, according to which the tluxions of flowing quantities are distinguished by ' s,
and also of certain agplicstions of this new algorithm, extracted from two letters of Newton, written in 1792.
tom. II. . 300, Ste. There is no evidence of his notation having existed earlier than that date, though it be highly
probable t at it did.
520 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the study of that science, he was soon in a con curves might show the author to be in possession
dition to make new discoveries. He invented a of a method of investigation different from infi
method of squaring the circle, by transforming nite series, yet they afl'orded no indication of
it into another curve of an equal area, but hav the nature of that method, or the principles on
ing the ordinate expressed by a rational fraction which it proceeded. _
of the absciss, so that its area could be found by In what manner Newton’s communiaitions
the methods already known. In this way he in the two letters already referred to may have
discovered the series, so remarkable for its sim acted in stimulating the curiosity, and extending,
plicity, which gives the value of a circular arch or even directing, the views of such a man as
in terms of the tangent. This series he com Leibnitz, I shall not presume to decide (nor,
municated to Oldenburg in 1674-, and received even if such effect he admitted, will it take
from him in return an account of the progress from the originality of his discoveries); but, that
made by Newton and Gregory in the invention in the authenticated communications which took
of series. In 1676, Newton described his me place between these philosophers there was no
thod of quadratures at the request of Olden thing which could make known the nature of
burg, in order that it might be transmitted to the fiuxionary calculus, I consider as a fact most
Leibnitz, in the two letters already mentioned, fully established.
as of such value, by recording the views which Of the new or infinitesimal analysis, we
guided that great geometer in his earliest, and are, therefore, to consider Newton as the first
some of his most important discoveries. The inventor, Leibnitz as the second; his disco
method of fluxions is not communicated in these very, though posterior in time, having been
letters; nor are the principles of it in any way made independently of the other, and having no
suggested; though there are, in the last letter, less claim to originality. It had the advantage
two sentences in transposed characters, which also of being first made known to the world;
ascertain that Newton was then in possession of an account of it, and of its peculiar algorithm,
that method, and employed in speaking of it the having been inserted in the first volume of the
same language in which it was afterwards made Ada Eruditorum, in 1684-. Thus, while New
known. In the following year, Leibnitz, in ton’s discovery remained a secret, communicated
a letter to Oldenburg, introduces differentials, only to a few friends, the geometry of Leibnitz
and the methods of his calculus, for the first was spreading with great rapidity over the Con
time. This letter,1 which is very important, tinent. Two most able coadjutors, the brothers
clearly proves that the author was then in full James and John Bernoulli, joined their talents
possession of the principles of his calculus, and to those of the original inventor, and illustrated
had even invented the algorithm and notation. the new methods by the solution of a great va
From these facts, and they are all that bear riety of difficult and interesting problems. The
directly on the question concerning the inven reserve of Newton still kept his countrymen ig~
tion of the infinitesimal analysis, if they be fair norant of his geometrical discoveries; and the
ly and dispassionately examined, I think that no first book that appeared in England on the new
doubt can remain that Newton was the first in geometry was that of Craig, who professedly
ventor of that analysis, which he called by the derived his knowledge from the writings of
name of Fluxions ; but that, in the communica Leibnitz and his friends. Nothing, however,
tions made by him, or his friends, to Leibnitz, like rivalship or hostility between th ese inventors
_there was nothing that could convey any idea had yet appeared; each seemed willing to admit
of the principle on which that analysis was the originality of the other’s discoveries; and
founded, or of the algorithm which it involved. Newton, in the passage of the Principia just re
The things stated were merely results; and ferred to, gave a highly favourable opinion on
though some of those relating to the tangents of the subject of the discoveries of Leibnitz.

' Cummercium Epistolicum, No. 66.

 DISSERTATION THIRD. 521
The quiet, however, that now prevailed be illier, and to carry the war into the country of
tween the English and German philosophers, the enemy." After giving a very imperfect
was clearly of a nature to be easily disturbed. synopsis of the first of these books, 'they add:
With the English was conviction, and, as we “ Pro dzflkrentiis igilm Leibnitianis D. Newtonus
have seen, a well-grounded conviction, that adln'bet, semperque adhibuit, fluximles; qua: aunt
the first discovery of the infinitesimal analysis quamprozime utfluentium dugmenta, mqualibus tem
was the property of Newton; but the analysis poris particulis quam minimis genita ,- iisQ'ue, tum in
thus discovered was yet unknown to the pub suis Principiis Nature: Malhmnalicis, tum in aliis
lic, and was in the hands of the inventor and postea editis, eleganter est usus; queMadmodum
his friends. \Vith the Germans there was the Hmzm'alus Fabrius in ma Synopsi Geometrica
conviction, also well founded, that the invention motuum progressus Cat-alierz'anw melhodo substi
of their countryman was perfectly original; and l'uit.”l
they had the satisfaction to see his calculus In spite of the politeness and ambiguity of
everywhere adopted, and himself considered all this passage, the most obvious meaning appeared
over the Continent as the sole inventor.‘ The to be, that Newton had been led to the notion
friends of Newton could not but resist this latter of fiuxions by the difl'erentials of Leibnitz, just
claim; and the friends of Lcibnitz,’seeing that as Honoratus Fabri had been led to substitute
their master had become the great teacher of the idea of progressive motion for the indivisibles
the new calculus, could not easily bring them of Cavalieri. A charge so entirely unfounded,
selves to acknowledge that he was not the first so inconsistent with acknowledged facts, and so
discoverer. The tranquillity that existed under little consonant to declarations that had former
such circumstances, if once disturbed, was not ly come from the same quarter, could nbt but
likely to he speedily restored. call forth the indignation of Newton and his
Accordingly, a remark of Fatio de Duillier, a friends, especially as it was known that these
mathematician, not otherwise very remarkable, journalists spoke the language of Leibnitz and
‘ was sufiicient to light up a flame which'a whole Bernoulli. In that indignation they were per
century has been hardly sufficient to extinguish. fectly justified; but when the minds of con
In a paper on the line of swiftest descent, which tending parties have become imitated in a cer
he prescntc'tl to the Royal Society in 1699, was tain degree, it often happens that the injustice
this sentence: “ I hold Newton to have been of one side is retaliated by an equal injustice
the first inventor of this calculus, and the earliest, from the opposite. Accordingly, Keill, who,
by several years, induced by the evidence of with more zeal than"judgment, undertook the
facts; and whether Leibnitz, the second in defence of Newton’s claims, instead of endea
ventor, has borrowed any thing from the other, vouring to establish the priority of his disco
I leave to the udgmcnt of those who have seen veries by an appeal to' facts and to dates that
the letters and manuscripts of Newton.” Leib could be accurately ascertained, (in which he
nitz replied to this charge in the Leipsic Journal, would have been completely successful) under
without any asperity, simply stating himself to took to prove, that the communications of New
have been, as well as Newton, the inventor; ton to Leibnitz were sufficient to put the latter
neither contesting nor acknowledging Newton’s in possession of the principles of the new ana
claim to priority, but asserting his own to the lysis, after which he had only to substitute the
first publication of the calculus. notion of differentials for that of fluxions. In
Not long after this, the publication of New support of a charge which it would have re
ton’s Quadrature of Curves, and his Enumeration quired the clearest and most irresistible evidence
of the lines Qf the third order, (1705) afforded the to justify, he had, however, nothing to ofi‘er but
same journalists an opportunity of showing their equivocal facts and overstrained arguments,
determination to retort the insinuations of Du such as could only convince those who were al

‘ Corllmcrcinm Epiltolicum, N0. 79: New-rout Opera, tom. IV. p. 577.

DISS. III. PART II. 3 u
 522 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
ready disposed to believe. They were, accord
ingly, received as sound reasoning in England,
rejected as absurd in Germany, and read with
no effect by the mathematicians of France and
Italy.
Leibnitz complained of Keill’s proceeding to
the Royal Society of London, which declined
giving judgment, but appointed a commission of
its members to draw up a. full and detailed re~
port of all the communications which had passed
between Newton and Leibnitz, or their friends,
on subjects connected with the new analysis,
from the time of Collins and Oldenburg to the
date of Keill’s letter to Sir Hans Sloane in 1711,
the same that was now complained of. This re
port forms what is called the Commercium Epis
tolicum ,- it was published by order of the Royal
Society the year following, and contains an ac
count of the facts, which, though in the main
.fair and just, does not give that impression of
the impartiality of the reporters which the cir
cumstances so imperiously demanded. Leib
nitz complained of this publication, and al
leged, that though nothing might be inserted
that was not contained in the original letters,
yet certain passages were suppressed which were
favourable to his pretensions. He threatened
an answer, which, however, never appeared.
Some notes were added to the Commercium,
which contain a good deal of asperity and un
supported insinuation. The Recensio, or review
of it, inserted in the Philosophical Transactions
for 1715, though written with ability, is still
more liable to the same censure.
In the year (1713) which followed the publi
cation of the Commercium Epistolicum, a para
graph was circulated among the mathematicians
of Europe, purporting to be the judgment of a
mathematician on. the invention of the new ana
lysis. The author was not named, but was
generally understood to be John Bernoulli, of
which, indeed, the terms in which Leibnitz
speaks of the judgment leave no room to doubt.
Bernoulli was without question well acquainted
with the subject in dispute; he was a perfect
master of the calculus; he had been one of the
great instruments of its advancement; and, ex
cept impartiality, possessed every requisite for a
judge. Without offence it might be said, that alone who were initiated in the doctrines, and
he could scarcely be accounted impartial. He
had been a party in all that had happened.
Warmly attached as he was to the one side,
and greatly exasperated against the other, his
temper had been more frequently rufiled, and
his passions or prejudices more violently excited,
than those of any other individual. With all
his abilities, therefore, he was not likely to
prove the fairest and most candid judge, in a
cause that might almost be considered as his own.
His sentence, however, is pronounced in calm
and temperate language, and amounts to this,
That there is no reason to believe that the fluxion
ary calculus was invented before the drfl'erenlial.
The friends of Leibnitz hurt their own cause,
by attempting to fix on Newton a charge of plap
giarism, which was refuted by such a chain of
evidence, by so many dates distinctly ascertain
ed, and so many concessions of their own. A
candid review of the evidence led to the con
viction, that both Newton and Leibnitz were
original inventors. \Vhen the English mathe
maticians accused Leibnitz of borrowing from
Newton, they were, therefore, going much far
ther than the evidence authorized them, and
were mistaking their own partialities for proofs.
They maintained what was not true, but what,
nevertheless, was not physically impossible, the
discovery of Newton being certainly prior to that
of Leibnitz. The German mathematicians, on
the other hand, when they charged Newton with
borrowing from Leibnitz, were maintaining what
was not only false, but what involved an impos
sibility. This is the only part of the dispute, in
which any thing that could be construed into
mala fides can be said to have appeared. I am
far, however, from giving it that construction;
men of such high character, both for integrity
and talents, as Leibnitz and Bernoulli, ought
not to be lightly subjected to so cruel an impu
tation. Partiality, prejudice, and passion, are
sufficient to account for much injustice, without
a decided intention to do wrong.
In the state of hostility to which matters were
now brought, the new analysis itself was had re
course to, as affording to either side abundant
means of annoying its adversaries, by an inex
haustible supply of problems, accessible to those
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 523
who could command the resources of that ana Eruditorum, with an invitation to all who were
lysis. The power of resolving such problems, skilled in the new analysis to attempt the solu
therefore, seemed a test whether this analysis tion. The problem had not, at first, met with
was understood or not. Already some questions the attention it was supposed to deserve; but
of this kind had been proposed in the Leipsic John Bernoulli, having resumed the considera
Journal, not as defiances, but as exercises in the tion of it, found out what appeared a very per
new geometry. Such was the problem of the feet and very general solution; and the question
Catenaria, or the curve, which a chain of uni was then (1716) proposed anew by Leibnitz, for
form weight makes when suspended from'two the avowed purpose of trying the skill of the
points. This had been proposed by Bernoulli English mathematicians. The question is,—a
in 1690, and had been resolved by Huygens, system of curves described according to a known
Leibnitz, and himself. law being given, (all the hyperbolas, for instance,
A question had been proposed, also, concern that are described between the same assymp
ing the line of swiftest descent, in 1697, or totes, 0r all the parabolas that have the same
the line along which a body must descend, in directrix, and that pass through the' same point,
order to go from one point to another not per 8m.) to describe a curve which shall cut them
pendicularly under it, in the least time possible. all at right angles. This may be considered as
Though a straight line be the shortest distance the first defiance professedly aimed at the Eng
between two points, it does not necessarily fol lish mathematicians. The problem was delivered
low that the descent in that line will be most to Newton on his return from the Mint, when
speedily performed; for, by falling in a curve he was much fatigued with the business of the
that has at first a very rapid declivity, the body day : be resolved it, however, the same evening;
may acquire in the beginning of its motion so and his solution, though without a name, is given
great a velocity, as shall carry it over a long in the Philosophical Transactions for 1716.1
line in less time than it would describe a short This solution, however, only gave rise to new
one, with a velocity more slowly acquired. This, quarrels; for hardly any thing so excellent could
however, is a problem that belongs to a class of come from the one side, that it could meet with
questions of peculiar difficulty; and accordingly the entire approbation of the other. Newton’s,
it was resolved only by a few of the most dis indeed, was rather the plan or pny'et of an in- _
tinguished mathematicians. The solutions which vestigation, than an actual solution; and, in
appeared within the time prescribed were from the general view which it took of the question,
Leibnitz, Newton, the two Bernoullis, and M. could hardly provide against all the diihculties
de l’Hopital. Newton’s appeared in the Phib that might occur in the application to particular
sophical Transactions without a name; but the cases. This was what Bernoulli objected to,
author was easily recognised. John Bernoulli, and affected to treat the solution as of no value.
on seeing it, is said to have exclaimed, Ea: ungue Brook Taylor, Secretary of the Royal Society,
leonem! and well known as one of the ablest geometers
The curve that has the property required is of the time, undertook the defence of it, but
the cycloid: Newton has given the construction, concluded with using language very reprehen
but has not accompanied it with the analysis. sible, and highly improper to be directed by one
He added afterwards the demonstration of a very man of science against another. Having suffi
curious theorem for determining the time of the ciently, as be supposed, replied to Bernoulli
actual descent. Leibnitz resolved the problem and his friends, he adds, “ if they are not satis
the same day that he received the programme in fied with the solution, it must be ascribed to
which it was proposed. their own ignorance.”a It strongly marks the
The problem of orthogonal trajectories, as it temper by which both sides were now animated,
is called, had been long ago proposed in the Ada when a man like Taylor, eminent for profound

- Vol. xxxx 1. 399. I Eorum imperitia trihuendum est.

524 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

science, and, in general, very much disposed to the mixed mathematics which had excited most
do justice to the merits of others, should so for attention, and which seemed best calculated to
get himself as to reproach with ignorance of the ' exercise the resources of the new analysis, was
calculus one of the men who understood it the the determination of the path of a projectile in
best, and who had contributed the most to its a medium which resists proportionally to the
improvement. The irritability and prejudices of square of the velocity, that being nearly the law
Bernoulli admitted of no defence, and he might of the resistance which the air opposes to bodies
very well have been accused of viewing the so moving with great velocity. The resistance of
lution of Newton through a medium disturbed fluids had been treated of by Newton in the
by their action; but to suppose that he was un second book of the Principia, and he had inves
able to understand it, was an impertinence that tigated a. great number of curious and import
could only react on the person who was guilty ant propositions relative to its efl'ects. He had
of it. Bernoulli was not exemplary for_his pa considered some of the simpler laws of resist
tience; and it will be readily believed, that the ance; but of the case just mentioned he had
incivility of Taylor was sufficiently revenged. given no solution, and, after approachingas
It is painful to see men of science engaged in near as possible to it on all sides, had with
such degrading altercation; and I should be in drawn without making an‘attack. A problem
clined to turn from so disagreeable an object, if so formidable was not likely to meet with many
the bad effects of the spirit thus excited were who, even in the more improved state at which
not such as must again obtrude themselves on the calculus had now arrived, could hope to
the notice of the reader. A
overcome its difficulties. Whether Keill had
Taylor not long after came forward with an flattered himself that he could resolve the pro
open defiance to the whole Continent, and pro blem, or had forgotten, that when a man pro
posed a problem, Omnibus geometris non Anglia, poses a question of defiance to another, he ought
——a problem, of course, which he supposed that to be sure that he can answer it himself, may
the English mathematicians alone were suffi be doubted; but this is certain, that, without
ciently enlightened to resolve. He selected one, the necessary preparation, he boldly challenged
accordingly, of very considerable difficulty,— Bernoulli to produce a solution.
the integration of a fluxion of a complicated Bernoulli resolved the question in a very
form; which, nevertheless, admitted of being short time, not only for a resistance propor
done in a very elegant manner, known, I be tional to the square, but to any power whatso
lieve, at that time to very few of the English ever of the velocity; and by the conditions which
mathematicians,—t0 Cotes, to himself, and per he aflixed to the publication of his solution, took
haps one or two more. The selection, never care to expose the weakness of his antagonist.
theless, was abundantly injudicious; for Ber He repeatedly offered to send his solution to a
noulli, as long ago as 1702, had explained the confidential person in London,» providing Keill
method of integrating this, and such like for would do the same. Keill never made any re
mules, both in the Paris Mémoires and in the ply to a proposal so fair, that there could only
Leipsic Acts. The question, accordingly, was be one reason for declining it. Bernoulli, of
no sooner proposed than it was answered in a course, exulted over him cruelly, breaking out
manner the most clear and satisfactory; so the in a torrent of vulgar abuse, and losing sight of
defiance of Taylor only served to display the every maxim of candour and good taste.
address and augment the triumph of his adver Such, then, were the circumstances under
sary. which the infinitesimal analysis,——the greatest
' The last and most unsuccessful of these chal discovery ever made in the mathematical sci
lenges was that of Keill, of whose former ap ences,—was ushered into the world. Every
pearance in this controversy we have already where, as it became known, it enlarged the
had so much more reason to commend the zeal views, roused the activity, and increased the
than the discretion. Among the problems in power of the geometer, while it directed the
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 525
warmest sentiments of his gratitude and admi proof also, such as those geometers had adopted,
ration toward the great inventors. In one re it could always be shown that an absurdity fol
spect only its effects were different from those lowed from supposing the results deduced from
which one would have wished to see produced. the method of indivisibles to be other than rigo
It excited jealousy between two great men who rously true.
ought to have been the friends of one another, The method of Cavalieri was improved and
and disturbed in both that philosophical tran extended by a number of geometers- of great
quillity .of mind, for the lo of which even genius who followed him ; Torricelli, Roberval,
glory itself is scarcely an adequate recompense. Fermat, Huygens, Barrow, who all observed the
In order to form a correct estimate of the great advantage that arose from applying the
magnitude and value of this discovery, it may general theorems concerning variable quantity
be useful to look back at the steps by which the to the cases where the quantities approached to
mathematical sciences had been prepared for it. one another infinitely near, that is, nearer than
When we attempt to trace those steps to their within any assigned difl'erence. There was,
origin, we find the principle of the infinitesimal however, as yet, no calculus adapted to these re
analysis making its first appearance in the me searche, that is, no general method of reasoning
thod of exhaustions, as exemplified in the writ by help of arbitrary symbols.
ings of Euclid and Archimedes. These geo But we must go back a step in point of time, .
meters observed, and, for what we know, were if we would trace accurately the history of this
the first to observe, that the approach which last improvement. Descartes, as has been shown
a rectilineal figure may make to one that is in the former part of this outline, made a great
curvilineal, by the increase of the number of its revolution in the mathematical sciences, by ap
sides, the diminution of their magnitude, and a plying algebra to the geometry of curves; or,
certain enlargement of the angles they contain, more generally, by applying it to express the re
may be such that the properties of the former lations of variable quantity. This added in
shall coincide so nearly with those of the latter, finitely to the value of the algebraic analysis,
that no real difl'erence can be supposed between and to the extent of its investigations. The
them without involving a contradiction; and it same great mathematician had observed the ad
was in ascertaining the conditions of this ap vantage that would be gaincd in the geometry
proach, and in showing the contradiction to be of curves, by considering the variable quantities
unavoidable, that the method of exhaustions in one state of an equation as differing infinitely
consisted. The demonstrations were strictly little from the corresponding quantities in an
geometrical, but they were often complicated, other state of the same equation. By means
always indirect, and of course synthetical, so grounded on this he had attempted to draw tan
that they did not explain the means by which gents to curves, and to determine their curva
they had been discovered. ture; but it is seldom the destination of nature
At the distance of more than two thousand that a new discovery should be begun and per
years, Cavalieri advanced a step farther, and, fected by the same individual; and, in these at
by the sacrifice of some apparent, though of no tempts, though Descartes did not entirely fail,
real accuracy, explained, in the method of indi he cannot be considered as having been suc
visibles, a principle which could easily be made cessful.‘
to assume the more rigid form of exhaustions. At last came the two discovercrs, Newton and
This was a very important discovery: though Leibnitz, who completely lifted up the veil which
the process was not analytical, the demonstra their predecessors had been endeavouring to draw
tions were direct, and, when applied to the same aside. They plainly saw, as Descartes indeed
subjects, led to the same conclusions which the had done in part, that the infinitely small vari
ancient geometers had deduced. By an indirect ations of the ordinate and absciss are closely con

' Dissertation Third, Part i. p. 444.

 526 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

.nected with many properties of the curve, which tained.The rejection, however, of the higher
have but a very remote dependence on the ordi powers of the differentials was liable to objec
nates and abscissa: themselves. Hence they in tion, for it had the appearance of being only an
ferred, that to obtain an equation expressing approximation, and did not come up to the per
the relations of these variations to one another, fect measure of geometrical precision. The
was to possess the most direct access to the analysis, thus constituted, necessarily divided
knowledge of those properties. They observed itself into two problems: the first is,-having
also, that when an equation of this kind was given an equation involving two or more vari
deduced from the general equation, it admitted able quantities, to find the equation expressing
of being brought to great simplicity, and of the relation of the differentials, or infinitely
being resolved much more readily than the small variations of those quantities: the second
other. In effect, it assumed the form of a is the converse of this ;—-having given an equa
simple equation; but, in order to make this tion involving two or more variable quantities,
deduction in the readiest and most distinct way, and their differentials, to exterminate the differ
the introduction of new symbols, or of a new entials, and so to exhibit the variable quantities
algorithm,~was necessary, the invention of which in a finite state. This last process is called in
could cost but little to the creative genius of the tegration in the language of the differential ana
men of whom I now speak. They appear, as lysis, and the finite equation obtained is called
has been already shown, to have made their dis the integral of the given differential equation.
coveries separately ;—Newton first,—Leibnitz Newton proceeded in some respects difl‘erent
afterwards, at a considerable interval, yet the ly, and so as to preserve his calculus from the
earliest, by several years, in communicating his imputation of neglecting or throwing away any
discoveries to the world. thing merely because it was small. Instead of
' Thus, though there had been for ages a gra the actual increments of the flowing or variable
dual approach to the new analysis, there were in quantities, he introduced what he called the
that progress some great and sudden advances fluxions of those quantities,-—meaning, by flux
which elevated those who made them to a much ions, quantities which had to one another the
higher level than their predecessors. A great same ratio which _the increments had in their ul
number of individuals co-operated in the work; timate or evanescent state. He did not reject
but those who seem essential, and in the direct quantities, therefore, merely because they were
'line of advancement, are Euclid, Cavalieri, Des? so small that he might do so without committing
cartes, Newton, and Leibnitz. If any of the any sensible error, but because he must reject
others had been wanting, the world would have them, in order to commit no error whatsoever.
been deprived of many valuable theorems, and Flnxions were, with him, nothing else than mea
many collateral improvements, but not of any sures of the velocities with which variable or
general method essential to the completion of flowing quantities were supposed to be generated;
the infinitesimal analysis. and they might be of any magnitude, providing
The views, however, of this analysis taken they were in the ratio of those velocities, or,
by the two inventors were not precisely the which is the same, in the ratio of the nascent or
same. Leibnitz, considering the dili'erences of evanescent increments.‘ The fluxions, there
the variable quantities as infinitely small, con fore, and the flowing quantities or fluents of
ceived that he might reject the higher powers Newton, correspond to the differentials and the
of those difl'erences without any sensible error; sums or integrals of Leibnitz; and though the
so that none of those powers but the first re symbols which denote fluxions are different from
mained in the differential equation finally ob those used to express differentials, they answer

‘ “ I consider mathematical quantities in this lace, not as consisting of small parts, but as described by a continued mo
tion. Lines are described, and thereby generat , not by the apposition of arts, but by the continued motion of points;
superficies by the motion ot‘lines,” &c. (Quadrature of Cur-cu, Introductions
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 527
precisely the same purpose. The fluxionary and function varies becomes nothing, the fluxion
differential calculus may therefore be considered which is proportional to that velocity must be
as two modifications of one general method, aptly come nothing also. Therefore, it is only neces
distinguished by the name of the infinitesimal sary to take the fluxion of the given function,
analysis. and by supposing it equal to nothing, an equa
By the introduction of this analysis, the do tion will be obtained in finite terms, (for the
main of the mathematical sciences was incre— fluxion will entirely disappear) expressing the
dibly enlarged in every direction. The great relation of the quantities when the function as
improvement which Descartes had made by the signed is the greatest or the least possible.
application of algebraic equations to define the Another kind of maximum or minimum,
nature of curve lines was now rendered much abounding also in interesting problems, is more
more efficient, and carried far beyond its origi diflicult by far than the preceding, and, when
nal boundaries. From the equation of the curve taken generally, seems to be only accessible to
the new analysis could deduce the properties of the new analysis. Such cases occur when the
the tangents, and, what was much more diffi function of the variable quantities which is to
cult, could go back from the properties of the be the greatest or the least is not given, but is
tangents to the equation of the curve. From itself the thing to be found; as when it is pro
the same equation it was able to determine the posed to determine the line by which a heavy
curvature at every point; it could measure the body can descend in the least time from one
length of any portion of the curve or the area point to another. Here the equation between
corresponding to it. Nor was it only to alge the co-ordinates of the curve to be found is, of
braic curves that those applications of the calcu course, unknown, and the function of those co
lus extended, but to curves transcendental and ordinates, which denotes the time of descent,
mechanical, as in the instances of the catenaria,cannot therefore be algebraically expressed, so
the cycloid, the elastic curve, and many others. that its fluxion cannot be taken in the ordinary
The same sort of research could be applied to way, and thus put equal to nothing. The for
curve surfaces described according to any given mer rule, then, is not applicable in such cases,
law, and also to the solids contained by them. and it is by no means obvious in what manner
The problems which relate to the maxima and this difficulty is to be overcome. The general
minima, or the greatest and least values of vari problem exercised the ingenuity of both the
able quantities, are among the most interesting Bernoullis, as it has since done of many other
in the Mathematics: they are connected with mathematicians of the greatest name. As there
the highest attainments of wisdom and the great are in such problems always two conditions, ac
est exertions of power; and seem like so many cording to the first of which a- certain property
immovable columns erected in the infinity of is to remain constant, or to belong to all the in
space, to mark the eternal boundary which se dividuals of the species, and, according to the
parates the regions of possibility and impossi second, another property is to be the greatest or
bility from one another. For the solution of the least possible; and as, in some of the simplest
these problems, a particular provision seemed of such questions,1 the constant quantity is the
to be made in the new geometry. circumference or perimeter of a certain curve,
When any function becomes either the great, so problems of this kind have had the name of
est or the least, it does so by the velocity of its Isopa‘imetrical given them; a term which has
increase or of its decrease ceasing entirely, or, thus come to denote one of the most curious and
in the language of algebra, becoming equal to difiicult subjects of mathematical investigation.
nothing. But when the velocity with “which the The new analysis, especially according to the

‘ The most simfiproblem of the kind is strictly and literally iaoperimetrioal, viz. of all curves having the same perimeter,
to find that which the greatmt area. Elementary geometry had pronounced this curve to be the circle long before
there was any idea of an entire class of problems characterized by similar conditions. Vidc Pappi Alexandrini Collect. Nuth
lih. v. prop. 2. &C. 7 ~
528 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

View taken of it by Newton, is peculiarly ad from the relation of these last, investigates the
apted to physical researches, as the hypothesis relation of the variable quantities themselves.
of quantities being generated by continued mo The first of these problems is always possible,
tion comes there to coincide exactly with the and, in general, easy to be resolved; the second
fact, The momentary increments or the fluxions is not always possible, and when possible, is
represent so precisely the forces by which the often very difficult, but in Various degrees, ac
changes in nature are produced, that this doc cording to the manner in which the differentials
trine seemed created for the express purpose of and the variable quantities are combined with
penetrating into the interior of things, and tak one another.
ing direct cognizance of those animating powers If the function into which the differential
which, by their subtilty, not only elude the ob stands multiplied consist of a single term, or an
servation of sense, but the ordinary methods of aggregate of terms, in each of which the vari
geometrical investigation. The infinitesimal able quantity is raised to a power expounded
analysis alone affords the means of measuring by a number positive, negative, or fractional,
forces, when each acts separately, and instan the integration can be effected with case, either
taneously under conditions that can be accurate in algebraic or logarithmic terms; and the cal
ly ascertained. In comparing the effects of con culus had not been long known before this pro
tinued action, the variety of time and circum blem was completely resolved.
stance, and the continuance of effects after their The second case of this first division is,—when
causes have ceased, introduce so much uncer the given function is a fraction having a binomial
tainty, that nothing but vague and unsatisfac or multinomial denominator, the terms of which
tory conclusions can be deduced. The analysis contain any powers whatever of the variable
of infinites goes directly to the point; it mea magnitude, but without involving the radical
sures the intensity or instantaneous efi'ort of the sign. If the denominator contain only the sim
force, and; of course, removes all those causes ple power of the variable quantity, the integral
of uncertainty which prevailed when the results is easily found by logarithms; if it be complex,
of continued action could alone be estimated. It it must be resolved either into simple or qua
is not even by the 'etfeets produced in a short dratic divisors, which, granting the solution of
time, but by efl'ects taken in their nascent or equations, is always possible, at least by ap
evanescent state, that the true proportion of causes proximation, and the given fraction is then
must be ascertained. found equal to an aggregate of simple fractions,
Thus, though the astronomers had proved that having these divisors for their denominators,
the planets describe ellipses round the sun as the and of which the fiuents can always be exhibit
common focus, and that the line from the sun to ed in algebraic terms, or in terms of logarithms
each planet sweeps over areas proportional to and circular arches. This very general and im
the time,--had not the geometer resolved the portant problem was resolved by J. Bernoulli
elliptic motion into its primary elements, and as early as the year 1702.
compared them in their state of evanescence, it The denominator is in this last case supposed
would never have been discovered that these rational; but if it be irrational, the integration
bodies gravitate to the sun with forces which are requires other means to be employed. Here
inversely as the square of their distances from Leibnitz and Bernoulli both taught how, by
the centre of that luminary. Thus, fortunately, substitutions, as in Dioplumtine problems, the
the first discovery of Newton was the intrument irrationality might be removed, and the integra
which was to conduct him safely through all the tion of course reduced to the former case. New
intricacies of his future investigations. ton employed a different method, and, in his
The calculus, as already remarked, necessari Quadrature of Curves, found the fiuents, by com
ly divides itself into two branches; one which, paring the given fluxion with the formulas im
from the variable quantities, finds the relation of mediately derived from the expression of circu
their fluxions or ditferentials; another which, lar or hyperbolic areas. The integrations of
 DISSERTATION THIRD-1 1 529
these irrational formulae, Whichever of the me alw'ays recdurse to approximations b'y infinite
thods be employed, often admit of being effected series, in the contrivance of which he~indeed
with singular elegance and simplicity; but a displayed great ingenuity and- address. But an
' general integration of all the formulas of this approximation, let‘it be ever so g00d,- and ,con
kind, except by approximation, is not yet with Vergeteverrso rapidly, is always inferior tO'an
in the power of analysis. accurate and complete solution, if this last pos
The second general 'divisionvof the problem sess any tolerable degree of simplicity. The
of integration, viz. when the two variable quan series which afl‘ords the approximation cannot
tities and their differentials are' mixed together converge always, or in all states of the Variable
on each side of the equation, .is a more difficult quantity;.. and its utility, on that accountiis so
subject of inquiry than-the preceding. It may much limited,‘.that it can hardly. lead to any
indeed happen that an equation, which at first general result.- Besides, it,does not appear that
presents itself under this aspect, can, by the these series can always' be made to involve the
common rules of algebra, have the quantities arbitrary .or indeterminate quantity, without
so separated, that on each side of the sign of which no fluent can be considered as complete,
equality there shall be but one variable quan For these reasons, such approximations shbuld
tity with its fiuxion; and when ‘this’is done, the never be resort'ed'to till eve expedient has
integration is reduced to one of the cases all been used to 'find an 'accuratesolution.~; To this
ready enumerated. rule, however, Newton‘s method does not con
\Vhen'such separation cannot be made, the form, -but employs approximation in cases where
problem is among the most difficult which the the complete integrah can be obtained; The
infinitesimal analysis presents, at the same time tendency of that method, therefore, however
that it is the key to a vast number of interest. great its merit in other respects, was to give'a
ing questions both in the pure and the mixed direction to research which was; net always, the
mathematics. The two Bernoullis applied them best, and which, in many instances, made itfall
selves strenuously to the elucidation of it; and entirely short of the object, it ought to have at-i
to them we owe all the best and most accurate tainedw It is true that many fluxionary equa-'
methods of resolving such questions which ap-' tions cannot be integrated in any other way ;
peared in the early history of the calculus, and but by having recourse to-it indiscriminately,
which laid the foundation of so many subse we overlook the cases in’which the integral can
quent discoveries. This is a fact which cannot be eXac'tly assigned; 'Accordingly,‘ Bernoulli,
be contested; and it must be acknowledged also, by following a ditferent process, remarked entire
that on the same subject the writings of the classes of fluxionary or differential equations,
English mathematicians were then, as they con that admitted of accurate integration. ' Thus'he
tinue to be at this day, extremely defective. New found, that differential equations, if homoge-'
ton, though he had treated of this branch of the neous,1 however complicated, may always have
infinitesimal analysis with his usual ingenuity the variable quantities separated,'so“ as to come
and depth, had done so only in his work' on under one of the simpler forms already en'ume
Fluxions, which did not see the light till- several rated. By theintroduction, also, of eXponential
years after his death, when, in 1786, it appear equations, which had been considered in England
ed in Colson’s Translation. But that work, eVen as of little us'e, be materially imprOved' this
had it come into the hands of the public in the branch of the calculus. ’
author’s lifetime, would not have remedied the To all these branches of analysis we have still
defect of which I now speak. When the fiuxion another to add of indefinite extent, arising out
ary equation could not be integrated by the of the consideration of the fluxions or difi'eren-‘
simplest and most elementary rules, Newton had tials of the higher orders, each of these orders

' Homogeneous :lquations, in the differential caiculus, are those in which the sum of the exponents of the variable quanti
ties is the same in the terms.
DISS. ll]. PART 11. 3x
530 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

being deduced from the preceding, just as first any elementary treatise explained the general
fluxions are from the variable quantities to which methods, and illustrated them by examples. The
they belong. To understand this, conceive the first book in which this was done, so far at least
successive values of the first fiukions of any va as concerned the differential or direct calculus,
riable quantity to constitute a new series of was the Analyse des infinimenl Petits of the Mar
variable quantities flowing with velocities, the quis de l’Hopital, published in 1696; a work of
measures of which form the fluxions of the se great merit, which did much to diffuse the know
cond order, from which, in the same manner, ledge of the new analysis. It was well received
are deduced fiuxions of the third and of still at that time, and has maintained its character
higher orders. The general principles are the to the present day. The author, a man of ge
Me as in'the fluxions of the first order, but nius,- indefatigable and ardent in the pursuits of
the difficulties of the calculus are greater, par science, had enjoyed the viva voce instructions
ticularly in the integrations; for, to rise from of John Bernoulli, on the subject of the new
second fluxions to the variable quantities them geometry, and therefore came forward with
selves, two integrations are necessary; from third every possible advantage.
fluxions, three; and so on. It was long after this before the works of the
The tract which first made known the new Bernoullis were collected together, those of
analysis was that of Leibnitz, published, as al James in two quarto volumes, and of John in
ready remarked, in the first volume of the Acta four.‘ In the third of these last volumes is a
Eruditoi‘um for 1684, where it occupies no more tract of considerable length, with the title of
than six pages,1 and is the work of an author Lectiones de Methodo Integralium, written in 1691
not yet become very familiar with the nature of and“ 1692, for the use of M. de l’Hopital, to
his own invention. It was sufficient, however, whose book on the Differential Calculus it seems
to explain that invention to mathematicians; to have been intended as a sequel. It is a work
but, nevertheless, some years elapsed before it of great merit; and affords a distinct view of
drew much attention. The Bernoullis were the many of the most general methods of integra
first who perceived its value, and made them tion, with their application to the most interest
selves masters of the principles and methods ing problems; so that, though the earliest trea
contained, or rather suggested, in it. Leibnitz tise on that subject, it remains at this day one
published many other papers in the Acta Eradi of the best compends of the new analysis of
torum and the journals of the times, full of ori which the mathematical world is in possession.
ginal views and important hints, thrown out Indeed the whole of the volumes just referred
very briefly, and requiring the elucidations which to are highly interesting, as containing the ori
his friends just mentioned were always so will ginal germs of the new analysis, and as being
ing and so able to supply. The number of li the work of men always inspired by genius,
terary and scientific objects which divided the sometimes warmed by opposition, and generally
attention of the author himself was so great, animated by the success which accompanied
that he had not time to bestow on the illustra their researches.
tion and development of the most important of But we must now look at the original works
his own discoveries; and the new analysis, for of the earliest inventor. Newton, besides his
all that he has taught, would have been very letters published in the Commercium Epislolicum,
little known, and very imperfectly unfolded, if is the author of three tracts on the new ana
the two excellent geometers just named had not lysis that have all been occasionally mentioned.
come to his assistance. Their tracts were also, ' None of them, however, appeared nearly so soon
like his, scattered in the different periodic works as a great number of the pieces which have just
of that time; and several years elapsed before been enumerated. The Quadrature Qf Curves,

' Nova Mel/Jodi“ pro Murimir a Minimir, 8:0. : LEIBNITH Opera, tom. III. p. 167.
' Those of James were published at Geneva in 1744; of John, at Lausanne and Geneva in 1742

h
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 531
written as early as 1665 or 1666, did net appear be, the theorem may be adorned and made ele
till 1704; and though it be a treatise of great gant, so as to become fit for public view.”.1
value, and containing very important and very This is followed by two or three examples, in
general theorems concerning the quadrature of Iwhich the rule here given is very happily illus
'curves, it must be allowed that it is not well trated. When the analysis of a problem re
adapted to make known the spirit and the views quires, like the quadrature of curves, the use of
of the infinitesimal analysis. After a short in the inverse method of fluxions, the reversion of
troduction, which is indeed analytical, and which that analysis, or the synthetical demonstration,
explains the idea of a fluxion with great brevity must proceed by the direct method, and there
and elearness, the treatise sets out with pro fore may admit of more simplicity than the
posing to find any number of curves that can others, so as, in the language of the above pas
be squared; .and here the demonstrations be sage, to be easily adorned and made elegant.
come all synthetical, without any thing that may The book of Fluxions is, however, an excel
be properly called analytical investigation. By lent work, entering very deeply into the na
synthetical demonstrations I do not mean rea ture and spirit of the calculus,—illustrating its
soniugs where the algebraic language is not used, application by well-chosen examples,—and only
but reasonings, whatever language be employed, failing, as already said, by having recourse, for
.where the solution of the proposed question is finding the fluents of fluxionary equations, .too
first laid down, and afterwards demonstrated exclusively to the method of series, without
to be true. Such is the method pursued through treating of the cases in which exact solutions
out this work; and it is wonderful how many can be obtained.
valuable conclusions concerning the areas of Of the works that appeared in the early stages
curves, and their reduction to the areas of the of the calculus, none is more entitled to notice
circle and hyperbole, are in that manner de than the Harmonia Mensurarwn of Cotes. The
duced. But though truths can be very well idea of reducing the areas of curves to those of
conveyed in the synthetical way, the methods of the circle and hyperbola, in those cases which
investigating truth are not communicated by it, did not admit of an accurate comparison with
nor the powers of ilvention directed to their rectilineal spaces, had early occurred to Newton,
proper objects. As an elementary treatise on the and was very fully exemplified in his Quadra
new analysis, the Quadrature of Curves is thereh ture of Curves. Cotes extended this method :—
fore imperfect, and not calculated, without great his work appeared in 1722, and gave the rules
study, to give to others any portion of the power for finding the fiuents of fractional expressions,
which 'the author himself has exerted. The pro whether rational or irrational, greatly general
blem of finding fiuents, though it be that on ized and highly improved by means of a pro
which the whole quadrature of curves depends, perty of the circle discovered by himself, and
is entirely kept out of view, and never once pro justly reckoned among the most remarkable pro
posed in the course of a work which, at the positions in geometry. It is singular that a
same time, is full of the most elaborate and pro work so profound and so useful as the Harmm
found reasonings. ‘ nia Mcmmrarmn should never have acquired,
. Newton had a great fondness for the synthe even among the mathematicians of England, the
tical method, which is apparent even in the most popularity which it deserves ; and that, on the
analytical of his works. In his Hurimu, when Continent, it should be very little known, even
he is treating of the quadrature of curves, he after the excellent commentary and additions of
says, “ After the area of a curve has been found Bishop lValmesley. The reasons perhaps are,
and constructed, we should consider about the that, in many parts, the work is obscure; that
demonstration of the construction, that, laying it does not explain the analysis which must have
aside all algebraical calculation as much as may led to the formula contained in the tables; and

' Nswroa's Flurioru, Colsou's Translation, p. 116, sect. 101.

532 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

that it employs an unusual; language and'notai removed, and the whole theory explained With
tion, Which, though "calculated to‘ keep in_view great clearness, by M; Nicole, of the Academy of
the analogy betWeen circular~ and‘ hyperbolic Sciences of Paris, in a series 0f Mémoires from
areas, or, between: the measures'of angles and of the year 171"! to 1727. ,
ratios, do not lsov readily accommodate themselvw
A single analytical formula in the Method gf
to the business of 'calculatiOn as those Which are
Increments. has conferred a celebrity on its au
commonly in use. Demoivre, a very skilful and thor, Which the most voluminous works have
able mathematician, improved the method of not often been able to bestow. It is known by
Cotes, and explained many things in a manner the name of Taylor’s Theorem, and expresses
mach more clear and analytical than had hither. the value of.any function of a variable quantity
to been done.1 ‘ 7_ T .7 ' ' _ ' , in terms of the successive orders of increments,
Another very original and profound writer of whether finite or infinitely small. ' If any] one
this'peri'od was Brook Taylor, who has already proposition can be said to comprehend in it a
been often mentioned, and who, in his Mel/10d whole science, it. isthis: [for from it almost
of Increments; published in 1715, added a new every truth and every method of the new ana
‘branch' 'to the analysis of 'variable quantity. lysis may be deduced. It is diflicult to say
According to this method, quantities are sup, whether the theorem does most credit to the
posed to change, not'by'infinitely small, but by genius of the author, or the {power of. the lan
finite' increments; or such as may be of any guage which is capable of concentrating such a
magnitude whatever. There are here, there' vast-body of knowledge in a single expression;
fore, as in the case of fluxions. or difl'erentials, Without an acquaintance with algebra, it is im~
two general questions: A function of a variable possible, I believe, to conceive the manner in
quantity being given, to find the expression for which this effect is produced. ~
the finite increment of that function, .the increo By means of'its own intrinsic merit, and the
"ment of the variable-quantity itself being a-finite advantageous display of- it made in the works
magnitude.v This corresponds to the direct me. now enumerated, the new analysis, long before
thod of fluxions; the other question corresponds the expiration-of the period of which-I am here
to the inverse, viz. A function being. given cone treating, was firmly established all over Europe.
It did not, hOWever, exist everywhere in the
taining variable quantities, and their increments
any way combined, to find the function from same condition, nor under the same form; with
which it is derived. The author has considered the British and Continental mathematicians, it
both these problems, and in the solution of the was referred to different origins; it was in dif
second, particularly, has displayed much ad-' ferent states of advancement; the notation and
dress. He has also made many ingeniousapplié some'of the fundamental ideas were also difl'er
Cations of this calculus, both to geometrical and ent. The authors communicated little with one
physical questions, and, above all, to'the sums another, except in the way of defiance or re
mation of series,—a problem for the solution of proach ;- and, from the angry or polemical tone
which it is peculiarly adapted. which their speculations often assumed, one
Taylor, however, was more remarkable for could hardly suppose that they were pursuing
the ingenuity and depth, than for the perspi science in one of its most abstract and incorpo
cuity of his writings. Even a treatise on Per-w real forms.
spective, of which he is the author, though in Though the algorithm employed, and the books
other respect excellent, has always been com consulted on the new analysis; were difl'erent,
plained of as obscure; and it is no wonder if, the mathematicians of Britain and of the Conti
on a new subject, and one belonging to the nent had kept pace very nearly with one another
higher geometry, his writings should be still during the period now treated of, except in one
more exposed to that reproach. This fault was branch, the integration of difl‘erential or of

I DEuorVii-E, Milcellanm Analytics. See also the work of an anonymous author, Epistola ad Amicum dc Cotes“ Inmtb.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 2 533
fiuxional eiluations. In this, our countrymen tive place‘of-‘the men engaged in scientific par.
had fallen considerably behind, as has been als suits; and' must oblige many,'after descending
ready explained; and the distance between them from the stations they formerly occupied, to take
and their brethren on the Continent. continued a lower position in the scale of ' intellectual ad
to increase, just in proportion to the number vancement. The enmity of such men, if they
and importance of the questions, physicalvand. be not animated by a spirit of real candour and
mathematical, which were found to depend on' the love of truth, is likely to be directed against
these integrations. The habit of studying only methods by which'th'eir. vanity is mortified, and
our own authors onlthese subjects, produced at their importance lessened. Though such changes
first by our admiration'of 'Newton and our dis-e as this must have everywhere accompanied the
like to his rivals, and increased by a circum ascendancy acquired by the calculus, for the
stance very insignificant in itself, the diversity credit of mathematicians it must be observed,
of notation, prevented us from. partaking in the that no one of any considerable eminence has
pursuits of our- neighbours, and out us off-in a~ had the misfortune to enrol his name among the
great‘measure from the-vast field in which the adversaries of the. new science ; and that Huyv
genius of France, of Germany, and Italy, was gens, the most distinguished and most profound
eXercised with so much activity and success; of the older mathematicians then living, was
Other causes may have united in the produc-' one of the most forward to acknowledge in: ex
tion of an effect 'which the mathematicians of cellence of .that science, and to make himselfi
this country have had much reason to regret; master of its rules, and of their application.
but the evil had its origin in the spirit of jea-' Nevertheless, certain adversaries arose suc
lousy and opposition, which arose from the con-' cessively in Germany, France, and England, the
trOVersies that have just passed under our re-‘ countries in which the new methods first be
view. The habits so produced continued‘long came known.
after the spirit itself had subsided. - Nieuwentyt, an author commendable as a na
It must not be supposed that so great a revo— turalist, and as a writer on morals, but a very
lution in science as that which was made by, superficial geometer, aimed the first blow at the
the introduction of the new analysis could be Differential Calculus. He objected to the ex
brought about entirely without opposition, as in' planation of Leibnitz, and to the notion of quan
every society there are some who think them tities infinitely small.‘ It seemed as if he were
selVes interested to maintain things in the con unwilling to believe in the reality of objects
dition wherein they have found them. The con smaller than those discovered by his own micro
siderations are indeed sufliciently obvious, which, scope, and were jealous of any one who should
in the moral and political world, tend to pro come nearer to the limit of extension than he
duce this effect, and to give a stability to human himself had done. Leibnitz thought his objec
institutions, often so little proportionate to their tions not undeserving of a reply; but the reply
real value or to their general utility. Even in was not altogether satisfactory. A second 'was
matters purely intellectual, and in which the given with better success; and afterwards Her~
abstract truths of arithmetic and geometry seem mann and Bernoulli each severally defeated an
alone concerned, the prejudices, the selfishness, adversary, who was but very ill able to contend"
or vanity of ‘ those who pursue them, not unfre with either of them. -
quently combine to resist improvement, and of Soon after this, the calculus had to sustain an
ten engage no inconsiderable degree of talent in attack from two French academicians, whielr
drawing back, instead of pushing forward, the drew more attention than that of the Dutch;
machine of science. The introduction of me naturalist. One of these, Rolle, was a'mathe
thods entirely new must often change the rela matician of no inoonsiderable acquircment, 'but

' He published Allah/Ii! Infinilorum at Amsterdam, in 1695 ; and another tract, Conn'dcmtiona circa ('ah‘uli DMrenliaIil'
Priadpia, in the year following. This last was answered by Hermann. ' ~
534 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATI ONS.

whose chief gratification consisted in finding out in its principles, and that if it ever lead to true
faults in the works of others. He founded his conclusions, it is from an accidental compensa
objections to the differential calculus, not on the tion of errors that cannot be supposed always to
score of principles or of general methods, but on take place. The argument is ingeniously and
certain cases which he had sought out with great plausibly conducted, and the author sometimes
industry, in which those methods seemed to him attempts ridicule with better success than could
to lead to false and contradictory conclusions. be expected from the subject: thus, when he
On examination, however, it turned out, that in calls ultimate ratios the ghosts of departed quan
every one of those instances the error was en tities, it is not easy to conceive a witty saying
tirely his own; that he had misapplied the rules ; more happily fastened on a mere mathematical
and that his eagerness to discover faults had led abstraction.
him to commit them.' His errors were detected The Analyst was answered by Jurin, under
and pointed out with demonstrative evidence by the signature of Philaletlzes ,' and to this Berke
Varignon, Saurin, and some others, who were ley replied in a tract entitled A Defence of Free
among the first to perceive the excellence and thinking in Mathematics. Replies were again
to defend the solidity cf the new geometry. made to this; so that the argument assumed the
These disputes were of consequence enough to form of a regular controversy ; in which, though
occupy the attention of the Academy of Sciences the defenders of the calculu had the advantage,
during a great part of the year 1701. it must be acknowledged that they did not al
The Abbe Gallois joined with Rolle in his ways argue the matter quite fairly, nor exactly
hostility to the calculus; and though he added meet the reasoning of their adversary. The true
very little to the force of the attack, he kept the answer to Berkeley was, that what he conceived
field after the other had retired from the combat. to be an accidental compensation of errors was
Fontenelle, in his Ebge on the'Abhé, has giVen not at all accidental, but that the two sets of
an elegant turn to the apology he makes for quantities that seemed to him neglected in the
him. “ His taste for antiquity made him sus reasoning were in all cases necessarily equal,
picious of the geometry of infinites. He was, and an exact balance for one another. The New
in general, no friend to . any thing that was tonian idea of a fluxion contained in it this truth,
new, and was always prepared with a kind and so it was argued by Jurin and others, but
of ostracism to put-down whatever appeared too not in a manner so logical and satisfactory as
conspicuous for a free state like that of letters. might have been expected. Perhaps it is not
The geometry of infinites had both these faults, too much to assert, that this was not complete
and particularly the latter.” ly done till Lagrange’s Theory of Functions ap
After all these disputes were quieted in France, pearcd. Thus, if the author of the Analyst has
and the new analysis appeared completely vic had the misfortune to enrol his name on the
torious, it had an attack to sustain in England side of error, he has also had the credit of pro
from a more formidable quarter. Berkeley, bi posing difiiculties of which the complete solu
shop of Cloyne, was a man of first-rate talents, ' tion is only to be derived from' the highest im
distinguished as a metaphysician, a philosopher, provements of the calculus.
and a divine. His geometrical knowledge, how This controversy made some noise in Eng
ever, which, for an attack on the method of land, but I do not think that it ever drew much
fiuxions, was more essential than all his other attention. on the Continent. The Analyst, I ima
accomplishments, seems to have been little more gine, notwithstanding its acuteness, never crossed
than elementary. The motive which induced the Channel. Montucla evidently knows it only
him to enter on discussions so remotely connect by report, and ,seems as little acquainted with
ed with his usual pursuits, has been variously the work as with its author, of whom he speaks
represented; but, whatever it was, it gave rise very slightly, and supposes he has sufficiently
to the Analyst, in which the author professes to described him by saying, that he has written
demonstrate, that the new analysis is inaccurate . a book against the existence of _ matter, and;
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 535
another in praise of tar-water. But it is less Berkeley to be a man of genius, whether he be
from the opinions which men support than employed in attacking the infinitesimal ana
from the manner in which they support them, lysis, in disproving the existence of the ex
that their talents are to be estimated. If we_ ternal world, or in celebrating the virtues of
judge by this criterion, we shall pronounce tar-water.l

SECTION II.

MECHANICS, GENERAL PHYSICS, 8m.

THE discoveries of Galileo, Descartes, and duced into science. Thus, the principle of vir
other mathematicians of the seventeenth cen _tual velocities, as it is termed, which is now re
tury, had made known some of the most ge-, cognised as regulating the equilibrium of all
neral and important laws which regulate the machines whatsoever, was perceived. to hold in
' phenomena of moving bodies. The inertia, or particular cases, long before its full extent or its
the tendency of body, when left to itself, to pre perfect universality was understood. Galileo
serve unchanged its condition either of motion made a great step toward the establishment of
or of rest; the efl'ect of an impulse communi this principle when he generalized the property
cated to a body, or of two simultaneous im of the lever, and showed, that an equilibrium
pulses, had been carefully examined, and had takes place whenever the sums of the opposite
led to the discovery of the composition of mo momenta are equal, meaning by momentum the
tion. The law of equilibrium, not in the lever product of the force into the velocity of the
alone, but in all the mechanical powers, had point at which it is applied. This was carried '
been determined; and the equality of action to farther by Wallis, who appears to have been
re-action, or of the motion lost to the motion the first writer who, in his Mechanica, published
acquired, had not only been established by rea in 1669, founded an entire system of statics on
soning, but confirmed, by experiment. The the principle of Galileo, or the equality of the
fuller elucidation and further extension of these opposite momenta. The proposition, however,
principles were reserved for the period now was first enunciated in its full generality, and
treated of. with perfect precision,‘ by John Bernoulli, in
The development of truth is often so gra a letter to Varignon, so late as the year 1717.
dual, that it is impossible to assign the time Varignon inserted this letter at the end of the
when certain principles have been first intro second edition of his Prqjet d’une Nout'elle Mé

' Though Berkeley reasons very plausibly, and with considerable address, he hurts his cause by the comparison so often
introduce between the mysteries 0 religion and what he accounts the mysteries of the new geometry. From this it is
natural to infer, that the author is nvengm the cause of religion on the infidel mathematician to whom his treatise is ad
dressed; and an argument that is suspect to have any other object than that at which it is directly aimed, must always
lose somewhat of its weight.
The dispute here mentioned did not take place till about the year 1734; so that I have here treated of it by anticipa
tion, being unwilling to resume the subject of controversies which, though perhaps useful at first for the purpose of se
curinglthe foundations of science, are long since set to rest, and never ii ely to be revived.
I '1 e principle of virtual velocities may be thus enunciated: If a system of bodies be in a state of equilibrium, in con
sequence of the action of any forces whatever on certain points in the system; then, supposing the uilihrium to be for a mo
ment destroyed, the small space moved over h each of these points will express the virtual vc ocity of the power a
plied to it; and if each fence be multiplied into its virtual velocity, the sum of all the products where the velocities are In
the same direction, will be equal to the sum of all those in which they are in the qpfiiosite.
The distinction between actual and virtual velocities was first made by Berno , and is very essential to thinking a
well as to speaking with accuracy on the nature of cquilibriums.
‘536 PRELIMINARY mssaivrarrons.

nam'qwe, which was not published till 1725. The scribed abdut the centre of force, to the times of
first edition of the same book appeared in 1687; their description; the equality of the velocitim
and had the merit of- deriving the whole theory generated in descending through the same dis
of the equilibrium. of the mechanical powers tance by whatever route; the relation between
from the single principle of the composition of the squares of the_velqcities produced or extin—I.
forces. At first sight, there appear in mechanics guished; and the sum of the accelerating or re
two independent principles of equilibrium; that tarding forces, computed with a reference, not
of the lever, or of equal and opposite momenta, to the time during which, but to the distance
over which they have acted. These are a few Y
and that of the composition of forces. To show
- that these coincide, and that the one may be' of the mechanical and dynamical discoveries con
deduced from the other, is, therefore, doing a' tained in the same immortal work; a fuller ac
~ service to science ; and this the ingenious author count of which Ibelongs to' the history of physi
cal astronomy.
just named accomplished by help of a property
of the parallelogramflvhich he seems to have The end of the seventeenth and the beginning
been'the‘first 'who demonstrated. ' i '
of the eighteenth centuries were rendered illus
The Princz'piwMa/thematica of Newton, pub- _ trious, as we havezalready seen, by the mathe
lished- also in 1687, marks a'great era in the matical discoveries of two of{the greatestzmen
history of human knowledge, and had the merit who have ever' enlightened the world. A slight
of effecting an almost entire revolution in me sketch of the improvements which the theory of '
chanics, by giving new powers and a new di mechanics owes to Newton has been just given;
those which it a owes to Leibnitz, though not
rection to its researches. In that work the com
position of forces was treated independently of equally important, nor equally numerous, are
the composition of motion, and the equilibrium far too conspicuous to be passed overin silence.
of the lever was deduced from the former, as So far as concerns general principles, they are
well as in the treatise already mentioned. From reduced to three; the argument of the suffi
the equality of action and 're-action it was also cient reason, the law of continuity, and. the
inferred, that the state of the centre of gravity measurement of the force of moving bodies by
of any system of bodies is not changed by the the square of their velocities; which last being
action of those bodies on one another. This is a proposition that is true or false according to
a great proposition in the mechanics of the the light in which it is viewed, I have supposed
universe, and is one of the' steps by 'which it placed in that which is most favourable.
that science ascends from the ' earthv to the With regard to the first of these, the prinv
heavens; for it proves that the quantity of mo-' ciple of the suficient reason, according to which,
tion existing in nature, when estimated in any nothing exists in any state without a reason de
one given direction, continues ahvays of the termining it to be in that state rather than' in
same amount. any other,--though it be true that this proposi
But the new applications of mechanical rea tion was first distinctly and generally announced
soning,—the reduction of questions concerning by the philosopher just named, yet is it certain
force and motion to questions of pure geometry, that, long before his time, it had been employed
and the mensuration of mechanical action 'by 'by others in laying the foundations of science.
its nascent effects, —are what constitute the great Archimedes and Galileo had both made use of
glory of the Principia, considered as a treatise it; and perhaps there never was any attempt to
on the theory of motion. -A transition was there place the elementary truths of science on a solid
made from the consideration of forces acting at foundation, in which this principle had not been
stated intervals, to that of forces acting conti employed. We have an example of its applica-'
nually,-—and from forces constant in quantity tion in the proof usually given, that a body in
and direction to those that converge to a point, motion cannot change the direction of itsv mo
and vary as any function of the distance from tion, abstraction being made from all other bo
that' point; the propertionality of the areas de dies, and from all external action ; for, it is evi
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 537

dent, that no reason exists to determine the known this law; but it is fair to remark, that,
change of motion to be in one direction more in as much as motion is concerned, it was dis
than another, and we therefore conclude that no tinctly laid down by Galileo,0 and ascribed by
such change can possibly take place. Many him to Plato. But, though Leibnitz was not
other instances might be produced where the the first to discover the law of continuity, he
same principle appears as an axiom of the clear was the first who regarded it as a principle in
est and most undeniable evidence. Wherever, philosophy, and used it for trying the consistency
indeed, we can pronounce with certainty that of theories, or of supposed laws of nature, and
the conditions which determine two different the agreement of their parts with one another.
things, whether magnitudes or events, are in It was in this way that he detected the error of
twu cases precisely the same, it cannot be Descartes’ conclusions concerning the collision
doubted that these events or magnitudes are in of bodies, showing, that though one case of col
all respects identical. lision must necessarily graduate into another,
However sound this principle may be in it the conclusions of that philosopher did by no
self, the use which Leibnitz sometimes made of means pass from one to another by such gradual
it has tended to bring it into discredit. He ar transition. Indeed, for the purpose of such de
gued, for example, that of the particles of mat tections, the knowledge of this law is extremely
ter no two can possess exactly the same proper useful; and I believe few have been much oc
ties, or can perfectly resemble one another, cupied in the investigations either of the pure or
otherwise the Supreme Being could have no mixed mathematics, who have not often been
reason for employing one of them in a particu glad to try their own conclusions by the test
lar position more than another, so that both which it furnishes.
must necessarily be rejected. To argue thus, is Leibnitz considered this principle as knonm a
to suppose that we completely understand the priori ; because if any saltus were to take place,
manner in which motives act on the mind of that is, if any change were to happen without
the Divinity;l a postulate that seems but ill the intervention of time, the thing changed
suited to the limited sphere of the human under must be in two different conditions at the same
standing. But, if Leibnitz has misapplied his individual instant, which is obviously impossible.
own principle, and extended its authority too Whether this reasoning be quite satisfactory or
far, this affords no ground for rejecting it when not, the conformity of the law to the facts gene
we are studying the ordinary course of nature, rally ohserved, cannot but entitle it to great au
and arguing about the subjects of experiment thority in judging of the explanations and theo
and observation. In fact, therefore, the sciences ries of natural phenomena.
which aspire to place their foundation on the so It was the usual error, however, of Leibnitz
lid basis of necessary truth, are much indebted and his followers, to push the metaphysical prin
to Leibnitz for the introduction of this principle ciples of science into extreme cases, where they
into philosophy. lead to conclusions to which it was hardly pos.
Another principle of great use in investigat sible to assent. The Academy of Sciences at
ing the laws of motion, and of change in gene Paris having proposed as a prize question the
ral, was brought into view by the same author, Investigation of the Laws of the Communication
_the law qfcmztinuity,—according to which, no of Motion,3 John Bernoulli presented an Essay
thing passes from one state to another without on the subject, Very ingenious and profound; in
passing through all the intermediate states. which, however, he denied the existence of hard
Leibnitz considers himself as the first who made bodies, because, in the collision of such bodies,
' The argument of Leibnitz seems evidently inconclusive. For, thoughithere were two similar and equal atoms, yet as
they could not co-exist in the same space, they Would not, so far as position is concerned, bear the same relation to the par
ticles that surrounded them: there [11‘ ht exist, therefore, considering them as part of the materials to be employed in the
construction of the universe, very go reasons for different situations to each
’ 0pm: di Galileo, tom. III. p. 100, and tom. 11- p. 32. t- Padova, 1744.
' In 1724.
D155. 1"- PART II.
538 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

a finite'change of motion must take place in an No one indeed had ever thought of questioning
instant; an event which, on the principle just ex the conformity of this measure to the phenomena
plained, he maintained to be impossible. Though of nature, when, in 1686, Leibnitz announced in
the Essay was admired, this conclusion was ob the Leipsic Journal the demonstration of a great
jected to; and D’Alembert, in his‘Eloge on the error committed by Descartes and others, in esti
author, remarks, that, even in the collision of mating the force of moving bodies. In this paper
elastic bodies, it is diflicult to conceive how, the author endeavoured to show, that the force
among the parts which first come into contact, of a moving body is not proportional to its velo
a sudden change, or a change per saltam, can be city simply, but to the square of. its velocity; and
avoided. Indeed it can only be avoided by sup he supported this new doctrine by very plausible
posing that there is no real contact, and that reasoning. A body, he says, projected upward
bodies begin to act upon one another when their against gravity, with a double velocity, ascends
surfaces, or What seems to be their surfaces, are to four times the height; with the triple veloci
yet at a distance. ty, to nine times the height; and so on, the
Maclaurin and some others are disposed, on height ascended to being always as the square of
account of the argument of Bernoulli, to reject the velocity. But the height ascended to is the
the law of continuity altogether. This, however, effect, and is the natural measure of the force;
I cannot help thinking, is to deprive ourselves therefore the force of a moving body is as the
of an auxiliary that, under certain restrictions, square of its velocity. Such was the first rea
may be very useful in our researches, and is soning of Leibnitz on this subject,—-simplc, and
often so, even to those who profess to reject its apparently conclusive ; nor should it be forgotten
assistance. It is admitted that the law of con that, during the long period to which the dis
tinuity generally leads right; and if it sometimes pute was lengthened out, and notwithstanding
lead wrong, the true business of philosophy is to the various shapes which it assumed, the reason
define when it may be trusted to as a safe guide, ings on his side were nothing more than this ori
and what, on the other hand, are the circum ginal argument, changed in its form, or render
stances which render its indications uncertain. ed more complex by the combination of new
- The discourse of Bernoulli, just referred to, circumstances, so as to be more bewildering to
brought another new conclusion into the field, the imagination, and more difficult either to ap
and began a controversy among the mathemati prehend or to refute.1
cians of Europe, which lasted for many years. John Bernoulli was at first of a different
It was a new thing to see geometers contending opinion from his friend and master, but came at
about the truths of their own science, and op length to adopt the same; which, however, ap
Thev
pOsing one demonstration to another. pears to have gone no farther till the discourse
spectacle must have given pain to the true phi was submitted to the Academy of Sciences, as
losoPher, but may have afforded consolation to has been already mentioned. The mathematical
many who had looked with envy on the certain world could not look with indifference on a
ty and quiet prevailing in a region from which question which seemed to affect the Vitals of
they found themselves excluded.~ mechanical science, and soon separated into two
Descartes had estimated the force of a moving parties, in the arrangement of which, however,
body by the quantity of its motion, or by the the effects of national predilection might easily
product‘of itsveleeityiato its mass. .The ma be discovered. 7 Germany, Holland, and Italy,
thematicians and philosophers who followed him declared for the via viva ; 'England stood firm
did thesame, and the product of these quantities for the old doctrine; and ‘France Was divided
Was the measure of force universally adopted. between the two opinions. No controversy,

l- f I

. 7' To mere pressure Leibnitz gave the name of' via marina, and to the force of“ movin bodies the name of m': nit-a. The
former he admitted to be proportional to the simple power of the virtual velocity, and t e second he held to be proportion
:1 to the square of the actual velocity. .
“
5“
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 539
perhaps, was ever carried on by more illustriouswere sometimes mixed in this controversy was
disputants : fMaclaurin, Stirling, Desaguliers, not very creditable to the disputants, and proved
‘Jurin, ;Clarke, Mairan, were engagedwon the how much more men take an interest in opinions
one side; on the opposite were Bernoulli, Her as being their own, than as being simply in
mann, Poleni, S’Gr‘avesande, Musohenbroeck; themselves either true or false. The dispute,,aq
and it was not till long after the period to which conducted by S’Gravesande
this turn, especially on the part of the latter,
this part of the Dissertation is confined, that the
debate could be said to be brought to a conclu who, in the schools of theology,
sion: That I may not, however, be obliged to hispeculiarly
encdreasonings
both ill
hissuited
tempertoand
with an ainsolence
discussion
his and about _
break 05 a subject of which the parts are close
ly connected together, I shall take the liberty of
transgresSing the limits which the consideration and motion. His paper on this subject, in the
of time would prescribe, and of now stating, as Philosophical D'ansactimzs,‘ contains many just
far as my plan admits of it, all that respects this and acute remarks, accompanied with the most
celebrated controversy. "9 unfair representation of the argument of his an
, A singular circumstance may be remarked in tagonists, as if the doctrine of the via viva were
the whole of the dispute. The two parties who a matter of as palpable absurdity as the denial
adopted such different measures of force, when of one of the axioms of geometry.’ Now, the
any mechanical problem was proposed concern truth is, that the argument in favour of living
ing the action of bodies, whether at rest or in forces is not at all liable to this reproach. p One
motion, resolved it in the same manner, and of the effects produced by a moving body is pro
arrived exactly at the same conclusions. It was portional to the square of the velocity, while
therefore evident, that, however much their another is proportional to the velocity simply;
language,and words were opposed, their ideas and, according to which of these ways the force
or opinions exactly agreed. In reality, the two itself is to be measured, may involve the pro
parties were not at issue on the question; their priety or impropriety of mathematical language,
positions, though seemingly opposite, were not but cannot be charged with absurdity or contra
contrary to one another; and after debating for diction. Absurdity, indeed, was a reproach that
nearly thirty years, they found out this to be the neither side had any right to cast on the other.
truth. That the first men in the scientific world A Dissertation of Mairan, on' the Force of
should have disputed so long with one another, moving Bodies, in the Memoirs Qfthe Academy of
without discovering that their opposition Was Sciences for 1728, is one of those in which the
onlyin words,-—and that this should have happen common measure of force is most ably support~
ed, not in any of the obscure and tortuous tracks ed. Nevertheless, for a long time after this,
through which the human mind must grope its the opinions on that subject in France continued
way in anxiety and doubt, but in one of the still to be divided. In the list of the disputants
clearest and straightest roads, where it used to we should hardly expect to find a lady included,
be guided by the light of demonstration,—is one if we did not know that the name of Madame
of the most singular facts in the history of hu du Chastelet, along with those of Hypatia and
man knowledge. Agnesi, was honourably enrolled in the annals
The degree of acrimony and illiberality which of mathematical learning. Her writings on this

‘ Vol. XXXV. (1728) p. 881 x Hutton‘s Abridgement, vol. VII. p. 2l0.

' In all the arguments o r the vi! vil'fl, this learned metaphysicinn saw nothing but a conspiracy formed against the New
tonian hilosophy. “ An extraordinary instance." says he. “ of the maintenance of the most palpable absurdity we have
had of te years in very eminent mathematicians, Leibnitz, Bernoulli, Hermann, S‘Gravesande, who, in order to raise a dust
of opposition against the Newtonian hilosophy, some years back insisted with great eagerness on a principle which sub~
verts all science, and which may easi y be made appear, even to an ordinary capacity, to be contrary to the necessary and
essential nature of thin " This use may serve as a proof of the spirit which prevailed among the philosophers of that
time, making them ascribe such ilfibers views to one another, and distorting so entirely both their own reasoning and
those of their adversaries. The spirit awakened by the discovery of fluxions a d not yet subsided.
540 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS

subject are full of ingenuity, though, from the sure their force, have-recourse to effects which
fluctuation of her opinions,1 it seems as if she are uniform, and not under the influence of va
had not yet entirely exchanged the caprice of riable causes. First, we may measure the force
fashion for the austerity of science. About the of one moving body by its effect upon another
same time Voltaire engaged in the argument, moving body; and here there is no room for
and in a Memoir,' presented to the Academy dispute, nor any doubt that the forces of such
of Sciences in 1741, contended that the dispute bodies are as the quantities of matter multiplied
was entirely about words. His reasoning is, on into the simple power of the velocities, because
the whole, sound; and the suffrage of one who the forces of bodies in which these products are
united the character of a wit, a poet, and a phi— equal, are well known, if opposed, to destroy
losopher, must be of great importance in a coun one another. Thus one efl’eot of moving bodies
try where the despotism of fashion extends even affords a measure of their force, which does not
to philosophical opinion. vary as the square, but as the simple power of
The controversy was now drawing to a con the velocity.
clusion,” and in efi’ect may be said to have been There is also another condition of moving he
terminated by the publication of D’Alembert’s dies which may be expected to afford a simple
Dynam'ique in 1748. I am not certain, how and general measure of their force. When a
'GVer, that all the disputants acquiesced in this moving body is opposed by pressure, by a vis
~decision, at least till some years later.‘ Dr Reid, mortua, or a resistance like that of gravity, the
in an Essay on Quantity, in the Philosophical quantityof such resistance required to extinguish
Transactions for 1748, has treated of this cond the motion, and reduce the body to rest, must
troversy, and remarked, that it had been dropt ' serve to measure the force of that body. It is
rather than concluded. In this I confess I difl'er a force which, by repeated impulses, has anni
from the learned author. The controversy seem hilated another; and these impulses, when pro
ed fairly ended, the arguments exhausted, and perly collected into one sum, must evidently be
the conclusion established, that the propositions equal to the force which they have extinguished.
maintained by both sides were true, and were It happens, however, that there are two ways of
not opposed to one another. Though the ma computing the amount of these retarding forces,
thematical sciences cannot boast of never hav which lead to difl’erent results, both of them
ing had any debates, they can say that those just, and neither of them to be assumed to the
that have arisen have always been brought to a exclusion of the other.
satisfactory termination. Suppose the body, the force of which is to be
The observations with which I am to con measured, to be projected perpendicularly up
clude the present sketch, are not precisely the ward with any velocity; then, if we would com—
same with those of the French philosopher, pute the quantity of the force of gravity which
though they rest nearly on the same founda is employed in reducing it to rest, we may either
tion. inquire into the retardation which that force
As the efl'ects of moving bodies, or the changes produces during a given time,‘or while the body
they produce, may vary considerably with acci is moving over a given space. In other words,
dental circumstapces, we must, in order to mea we may either inquire how long the motion will

' Madame du Chastelet. in a Dissertation on Fire, published in 1740, took the side ofMsiran, and bestowed eat praise
on his discourse on the Force of moving Bodies. Having, however, afterwards become a convert to the philosop y of Leib
nitz, she espoused the cause of the vi: viva, and wrote agpinst Mairan. At this time too she drew up a compend of the
Leibnitian philosophy for the use _ of her son, which disp ys ingenuity and acuteness, and is certainly such a present as
Veg few mothers ave ever been in a condition to make to their children. Soon afterwards the same lady, having become
a ewtonlan, returned to her former opinion about the fiM'CO of moving bodies, and in the end, gave to her countrymen an
excellent translation of the Principle of Newton, with a commentary on a part of it, thr superior to any other that has yet
appeared.
' Doutcr mr la .Mimre dc: Force: Matrices .- (E‘uvru de Vorxrnrns, tom. XXXIX. p. 91. 8vo edit. 1785.
‘ TWO very valuable papers that appeared at this late period of the dispute are found in the Philorophica] Transaction: ,
onc by Desaguliers, in 1733, hill of excellent remarks an valuable experiments; another by Jurin, in 1745, containing a
very full state of the whole controversy.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. "541
continue, or how far it will carry the body be— about the general question of the force of moving
fbre it be entirely exhausted. If the length of bodies, never differed about the particular ap
the time that the uniform resistance must act plications of that force. It was because the
before it reduce the body to rest be taken for condition necessary for limiting the vagueness
the effect, and consequently for the measure of and ambiguity of the data, in all such cases,
the force of the body, that force must be pro was fully supplied.
portional to the Velocity, for to this the time is In the argument, therefore, so strenuously
confessedly proportional. If, on the other hand, maintained on the force of moving bodies, both
the length of the line which the moving body sides were partly in the right and both partly in
describes, while subjected to this uniform re the wrong. Each produced a measure of force
sistance, be taken for the effect and the measure 'which was just in certain circumstances, and
of the force, the force must be as the square of thus far had truth on his side: but each argued
the velocity, because to that quantity the line in that his was the only true measure, so that all
question is known to be proportional. Here, others ought to be rejected; and here each of
therefore, are two results, or two values of the them was in error. Hence, also, it is not an
same thing, the force of a moving body, which accurate account of the controversy to say that
are quite different from one another; an incon it was about words merely: the disputants did
sistency which evidently arises from this, that indeed misunderstand one another; but their
the thing denoted by the term force is too vague error lay in ascribing generality to propositions
and indefinite to be capable of measurement, that were true only in particular cases, to which
unless some further condition be annexed. This indeed the ambiguity and vagueness of the word
condition is no other than a specification of the force materially contributed. It does not ap
Work to be performed, or of the effect tobe pro pear, however, that any good would now accrue
duced by the action of the moving body. Thus, from changing the language of dynamics. If,
when to the question concerning the force of as has been already said, to the question, How
the moving body you add that it is to be em are we to measure the force of a moving body?
ployed in putting in motion another body which he added the nature of the effect which is to be
is itself free to move, no doubt remains that the produced, all ambiguity will be avoided.
force is as the velocity multiplied into the quan It is, I think, only further necessary to ob
tity of matter. So also, if the force of the mov serve, that when the rcsistance opposed to the
ing body is to be opposed by a resistance like moving body is not uniform but variable, ac
that of gravity, the length of time that the mo cording to any law, it is not simply either the
tion may continue is one of its measurable ef time or the space which is proportional to the
fects, and that effect is, like the former, propor velocity or to the square of the velocity, but
tional to the velocity. There is a third effect to be functions of those quantities. These functions
considered, and one which always occurs in such are obtained from the integration of certain
an experiment as the last,——-the height to which fluxionary eXpressions, in which the measures
the moving body will ascend. This limitation above described are applied, the resistance being
gives to the force a definite character, and it is regarded as uniform for an infinitely small por
now measured by the square of the velocity. tion of the time or of the space.
In fact, therefore, it is not a precise question to Many years after the period I am now treat
ask, What is the measure of the force of a ing of, the controversy about the vis rim seemed
moving body ? You must, in addition, say, How to reviVe in England, on the occasion of an Es
is the moving body to be employed, or in which say on Mechanical Force, by the late Mr Smea
of its different capacities is it that you would ton, an able engineer, who, to great practical
measure its effect? In this state of the question skill, and much experience, added no inconsid
there is no ambiguity, nor any answer to be erable knowledge of the Mathematics.
given but one. Hence it was that the mathe The reality of the via viva, then, under cer
maticians and philosophers who differed so much tain conditions, is to be considered as a matter
542 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

completely established. Another inquiry con city,‘ or indeed according to any function of
cerning the nature of this force, which also gave it,—the determination of .the elastic curve, or
rise to considerable debate, was, whether, in the that into which an elastic, spring forms itself
communication of motion, and in the variou whena force is applied to bend it ;—all these
changes through which moving bodies pass, the were problems of the greatest interest, and were
quantity of the via viva remains always the now resolved for the first time; the science of
me. It had been observed, in the collision mechanics being sufiicient, by means of the com
of elastic bodies, that the vis viva, or the sum position of forces, to find out the fluxionary or
made up by multiplying each body into the differential equations which expressed the nature
square of its velocity, and adding the products of the gradual changes which in all these cases
together, was the same after collision that it was were produced, and the calculus being new suffi
before it; and it was concluded with some prc ciently powerful to infer the properties of the
cipitation, by those who espoused the Lcibnitian finite from those of the infinitesimal quantities.
theory, that a similar result always took place The doctrine of Hydrostatics was cultivated
in the real phenomena of nature. Other in in England by Cotes. The properties of the
stances were cited; and it was observed, that a atmosphere, or of elastic fluids, were also ex
particular view of this principle which present perimentally investigated; and the barometer,
ed itself to Huygens, had enabled him to find after the ingenuity of Pascal had proved that the
the centre of oscillation of a compound pendu mercury stood lower the higher up into the atmo
lum, at a time when the state of mechanical sphere the instrument was carried, was at length
science was scarcely prepared for so difficult an brought to be a measure of the height of moun
invetigation. The proposition, however, is true tains. Mariette appears to have been the first
only when all the changes are gradual, and ri who propoed this use of it, and who discovered
gorously subjected to the law of continuity. that, while the height from the ground increases
Thus, in the collision of bodies imperfectly in arithmetical, the density of the atmosphere
elastic, (a case which continually occurs in na and the column of mercury in the barometer
ture) the force which, during the recoil, acce decrease in geometrical progression. Halley,
lerates the separation of the bodies, does not who seems also to have come of himself to the
restore to them the whole velocity they had lost;same conclusion, proved its truth by strict geo
and the vis viva, after the collision, is always metrical reasoning, and showed that logarithms
less than it was before it. The cases in which are easily applicable on this principle to the pro
the whole amount of the vis viva is rigorously blem of finding the height of mountains. This
preserved,-may always be brought under the was in the year 1685. Newton tWo years after
thirty-ninth proposition of the first book of the wards gave a demonstration of the same, extend~
where the principle of this theory is ed to the case when gravity is not constant, but
placed on its true foundation. varies as any power of the distance from a given
So far as general principles are concerned, centre. '
the preceding are the chief mechanical improve To the assiduous observationsand the inde
ments which belong to the period so honourably fatigable activity of Halley, the natural history
distinguished by the names of Newton and Leib of the atmosphere, of the ocean, and of magne
nitz. The application of these principles to the tism, are all under the greatest obligations. For
solution of particular problems would afl'ord the purpose of inquiring into these objects, this
materials for more ample discussion than suits ardent and philosophical observer relinquished
the nature of an historical outline. Such pro the quiet of academical retirement, and, having
blems as that of finding the centre of oscilla gone to St Helena, by a residence of a year in
tion,—the nature of the catenarian curve,—‘the that island,‘not only made an addition to the
determination of the line of swiftest descent,— catalogue of the stars, of 860 from the southern
the retardation produced to motion in a medium hemisphere, but returned with great acquisitions
that resists according to the square of the velo both of nautical and meteorological knowledge.
~p
 . DISSERTATION THIRD. 543
His observations on evaporation were the foun of former navigators, in so far as to trace, on 2.
dation of two valuable papers on the origin of nautical chart, the lines of the same variation
fountains; in which, for the first time, the suffi over a great part both of the Atlantic and Pa
ciency of the vapour taken up into the atmo cific Oceans, affording to the navigator the ready
sphere, to maintain the perennial flow of springs means of correcting the errors which the devia
and rivers, was established by undeniable evi tion ot' the needle from the true meridian was
dence. The difficulty which men found in con calculated to produce. In his different traverses
ceiving how a precarious and accidental supply he had four times intersected the line of no vari
like that of the rains can sufficiently provide ation, which seemed to divide the earth into two
fin a great and regular expenditure like that of parts, the variations on the east side being to
the rivers, had given rise to those various opin wards the west, and on the west side towards
ions concerning the "origin of fountains, which the east. These lines being found to change
had hitherto divided the ‘ scientific world. A their position in the course of time, the place
long residence on the summit of an insulated assigned to the magnetical poles could not be
rock, in the midst of a vast ocean, visited twice permanent. Any theory, therefore, which could
every year by the vertical sun, would have af afford an explanation of their changes, must ne
forded to an observer less quick-sighted than cessarily be complex and difiicult to be esta'
Halley, an opportunity of seeing the work of blished. The attempt of Halley to give such an
evaporation carried on with such rapidity and explanation, though extremely ingenious, was
copiousness as to be a subject of exact measure liable to great objections; and while it has
ment. From this extreme case, he could infer shared the fate of most of the theories which
the medium quantity, at least by approximation ; have been laid down before the phenomena had
and he proved that, in the Mediterranean, the been sufiieiently explored, the general facts
humidity daily raised up by evaporation is three which he established have led to most of the
times as great as that which is discharged by all improvements and discoveries which have since
the rivers that flow into it. The origin of foun been made respecting the polarity of the needle.
tains was no longer questioned; and of the mul Besides the conclusion just mentioned, Dr
titude of opinions on that subject, which had Halley derived from his observations at very
hitherto perplexed philosophers, all but one en complete history of the winds which blow in
tirely disappeared. ‘ the tropical regions, viz. the trade-wind and
Beside the voyage to St Helena, Halley made the monsoons, together with many interesting
tWo others ; the British government having been facts concerning the phenomena of the tides.
enlightened and liberal enough to despise pro The
these chart which
facts was contained
published an epitome of all
in 1701. i
fessional etiquette, where the interests of science
were at stake, and to intrust to a Doctor of The above are orily a part of the obligations
Laws the command of a ship of war, in which he which the sciences are tinder to the' observations
traversed the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans in and reasonings of this ingenious and indefati
various directions, as far as the 53d degree of gable inquirer. Halley was indeed one of the
south latitude, and returned with a collection ablest and most accomplished men of hi age.
of facts and observations for the improvement A scholar well versed in the learned languages,
of geography, meteorology, and navigation, far and a geometer profoundly skilled in threancient
beyond that which any individual traveller or analysis, he restored to their original'elegance
voyager had hitherto brought together. some of the precious fragments of that analysis,
m The variation of the compass was long before which time happily had not entirely defaced.
this time known to exist, but its laws had never yet He was well acquaintedalso With the algebrai
cal and fluxionaryhcalculus, and 'Was' both' in'
been ascertained. These Halley now determined
fromhis own observations, combined with those theory and practice a/profound and laborious
' . w n J'I‘l 'i
Jufilalfllfli 1133.3 llY'W l" 1I'X 'l 'f ‘vl' . ya i» “ ,‘JVH ' ulna“! [V 'n in it. '_';I!rl-ii.""‘ 1%"
" " 'YY'iry‘ai - | \ . I Philosophical Trsmsctiom, 1681, vol. XVI. p. 366. V '
Mn... ..,._.
544 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

astronomer. Finally, he was the friend of New and Otto Guericke, followed in the same course:
ton, and often stimulated, with good effect, the and the latter is the first who mentions the
tardy purposes of that great philosopher. Few crackling noise and faint light which electricity
men, therefore, of any period, have more claims sometimes produced. These, however, were
than Halley on the gratitude of succeeding ages. hardly perceived, and it was by Dr Wall, as
The invention of the thermometer has been described in the Philosophical Thamctimzs, that
already noticed; and the improvements made on they were first distinctly observed.l By a sin
that instrument about this period laid the foun gularly fortunate anticipation, he remarks of
dation of many future discoveries. The dis the light and crackling, that they seemed in.
covery of two fixed temperatures, each marked some degree to represent thunder and light
by the same expansion of the mercury in the ning. ‘
thermometer, and the same condition of the After the experiments of Hauksbee in 1709,
fluid in which it is immersed, was made about by which the knowledge of this mysterious sub
this time. The differences of temperature were stance was considerably advanced, Wheeler and
thus subjected to exact measurement; the phe Gray, who had discovered that one body could
nomena of heat became, of course, known with communicate electricity to another without rub
more certainty and precision; and that sub bing, being willing to try to what distance the
stance or virtue, to which nothing is impe electrical virtue might be thus conveyed, em
netrable, and which finds its way through the ployed, for the purpose of forming the commu
rarest and the densest bodies apparently with nication, a hempen rope, which they extended
the same facility,—which determines so many to a considerable length, supporting it from the
of our sensations, and of which the distribution sides by threads, which, in order to prevent the
so materially influences all the phenomena of dissipation of the electricity, they thought it
animal and vegetable life,—came now to be proper to make as slender as possible. They
known, not indeed in its essence, but as to all employed silk threads with that view, and found
the characters in which we are practically or the experiment to succeed. Thinking that it
experimentally concerned. The treatise on Fire, would succeed still better if the supports were
in Boerhaave’s Chemistry, is a great advance be made still more slender, they tried very fine
yond any thing on that subject hitherto known, metallic wire, and were surprised to find that
and touches, notwithstanding many errors and the hempen rope, thus supported, conveyed no
imperfections, on most of the great truths which electricity at all. It was therefore as being silk,
time, experience, and ingenuity, have since and not as being small, that the threads had
brought into view. served to retain the electricity. This accident
‘ It was in this period also that electricity may led to the great distinction of substances con
be said first to have taken a scientific form. The ducting and not conducting electricity. An
power of amber to attract small bodies after it extensive field of inquiry was thus opened, a
has been rubbed, is said to have been knowu to fortunate accident having supplied an imtantia
Thales, and is certainly made mention of by crucis, and enabled these experimenters to dis
Theophrastus. The observations of Gilbert, a tinguish between what was essential and what
physician of Colchester, in the end of the six was casual in the operation they had performed.
teenth century, though at the distance of two The history of electricity, especially in its early
thousand years, made the first addition to the stages, abounds with facts of this kind; and no
transient and superficial remarks of the Greek man who would study the nature of inductive
naturalist, and afford a pretty full enumeration science, and the rules for the interpretation of
of the bodies which can be rendered electrical nature, can employ himself better than in tra
by friction. The Academia del Cimento, Boyle, cing the progress of these discoveries. He will

‘ Wall‘s paper is in the Transaction; for 1708, vol. XXVI. No. 314. p. 69. Hauksbee on Electrical Light, in the same
volume. See Abridgement, vol. V. p. 408, 411.
\
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 545
find abundant reason to admire the ingenuity tunely to the assistance of both. The experi
as well as the industry of the inquirers, but he ments of Wheeler and Gray are described in
will often find accident come in very oppor the Transactions for 1729.

SECTION IIL

OPTICS.
Tm: invention of the telescope and the mi and made it fall on a glass prism, so placed as
croscope, the discoveries made concerning the to cast it on the opposite wall, he was delighted
properties of light and the laws of vision, added to observe the brilliant colouring of the sun’s
to the facility of applying mathematical reason image, and not less surprised to observe its fi—
ing as an instrument of investigation, had long gure, which, instead of being circular, as he ex
given a peculiar interest to optical researches. pected, was oblong in the direction perpendicu
The experiments and inquiries of Newton on lar to the edges of the prism, so as to have the
that subject began in 1666, and soon made a shape of a parallelogram, rounded at the two
vast addition both to the extent and importance ends, and nearly five times as long as it was
of the science. He was at that time little more broad.
than twenty-three years old; he had already When be reflected on these appearances, he
made some of the greatest and most original saw nothing that could explain the elongation of
discoveries in the pure mathematics; and the the image, but the supposition that some of the
same young man, whom we have been admiring rays of light, in passing through the prism, were
as the most profound and inventive of geome more refracted than others; so that rays which
ters, is to appear, almost at the same moment, were parallel when they fell on the prism, di
as the most patient, faithful, and sagacious in verged from one another after refraction, the
terpreter of nature. These characters, though rays that difl'ered in refrangibility difl'ering also
certainly not opposed to one another, are not in colour. The Wectrum, or solar image, would
often combined; but to be combined in so high thus consisi' of a series of circular images, partly
a degree, and in such early life, was hitherto covering one another, and partly projecting one
without example. beyond another, from the red or least refrangible
In hopes of improving the telescope, by giving rays, in succession, to the orange, yellow, green,
to the glasses a figure different from the spheri blue, indigo, and violet, the most refrangible
cal, he had begun to make experiments, and had of all.
procured a glass prism, in order, as he tells us, It was not, however, till he tried every other
to try with it the celebrated phenomena qf colours.1 hypothesis which suggested itself to his mind by
These trials led to the discovery of the different the test of experiment, and proved its fallacy,
refrangibility of the rays of light, and are now that he adopted this as a true interpretation of
too well known to stand in need of a particular the phenomena. Even after these rejections,
description. his explanation had still to abide the sentence
Having admitted a beam of light into a dark of an experimentum mwis.
chamber, through a hole in the window-shutter, Having admitted the light and applied a prism

‘ Pbilomphical Transactions, vol. VI. (1672) p. 3075: also Hutton's Abridgement, vol. I. p. 678. The account of the ex
perimentsis in a letter to Oldenburg, dated February 1872 : it is the first of Newton’s works that was published. his
plain, from what is said above, that the phenomena of the prismatic spectrum were not unknown at that time, however
lttle they were understood, and however imperfectly observed.
DISS- HI- PART II 32
 546 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS

as before, he received the coloured spectrum on made by the different coloursfand the divisions
a board at the distance of about twelve feet from of the monochord by the notes of music, Newton
the first, and also pierced with a small hole. conceived that there was an analogy, and indeed
The coloured light which passed through this an identity of ratios; but experience has since
second hole was made to fall on a prism, and shown that this analogy was accidental, as the
afterwards received on the opposite wall. It spaces occupied by the different colours do not
was then found that the rays which had been divide the spectrum in the same ratio, when
most refracted, or most bent from their course prisms of different kinds of glass are employed.
by the first prism, were most refracted also by Such were the experiments by which Newton
the second, though no new colours were pro first “ untwisted all the shining robe of day,”
duced. “ So,” says he, “ the true cause of the and made known the texture of the magic gar
length of the image was detected to be no other ment which nature has so kindly spread over
than that light consists of rays differently re the surface of the visible world. From them it
frangible, which, without any respect to a dif followed, that colours are not qualities which
ference in their incidence, were, according to light derives from refraction or reflection, but
their'degrees of refrangibility, transmitted to are original and connate properties connected
wards divers parts of the wall." ‘ ' with the different degrees of refrangibility that
It was also observed, that when the rays belong to the different rays. The same colour
which fell on the second prism were all of the is always joined to the same degree of refrangi
same colour, the image formed by refraction bility; andconversely, the same degree of re
was truly circular, and of the same colour with frangibility to the same colour.
the incident light. This is one of the most con Though the seven already enumerated are
clusive and satisfactory of all the experiments. primary and simple colours, any of them may
When the sun’s light is thus admitted,‘first also be produced by a mixture of others. A
through one aperture, and then through another mixture of yellow and blue, for instance, makes
at some distance from the first, and is afterwards green; of red and yellow, orange; and, in ge
made to fall on a prism, as the rays come only neral, if two colours which are not very far
from a part of the sun’s disk, the spectrum has asunder in the natural series be mixed together,
nearly the same length as before, but the breadth they compound the colour that is in the middle
is greatly diminished; in consequence of which, between them.
the light at each point is purer, it is free from But the most surprising composition of all,
penumbra, and the confines of the different co Newton observes, is that of whiteness; which
lours can be more accurately traced. It was in i not produced by one sort of rays, but by the
this way that Newton measured the extent of mixture of all the colours in a certain propor
each colour; and taking the mean of a great tion, namely, in that proportion which they
number of measures, he assigned the following have in the solar spectrum. This fact may be
proportions, dividing the whole length of the said to be made out both by analysis and com
spectrum, 'exclusive'of its rounded'terminations, position. The white light of the sun can he se
into 360 equal parts: of these the parated, as we have just seen, into theseven
' 'Red occupied - “1“ - L'” 45 simple colours; and if these colours be united
"“"" “"om’ngs {WP-1mm 27 again, they form white. Should any of them
1'?“ H‘Yénmv. ‘ _.- emu-$31: 48 have been wanting, or not in its due proportion,
i' _‘ 'Grcc'n ""r - ' - 60 the white produced is defective. . '
‘Bhie ' ‘- ‘ ~' ~ ~- so It' appeared, too, that natural bodies, of what
' ‘Indigo ' ' 's f "- ' 40 ever colour, if viewed by simple and homogene
' "Violet - ' ' - " ‘ --‘ 90 ous light, are seen of the colour of that light, and
BetWeen the divisions of the spectrum, thus of no other. Newton tried this very satisfac

‘ Phil’ooophical fianratfiou, vol. VI. (H372) No. 80. p. 3075.

 DISSERTATION THIRD. 547
tory experiment on bodies of all colours, and own peculiar colour, by this, that if you cast on
found it to hold uniformly ; the light was never it pure light, first of its own colour, and then of
changed by the colour of the body that reflect any other, it will reflect the first much more co
ed it. piously than the second. If cinnabar, for ex
1" Newton, thus furnished with so many new ample, and ultramarine blue be both exposed to
and accurate notions concerning the nature and the same red homogeneous light, they will both
production of colour, proceeded to apply them appear red, but the cinnabar strongly luminous
to the explanation of phenomena. The subject and resplendent, and the ultramarine of a faint
which naturally ofl'ered itself the first to this obscure red. If the homogeneal light thrown on
analysis was the rainbow, which, by the grandeur them be blue, the converse of the above will
and simplicity of its figure, added to the brilli take place.
ancy of its colours, in every age has equally at Transparent bodies, particularly fluids, often
tracted the attention of the peasant and of the transmit light of one colour and reflect light of
philosopher. That two refractions and one re~ another. Halley told Newton, that, being deep
flection were at least a part of the machinery under the surface of the sea in a diving-bell, in
which nature employed in the construction of a clear sunshine day, the upper side of his hand,
this splendid arch, had been known from the on which the sun shone darkly through the
time of Antonio de Dominis; and the manner water and through a small glass window in the
in which the arched figure is produced had been diving-bell, appeared of a red colour, like a da
shown by Descartes; so that it only remained mask rose, while the water below, and the under
to explain the nature of the colour and its dis part of his hand, looked green.“ '
tribution. As the colours were the same with But, in explaining the permanent colour of
those exhibited by the prism, and succeeded in bodies, this difliculty always presents itself :—
the same order, it could hardly be doubted that Suppose that a body reflects red or green light,
the cause was the same. Newton showed the what is it that decomposes the light, and sepa
truth of his principles by calculating the extent rates the red or the green from the rest? Re
of the arch, the breadth of the coloured bow, the fraction is the only means of decomposing light,
position of the secondary bow, its distance from and separating the rays of one degree of refran
the primary, and by explaining the inversion of gibility, and of one colour, from those of ano
the colours.1 There is not, perhaps, in science ther. This appears to have been what led New
any happier application of theory, or any in ton to study the colours produced by light pass
which the mind rests with fuller confidence. ing through thin plates of any transparent sub
Other meteoric appearances seemed to be ca stance. The appearances are very remarkable,
pable of similar explanations, but the phenomena and had already attracted the attention both of
being nowhere so regular or so readily subject Boyle and of Hooke; but the facts observed by
ed to measurement as those of the rainbow, the them remained insulated in their hands, and un
theory cannot be brought to so severe a test, nor connected with other optical phenomena.
the evidence rendered so satisfactory. It probably had been often remarked, that
But a more difficult task remained,—to ex when two transparent bodies, such as glass, of
plain the permanent colour of natural bodies. which the surfaces were convex in a certain de
Here, however, as it cannot be doubted that all gree, were pressed together, a black spot was
colour comes from the rays of light, so we must formed at the contact of the two, which was
conclude that one body is red and another violet, surrounded with coloured rings, more or less
because the one is disposed to reflect the red or regular, according to the form of the surfaces.
least refrangible rays, and the other to reflect In order to analyze a phenomenon that seemed
the violet or the most refrangible. Every body in itself not a little curious, Newton proposed to
manifests its disposition toreflect the light of its make the experiment with surfaces of a regular

' Optic, book i. part ii. prop. 9. ' Ibid. bod i. part i. prop. 10.
548 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

curvature, such as was capable of being mea was wholly transmitted was as the same num
sured. He took two object-glasses, one aplano bers. A great many repeated measurements
convex for a fourteen feet telescope, the other a assured the accuracy of these determinations.
double convex for one of about fifty feet, and As the curvature of the convex glass on which
upon this last he laid the other with its plane the flat surface of the plane-convex rested was
side downwards, pressing them gently together. known, and as the diameters of the rings were
At their contact in the centre was,a pellucid measured in inches, it was easy to compute the
spot, through which the light passed without thickness of the plates of air, which correspOnd
suffering any reflection. Round this spot was a ed to the different rings.
coloured circle or ring, exhibiting blue, white, An inch being divided into 178000 parts, the
yellow, and red. This was succeeded by a distance of the lenses for the first series, or for
1
pellucid or dark ring, then a coloured ring of the luminous rings, was fisooo’ a 5
17800—0’ Haw—0’ 8w"
violet, blue, green, yellow, and red, all copious
2 4
and vivid except the green. The third coloured For the second series 1—7560—0' W0? 8“
ring consisted of purple, blue, green, yellow, When the rings were examined by looking
and red. The fourth consisted of green and through the lenses in the opposite direction, the
red; ' those that succeeded became gradually central spot appeared white, and, in other rings,
more dilute, and ended in whiteness. It was red was opposite to blue, yellow to violet, and
possible to count as far as seven. green to a compound of red and violet; the co
The colours of these rings were so marked by lours formed by the transmitted and the reflect
peculiarities in shade and vivacity, that Newton ed light being what is now called complement
considered them as belonging to different orders; ary, or nearly so, of one another; that is, such
so that an eye accustomed to examine them, on as, when mixed, produce white.
any particular colour of a natural object being When the fluid between the glasses was dif
pointed out, would be able todetermine to what ferent from air, as when it was water, the suc.
order in this series it belonged. cession of rings was the same; the only differ
Thus we have a system of rings or zones sur encc was, that the rings themselves were nar
rounding a dark central spot, and themselves rower.
alternately dark and coloured, that is, alternate When experiments on thin plates were made
ly transmitting the light and reflecting it. It is in such a way that the plate was of a denser
evident that the thickness of the plates of air in body than the surrounding medium, as in the
terposed between the glasses, at each of those case of soap-bubbles, the same phenomena were
rings, must be a very material element in the observed to take place. These phenomena New
arrangement of this system. Newton therefore ton also examined with his accustomed ac
undertook to compute their thickness. Having curacy, and even bestowed particular care on
carefully measured the diameters of the first six having the soap-bubbles as perfect and durable
coloured rings, at the most lucid part of each, as their frail structure would admit. In the eye
he found their squares to be as the progression of philosophy no toy is despicable, and no occu~
of odd'numbers 1, 3, 5, 7, 8w. The squares of pation frivolous, that can assist in the discovery
the distances from the centre of the dark spot to of truth.
each of these circumferences were, therefore, in To the different degrees of tenuity, then, in
the same ratio, and consequently the thickness transparent substances, there seemed to be at
of the plates of air, or the intervals between the tached the powers of separating particular co
glasses, was as the numbers. 1, 3, 5, 7, 8w. lours from the mass of light, and of rendering
. When the diameters of the dark or pellucid them visible sometimes by reflection, and, in
rings which separated the coloured rings were other cases, by transmission. As there is rea
measured, their squares were found to be as the son to think, then, that the minute parts, the
even numbers 0, 2, 4, 6 ; and, therefore, the more particles of all bodies, even the most
thickness of the plates through which the light opaque, are transparent, they may very well be
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 549
conceived to act on light after the manner of the phenomena. This, however, is by no means a
thin plates, and to produce each, according to just conclusion ; for it is, in reality, a necessary
its thickness and density, its appropriate colour, inference from appearances accurately observed,
which, therefore, becomes the colour of the sur and is-no less entitled to be considered as a fact
face. Thus the colours in which the bodies than those appearances themselves. The diffi
round us appear everywhere arrayed, are redu culty of assigning a cause for such extraordinary
cible to the action of the parts which constitute alternations cannot be denied, but does not entitle
their surfaces on the refined and active fluid us to doubt the truth of a conclusion fairly de
which pervades, adorns, and enlightens the duced from experiment. The principle has been
world. confirmed by phenomena that were unknown to
But the same experiments led to some new Newton himself, and possesses this great and
and unexpected conclusions, that seemed to unequivocal character of philosophic truth, that
reach the very essence of the fluid of which we it has served to explain appearances which were
now speak. It was impossible to observe, with not observed till long after the time when it
out wonder, the rings alternately luminous and first became known.
dark that were formed between the two plates \Ve cannot follow the researches of Newton
of glass in the preceding experiments, and deter into what regards the colours of thick plates,
mined to be what they were by the ditferent and of bodies in general. We must not, how
thickness of the air between the plates, and hav ever, pass over his explanation of refraction,
ing to that thickness the relations formerly ex which is among the happiest to be met with in
pressed. A plate of which the thickness was any part of science, and has the merit of con
equal to a certain quantity multiplied by an odd necting the principles of optics with those of
number, gave always a circle of the one kind; dynamics. .
but if the thickness of the plate was equal to the The theory from which the explanation we
same quantity multiplied by an even number, the speak of is deduced is, that light is an emana
circle was of another kind, the light, in the first tion of particles, moving in straight lines with
case, being reflected, in the second transmitted. incredible velocity, and attracted by the particles
Light penetrating a thin transparent plate, of of transparent bodies. When, therefore, light
which the thickness was m, 3m, 5m, 8w. was de falls obliquely on the surface of such a body, its
composed and reflected ; the same light penetrat motion' maybe resolved into two, one parallel
ing the same plate, but of the thickness 0, 2m, to that surface, and the other perpendicular to
4m, was transmitted, though, in a certain degree, it. Of these, the first is not affected by the at
also decomposed. The same light, therefore, traction of the body, which is perpendicular to
was transmitted or reflected, according as the its own surface; and, therefore, it remains the
second surface’of the plate of air through which same in the refracted that it was in the incident
it passed was distant from the first by the inter ray. But the velocity perpendicular to the sur
vals 0, 2, 4m, or m, 3m, 5m ,- so that it becomes face is increased by the attraction of the body,
necessary to suppose the same ray to be succes and, according to the principles of dynamics,
sively disposed to be transmitted and to be re (the 89th, book i. Princip.) whatever he the
flected at points of space separated from one quantity of this velocity, its square, on entering
another by the same interval m. This constitutes the same transparent body, will always be aug
what Newton called fits of easy transmission and mented by the same quantity. But it is easy to
easy reflection, and forms one of the most singu demonstrate that, if there be two,right-angled
lar parts of his optical discoveries. It is so un triangles, with a side in the one equal to a side
like any thing which analogy teaches us to ex in the other, the hypotheneuse of the first being
pect, that it has often been viewed with a degree given, and the squares of their remaining sides
of incredulity, and regarded as at best but a con differing by a given space, the sines of the angles
jecture introduced to account for certain optical opposite to the equal sides must have a given
 550 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ratio to one another.l This amounts to the exception of those which contain much inflam
same with saying, that, in the case before us, mable matter in their composition, or sulphur as
the sine of the angle of incidence is to the sine it was then called, which is always accompanied
of the angle of refraction in a given ratio. with an increase of refracting power.8
The explanation of the law of refraction thus Thus, the refracting power, ascertained as
given is so highly satisfactory, that it afl'ords a above, when divided by the density, gives quo
'strong argument in favour of the system which tient not very different from one another, till
considers light as an emanation of particles from we come to the inflammable bodies, where a
luminous bodies, rather than the vibrations of great increase immediately takes place. In air,
'an elastic fluid. It is true that Huygens de for instance, the quotient is 5208, in rock-crys
duced from this last hypothesis an explanation tal 5450, and the same nearly in common glass.
of the law of refraction, on which considerable But in spirit of wine, oil, amber, the same
praise was bestowed in the former part of this quotients are 10121, 12607, 13654. Newton
I Dissertation.
It is undoubtedly very ingenious, found in the diamond, that this quotient is still
but does not rest on the same solid and un 'greater than any of the preceding, being 14656.‘
doubted principles of dynamics with the pre Hence he conjectured, what has since been so
ceding, nor does it leave the mind so completely fully verified by experiment, that the diamond,
satisfied. Newton, in his Principia, has deduced at least in part, is an inflammable body. Ob
another demonstration of the same optical pro serving, also, that the refracting power of water
position fro'm the theory of central forces.“ is great for its density, the quotient, expounding
' The different refrangibility of the rays of it as above, being 784-5, he concluded, that an
light forms no exception to the reasoning above. inflammable substance enters into the composi
The rays of each particular colour have their tion of that fiuid,—a conclusion which has been
own particular ratio subsisting between the sines confirmed by one of the most certain but most
of incidence and refraction; or, in each, the unexpected results of chemicalanalysis. The
square that is added to the square of the per views thussuggested by Newton have been suc
pendicular velocity has its own value, which cessfully pursued by future inquirers, and the
continues the same while the transparent me action of bodies on light is now regarded as one
dium is the same. of the means of examining into their internal
Light, in consequence of these views, became, constitution.
in the hands of Newton, the means of making I should have before remarked, that the alter
important discoveries concerning the internal nate disposition to be easily reflected and easily
and chemical constitution of bodies. The square transmitted serves to explain the fact, that all
that is added to that of the perpendicular velo transparent substances reflect a portion of the
city of light in consequence of the attractive force incident light. The reflection'of light from the
of the transparent substance, is properlythe surfaces of opaque bodies, and from the anterior
measure of the quantity of that attraction, and surfaces of transparent bodies, appears to be pro
is the same with the difference of the squares of duced by a repulsive force exerted by those sur~
the velocities of the incident and the refracted faces at a determinate but very small distance,
light. This is readily deduced, therefore, from in consequence of which there is stretched out
the ratio of the angle of incidence to that of re over them an elastic web, through which the par
fraction; and when this is done for different ticles of light, notwithstanding their incredible
substances, it is found that the above measure velocity, are not always able to penetrate.‘ In
of the refracting power of transparent bodies is the case of a transparent body, the light, which,
nearly proportional to their density, with the when it arrives at this outworlr, as it may be

' ‘ Optics, book ii. rt iii. prop. 10. ’ Optica, book i. part i. prop. 6.
’l Princip. Math.
A velocity that ib. i. ro i . 94: also Opticl, book i.- part i. prep. 6
enabllzs ' Ihid.
ght to pass from the sun to the earth in 8' 13”, as is deduced from the eclipses of Jupiter’s
satellites- '
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 551
called, is in a fit of easy reflection, obeys of firm. In this contention, the envy and activity
course the repulsive force, and is reflected back of Hooke did not fail to give him the advantage;
again. The particles, on the other hand, which and he communicated his objections to Newton’s
are in the state which disposes them to be trans conclusions concerning the refrangibility of light
mitted, overcome the repulsive force, and, en in less than a month after they had been read
tering into the interior of the transparent body, in the Royal Society. He admitted the accuracy
are subjected to the action of its attractive force, of the experiments themselves, but denied that
and obey the law of refraction already explained. the cause of the colour is any quality residing
If these rays, however, reach the second surface permanently in the rays of light, any more than
of the transparent body (that body being sup that the sounds emitted from the pipes of an or
posed denser than the medium surrounding it) gan exist originally in. the air. An imaginary
in a direction having a certain obliquity to that analogy between sound and light seems to have
surface, the attraction will not sufl‘er the rays been the basis of all his optical theories. He
to emerge into the rarer medium, but will force conceived that colour is nothing but the dis
them to return back into the transparent body. turbance of light by pulses propagated through
Thus, the reflection of light at the second sur it; that blackness proceeds from the scarcity,
face of a transparent body is produced, not by whiteness from the plenty, of undisturbed light;
the repulsion of the medium in which it was and that the prism acts by exciting different
about to enter, but by the attraction of that pulses in this fluid, which pulses give rise to the
which it was preparing to leave. sensations of colour. This obscure and unin
The first account of the experiments from telligible theory (if we may honour what is un
which all these conclusions were deduced, was intelligible with the name of a theory) he ac
given in.the Philosophical Transactions for 1672, companied with a multitude of captions objec
and the admiration excited by their brilliancy tions to the reasonings of Newton, whom he was
and their novelty may easily be imagined. not ashamed to charge with borrowing from him
Among the men of science, the mosg enlight without acknowledgement. To all this Newton
ened were the most enthusiastic in their praise. replied, with the solidity, calmness, and modes
Huygen, writing to one of his friends, says of ty, which became the understanding and the
them, and of the truths they were the means of temper of a true philosopher.
making known, “ Quorum respectu omnia huc The new theory of colours was quickly as
usque editajqjunia sun! at prorsus puerilia.” Such sailed by several other writers, who seem all to
were the sentiments of the person who, of all have had a better apology than Hooke for the
men living, was the best able to judge, and had errors into which they fell. Among them one
the best right to be fastidious, .in what related of the first was Father Pal-dies, who wrote
to optical experiments and discoveries. But all against the experiments, and what he was pleased
were not equally candid with the Dutch philo to call the hypothesis, of Newton. A satisfac
sopher; and though the discovery now commu tory and calm reply convinced him of his mis
nicated had every thing to recommend it which take, which he had the candonr very readily to
can arise from what is great, new, and singu acknowledge. A countryman of his, Mariette,
lar; though it was not a theory or a system of was more diflicult to be "reconciled, and, though
opinions, but the generalization of facts made very conversant with experiment, appears never.
known by experiments ; and though it was to have succeeded in repeating the experiments
brought forward in the most simple and unpre of Newton. Desaguliers, at the request of the
tending form, a host of enemies appeared, each latter, repeated the experiments doubted of be
eager to obtain the unfortunate pre-eminence fore the Royal Society,uwhere Monmort, a coun
of beingthe first to attack conclusions which tryman and a friend of Mariotte, was present.‘
the unanimous voice of posterity was to con MM. Linus and Lucas, both of Liege, object

' Mosrnctx, tom. 11.

552 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ed to Newton’s experiments as inaccurate; the ferent refracting substances, that the dispersion
first, because, on attempting to repeat them, he of the coloured rays never could be corrected
had not obtained the same results; and the se except when the refraction itself was entirely
cond, because he had not been able to perceive destroyed; for he thought he had discovered
that a red object and a blue required the focal that the quantity of the refraction and of the
distance to be different when they were viewed dispersion .in different substances bore always
through a telescope. Newton replied with great the same proportion to one another. This is
patience and good temper to both. one of the few instances in which his conclusions
The series was closed in 1727, by the work of have not been confirmed by subsequent experi
an Italian author, Rizetti, who, in like manner, ment; and it will, accordingly, fall under dis~
called in question the accuracy of experiments cussion in another part of this Dissertation.
which he himself had not been able to repeat. Having taken the resolution of constructing
Newton was now no more; but Desaguliers, in a reflecting telescope, he set about doing so with
consequence of Rizetti’s doubts, instituteda series his own hands. There was, indeed, at that
of experiments which seemed to set the matter time, no other means by which such a work
entirely at rest. These experiments are de could be accomplished; the art of the ordinary
scribed in the Philosophical Transactimzs for glass-grinder not-being sufficient to give to me
1728. tallic specula. the polish which was required. It
An inference which Newton had immediately was on this account that Gregory had entirely
drawn from the discoveries above described was, failed in realizing his very ingenious optical in
that the great source of imperfection in the re vention.
fracting telescope was the different refrangibility Newton, however, himself possessed excellent
of the rays of light, and that there were stronger hands for mechanical operations, and could use
reasons than either Mersenne or Gregory had them to better purpose than is common with
suspected, for looking to reflection .for the im-. men so much immersed in deep and abstract
provement of optical instruments. It was evi speculation. It appears, indeed, that mechani
dent, from the different refrangibility of light, cal invention was one of the powers of his mind
that the rays coming from the same point of an which began to unfold itself at a very early pe
object, when decomposed by the refraction of a riod. In some letters subjoined to a Memoir
lens, must converge to different foci; the red drawn up after his death by his nephew' Conduit,
rays, for example, to a point more distant from it is said, that, when a boy, Newton used to
the lens, and the violet to one nearer by about amuse himself with constructing machines, mills,
a fifty-fourth part of the focal distance. Hence 8:0. 011 a small scale, in which be displayed
it was not merely from the aberration of the great ingenuity; and it is probable that he then
rays caused by the spherical figure of the lens acquired that use of his hands which is so diffi
that the imperfection of the images formed by cult to be learned at a later period. To this,
refraction arose, but from the very nature of re probably, we owe the neatness and ingenuity
fraction itself. It was evident, at the same with which the optical experiments above re
time, that in a combination of lenses with oppo ferred to were contrived and executed,—experi
site figures, one convex, for instance, and ano ments of so diflicult a nature, that any error in
ther concave, there was a, tendency of the two the manipulation would easily defeat the effect,
contrary dispersions to correct one another. and appears actually to have done so with many
But it appeared to Newton, on examining dif of those who objected to his experiments.1

' The Memoir of Conduit was sent to Fontenelle when he was pre arin the Elogc on Newton, but he seems to have
paid little attention to it, and has passed over the early art of his 1i 2 wit the remark, that one may a ply to him what
ucan says of the Nile, that it has not been “ permitte to mortals to see that river in a feeble state." I the letters above
referred to had formed a rt of this communication, I think the Secretary of the Academy would have sacrificed a fine
comparison to an instructive fact. In other respects Conduit’s M'emoir did not convey much information that could he of
use. His instructions to Fontenelle are curious enou h; be bids him be sure to state, that Leibnitz had borrowed the
Difl'erential Calculus from the Method of Fluxions. file conjured him in another place not to omit to mention, that Queen
 .' DISSERTATION THIRD. i 553
He sudceeded perfectly in the construction of not appear to have been afterwards resumed.
his telescope; and his first communication with They enabled him, however, to draw this con
Oldenburg, and the first reference to his optical clusion, that the path of the ray, in passing by
experiments, is connected with the construction the knife-edge, was bent in opposite directions,
of this instrument, and mentioned in a letter so as to form a serpentine line, convex and con
dated the 11th January 16"!2. He had then cave toward the knife, according to the repulsive
been proposed as a member of the Royal Socie or attractive forces which acted at different dis
ty by the bishop of Sarum, and he says, “ If tances; that it was also reasonable to conclude,
the honour of being a member of the Society that the phenomena of the refraction, reflection,
shall be conferred on me, I shall endeavour to and inflection of light were all produced by the
testify my gratitude by communicating what my same force variously modified, and that they did
poor and solitary endeavours can efl'ect toward not arise from the actual contact or collision of
the promoting its philosophical designs."l Such the particles of light with the particles of bodies.
was the modesty of the man who was to effect a The third book of the Optics concludes with
greater revolution in the state of our knowledge those celebrated Queries which carry the mind
of nature than any individual had yet done, and so far beyond the bounds of ordinary specula
greater, perhaps, than any individual is ever des tion, though still with the support and under
tined to bring about. Success, however, never the direction either of direct experiment or close
altered the temper in which he began his re analogy. They are a collection of propositions
searches. relative chiefly to the nature of the mutual
Newton, after considering the reflection and re action of light and of bodies on one another,
fraction of light, proceeded, in the third and last such as appeared to the author highly pro
book of his Optics, to treat of its irgflectizm, asub bable, yet wanting such complete evidence'as
ject which, as has been remarked in the former might entitle them to be admitted as principles
part of this Dissertation, was first treated of by established. Such enlarged and comprehensive
Grimaldi. Newton having admitted a ray of light views, so many new and bold conceptions, were
through a hole in a window-shutter into a dark never before combined with the sobriety and cau
chamber, made it pass by the edge of a knife, tion of philosophical induction. The anticipa
or, in some experiments, between the edges of tion of future discoveries, the assemblage of so
two knives, fixed parallel and very near to one many facts from the most distant regions of
another; and, by receiving the light on a sheet human research, all brought to bear on the same
of paper at different distances behind the knives, points, and to elucidate the same questions, are
he observed the coloured fringes Which had been never to be sufliciently admired. At the mo
described by the Italian optician, and, on ex ment when they appeared, they must have pro
amination, found that the rays had been acted duced a wonderful sensation in the philosophic
on in passing the knife-edges both by repulsive world, unless, indeed, they advanced too far be
and attractive forces, and had begun to be so fore the age, and contained too much which the
acted on in a sensible degree when they were comment of time was yet required to elucidate.
yet distant by flu, of an inch of the edges of the It is in the Queries that we meet with the
knives. His experiments, however, on this sub ideas of this philosopher concerning the Elastic
ject were interrupted, as he informs us, and do Ether, which he conceived to be the means of

Caroline used to delight much in the conversation of Newton, and nothin could do more honour to Newton than the com
mendation of a Queen, the Minerva of her e. Fontenelle was too muc a philosopher and a man of the world, and had
himself approached too near to the persons 0 princes, to be of Mr Conduit‘s opinion, or to think that the approbation of
the most 1‘ l ustrious princess could add dignity to the man who had made the three greatest discoveries yet known, and in
whose hands the sciences of Geometry, Optics, and Astronomy, had all taken new forms. If he had been called to write
the Blog: of the Queen of England, he would, no doubt, have remarked her relish for the conversation of Newton.
0n the whole, the £105: on Newton has great merit, and, to be the work of one who was at bottom a Cartesian, is a sin
gular example of candour and impartiality.
1 Brnca's Hhlory Qfthe Royal Socidy, voL III. p. 8.
0188- 1". PART 11. 4A
554 PIIELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

conveying the action of bodies from one part of ticles of bodies at difl'erent distances. The com
the universe to another, and to which the phe
nomena of light, of heat, of gravitation, are to
be ascribed. Here we have his conclusions con
cerning that polarity or peculiar virtue residing
in the opposite sides of the rays of light, which
he deduced from the enigmatical phenomena of
doubly-refracting crystals. Here, also, the first
step is made toward the doctrine of elective at
tractions or of chemiml aflinity, and to the no
tion, that the phenomena of chemistry, as well
as of cohesion, depend on the alternate attrac
tions and repulsions existing between the par
parison of the gradual transition from repulsion
to attraction at those distances, with the posi
tive and negative quantities in algebra, was first
suggested here, and is the same idea which the
ingenuity of Boscovich afterwards expanded into
such a beautiful and complete system. Others
who have attempted such flights had ended in
mere fiction and romance: it is only for such
men as Bacon or Newton to soar beyond the re
gion of poetical fiction, still keeping sight of
probability, and alighting again safe on the ter
rafirma of philosophic truth.1

SECTION IV.

ASTRONOMY.

Tm: time was now come when the world was draw his attention, nor even the man of genius.
to be enlightened by a new science, arising out except at those moments of inspiration when.
of the comparison of the phenomena of motion the mind sees farthest into the intellectual world.
as observed in the heavens, with the laws of In 1666, the plague forced him to retire from
motion as known on the earth. Physical astro Cambridge into the country; and, as he sat one
nomy was the result of this comparison; a science day alone, in a garden, musing on the nature of
embracing greater objects, and destined for a the mysterious force by which the phenomena
higher flight, than any other branch of natural at the earth’s surface are so much regulated, he
knowledge. It is unnecessary to observe, that it observed the apples falling spontaneously from
was by Newton that the comparison just refer the trees, and the thought occurred to him,—
red to was instituted, and the riches of the new since gravity is a tendency not confined to
science unfolded to mankind. bodies on the very surface of the earth, but
This, young philosopher, already signalized by reaching to the tops of trees, to the tops of the
great discoveries, had scarcely reached the agé highest buildings, nay, to the summits of the
of twenty-four, when a great public calamity most lofty mountains, without its intensity or
forced him into the situation where the first step direction sufl'ering any sensible change, why
in the new science is said to have been suggest may it not reach to a much greater distance,
ed; and that, by some of those common appear and even to the moon itself? And, if so, may
ances in which an ordinary man sees nothing to not the moon be retained in her orbit by gravity,

' The. optical works of Newton are not often to be found all brought together into one bodv. The first part of them
consists of the papers in the Philosophical Tmniarriom, which gave the earliest account of his discoveries, and which have
been already referred to. They are in the form of Letters to Oldenburg, the Secretary of the Society, as are also the an
swers to Roche and the others who objected to these discoveries; the whole forming a most interestin and valuable
series, which Dr Horsley has published in the fourth volume of his edition of Newton‘s works, under the tit e of Letter: re
lating to the Theory of Light and Colours. The next work, in point of time, consists of the Lectionu OpliCtZ, or the optical
lectures which the author delivered at Cambridge. The Optics, in three books. is the last and most complete, containin
all the reasoning concerning optical phenomena above referred to. The first edition was in 1704; the second, with ad
tions, in 1717. Nswroul Opera, tom. IV. Horsley‘s edition.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 555
and forced to describe a curve like a projectile use before the measurement of Norwood or of
at the surface of the earth ? 1 the French Academicians, according to which a.
Here another consideration very naturally oc degree is held equal to 60 English miles. This
curred. Though gravity be not sensibly weak being in reality a very erroneous supposition,
ened at the small distances from the surface to the result of the calculation did not represent
which our experiments extend, it may be weak the force as adequate to the supposed effect;
ened at greater distances, and at the moon may whence Newton concluded that some other
be greatly diminished. To estimate the quan cause than gravity must act on the moon, and
tity of this diminution, Newton appears to have on that account he laid aside, for the time, all
reasoned thus: If the moon be retained in her further speculation on the subject. It was in
orbit by her gravitation to the earth, it is pro the true spirit of philosophy that he so readily
bable that the planets are, in like manner, cargave up an hypothesis, in which he could not
ried round the sun by a power of the same kind but feel some interest, the moment he found 'it
with gravity, directed to the centre of that lu at variance with observation. He was sensible
minary. He proceeded, therefore, to inquire that nothing but the exact coincidence of the
by what law the tendency or gravitation of the things compared could establish the conclusion
planets to the sun must diminish, in order that, he meant to deduce, or authorize him to pro
describing, as they do, orbits nearly circular ceed with the superstructure, for which it was
round the sun, their times of revolution and to serve as the foundation.
their distances may have the relation to one an It appears, that it was not till some years
other which they are known to have from ob after this that his attention was called to the
servation, or from the third law of Kepler. same subject, by a letter from Dr Hooke, pro
This was an investigation which, to most even posing, as a question, To determine the line
of the philosophers and mathematicians of that in which a body let fall from a height descends
age, would have proved an insurmountable ob to the ground, taking into consideration the
stacle to their further progress; but Newton was motion of the earth on its axis. This induced
too familiar with the geometry of evanescent or him to resume the subject of the moon’s motion;
infinitely small quantities, not to discover very and the measure of a degree by Norwood having
soon that the law now referred to would require now furnished more exact data, he found that
the force of gravity to diminish exactly as the his calculation gave the precise quantity for the
square of the distance increased. The moon, moon’s momentary deflection from the tangent
therefore, being distant from the earth about of her orbit, which was deduced from astrono
sixty semidiameters of the earth, the force of mical observation. The moon, therefore, has a
gravity at that distance must be reduced to the tendency to descend toward the earth, from the
3600th part of what it is at the earth’s surface. same cause that a stone at its surface has; and
Was the deflection of the moon then from the if the descent of the stone in a second he dimi
tangent of her orbit, in a second of time, just nished in the ratio of l to 3600, it will give the
the 3600th part of the distance which a heavy quantity by which the moon descends in a se
body falls in a second at the surface of the cond, below the tangent to her orbit; and thus
earth? This was a question that could be pre is obtained an experimental proof of the fact,
cisely answered, supposing the moon’s distance that gravity decreases as the square of the dis
known, not merely in semidiameters of the earth, tance increases. He had already found that the
but in feet, and her angular velocity, or the time times of the planetary revolutions, supposing
of her revolution in her orbit, to be also known. their orbits to be circular, led'to the same con
In this calculation, however, being at a dis clusion; and he now proceeded, with a view to
tance from books, he took the common estima the solution of Hooke's problem, to inquire what
tion of the earth’s circumference that was in their orbits must be, supposing the centripetal

1 Pannsnron's View of A't'wlon'c PhiIOJOpl/y‘ Pref.

556 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

'force'to be inversely as the square of the dis explained in the most satisfactory manner, by
tance, and the initial or projectile force to be the supposition that the planets gravitate to the
any whatsoever. On this subject, Pemberton sun with a force which varies in the inverse
says, he composed (as he calls it) a dozen pro ratio of the squares of the distances. It added
positions, which probably were the same with much to this evidence, that the observations of
those in the beginning of the Principia,—such Cassini had 'proved the same laws to prevail
as the description of equal areas in equal times, among the satellites of Jupiter.
about the centre of force, and the ellipticity of But did the principle which appeared thus to
the orbits described under the influence of a unite the great bodies of the universe act only
centripetal force that varied inversely as the on those bodies? Did it reside merely in their
squares of the distances. centres, or was it a force common to all the
What seems very diflicult to be explained is, particles of matter? Was it a fact that every
that after han'ng made trial of his strength, particle of matter had a tendency to unite with
and of the power of the instruments of investi every other ? Or was that tendency directed only
gation which he was now in possession of, and to particular centres? It could hardly be doubt
had entered by means of them on the noblest ed that the tendency was common to all the par
and most magnificent field of investigation that ticles of matter. The centres of the great bodies
was ever yet opened to any of the human race, had no properties as mathematical points; they
he again desisted from the pursuit, so that it had none but what they derived from the mate
was not till several years afterwards that the rial particles distributed around them. But the
conversation of Dr Halley, who made him a question admitted of being brought to a better
visit at Cambridge, induced him to resume and test than that of such general reasoning as the
extend his researches. ' - preceding. The bodies between which this ten
He then found, that the three great facts in dency had been observed to take place were all
astronomy, which form the laws of Kepler, round bodies, and either spherical or nearly so;
gave the most complete evidence to the system but whether great or small, they seemed to
of gravitation. The first of them, the propor gravitate toward one another according to the
tionality of the areas described by the radius same law. The planets gravitated to the sun,
vector to the times in which they are described, the moon to the earth, the satellites of Jupiter
is the peculiar character of the motions pro toward Jupiter; and gravity, in all these in
duced by an original impulse impressed on a stances, varied inversely as the squares of the
body, combined with a centripetal force contin distances. Were the bodies ever so small—were
ually urging it to a given centre. The second they mere particles—provided only they were
law, that the planets describe ellipses, having round, it was therefore safe to infer, that they
the sun in one of the foci, common to them all, would tend to unite with forces inversely as the
coincides with this proposition, that a body under squares of the distances. It was probable, then,
the influence of a centripetal force, varying as that gravity was the mutual tendency of all the
the square of the distance inversely, and having particles of matter toward one another; but this
any projectile force whatever originally im could not be concluded with certainty, till it was
pressed on it, must describe a conic section found whether great spherical bodies, composed
having one focus in the centre of force, which of particles gravitating according to this law,
section, if the projectile force does not exceed a would themselves gravitate according to the
certain limit, will become an ellipse. The third same. Perhaps no man of that age but Newton
law, that the squares of the periodic times are himself was fit to undertake the solution of this
as the cubes of the distances, is a property which problem. His analysis, either in the form of flux
belongs to the bodies describing elliptic orbits ions or in that of prime and ultimate ratios, was
under the conditions just stated. Thus the three able to reduce it to the quadrature of curves; and
great truths to which the astronomy of the he then found, no doubt infinitely to his satisfac
planets had been reduced by Kepler, were all tion, that the law was the same for the sphere as
 -' DISSERTATION THIRD. ’ 557
for the particles which compose it; that the different orbits is as the mean distance divided
gravitation was directed to the centre of the by the square of the periodic time; and the same
'sphere, and was as the quantity of matter con intensity being also as the quantities of matter
tained in it, divided by the square of the distance
divided by the squares of the distances, it follows
from its centre. Thus a complete expression that these two quotients are equal to one another,
was obtained for the law of gravity, involving and that, therefore, the quantities of matter are
both the conditions on which it must depend, the as the mean distances divided by the squares of
quantity of matter in the gravitating bodies, andthe periodic times. Supposing, therefore, in the
the distance at which the bodies were placed. instance just mentioned, that the ratio of the
There could be no doubt that this tendency was mean distance of the sun from' the earth to the
always mutual, as there appeared nowhere any mean distance of the inoon from the earth is
exception to the rule that action and re-action given (which it is from astronomical observa
are equal; so that if a stone gravitated to the tion) ; as the ratio of their periodic lines is also
earth, the earth gravitated equally to the stone; known, the ratio of the quantity of matter in the
that is to say, the two bodies tended to ap sun to the quantity of matter in the earth, of
proach one another with velocities which were consequence, is found; and the same holds good
inversely as their quantities of matter.1 There for all the planets which have satellites moving
appeared to be no limit to the distance to which round them. Nothing certainly can be more
this action reached; it was a force that united unexpected than that the quantities of matter in
all the parts of matter to one another; and if it bodies so remote should admit of being camper
appeared to be particularly directed to certain ed with one another, and with the earth. Hence
points, such as the centres of the sun or of the also their mean densities, or mean specific gra
planets, it was only on account of the quantity vities, became known. For, from their distances
of matter collected and distributed uniformly and the angles they subtended, both known from
round those points, through which, therefore, observation, their magnitudes or cubical contents
the force resulting from the composition of all were easily inferred; and the densities of all
those elements must pass either accurately or bodies are, as their quantities of matter, divided
nearly. 7 by their magnitude. The Principia Pbilosophia
A remarkable inference was deduced from this Nuturalis, which contained all these discoveries,
view of the planetary motions, giving a deep in and established the principle of universal gravi.
sight into the constitution of our system in a tation, was given to the world in 1687, an era,
matter that seems the most recondite, and the on that account, for ever memorable in the his
farthest beyond the sphere which necessarily tory of human knowledge. - _
circumscribes human knowledge. The quantity The principle of gravity, which was thus fully
of matter, and even the density of the planets, established, and its greatest and most extensive
was determined. We have seen how Newton consequences deduced, was not now mentioned
compared the intensity of gravitation at the sur for the first time, though for the first time its
face of the earth with its intensity at the moon; existence as a fact was ascertained, and the law
and by a computation somewhat similar, be com it observes was discovered. Besides some curi
pared the intensity of the earth’s gravitation to ous references to weight and gravity, contained
the sun with the moon’s gravitation to the earth, in the writings of the ancients, we find some
each being measured by the contemporaneous and thing more precise concerning it in the writings
momentary deflection from a tangent to the small of Copernicus, Kepler, and Hooke.
arch of its orbit. A more detailed investigation Anaxagoras is said to have held that “ the
showed, that the intensity of the central force in heavens are kept in their place by the rapidity

‘ If M and M' are the masses of two spheres, and .r the distance of their centres, 94—41}! is the accelerating force
with which they tend to unite; but the velocity of the approach of M will be Iii-I, and of M ,M
.2 F
558 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

of their revolution, and would fall down if that planation of their globular forms; and the con
rapidity were to cease.” ‘ sideration that does the author most credit is
Plutarcb, in like manner, says the moon is that of supposing the force to belong, not to
kept from falling by the rapidity of her motion, the centre, but to all the parts of the earth.
just as a stone whirled round in a sling is pre Kepler, in his immortal Work on the Motion:
vented from falling to the ground.I of Mars, treats of gravity as a force acting na
Lucretius, reasoning probably after Democri turally from planet to planet, and particularly
tus, holds, that the atoms would all, from their from the earth to the moon. “ If the moon and
gravity, have long since united in the centre of the earth were not retained by some animal or
the universe, if the universe were not infinite, other equivalent force each in its orbit, the
so as to have no centre.‘ earth would ascend to the moon by a 54th part
An observation of Pythagoras, supposed to of the interval between them, while the moon
refer to the doctrine of gravity, though in real moved over the remaining 53 parts, that is, sup
ity extremely vague,‘has been abundantly com posing them both of the same density.“ This
mented on by Gregory and Maclaurin. A mu passage is curious, as displaying a singular mix
sical string, said that philosopher, gives the ture of knowledge and error on the subject of
same sound with another of twice the length, if the planetary motions. The tendency of the
the latter be straitened by four times the Weight earth and moon being mutual, and producing
that straiteus the former; and the gravity of a equal quantities of motion in these bodies, he
planet is four times that of another which is at speaks an accurate knowledge of the nature
twice the distance. These are the most precise of that tendency, and of the equality, at least
notices, as far as I know, that exist in the writ in this instance, between action and re-action.
ings of the ancients concerning gravity as a force Then, again, the idea of an animal force, or
acting on terrestrial bodies, or as extending even some other equally unintelligible power, being
to those that are more distant. They are the necessary to carry on the circular motion, and
reveries ofeingenious men who had no steady to prevent the bodies from moving directly to
principles deduced from experience and obser ward each other, is very strange; considering
vation to direct their inquiries, and who, even that Kepler knew the inertia of matter, and
when in their conjectures they hit on the truth, ought therefore to have understood the nature
could hardly distinguish it from error. of centrifugal force, and its power to counteract
Copernicus, as might be expected, is consi the mutual gravitaticns of the two bodies. In
derably more precise. “ I do not think,” says this respect the great astronomer, who was lay
he, “ that gravity is anything but a natural ap ing the foundation of all that is known of the
petency of the parts (of the earth) given by the heavens, was not so far advanced as Anaxago
providence of the Supreme Being, that, by unit res and Plutarch ;—so slow and unequal are the
ing together, they may assume the form of a step by which science advances to perfection.
globe. It i probable that this same afl'ection The mutual gravity of the earth and moon is
belongs to the sun, the moon, and the fixed not supposed by Kepler to have any concern in
stars, which are all of a round form)“ the production of their circular motions ; yet he
The power which Copernicus here speaks of holds the tides to be produced by the gravita
has nothing to do, in his opinion, with the revo tion of the waters of the sea toward the moon.‘
lutions of the earth or the planets in their dif The length to which Galileo advanced in this
ferent orbits. It is merely intended as an ex direction, and the point at which he stopped,

l Cmlum omne vehementi circuitu constare, alias remissions lapsurum. (Dice. Lazar. in Anaa'. lib. ii. sect. 12.)
1 De Farie in Orbe Lmm.
I Lib. i. v. 983.
Q De Revolutionibu: Orbium Calcrlimn, lib. i. cap. ix. p. 17.
l On that supposition their quantities of matter would be as their bulks, or as l to 63.
' Altronomia Stalks Dim-m, lntrod. parag. 8.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 559
are no less curious to be remarked. Though so stopped, having met with a resistance which
Well acquainted with the nature of gravity on' required a mathematician armed with all the
the earth’s surface, the object of so many of powers of the new analysis to overcome. The
his researches and discoveries,--and though he doctrine of gravity was yet no more than a con
conceived it to exist in all the planets, nay, in jecture, of the truth or falsehood of which the
all the celestial bodies, and to be the cause of measurements and reasoniugs of geometry could
their round figure, he did not believe it to be a alone determine.
power that extended from one of these bodies to Thus, then, we are enabled accurately to per
another. He seems to have thought that gravity ceive in what Newton’s discovery consisted. It
was a principle which regulated the domestic was in giving the evidence of demonstration to
economy of each particular body, but had no a principle which a few sagacious men had been
thing to do with their external relations; so sufficiently sharp-sighted to see obscurely or in
that he censured Kepler for supposing that the accurately, and to propose as a mere conjecture.
phenomena of the tides are produced by the In the history of human knowledge, there is
gravitation of the waters of the ocean to the hardly any discovery to which some gradual
moon.1 approaches had not been made before it was
Hooke did not stop short in the same unac completely brought to light. To have found
countable manner, but made a nearer approach out the means of giving certainty to the thing
to the truth than any one had yet done. In his asserted, or of disproving it entirely, and, when
attempt to prove the motion of the earth, pub the reality of the principle was found out, to
lished in 1674-, he lays it down as the principle measure its quantity, to ascertain its laws, and
on which the celestial motions are to be ex to trace their consequences with mathematical
plained, that the heavenly bodies have an attrac precision,—in this consists the great difiiculty
tion or gravitation toward their own centres, and the great merit of such a discovery as that
which extends to other bodies within the sphere which is now before us. In this Newton had no
of their activity; and that all bodies would competitor: envy was forced to acknowledge
move in straight lines, if some force like this that he had no rival, and consoled itself with
did not act on them continually, and compel supposing that he had no judge.
them to describe circles, ellipses, or other curve Of all the physical principles that have yet
lines. The force of gravity, also, he considered been made known, there is none so fruitful in
as greatest nearest the body, though the law of consequences as that of gravitation; but the
its variation he could not determine. These are same skill that had directed Newton to the dis
great advances ;—-th0ugh, from his mention of covery was necessary to enable him to trace its
the sphere of activity, from his considering the consequences.
force as residing in the centre, and from his ig The mutual gravitation of all bodies being ad
norance of the law which it observed, it is evi mitted, it was evident, that while the planets
dent that, besides great vagueness, there was were describing their orbits round the greatest
much error in his notions about gravity. Hooke, and most powerful body in the system, they
however, whose candour and uprightness bore must mutually attract one another; and thence,
no proportion to the strength of his understand in their revolutions, some irregularities, some
ing, was disingenuous enough, when Newton deviations from the description of equal areas in
had determined that law, to lay claim himself equal times, and from the laws of the elliptic
to the discovery. motion, might be expected. Such irregularities,
This is the farthest advance that the know however, had not been observed at that time in
ledge of the cause of the celestial motions had the motion of any of the planets, except the
made before the investigations of Newton : it is moon, where some of them were so conspicuous
the precise point at which this knowledge had as to have been known to Iiipparchus and

I Dialogs iv.: Opere, tom. lv‘. p. 325. Padova, 1744, 4 tom. no.
5.60 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
Ptolemy. Newton, therefore, was very natu This was a new proof of the reality of the
rally led to inquire what the different forces principle of gravitation, which, however, was
were, which, according to the laws just esta
blihed, could produce irregularities in the case
of the moon’s'motion. Beside the force of the
earth, or rather of the mutual gravitation of the
moon and earth, the moon must be acted on by
the'sung' and the same force which was suffi
cient to bend the orbit of the earth into an el
lipse, could not but have a sensible efl'ect on the
orbit of the moon. Here Newton immediately
observed, that it is not the whole of the force
which the sun exerts on the moon that disturbs
her motion round the earth, but only the differ
ence between the force just mentioned and that
whichvthe sun exerts on the earth ; for it is only
that difference that affects the relative positions
of the two bodies. To have exact measures of
the disturbing forces, he supposed the entire
force of the sun on the moon to be resolved into
two, of which one always passed through the
centre of the earth, and the other was always
parallel to the line joining the sun and earth,—
consequently, to the direction of the force of the
sun on the earth. Theformer of these forces
being directed to the centre of the earth, did
not prevent the moon from describing equal
areas in equal times round the earth. The ef
fect of it on the whole, however, he showed to
be, to diminish the gravity of the moon to the
earth by about one 358th part, and to increase
her mean distance in the same proportion, and
her angular motion by about a 179th.
From the moon thus gravitating to the centre
of the earth, not by a force that is altogether in
versely as the square of the distance, but by
such a force diminished by a small part that va
ries simply as the distance, it was found, from a
very subtile investigation, that the dimensions of from theory, such as it is found by observation;
the elliptic orbit would not be sensibly changed,
but that the orbit itself would be rendered
movable, its longer axis having an angular and
progressive motion, by which it advanced over
a‘certain arc during each revolution of the moon.
This afforded an explanation of the motion of
the apsides of the lunar orbit which had been
observed to go forward at the rate of 3° 4/ near
ly, during the time of the moon’s revolution, in
respect of the fixed stars.
rendered less conclusive by the consideration
that the exact quantity of the motion of the ap
sides observed did not come out from the dimi
nution of the
There was moon’s
a sort gravity
of cloud, as above
therefore, which hung
over this point of the lunar theory, to dissipate
which required higher improvements in the cal
culus than it was given to the inventor himself
to accomplish. It was not so with respect to
another motion to which the plane of the lunar
orbit is subject, a phenomenon which had been
long known in consequence of its influence on
the eclipses of the sun and moon. This was the
retrogradation of the line of nodes, amounting
to.3’ 10" every day; Newton showed that the
second of the forces into which the solar action
is moved being exerted, not in the plane of the
moon’s orbit, but in that of the ecliptic, inclined
to the former at an angle somewhat greater than
five degrees, its effect must he to draw down the
moon to the plane of the ecliptic sooner than it
would otherwise arrive at it; in consequence of
which, the intersection of the two planes would
approach, as it were, toward the moon, or move
in a direction opposite to that of the moon’s mo
tion, or become retrograde. From the quantity
of the solar force, and the inclination of the
moon’s orbit, Newton determined the mean
quantity of this retrogradation, as well as the
irregularities to which it is subject, and found
both to agree very accurately with observation.
Another of the lunar inequalities,-—that dis
covered by Tycho, and called by him the Van'
ation, which consists in the alternate accelera
tion and retardation of the moon in each quarter
of her revolution,—was accurately determined
and the same is true as to the annual equation,
which had been long confounded with the equa;
tion of time. With regard to the other inequa
lities, it does not appear that Newton attempted
an exact determination of them, but satisfied
himself with this general truth, that the prin=
ciple of the sun’s disturbing force led to the sup
position of inequalities of the same kind with
those actually observed, though whether of the
same exact quantity it must be diflicult to deter
 .' f DISSERTATION THIRD. ' 561
mine. It was reserved, indeed, for a more per; ecjuator to either pole. The terraqueous mass
feet state of the calculus to explain the whole of which we call the globe must therefore be what
those irregularities, and to deduce their precise geometers call an oblate spheroid, or a solid
value from the theory of gravity. Theory has generated by the revolution of the elliptic meri4
led to the knowledge of many inequalities, dian about its shorter axis.
which observation alone would have been un In order to determine the proportion of the
able to discover. Mr ear axes of this spheroid, a problem, it will readily
- While Newton was thus so successfully occu be believed, of no ordinary difficulty, Newton
pied in tracing the action of gravity among those conceived, that if the waters at the pole and at
distant bodies, he did not, it may be supposed, the equator were to communicate by a canal
neglect the consideration of its effects on the ob through the interior of the earth, one branch
jects which are nearer us, and particularly on reaching from the pole to the centre, and the
the figure of the earth. We have seen that, other at right angles to it from the centre to
even with the limited views and imperfect in the circumference of the equator, the water in
formation which Copernicus possessed on this this canal must be in equilibrio, or the weight of
subject, be ascribed the round figure of the earth fluid in the one branch just equal to that in the
and of the planets to the force of gravity residing other. Including, then, the consideration of the
in the particles of these bodies. Newton, on the centrifugal force which acted on one of the
other hand, perceived that, in the earth, another branches but not on the other, and considering,
force was combined with gravity, and that the too, that the figure of the mass being no longer
figure resulting from that combination could not a sphere, the attraction must not be supposed to
be exactly spherical. The diurnal revolution of be directed to the centre, but must be consider
the earth, he knew, must produce a centrifugal ed as the result of the action of all the particles
force, which would act most powerfully on the of the spheroid on the fluid in the canals,-—by a
parts most distant from the axis. The amount very subtile process of reasoning, Newton found
of this centrifugal force is greatest at the equa that the longer of the two canals must be to the
tor; and being measured by the momentary re shorter as 230 to 229. This, therefore, is the
cess of any point from the tangent, which was ratio of the radius of the equator to the polar
known from the earth’s rotation, it could be com semiaxis, their difference amounting, according
pared with the force of gravity at the same to the dimensions then assigned to the earth, to
place, measured in like manner by the descent about 17,11, English miles. In this investiga
of a heavy body in the first moment of its fall. tion the earth is understood to be homogeneous,
When Newton made this comparison, he found or everywhere of the same density.
that the centrifugal force at the equator is the - It is very remarkable, that though the ingeni
289th part of gravity, diminishing continually ous and profound reasoning on which this con
as the cosine of the latitude, on going from thence clusion rests is not entirely above objection, and
toward the poles, where it ceases altogether. assumes some things without sufficient proof,
From the combination of this force, though small, yet, when these defects were corrected in the
with the force of gravity, it follows, that the line new investigations of Maclaurin and Clairaut,
in which bodies actually gravitate, or the plumb the conclusion, supposing the earth homogene
line, cannot tend exactly to the earth’s centre, ous, remained exactly the same. The sagacity
and that a true horizontal line, such as is drawn of Newton, like the Genius of Socrates, seemed
by levelling, if continued from either pole, in sometimes to inspire him with wisdom from an
the plane of a meridian all round the earth, invisible source. By a profound study of na
would not be a circle, but an ellipse, having its ture, her laws, her analogies, and her resources,
greatest axis in the plane of the equator, and itshe seems to have acquired the same sort of tact
least in the direction of the axis of the earth’s or feeling in matters of science, that experienced
rotation. Now, the surface of the ocean itself engineers and other artists sometimes acquire in
actually traces this level as it extends from the matters of practice, by which they are often di
mas. 11!. PART II. 4- e
562 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rected right, when they can carcely describe in This, accordingly, would have happened long
words the principle on which they proceed. since, if the earth had not revolved on its axis.
From the figure of the earth thus determined, The effect of the rotation of the spheroidal ring
he showed that the intensity of gravity at any from west to east, at the same time that it is
point of the surface is inversely as the distance drawn down toward the plane of the ecliptic,
of that point from the centre; and its increase, is to preserve the inclination of these two planes
therefore, on going from the equator to the poles, unchanged, but to make their intersection move
is as the square of the sine of the latitude, the in a direction opposite to that of the diurnal ro
same ratio in which the degrees of the meridian tation, that is, from east to west, or contrary to
increase. ‘ As the intensity of gravity diminish the order of the signs.
ed on going from the poles to the equator, or The calculus in its result justified this general
from the higher to the lower latitudes, it follow conclusion: 10" appeared the part of the eflect
ed that a pendulum of a given length would due to the moon’s attraction, 4-0" to the attrac
vibrate slower when carried from Europe into tion of the sun; and I know not if there be any
the torrid zone. The observations of the two thing respecting the constitution of our system,
French astronomers Varin and De Hayes, made in which this great philosopher gave a stronger
at Cayenne and Martinique, had already confirm proof of his sagacity and penetration, than in
ed this conclusion. the explanation of this phenomenon. The truth,
The problem which Newton had thus resolved however, is, that his data for resolving the pro
enabled him to resolve one of still greater difli blem were in some degree imperfect, all the cir
culty. The precession, that is, the retrograde. cumstances were not included, and some were
titm, of the equinoctial points, had been long erroneously applied, yet the great principle and
known to astronomers; its rate had been measur scope of the solution were right, and the ap
ed by a comparison of ancient and modern ob proximation very near to the truth. “ II a été
servations, and found to amount nearly to 50" bien scrvi par son genie,” says the eloquent and
annually, so as to complete an entire revolution judicious historian of astronomy; “ l’inspira
of the heavens in 25,920 years. Nothing seem tion de cette faculté divine lui a fait appercevoir
ed more difficult to explain than this phenome des determinations qui n’étoient pas encore
non, and no idea of assigning a physical or me accessibles; soit qu'il eiit des preuves qu’il a
chanical. cause for it had yet occurred, I believe, supprimées, soit qu’il e01 dam l’esprit une sorte
to the boldest and most theoretical astronomer. d’estz'me, une espece do balance pour apprécier cer
The honour of assigning the true cause was re taines t'érilés, enpesant les vérités prochaines, ct
served for the most cautious of philosophers. jugeant les wws par les autres.”"
He was directed to this bya certain analogy ob It was reserved for a more advanced condi
served between the precession of the equinoxes tion of the new analysis to give to the solution
and the retrogradation of the moon’s nodes, a of this problem all the accuracy of which it is
phenomenon to which his calculus had been susceptible. It is a part, and a distinguishing
already successfully applied. The spheroidal part, of the glory of this system, that it was sus
shell or ring of matter which surrounds the ceptible of more perfection than it received from
earth, as we have just seen, in the direction of the hands of the author ; and that the century
the equator, being one half above the plane of and a half which has nearly elapsed since the
the ecliptic and the other half below, is subject first discovery of it has been continually adding
ed to the action of the solar force, the tendency to its perfection. This character belongs to a
of which is to make this ring turn on the line of system which has truth and nature for its basis,
its intersection with the ecliptic, so as ultinmte and had not been exhibited in any of the phy
ly to coincide with the plane of that circle. sical theories that had yet appeared in the world.

' Princip. lib. iii. prop. 20.

' BAILLY, Iliuoirc dc rAJITOIIUMiC .llodcrnc, tome II. livre xii. sect- 28.
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 563

The doctrines of Plato and Aristotle were place in the hemisphere where the moon is, and
never more perfect than when they came from in the opposite hemisphere where the moon is
the hands of their respective authors ; and a le not, nearly at the same time. This seems, at
gion of commentators, with all their efl'orts, did first sight, very unlike an effect of the moon’s
nothing but run round perpetually in the same attraction; for, though the water in the hemi
circle. Even Descartes, though he had recourse sphere where the moon is, and which therefore
to physical principles, and tried to fix his sys is nearest the moon, may be drawn up toward
tem on a firmer basis than the mere abstractions that body, the same ought not to happen in the
of the mind, left behind him a work which not opposite hemisphere, where the earth’s surface
only could not be improved, but was such, that is most distant from the moon. - But if the ac
every addition attempted to be made destroyed tion of the moon disturb the equilibrium of the
the equilibrium of the mass, and pulled away ocean, just as the action of one planet disturbs
the part to which it was intended that it should the motion of a satellite moving round another,
be attached. The philosophy of Newton has it is exactly what might be expected. It had
proved susceptible of continual improvement; been shown that the moon, in conjunction with
its theories have explained facts quite unknown the sun, has her gravitation to the earth dimi
to the author of it; and the exertions of La nished, and when in opposition to the sun has it
grange and Laplace, at the distance of a hun diminished very nearly by the same quantity.
dred years, have perfected a work which it was The reason is, that at the conjunction, or the new
not for any of the human race to begin and to moon, the moon is drawn to the sun more than
1
complete. the earth is; and that, at the opposition, or full
Newton next turned his attention to the phe moon, the earth is drawn toward the sun more
nomena of the Tides, the dependence of which than the moon nearly by the same quantity: the
on the moon, and in part also on the sun, was relative motion of the two bodies is therefore
sufficiently obvious even from common observa afiected the same way in both cases, and the
tion. That the moon is the prime ruler of the gravity of the moon to the earth, or her ten—
tide, is evident from the fact, that the high dency to descend toward it, is in both cases less
water, at any given place, occurs always nearly ened.
at the moment when the moon is on the same It i plain that the action of the moon on the
meridian, and that the retardation of the tide waters of the ocean must be regulated by the
from day to day is the same with the retarda same principle. In the hemisphere where the
tion of the moon in her diurnal revolution. That moon is, the water is more drawn toward the
the sun is also concerned in the production of moon than the mass of the earth is, and its gra
the tides is evident from this, that the highest vity being lessened, the columns toward the
tides happen when the sun, the moon, and the middle of the hemisphere lengthen, in conse
earth are all three in the same straight line; quence of the pressure of the columns which are
and that the lowest, or neap tides, happen when at a distance from the middle point, of which
the lines drawn from the sun and moon to the the weight is less diminished, and toward the
earth make right angles with one another. The horizon must even be increased. In the oppo
eye of Newton, accustomed to generalize and to site hemisphere, again, the mass of the earth is
penetrate beyond the surface of things, saw that more drawn to the moon than the waters of that
the waters of the sea revolving with the earth hemisphere, and their relative tendencies are
are nearly in the condition of a satellite revolv changed in the same direction, and nearly by the
ing about its primary, and are liable to the same quantity. If the action of the moon on
same kind of disturbance from the attraction of all the parts of the earth, both sea and land,
athird body. The fact in the history of the were the same, no tide whatever would be pro
tides which seems most difiicult to be explained, duced.
received, on this supposition, a very easy solu Thus, the same analysis of the force of gravi
tion. It is known that high-water always takes ty which explained the inequalities of the moon,
564 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

were shown by Newton to eXplain those ine force tending to raise the level of the high
qualities in the elevation of the waters of the above that of the low water is three times the
ocean to which we give the name of tides. On preceding, or about the Univ,“ of gravity.
the principle also explained in this analysis Small as this force is, when it is applied to
it is that the attraction of the sun and moon every particle of the ocean, it is capable of pro
conspire to elevate the waters of the ocean, whe ducing a sensible eli'ect. The manner in which
ther these luminaries be in opposition or con Newton estimates this effect can only be con
junction. In both cases the solar and lunar tides sidered as afl'ording an approximation to the
are added together, and the tide actually observ truth. In treating of the figure of the earth,
ed is their sum. At the quadratures, or the first he had shown that the centrifugal force, amount
and third quarters, these two sides are opposed ing to 1,1,, of gravity, was able to raise the
to one another, the high water of the lunar tide level of the ocean more than seventeen miles,
coinciding with the low water of the solar, and or, more exactly, 85,472 French feet. Hence,
conversely, so that the tide actually observed is making the effect proportional to the forces, the
the difi'erence of the two. elevation of the waters produced by the solar
The other phenomena of the tides _were ex force will come out 1'92 foot.
plained in a manner no less satisfactory; and it But, from the comparison of the neap and
only remained to inquire, whether the quantity spring tides, that is, of the difference and the
of the solar and lunar forces were adequate to sum of the lunar and solar forces, it appears
the effect thus ascribed to them. The lunar that the force of the moon is to that of the sun
force there were yet no data for measuring; but as 4'48 to 1. As the solar force raises the tide
a measure of the solar force, as it acts on the 1'92 foot, the lunar will raise it 8'68 feet; so
moon, had been obtained, and it had been shown that the two together will produce a tide of 10}
that in its mean quantity it amounted to I!" of French feet,1 which agrees not ill with what is
the force which retains the moon in her orbit. observed in the open sea, at a distance from
This last is “‘61, of the force of gravity at the land. >
earth’s surface; and, therefore, the force with The calculus of Newton stopped not here.
which the sun disturbs the moon’s motion is From the force that the moon exerts on the
1%,, x “In of gravity at the earth’s surface. waters of the ocean, he found the quantity of
This is the solar disturbing force on the moon matter in the moon to that in the earth as l to
when distant sixty semidiameters from the 39'78, or, in round numbers, as l to 40. He
earth’s centre; but on a body only one semidia also found the density of the moon to the den
meter distant from that centre, that is, on the sity of the earth as 11 to 9.
water of the ocean, the disturbing force would Subsequent investigations, as we shall have
be sixty times less, and thus is found to be no occasion to remark, have shown that much was
more than "H'WM of gravity at the earth’s yet wanting to a complete theory of the tides;
surface. and that even after Maclaurin, Bernoulli, and
Now, this being the mean force of the sun, Euler“ had added their efi‘orts to those of New-
is that by which he acts on the waters, 90 de ton, there remained enough to give full employ
grees distant from the point to which he is ver ment to the calculus of Laplace. As an ori-.
tical, where it is added to the force of gravity, ginal deduction, and as a first approximation,
and tends to increase the Weight and lower the that of which I have now given an account
level of the waters.' At the point where the will be for ever memorable.
sun is vertical, the force to raise the water is The motion of Comets yet remained to be
about double of this ; and, therefore, the whole discussed. They had only lately been acknow

‘ NEWTON! Princip. lib. iii. rop. 36, 37.

= See the solutions of these ree mathematicians in the Commentary ofLe Seat and Jacquier on the third book of the
Principia.
 .‘El’. DISSERTATION THIRD. 565.
ledged to belong to'the heavens,“ and to be and therefore the proofs that they afforded went
placed beyond the region of' the earth’s atmo to show, that the action of' gravity was confined
sphere; but with regard to their motion, astro to no particular region of the heavens. :6
nomers were not agreed. Kepler believed them Thus far Newtonproceeded in ascertaining
to move in straight lines; Cassini thought they the existence, and in tracing the effects, of the
moved in the planes of great circles, but with principle of' gravitation, and had done so with a
little curvature. Hevelius had come much success of which there had been no instance in
nearer the truth: he had shown the curvature the history of human knowledge. At the same
of their paths to be different in different parts, time that it was the most successful, it was the
and to be greatest when they were nearest most difficult research that had yet been under
the sun; and a parabola having its vertex in taken. The reasonings upward from the facts
that point seemed to him to be the line in to the general principle, and again down from'
which the comet moved. Newton, convinced that principle to its effects, both required the
of the universality of the principle of gra application of' a mathematical analysis which
vitation, had no doubt that the orbit of the was but newly invented; and Newton had not
comet must be a conic section, having the sun only the difficulties of the investigation to en
in one of its foci, and might either be an ellipse, counter, but the instrument to invent, without
a parabola, or even an hyperbole, according to which the investigation could not have been
the relation between the force of projection and conducted. Every one who consider all this
the force tending to the centre. As the eccen will readily join in the sentiment with which
tricity of the orbit on every supposition must be Bailly closes a eulogy as just as it is eloquent .'
great, the portion of it that fell within our view “ Si, comme Platon l’apensé, il existoit dansla na
could not difi'er much from a parabola; a cir ture une éckelle d’e‘tres et dc substances intelligentes
cumstance which rendered the calculation of the jusqu’d l’Etre Supréme, l’espece kumaine, dé
comet's place, when the position of' the orbit fendant ses droits, auroit une jbule de grands
was once ascertained, more easy than in the case hommes d présenter ; mais Newton, suivi de ses
of the planets. Thus far theory proceeded; and vérités pares, numtreroit le plus haul dcyré de
observation must then determine with what de force de l’esprit kumain, et sufiroit seul pour lui
gree of accuracy this theory represented the assigner sa vraie place.”1
phenomena. From three observations of the Though .the creative power of genius was newer
comet the position of' the orbit could be deter more clearly evinced than in the discoveries of'
mined, though the geometric problem was one this great philosopher, yet the influence of cir-_
of great difficulty. Newton gave a solution of cumstances, always extensive and irresistible in
it; and it was by this that his theory was to be human affairs, can readily be traced. The con
brought to the test of' experiment. If' the orbit dition of' knowledge at the time when Newton
thus determined was not the true one, the places appeared was favourable to great exertions; it
of the comet calculated on the supposition that was a moment when things might be said to be
it was, and that it described equal areas in equal prepared for a revolution in the mathematical
times about the sun, could not agree with the and physical sciences. The genius of' Copernicus
places actually observed. Newton showed, by had unfolded the true system of the World; and
the example of the remarkable comet then vi? Galileo had shown its excellence, and established
sible, (1680) that this agreement was as great it by arguments, the force of' which were gene
as could reasonably be expected; thus adding rally acknowledged. Kepler had done still more,
another proof to the number of' those already having, by an admirable effort of generalization,
brought to support the principle of' universal reduced the facts concerning the planetary mo~
gravitation. The comets descend into our sys tions to three general laWs. Cassini’s observa
tem from all different quarters in the heavens, tions had also extended the third of' these laws

' Ililtoirc d: l'Aunmomle Madame, tome II. livre xii. sect. 49.
566 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to the satellites of Jupiter, showing that the grandeur of the system they unfolded, and the
squares of their periodic times were as the cubes demonstrative evidence by which that system
of their distances from the centre of the body was supported, one could hardly doubt that, to
round which they revolved. The imaginary ap be received, it required only to be made known,
paratus of cycles and epicyclcs,—the immobility and that the establishment .of the Newtonian
of the earth,—the supposed essential distinction philosophy all over Europe would very quickly
between celestial and terrestrial substances, have followed the publication of it. In drawing
those insuperable obstacles to real knowledge, this conclusion, however, we should make much
which the prejudice of the ancients had establish too small an allowance for the influence of re
ed as physical truths, were entirely removed; ceived opinion, and the resistance that mere ha
and Bacon had taught the true laws of philoso bit is able, for a time, to oppose to the strongest
phiziug, and pointed out the genuine method of evidence. The Cartesian system of vortices had
extracting knowledge from experiment and ob many followers in all the countries of Europe,
servation. The leading principles of mechanics and particularly in France. In the universities
were established; and it was no unimportant of England, though the Aristotelian Physics had
circumstance, that the Vortices of Descartes had made an obstinate resistance, they had been sup
exhausted one of the sources of error, most se planted by the Cartesian, which became firmly
ducing on account of it simplicity. established about the time when their founda
All this had been done when the genius of tion began to be sapped by the general progress
Newton arose upon the earth. Never till now of science, and particularly by the discoveries
had there been set before any of the human race of Newton. For more than thirty years after
so brilliant a career to run, or so noble a prize the publication of these discoveries, the system
to be obtained. In the progress of knowledge, of vortices kept its ground; and a translation
a moment had arrived more favourable to the de from the French into Latin of the Physics of
velopment of talent than any other, either later Rohuult, a work entirely Cartesian, continued
or earlier, and in which it might produce the at Cambridge to be the text for philosophical in
greatest possible effect. But, let it not be sup struction. About the year 1718, a new and
posed, while I thus admit the influence of ex more elegant translation of the same book was
ternal circumstances on the exertions of intellec published by Dr Samuel Clarke, with the addi
tual power, that I am lessening the merit of this tion of notes, in which that profound and inge
last, or taking any thing from the admiration nious writer explained the views of Newton on
that is due to it. I am, in truth, only distin the principal objects of discussion; so that the
guishing between what it is possible and what notes contained virtually a refutation of the text:
it is impossible for the human mind to effect. they did so, however, only virtually, all appear
.With all the aid that circumstances could give, ance of argument and controversy being care
it required the highest degree of intellectual fully avoided. Whether this escaped the notice
power to accomplish what Newton performed. of the learned Doctors or not, is uncertain; but
We have here a memorable, perhaps a singu the new translation, from its better Latinity,
lar instance, of the highest degree of intellec and the name of the editor, was readily admit
tual power, united to the most favourable con ted to all the academical honours which the old
dition of things for its exertion. Though New one had enjoyed. Thus, the stratagem of Dr
ton’s situation was more favourable than that Clarke completely succeeded; the tutor might
of the men of science who had gone before prelect from the text, but the pupil would some
him, it was not more so than that of those men times look into the notes; and error is never so
who pursued the same objects at the same time sure of being exposed as when the truth is placed
with himself, placed in a situation equally fa close to it, side by side, without any thing to
Vourable. alarm prejudice, or awaken from its lethargy
When one considers the splendour of New the dread of innovation. Thus, therefore, the
ton’s discoveries, the beauty, the simplicity, and Newtonian philosophy first entered the Univer
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 567
sity of Cambridge under the protection of the surdity. These were considerable advances, but
Cartesian.‘ they were made slowly; and it was true, as Vol
If such were the obstacles to its progress that taire afterwards remarked, that though the au
the new philosophy experienced in a country thor of the Princz'pia survived the publication
that was proud of having given birth to its of that great work nearly forty years, he had
author, we must expect it to advance very slow not, at the time of his death, twenty followers
ly indeed among foreign nations. In France, out of England.
we find the first astronomers and mathemati We should do wrong, however, to attribute
cians, such men as Cassini and Maraldi, quite un this slow conversion of the philosophic world
acquainted with it, and employed in calculating entirely to prejudice, inertness, or apathy. The
the paths of the comets they were observing, on evidence of the Newtonian philosophy was of a.
hypotheses the most unfounded and imaginary; nature to require time in order to make an im
long after Halley, following the principles of pression. It implied an application of mathe
Newton, had computed tables from which the matical reasoning which was often diflicult: the
motions of all the comets that ever had appear doctrine of prime and ultimate ratios was new
ed, or ever could appear, might be easily deduc to most readers, and could be familiar only to
ed. Fontenclle, with great talents and enlarged those who had studied the infinitesimal analysis.
views, and, as one may say, oflicially informed The principle of gravitation itself was con
of the progress of science all over Europe, con sidered as difficult to be admitted. When pre
tinued a Cartesian to the end of his days. sented indeed as a mere fact, like the weight of
Mail-an in his youth was a zealous defender of bodies at the earth’s surface, or their tendency
the vortices, though he became afterwards one to fall to the ground, it was free from objection;
of the most strenuous supporters of the doctrine and it was in this light only that Newton wish
of gravitation. edit to be considered.' But though this appears
A Memoir of the Chevalier Louville, among to be the sound and philosophical view of the
those of the Academy of Sciences for 1720, is subject, there has always appeared a strong de
the first in that collection, and, I believe, the sire in those who speculated concerning gravita
first published in France, where the elliptic mo tion to go farther, and to inquire into the cause
tion of the planets is supposed to be produced by of what, as a mere fact, they were sufiiciently
the combination of two forces, one projectile and disposed to admit. If you said that you had no
the other centripetal. Maupcrtuis soon after explanation to give, and were only desirous of
went much farther: in his elegant and philoso having the fact admitted, they alleged that
phic treatise, Figure des Astres, published about this was an unsatisfactory proceeding,—that it
1730, he not only admitted the existence of at was admitting the doctrine of occult causes,—that
traction as a fact, but even defended it, when it amounted to the assertion, that bodies acted
considered as an universal property of body, in places where they were not,—a proposition
against the reproach of being a. metaphysical ab that, metaphysically considered, was undoubted

' The Universities of St Andrews and Edinburgh were, I believe, the first in Britain where the Newtonianrphilosophy
was made the subject of the academical prelections. For this distinction they
. are indebted
. . to James and Devi Gwgm'y,
the first in some respects the rival, but both the friends of Newton. \Vhiston bewails In the anguish of his heart the dif
ference in this t between those universities and his own. David Gregory taught in Edinbur h for several years
prior to 1690, when he removed to Oxford; and \Vhiston says, “ He had already caused several of ti?» scholars to keep
acts, as we call them, upon several branches of the Newtonian philosophy, while we at Cambridge (poor wretches) were ig
nominiously studying the fictitious hypotheses of the Cartesian." (Wms'ros's Memoir: of hi; Oren up.) I do not, how.
ever, mean to say, that from this date the Cartesian philosophy was expelled from those universities. The Phys-in ofRo
hault were still in use as a text, at least occasionally, to a much later period than this; and a great deal, no doubt, depend
ed on the character of the individual professors. Keill introduced the Newtonian philoso by in his lectures at Oxford in
1691; but the instructions of the tutors, which constitute the real and efficient system 0 the university, were not cast in
that mould till lon afterwards. The publication of S‘Gravesande's Element: proves that the Newtonian philosophy was
taught in the Dutc universities before the date of 1720.
’ “ Vocem attractioni: llit‘ gmrraliter umrpn pro corpm-um tonafu quommquc arccrimdi ad inviccm; :tvc conalm irfrflal ab adieu:
torporum, vs! I: mutuo pcfrntium, relper qn'ritm eminm u: invicem agitantium ; live is ab actions a-Mrrir, ant atril, mediiur cujulcunque,
nu corpori-i .rcu incorpord, oriatur, corpora innarantia in :c invicem urrungue imprllmlir." (Principia Math. lib. i. schol. sd finern
prop. 69.
 1“ ~o

568 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ly absurd. 'The desire to explain gravitation is but which certainly‘did not lead to any thing
indeed so natural, that 'Newton himself felt its more satisfactory. That philosopher himself
force, and has thrown out, at the end of his had always expressed his decided opinion that
Optics, some curious conjectures concerning this gravity could not be considered as a property
general affection of body, and the nature of that of matter;' but Mr Cotes, in the preface to
elastic ether to which he thought that it was the second edition of the Principia, maintains
perhaps to be ascribed. “ Is not this medium that gravity is a property which we have the
'(the ether) much rarer 'within the dense bodies same right to ascribe to matter, that we have to
of the sun, stars, and planets, than in the empty ascribe to it extension, impenetrability, or any
celestial spaces between them? And, in passing other property. This is said to have been in
from them to great distances, does it not grow serted without the knowledge of Newton,—a
'denser and denser perpetually, and thereby cause freedom which it is difficult to conceive that any
the gravity of those great bodies to one another, man could use with the author of the Principia.
every body endeavouring to go from the denser However that be, it is certain that these difli
parts of the medium to the rarer ?”1 culties have been always felt, and had their
‘ Notwithstanding the highest respect for the share in retarding the progress of the philosophy
author of these conjectures, I cannot find any to which they seemed to be inseparably attached.
thing like a satisfactory explanation of gravity There were other arguments of a less abstruse
in the existence of this elastic ether. It is very nature, and more immediately connected with
'true that an elastic fluid, of which the-density experiment, which, for a time, resisted the pro
followed the inverse ratio of the distance from a gress of the Newtonian philosophy, though they
given point, would urge the bodies immersed in contributed, in the end, very materially to its
it, and impervious to it, toward that point with advancement. “Nothing, indeed, is so hostile to
forces inversely as the squares of the distances the interests of truth, as facts inaccurately ob—
from it; but what could maintain an elastic served; of which we have a remarkable example
fluid in this condition, or with its density vary in the measurement of an arch of the meridian
ing according to this law, is a thing as inexpli across France, from Amiens to Perpignan,
cable as the gravity which it was meant to ex though so large as to comprehend about seven
plain. The nature of an elastic fluid must be, degrees, and though executed by Cassini, one of
in the absence of all inequality of pressure, to the first astronomers in Europe. According to
become everywhere of the same density. If the that measurement, the degrees seemed. to dimi
causes that produce so marked and so general a nish on going from south to north, each being
deviation from this rule be not assigned, we can less by about an 800th part than that which im
only be said to have substituted one dimculty for mediately preceded it toward the south. From
another. ' ' ' this result, which is entirely erroneous, the con
A different view of the matter was taken by clusion first deduced was correct, the errOr in
some of the disciples and friends of Newton, the reasoning, by a very singular coincidence,

‘ .Optics, query 2], at the end of the third boolc.

' The passages-quoted sufficiently prove that Newton did not consider gravit as a property inherent in matter. The
followinglpassage in one of his letters to Dr Bentley is still more explicit: “ t is inconceivable that inanimate brute
matter s ould, without the mediation of something else, which is not material, operate upon and affect other matter with
out mutual contact; as it must do, if vitation, m the sense of Epicurus, be essential and inherent in it...That gravity
_should be innate, inherent, and essential to matter, so that one body may act u on another at a distanCe through a vacuum,
without the mediation of any thing else, by and through which their action an force may be conveyed from one to another,
is tome so eat an absurdity, that I believe no man who has in philosophical matters .a competent faculty of thinking
can ever fal into it.” (N nw'rom Opera, tom. IV. p. 438. Horsley's edit.) On this passage I cannot help remarking, that it
is not quite clear in what manner the interposition of a material substance can convey the action of distant bodies to one
another. In the chse of percussion or pressure, this is indeed very intelligible, but it is by no means so in the case of at
traction. Iftwo articles of matter, at opposite extremities of the diameter of the earth, attract one another, this effect is
just as little late igible, and the mods: agmdi is just a! mysterious, on the supposition that the whole globe of the earth is
Interposed, as on, that of nothing whatever being interposed, or of a complete vacuum existing between them. It is not
enough that each particle attracts that in contact with it ; it must attract the particles that are distant, and the interven
tion of particles betiveen them does not render this at all more intelligible. '
 DISSERTATION THIRD. 569
having corrected the error in the data from ly acknowledged, the errors in his first mea
which it was deduced. Fontenelle argued that, surement; and thus the objections which had
as the degrees diminished in length on going arisen in thi quarter against the theory of gra
toward the poles, the meridian must be less thanvity became irresistible arguments in its favour.
the circumference of the equator, and the earth This subject will occupy much of our attention
of course swelled out in the plane of that circle,
in the history of the second period, till which
agreeably to the facts that had been observed the establishment of the Newtonian philosophy
concerning the retardation of the pendulum on the Continent cannot be said to have been
when carried to the south. This, however, accomplished.
was the direct contrary of the conclusion which In addition to these discoveries in physical
ought to have been drawn, as was soon per astronomy, this period affords several on the
ceived by Cassini and by 'Fontenelle himself. descriptive parts of the science, of which, how
The degrees growing less as they approached ever, I can only mention one, as far too impor
the pole, was an indication of the curvature tant to be passed over in the most general out
growing greater, or of the longer axis of the line. It regards the apparent motion in the
meridian being the line that passed through the fixed stars, known by the name of the Aberra
poles, and that coincided with the axis of the tion, and is the discovery of Dr Bradley, one of
earth. The figure of the earth must, therefore, the most distinguished astronomers of whom
be that of an oblong spheroid, or one formed by England has to boast. Bradley and his friend
the revolution of an ellipsis about its longer Molyneux, in the end of the year l'l'25,‘I were
axis. This conclusion seemed to be strengthened occupied in searching for the parallax of the
by the prolongation of the meridian from Amiens fixed stars by means of a zenith sector, con
northward to Dunkirk in 1713, as the same di structed by Graham, the most skilful instru
minution was observed; the medium length of ment maker of that period. The sector was
the degree between Paris and Dunkirk being erected at Kew; it was of great radius, and
56970 toises, no less than 187 less than the mean furnished with a telescope twenty-four feet in
of the degrees toward the south.1 All this length, with which they proposed to observe
seemed quite inconsistent with the observations the transits of stars near the zenith, according
on the pendulum, as well as with the conclusions to a method that was first suggested by Hooke,
which Newton had deduced from the theory of and pursued by him so far as to induce him to
gravity. The Academy of Sciences was thus think that he had actually discovered the paral
greatly perplexed, and uncertain to what side lax of 7 Draconis, the bright star in the head of
to incline. In these circumstances, J. Cassini, the dragon, on which he made his observations.
whose errors were the cause of all the (lifiiculty, They began their observations of the transits of
had the merit of suggesting the only means by the same star on the 8d of December, when the
which the question concerning the figure of the distance from the zenith at which it passed was
earth was likely to receive a satisfactory solu carefully marked. By the observations of the
tion.—thc measurement of two degrees, the one subsequent days the star seemed to be moving
under the equator, and the other as near to the to the south; and about the beginning of March
pole as the nature of the thing would admit. in the following year, it had got 20" to the
~But it was not till considerably beyond the south, and was then nearly stationary. In the
limits of the period of which I am now treat beginning of June it had come back to the same
ing, that these measures were executed, and situation where it was first observed, and from
that the increase of the degrees toward the thence it continued its motion northward till
poles, or the oblateness of the earth’s figure, September, when it was about 20" north of the
was completely ascertained. Cassini, on resum point where it was first seen, its whole change
ing his own operations, discovered, and candid of declination having amounted to 40”.

I Me’moira dc I‘Acadimie de: Sciencu, 1118, p. 246. ' Phil. Tram. vol. XXXV. p. 697.
0188- "1- PART II. 4c
570 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

This motion occasioned a good deal of sur the vane takes exactly the direction of the wind;
prise to the two observers, as it lay the contrary when the ship is under weigh, it places itself in
way to what it would have done if it had pro the diagonal of a parallelogram, of which one
ceeded from the parallax of the star. The re side represents the velocity of the ship, and the
petition of the observations, however, confirmed other the velocity of the wind. If, instead of
their accuracy; and they were afterwards pur the vane, we conceive a hollow tube, movable
sued by Dr Bradley, with another sector con in the same manner, the case will become more
structed also by Graham, of a less radius, but exactly parallel to that of the telescope. The
still of one sufliciently great to measure a star’s tube will take such a position that the wind
zenith distance to half a second. It embraced a may blow through it without striking against the
larger arch, and admitted of the observations sides, and its axis will then be the diagonal of
being extended to stars that passed at a more the parallelogram just referred to.
considerable distance from 'the zenith. The telescope, therefore, through which a star
Even with this addition the observations did is viewed, and by the axis of which its position
not put Bradley in possession of the complete star is determined, must make an angle with the
fact, as they only gave the motion of each star straight line drawn to the star, except when the
in declination, without giving information about earth moves directly upon the" star, or directly
what change might be produced in its right as from it. Hence it follows, that if the star be
cension. in the pole of the ecliptic, the telescope must be
Had the whole fact, that is, the motion in pointed forward, in the direction of the earth’s
right ascension as well as in declination, been motion, always by the same angle; so that the
given from observation, it could not have been star would be seen out of its true place by that
long before the cause was discovered. With angle, and would appear to describe a circle
such information, however, as Dr Bradley had, round the pole of the ecliptic, the radius of
that discovery is certainly to be regarded as a which subtended, at the earth, an angle, of
great effort of sagacity. He has not told us the which the sine is to unity as the velocity of the
steps by which he was led to it; only we see earth to the velocity of light. If the star be
that, by the method of exclusion, he had been anywhere between the plane of the ecliptic and
careful to narrow the field of hypothesis, and the pole, its apparent path will be an ellipse,
had assured himself that the phenomenon was the longer axis of which is the same with the
not produced by any nutation of the earth’s diameter of the former circle, and the shorter
axis,——by any change in the direction of the equal to the same quantity, multiplied by the
plumb-line, or by refraction of any'kind. All sine of the star’s latitude. If the star be in
these causes being rejected, it occurred to him the plane of the ecliptic, this shorter axis
that the appearances might arise from the pro vanishes, and the apparent path of the star
gressive motion of light combined with the m0 is a straight line, equal to the axis just men
tionof the earth in its orbit. He reasoned some tioned. -
what in this manner. If the earth were at rest, Bradley saw that Roemer’s observation con
it is plain that a telescope, to admit a ray of cerning the time that light takes to go from the
light coming from a star to pass along its axis, sun to the earth gave a ready expression for the
must be directed to. the star itself. But, if the velocity of light compared with that of the
“earth, and'of course the telescope, be in motion, earth, The proportion, however, which he as
it must be inclined forward, so as to be in the sumed as best suited to his observations was
diagonal of a‘ parallelogram, the sides‘of which somewhat difl'erent; it was that of 10813 to l,
:represent the motion of the earth and the mo which made the radius of the circle of aberra
tion of light“; or in the direction of those mo tion 20", and the transverse axis of the ellipse
tions, and in the ratio of their velocities..It is in every case, or the whole change of position,
'with the telescope just as with the vane at the 40”. It was the shorter axis which Bradley
mast-head of a ship: when the ship is at anchor, had actually observed in the case of 7 Drawnis,
 DISSERTATION THIRD.
that star being very near the solstitial colure,
so that its changes of declination and of latitude
are almost the same. In order to show the
truth of his theory, be computed the aberration
of different stars, and, on comparing the res'ults
with his observations, the coincidence appeared
almost perfect, so that no doubt remained con
cerning the truth of the principle on which he
had founded his calculations. He did not ex
plain the rules themselves: Clairaut published
the first investigation of these in the Memoirs
qf the Academy of Sciences for 1737. Simpson
also gave a demonstration of them in his Essays,
published in 174-0.
It has been remarked, that the velocity of
light, as assumed by Bradley, did not exactly
agree with that which Roemer had assigned;
supposing the total amount of the aberration
40%", it gave the time that light takes to come
57!
from the sun to the earth 8’ 18" ; but it is pro
per to add, that since the time of this astrono
mer, the velocity of light deduced from the
eclipses of Jupiter’s satellites has been found
exactly the same.
It is remarkable that the phenomenon thus
discovered by Bradley and Molyneux, when in
search of the parallax of the fixed stars, isJin
reality as convincing a proof of the earth’s mo
tion in its orbit as the discovery of that paral
lax would have been. _ It seems, indeed, as sa
tisfactory as any evidence that can be desired.
One only regrets, in reflecting on this discovery,
that the phenomenon of the aberration was not
foreseen, and that, after being predicted from
theory, it had been ascertained from observa
tion. As the matter stands, however, the dis
covery both of the fact and the theory is highly
creditable to its author.

IN the imperfect outline which I have now have already spoken; as a metaphysician, his
sketched of one of the most interesting periods acuteness and depth are universally admitted:
in the history of human knowledge, much has but metaphysics is a science in which there are
been omitted, and many great characters passed few discoveries to be made; and the man who
over, lost, as it were, in the splendour of the searches in it for novelty, is more likely to find
two great luminaries which marked this epocha. what is imaginary than what is real. The no
Newton and Leibnitz are so distinguished from tion of the Monads, those unextended units, or
the rest even of the scientific world, that we can simple essences, of which, according to this phi
only compare them with one another, though, losopher, all things corporeal and spiritual, ma
in fact, no two intellectual characters, who both terial or intellectual, are formed, will be readily
reached the highest degree of excellence, were allowed to have more in it of novelty than truth.
ever more dissimilar. The prceestablished harmony between the body
For the variety of his genius, and the extent and the mind, by which two substances inca
of his research, Leibnitz is perhaps altogether pable of acting on one another are so nicely ad
unrivalled. A lawyer, an historian, an antiquary, justed from the beginning, that their movements
a poet, and a philologisty—a mathematician, a for ever correspond, is a system of which no ar
metaphysician, a theologian, and, I will add, a gument can do more than prove the possibility.
geologer, he has in all these characters produced And, amid all the talent and acuteness with
works of great merit, and in some of them of which these doctrines are supported, it seems to
the highest excellence. It is rare that original argue some unsounduess of understanding, to have
genius has so little of a peculiar direction, or is thought that they could ever find a place among
disposed to scatter its efforts over so wide a field. the established principles of human knowledge.
Though aman of great inventive powers, he oc Newton did not aim at so wide a range. For
cupied much of his time in works of mere labour tunately for himself and for the world, hisge
and erudition, where there was nothing to in nilis was more determined to a particular point,
vent, and not much of importance to discover. and its efforts were more concentrated. Their
Of his inventive powers as a mathematician we direction was to the accurate sciences, and they
572 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

seen proved equally inventive in the pure and respect to the Supreme Being, usually termi
in the mixed mathematics. Newton knew how nates in the most unwarrantahle presumption.
to transfer the truths of abstract science to the His reasonings from first causes are always in
study of things actually existing, and, by return genious; but nothing can prevent the substitu
ing in the opposite direction, to enrich the for tion of such causes for those that are physical
mer by ideas derived from the latter. In expe and eflicient, from being one of the worst and
rimental and inductive investigation he was as most fatal errors in philosophy.
great as in the pure mathematics, and his disco As an interpreter of nature, therefore, Leibnitz
veries as distinguished in the one as in the other. stands in no comparison with Newton. His
In this double claim to renown, Newton stands general views in physics Were vague and unsatis
yet unrivalled; and though, in the pure mathe factory; he had no great value for inductive
matics, equals may perhaps be found, no one, I reasoning; it was not the way of arriving at
believe, will come forward as his rival both in truth which he was accustomed to take; and
that science and in the philosophy of nature. hence, to the greatest physical discovery of that
His caution in adopting general principles, his age, and that which was established by the most
dislike to what time vague or obscure, his re ample induction, the existence of gravity as a
jection of all theories from which precise conclu fact in which all bodies agree, he was always
sions cannot be deduced, and his readiness to incredulous, because no proof of it, a priori,
relinquish those that depart in any degree from could be given.
the truth, are, throughout, the characters of his As towho benefited human knowledge the
philosophy, and distinguish it very essentially most, no question, therefore, can arise; and if
from the philosophy of Leibnitz. The characters genius is to be weighed in this balance, it is
now enumerated are most of them negative; but evident which scale must preponderate. Except
without the principles on which they are founded, in the pure mathematics, Leibnitz, with all his
invention can hardly be kept in the right coursa talents, made no material or permanent addition
The German philosopher was not furnished with to the sciences. Newton, to equal inventions in
them in the same degree as the English, and mathematics added the greatest discoveries in the
hence his great talents have run very frequently philosophy of nature; and, in passing through
to waste. his hands, Mechanics, Optics, and Astronomy,
It may be doubted also, whether Leibnitz’s were not merely improved, but renovated. No
great metaphysical acuteness did not sometimes one ever left knowledge in a state so different
mislead him in the study of nature, by inclining from that in which he found it. Men were in
him to those reasoningswhieh proceed, or effect structed not only in new. truths, but in new,
to proceed, continually from the cause to the methods of discovering truth; they were made
effect. The attributes of the Deity were the acquainted with the great principle which con
axioms of his philosophy; and he did not reflect nects together the most distant regions of space,
that this foundation, excellent in itself, lies much as well as the most remote periods of duration ;
too deep for a structure that is to be raised by and which was to lead to future discoveries, far
so feeble an architect as man; or, that an argu beyond what the wisest or most sanguine could
ment, which sets out with the most profound anticipate.

END OF THE THIRD DISSERTATION.

 DISSERTATION FOURTH;
EXHIBITING A GENERAL VIEW

or THE

PROGRESS OF MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

cmm‘u' I I

DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

BY JOHN LESLIE, Esq.

PROFESSOR OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP EDINBURGH ;

-I CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF FRANCE.

L—
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.

. INTRODUCTION.

Tun progress of Mathematical and Physical conspicuous, more diversified, and were spread
Science during the brilliant period which closed over a much wider surface. Observation was di
with Newton and Leibnitz, has been treated with rected with greater skill and attention, and the
fidelity and sustained interest by the hand of a. delicate art of experimenting better understood,
master, whose calm judgment weighed impar and more generally practised. The investiga
tially the different claims of discovery, whose tion of some intricate phenomena called forth
powers of illustration could expand the fine re the resources of a refined calculus; and this new
sults, and whose luminous eloquence was com Geometry, the most powerful instrument ever
mensurate with the dignity of the subject. To wielded by human genius, was then cultivated,
resume the Discourse, and continue it through especially on the Continent of Europe, with en
the course of the eighteenth century, is a task thusiastic ardour and astonishing success.
of increasing difficulty, which would require vi Newton, the glory of our island, had no com
gorous resolution, patient research, and skilful petitor save Leibnitz in mathematical invention;
selection. The materials are ample, indeed, but but his sublime discoveries in the highest walks
they are likewise multifarious, and often lie scat of science—in Optics and Astronomy—gave him
tered among the countless volumes of the Trans a pre-eminence far above the most towering ri
actions of Learned Societies. The picture to vaL Yet such is the slow progress of innova
be delineated is not less imposing, and has far tion, even among the learned, that, for the
greater extent and variety of outline, while it space of nearly half a century, his Theory of
exhibits more elaboration in its details. Light was generally slighted, and the system
Scientific discovery had, during this latter _of Universal Attraction treated as a mere fanci
period, continued to advance with accelerated ful hypothesis. The Principia, which crowned
progression; and the triumphs of penetrating the exertions of the creator of philosophical
ingenuity, if not so transcendent, were equally science, was admired and imperfectly under
576 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

stood by a few of his countrymen, but had to the French, for half a century after the epoch
undergo the ordeal of a rigorous and sometimes of Descartes.
unfriendly examination by foreigners. Averse The immediate successors of Newton were
from the bustle and contention of letters, he still imperfectly prepared to rise to the sublimi
delighted to pursue his profound researches in ty of their great master, or to scan the vast su
perfect seclusion, and had appeared satisfied perstructure which his genius had reared. Yet
with registering the grand series of discoveries was more scientific invention displayed by them
in that concentrated form which best accorded than had appeared at any former period in Eng
with the tone of his mighty intellect. When af land; and nothing but the comparison with
terwards persuaded reluctantly to publish those transcendant powers of intellect could tend to
brief compositions, he could not submit to the depress their just merits. By their zealous ef
drudgery of retracing his steps, or of expanding forts the System of the Universe was consolidat
his demonstrations, and bringing them nearer ed, and its outworks enlarged. Cotes, who was
the reach of his‘contemporaries. Newton was snatched away at an early age, discovered the
nine years in possession of the Method of beautiful theorems of Trinomial Factors, and
Fluxions before Leibnitz struck into a similar multiplied the resources of integration by skil
path; nor did he give it to the world till an ful applications of Logarithms and Circular Arcs.
equal time more had elapsed. The rapid mind Brook Taylor laid the foundation of the Method
of the German philosopher had framed his Cal of Increments or Finite Differences, solved some
culus with less regard to elegance and strict lo of the most intricate problems in Dynamics;
gic, but clothed it in a simpler and more defi and in this arduous department he successfully
nite notation or algorithm, which, from its apt entered the lists with the celebrated Bernoullis.
ness to improvement, has in the sequel confer De Moivre and Stirling particularly distinguish
red a decided superiority. The diversified oc ed themselves, by extending and applying the
cupations of Leibnitz allowed him to work only Doctrine of Series, a most important branch of
at intervals on his great invention ; but he found the Fluxionary Calculus. In the great astro
most able and zealous coadjutors in the two nomical discoveries, England still led the way.
Bernoullis, who laboured in promoting the new Bradley, who has been justly styled the modern
calculus with uncommon ingenuity, indefati~ Hipparchus, combined the habits of accurate
gable activity, and even a contentious emula~ observation with the talent of acute discernment
tion. The Higher Analysis had by such exer and felicitons invention. His analysis of the
tions already accuired greater extension on the Aberration of Light furnished the‘first incon
Continent than the Method of Fluxions at its trovertible proof of our solarSystem ; while his
first publication in'England; and our mathema fine detection of the Nutation of the Earth’s
‘ticians were hence unprepared to follow'many Axis confirmed the Theory of 'Universal At
of the abstruse and abbreviated demonstrations traction. I Simpson, but above all Maclaurin,
inserted in the Principia. The Differential and the elegant expounder of the Princhpia, likewise
Integral Calculus having thus made such rapid materially contributed, by their various mathe
advances abroad, continued for a long time af matical researches, to the advancement of the
terwards to maintain a preporiderating ascend science of Physical Astronomy. Nor was Eng
ancy. The marks of the Fluxionary Method, land less indebted to the ingenuity and exqui
consisting in mere dots, and therefore not sus site skill of her artists, who now constructed in
ceptible of variation or improvement, sensibly struments of a delicacy far surpassing any for
though indirectly checked the tide of invention mer attempts, and during the last century fur
in England; and perhaps the splendour of New nished for the most part the Observatories on
ton’s fame had some influence for a season in the Continent.
overdazzling the lustre of native talent. As a Though France had for a very long time pro
parallel instance, it may be remarked that no duced nothing in science of much originality or
thing pre-eminent in science was produced by importance, the munificence of her government
\
 ,.-_ DISSERTATION FOURTH. 577
continued to encourage philosophical pursuits; inventive powers. The fine genius of Clairaut
and now, by directing the meusuration of the and D’Alembert early soared to the highest dis
Meridian at the most distant points,-within tinction in scientific research. Both these illus
the Artie Circle, and under the Equator,-—it pro trious men showed, from their infancy, the
cured accurate data for determining the true strongest disposition for mathematical studies,
figure of our Planet. It was the more precise which they cultivated with the most ardent and
measure of a degree of latitude ascertained by persevering application, and displayed in their
Picard, that had at last enabled Newton to sub profound investigations all the rich and varied
ject to the test of calculation his grand idea of stores of original invention.
extending the power of gravitation from the Clairaut began his labours with a capital ex
earth’s surface, after the simplest law of de tension of the Theory of Curve Lines. But, in
crease, to the orbit of the moon. But the satis his riper years, he directed the whole force of his
faction was reserved for the successors of our ingenuity and analytical skill to explore the
immortal chief, to see his determination of the depths of Physical Astronomy. He deduced
oblate form of the earth, arising from the mu the figure of the earth strictly from the principle
tual attraction of all its particles, modified by of universal attraction, with the admission only
the influence of centrifugal force, fully confirm of the very simplest conditions. But not con
ed by a close investigation of the results of the tent with mere speculation, he sought the prac
skilful and laborious observations brought home tical solution of that problem, and therefore
by the French astronomers. Nothing, indeed, eagerly joined the Aeademicians who 'Were dis
contributed so much to exalt the character of patched to measure a degree of latitude within
the Newtonian Philosophy on the Continent as the Arctic Circle. After achieving this grand
those scientific expeditions; while the credit of operation, he resumed with vigour the examina
the system of Descartes, which bears no such tion of the Newtonian System, and concentrated
scrutiny, rapidly declined. Mathematicians, in his utmost exertions in resolving the arduous
vited to a rich field of discovery, were eager to problem of the three bodies, or in determining the
examine the Principia through all its details; influence of a planet or the sun to modify the
and the progress which the New Calculus had motion and orbit of another planet or satellite.
made, provided them with instruments for this The Integral Calculus furnishes yet no direct or
dissection. The profound author had left in absolute solution. It became necessary to pro
deed several parts unfinished; of some of the ceed by a train of successive approximations,
more difficult problems he had merely sketched simplifying and condensing the computation by
the solution ;- and he had commonly supplied the the judicious rejection of the small excrescences. 1
defects of his analytical procedure by the exer But the first result was most perplexing, and
cise of wonderful sagacity and penetration. seemed to betray an evident imperfection in the
Maupertuis was the first mathematician of great Law of Gravitation. Not discouraged, how
any note that ventured publicly in France to ever, by this repulse, the persevering analyst
espouse the Newtonian Philosophy. But perhaps pushed his calculations still farther, and collect
no writer contributed more effectually to pro ing the minor terms of the series, at last arrived
mote its diffusion and popular reception than at a conclusion entirely conformable with obser
Voltaire, Whose universal talent ranged through vation, and thus established beyond all dispute
the sphere of human knowledge, and whose easy the harmony of the Theory of Attraction.
and simple style gave transparency to his con But Clairaut did not rest satisfied with specu
ceptions. The French, at length awakened from lative conclusions, however beautiful ; he sought
the Cartesian dreams, and directed into the path to embody his formula: in real numbers; and
of inductive philosophy, again put forth their availing himself of the aid of some expert calcu

‘ The question especial] selected was the annual change of the position of the axis of the moon’s elliptical path about
the earth, occasioned by so attraction.
DISS. IV. 40
578 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

lators, he soon produced a set of Lunar Tables, The last of the three illustrious men who, by
much more accurate than had been yet attained. separate roads, arrived at the same conclusions,
Encouraged by such eminent success, he now and thus concurred in fixing the true system of
directed his inquiries to the more distant objects the world, was Leonard Euler, born near Bale
of our system. The comet, whose return was in Switzerland, and educated under the Here
predicted by the sagacity of Halley, did not ap noullis, but who, patronised by foreign courts,
pear at the time assigned, and astronomers passed a very long and most laborious life at
began to feel uneasy at their disappointment. St Petersburg and Berlin. He was indisputably
From this state of inquietude they were soon the greatest analyst that has ever appeared, dis
relieved by the soaring investigation of Clairaut, playing infinite address, perspicuity, and ele-‘
who found that the disturbing influence of Jupi gance in his mode of investigation, and pursuing
ter and Saturn would retard for several months or transforming the most intricate calculations
the advance of the distant stranger, and com with such astonishing readiness and rapidity, as
puted with surprising nearness, from his imper if they seemed only mere pastimes to recreate
fect data, the time of the comet’s actual appear his invention. But the supremacy of Euler was
ance. But excessive application and the solici confined to his unrivalled skill in applying ana—
tations of society preyed on a languid frame, lysis; be attained little eminence in philosophy
and premature death tore away that brilliant and general science, and showed no relish for
genius in the midst of his career of triumph and the charms of literature. His improvements
applause. . and discoveries, however, during a life of assi
D’Alembert, who rose to still higher celebrity, duous and unremitting labour in every branch
and contributed to distinguish the character of of the Calculus, form a monument of the most
the age in which he lived, closely followed in stupendous magnitude.
this research, though by a different path; en Our island, after the decease of Maclaurin,
countered similar difiiculties, obtained the same produced none to compete with the great ma
partial result, but finally arrived at a like sa thematicians of the Continent, except Thomas
tisfactory conclusion. He carried his acute Simpson, whose native talent had struggled
ness and penetration into all the abstruse de through indigence and a neglected education.
partments of physics, and marked his progress by He solved with commendable neatness and bre
originality of conception. The success of- this vity several of the difficult questions of Physi
most ingenious philosopher would have been cal Astronomy; but he was deficient in taste
more completeyif he had confined his views to and method, and only followed tardily and at a
the pursuits of abstract science. But he wanted distance those masters in science. For a long
that patience to which Newton, with innate mo period afterwards the inventive genius of Eng
desty, ascribed all his advantages. In discussing land appeared to slumber. The learned were
the most arduous questions, D'Alembcrt advau_ content with merely commenting on the Prin
ced generally by new paths, and displayed great cipia, but rarely borrowing a few scattered lights
resources and much versatility of talent. He from abroad. The current of investigation was
would seldom retouch his formulas, or seek to diverted into other channels, or absorbed among
mould' them into simplicity and elegance, and humbler objects. In the meanwhile, a new and
never submitted to the labour of reducing them brilliant science, beyond the dominion of Me.
to actual application. Ambitious to excel in chanical Philosophy, had been gradually forming,
literature as in science, he transferred into his to which our experimenters contributed their
miscellaneous compositions the same strict logic full share. Electricity captivated its numerous
and nice discrimination which guided his analy cultivators by surprising and splendid displays;
tical researches, and likewise contracted a cor~ but though it engaged the imagination, it afford
responding style, remarkable for the qualities of ed little exercise to the judgment, and was not
precision and clearness, but posessing no warmth fitted to call forth the higher mental energies.
or elevation. The application of English talent was now
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 579
mainly directed to the improvement and exten through all their profound researches, to the dis
sion of the mechanical arts, though perhaps few covery of the cyclical and reciprocating motions
nations in Europe have less availed themselves of the heavenly bodies. The various disturbing
of the results of abstract science towards aiding causes incessantly in operation are, after the lapse
and correcting the operations of practice. of certain vast periods, again renewed and repeat
In the career of the sublimer sciences, the ed in the same order of succession, and thus pre
Continent for a long time afterwards maintained serve the fine harmony, and maintain the per
its ascendancy, which was secured by the very manent stability, of the Universal System.
superior skill displayed in managing the integral The British mathematicians had long neglect
calculus, with its improved and refined notation. ed the cultivation of the Higher Analysis, and
But a succession of minor discoveries continued were perhaps the more disposed to overlook its
to expand and consolidate every department of pre-eminent advantages, from observing the
Natural Philosophy. Daniel Bernoulli, the most course of their brethren on the Continent, who,
amiable, if not the most ingenious of that shin on various occasions, after magnificent displays
ing family, embraced with candour the doctrine of the powers of calculation, but either from
of Newton, and likewise evinced, in all his phy their incomplete integrations or the defective
sical researches, a considerable share of the sa statement of the physical principles, arrived
gacity and singular address which so eminently merelyat the same imperfect conclusions that had
distinguished that great master. The attention of been discovered before by much simpler means.
Lambert was diverted to a wide variety of pur Our island has at last resumed its proper sta
suits, and his original and excursive mind shed tion in the loftiest departments of science.
new lights on every subject it explored. He Emancipated from the trammels of a narrow
conjoined analytical skill with the talent of ex notation, the more aspiring votaries pursue with
perimental research. But unfortunately he con ardour the most refined calculus; while they
tented himself in operating with rude instru guide its application and avoid its abuse by the
ments, and commonly trusted to the probabilityof infusion of that spirit of purity and elegance de.
rectifying such imperfect results by the help of rived from the discipline of the ancient geome
combined calculations. If Mayer had not the try. Among the illustrious few whom foreign
same reach and versatility of genius, he pos nations would adopt with distinction, we may
sessed that inciting ardour and unconquerable cite the gifted individual who, rivalling the
perseverance which enabled his discrimination fame of Lagrange and Laplace, has, in his
to erect a durable monument. Adopting the beautiful solution of the problem of the Attrsc~
clear formula: of Euler for the several elements tion of Spheroids, struck out a new and direct
of the moon’s motions, he deduced the indeter path, which completely throws into the shade
minate co-efficients from a strict and most labo their very laborious and perplexed trains of in
rious comparison of Bradley’s observations, and vestigation.
by thus poising and adjusting the numerical
quantities, he framed a body of Lunar Tables, Having traced the great outline, it only re
which has long been regarded as a standard of mains to sketch the plan of this Dissertation. I
excellence. It is thus that England has generally shall arrange Mathematical and Physical Science
supplied the means which rendered the conclu under the two great heads—0f Pure or Specula
sions of the Continental mathematicians really tive Science—41nd that of Applicate or Practical
available. The reflectinginstrument of lladley, Science; each ofthese again to be classed in subor
the achromatic glass of Dolland, and the divid dinate divisions. Pure Mathematical Science
ing machine of Ramsden, have, in succession, includes Geometry, Arithmetic, Algebra, and the
mightily contributed to the progress of practi Higher Calculus. Its applications are very nu
cal astronomy. The numerous observations of merous and diversified; but without pursuing the
Bradley and Maskelyne furnished the correct details, our attention will be mainly directed to
data whichguided Lagrange, Laplace, and Gauss, the progress of general and pervading principles.
580 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Physical Science occupies a confined space till which have aroused the ingenuity and vastly
it receives the accession of Mathematics, with multiplied the productive industry of the eigh
which it becomes always the more blended in teenth century. Applicate Physical Science em
proportion as it improves and expands. Pure braces Dynamics, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics,
Physics at present appears limited to Magnetism Optics, Electricity, Magnetism, the Doctrine of
and Electricity, which have yet drawn scarcely Heat, Meteorology, Geography, and Astronomy. wgsrJ-ra
v_.

any aid from the disquisitions of Geometry. In discussing these important subjects, separately
The infusion of Mathematics into Physics, and or inclusively, incidental lights will be reflected
the application of Physical Science to the Prac on General Mechanics and the Elements of Naval
tical Arts, led to the most wonderful results, Architecture. '

SECTION I.

SPECULATIVE MATHEMATICS.

1. GEOMETRY.

PURE Geometry is in strictness limited to disfigure the excellence of the modern art. The
the mere equality of lines, angles, and spaces, method of Geometrical Analysis, which investi
whether superficial or solid. It owes its main gates the construction of a problem, by remount
extension to the principle of comparison or the ing from its conditions along a chain of depend
doctrine of proportion, which is really but an ence to some known property, affords decidedly
application of Arithmetic, the idea of Number the best exercise and initiatory discipline for the
being transferred to Quantity or Magnitude by student in Mathematics. It imbues the mind
a process of subdivision. Such concert has pro with a taste and elegance which insensibly extend
duced the most perfect of abstract sciences, and their influence over the culture of the other sci
erected the noblest monument of the genius and enccs. The most curious and difficult pbrtion,
invention of the ancient Greeks. That acute however, of the Greek Geometry, has unfortu
people nearly completed the Elements of Geo nately been transmitted to us in a mutilated and
metry; and carrying their speculations beyond imperfect state, which has often tortured the
the properties of the Circle, they investigated skill of commentators and mathematicians to
the Sections of the Cone, and traced the charac restore it. Soon after the revival of letters, the
ter of some of the Higher Curves. The demon principal works of the Greek Geometers were
strations left by the Greek Geometers are models translated in Italy by Commandine; but of
of accuracy, clearness, and elegance—admirably Apollonius’ Conics several books are wanting,
calculated for training the minds of youth to and some parts of the Collections of Pappus ex
habits of close reasoning and luminous arrange hibit only detached fragments. Near the close
ment. The circumspection of those great instruc of the sixteenth century, and early in the seven
tors of mankind in distinguishing the several teenth, Vieta, from a few scattered hints, re
cases, and marking the limitations of a proposi stored the lost Tract on Tangeneies, Fermat
tion, though frequently bordering on prolixity, framed some beautiful separate demonstrations,
might serve to warn the rapid cultivator of Alge and Snellius reproduced the Plane Loci, but in
bra against indulging the tendency to hasty gene a tasteless shape. Soon afterwards Viviani, the
ralization which has given rise to the various pa surviving disciple of Galileo, supplied the fifth
radoxes, and even palpable absurdities, that still book of Apollonius, and with such remarkable
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
success, that on comparing his production with an Dr Halley8 Apollonius, while be restored like
Arabic version just then discovered, he appeared
to have surpassed his original. Huygens1 after
wards gave, in the purest taste, some specimens
of the Ancient Geometry. A Collection of the
Mathematical Treatises of the Greeks respecting
the Art of War was now published in a magni
ficent folio from the Royal Press at Paris. But
a more extensive undertaking was planned by
our oriental traveller Bernard, to print at Ox
ford a complete series of the Greek Geometers,
filling up the blanks from the inspection of
Arabic Manuscripts. In pursuance of this
scheme, Dr David Gregory. edited Euclid, and
581
wise the Tracts on the Section of Ratio and
of Space. After an interval of fourseore years,
Torelli’s‘ elegant edition of Archimedes, pur
chased in Italy, has issued from the same press.
Every lover of science would rejoice to see a
portion of those ample funds that have been
provided at Oxford for the encouragement of
such expensive works, appropriated to the repub
lication of Pappus’ Mathematical Collections,
of which several manuscripts exist far more
complete than the copy printed by Comman
dine. .
The relish for the Ancient Geometry has been

' Born at the Hague in 1629, and son of the Lord of Zuylichen, Secretary to the Prince of Orange: completed his ma
thematical studies at Leyden under Schooten, and printed a beautiful tract on the Circle and Hyperbola in 1651. But af
ter visiting different countries, he published in 1658 his original and immortal work entitled Ilorolegium Orcillarorium.
Having successfully applied the pendulum and the spiral spring to regulate the motions of clocks and watches, he was
anxious to accommodate those instruments to the finding of the longitude at sea. For that purpose be visited England,
where he was treated with distinction: but return'gtg in 1663 through France, he was induced by the Minister Colbert
to accept of a large pension, and fix his abode at Paris. There he resided till his health became impaired, and in 1681 be
retired to the calmer enjoyment of his native country. The same pursuits, however, engaged his attention, till his death
at the Hague on the 8th of June 1695. He was one of the clearest writers and most elegant geometers of modern times,
and his powers of invention have seldom been surpassed. The finished works of Huygens have been collected at two seve
ral times into three uarto volumes.
' Nephew to the amous James Gregory, born at Aberdeen in 1661, completed his education at Edinburgh, and was ap
pointed Professor of Mathematics in that University in 1683, the office having been suffered to remain vacant for ei vht years
otter the death of his uncle. In 1691 be had sufficient interest to obtain the Savilian rofessorship at Oxford, am had the
honorary degree of Doctor in Physick conferred on him by the University. He pub ished his Elements of Astronomy in
1702, and in the following year brought out his Edition of Euclid. He had made some progress in preparing the Conics
ofA llonius, but fell a sacrifice in 1710 to an attack of malignant small-pox, at Maidenhead, where he chanced to stop at
the nu, on his return from a visit to Bath. He possessed some learning, but his genius was of a very inferior order to that
of his uncle.
I Edmund Halley, born in London October 29. 1656, the son of a substantial citizen-educated at St Paul‘s school, and sent
to Oxford in 16711_sailed for the island of St Helena in November 1676, and returned with his catalogue of fixed stars
after an absence of exactly two years-elected immediately fellow of the Royal Society, and deputed by that learned body
in 167!) to visit Hevelius, at Dantzic, and examine his observatory-aspent the years 1680 and 16111 in France and Italy.
In 1684, having turned his attention to Kepler‘s problem, he tried, as some other mathematicians about this time had done,
to derive it from a graduating central force, but was unable to find a ‘geometrical demonstration; and not obtaining any
hel as he expected in this investigation from Hooke or \Vren, he ha recourse to Newton, who astonished him at Cam
bri ge by the store of his grand discoveries, condensed into eight neral propositions. He overcame the scruples of the
modest hilosopher, and prevailed with him to arrange the mate ' of the Principia, of which he superintended the pub
lication in 1687, havin written the preface and some elegant recommendatory verses. Halley now gave a geometrical
construction of the hig ier equations, computed the effects of evaporation in the Mediterranean, and formed tables of life
annuities. For the purpose of improving Nautical Science, he had the command of the Paramour Pink, with which he
sailed from England on the 24th November 1698, traversed the Atlantic, and crossed the E uinoxial Line; but his crew
wing sick and mutinous, he was obliged to return in the following June. Invested with uller powers, he set sail again
in September, and spent twelve months in ex iloring both hemispheres, and during the year atter is return. he delineated
and published his famous magnetical chart. lie was next employed on a survey of the British Channel, and then sent by
the English Government to assist her ally the Emperor of Germany in forming a harbour at the bottom of the Adriatic.
On his return he was ap inted, in November 1703, Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford, having been thwarted before
in a similar canvass by c erical influence. He now set about recovering the works of Apollonius : studied as much Arabic
as enabled him to translate the tract on the Srction of Ratio, and he restored the other tract on the Section q" Space from
the hints left by Pappus. These pieces, in a small octave volume, appeared in 1708; but four years afterwards come forth,
in a splendid folio, his edition of the Conics, with the eighth boo restored, and the additional treatise of Serenus. In
1719 Halley was appointed astronomer royal, and resided at Greenwich during the rest of his life, devoting his advanced
to the careful and assiduous observation of the Heavens. He completed even his projected task of embracing a lunar
period of eighteen years. A paralytic disorder seized him in 1737, from which he partially recovered, but his strength declined
insensibly, and he ex ired on the 14th of January 1742. Few philosophers have contributed more largely to the advance
ment of useful lmow edge. Ingenuity, ardour, indefatigable perseverance, learning, and general information, were pos
sessed by Dr Halley in a most eminent degree; and having mingled in the active scenes of life, he had the rare advantage
of conjoining the love of study with the habits of social intercourse.
‘ Born in 1721 at Verona, where he died in 1781. He studied at Padua, and became a great linguist, a good mathe~
matician, and an excellent critical scholar. Being in easy circumstances, he devoted his whole time to literary pursuits,
and carried his admiration of the Ancient Geometry almost to a pitch of bigotry.
582 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

longer preserved in Italy and in England than metrical speculations, contains the first satisfac
'over the rest of Europe. tory exposition of Porisms, of which the defini
But no person ever
cultivated that fine science with more assiduity, tion advanced by Pappus had been commonly
perseverance, and success, than our countryman regarded as an incomprehensible enigma. But
Dr Robert Simson1 of Glasgow, the learned and from the unvarying tenor of his studies, the
critical editor of Euclid’s Elements. In this Scotch professor became a rigorist for the An
department he concentrated his whole efi'orts, and cient Analysis, and rejected with disdain the most
appears, from his familiarity with the ancient obvious improvements in the form of exhibition.
mode of demonstration, to have inhaled the very It deserves remark, that mathematical demon
spirit of the Greeks. In 1749, he published his stration, being addressed to the eye rather than to
Restoration of the books of Apollonius on the ear, must attain its greatest perspicuity when
Plane Loci, which by its fulness and peculiar the successive steps of reasoning are seized at a
elegance leaves scarcely a shadow of regret for glance. This is effected by adopting the sym
the loss of the original. Simson pursued his bols of Algebraic Notation, the most concise and
researches in the Ancient Analysis through a perfect of all written characters; nor is the
long life, and not only restored various frag beauty and logical accuracy of the procedure in
ments, but threw light on some very difiicult any degree impaired by such a transparent cover
and abstruse questions connected with it. A ing.
posthumous volume, printed in 1776, at the ex Dr Matthew Stewart' of Edinburgh, who had
pence of Earl Stanhope, besides many fine geo been the pupil of Dr Simson, and possessed a

' Born at Kirtonhall in Ayrshire on 14th October 1687, studied at Glasgow, and made such progress in elementary gee.
metry, that at the earlyage of 22 he had an offer of the professorship of mathematics, which was immediately expected to be
come vacant in that University. Feeling his deficiency, however, he obtained leave of a year‘s absence, which he spent
in London under the tuition of Humphrv Ditton, and was admitted to the chair on the 20th of November 1711. His
time seems afterwards to have been mostly spent in discharging the duties of his office, the intervals being allotted to the
solution of geometrical problems, the peruse of the older mathematicians, and to miscellaneous reading. He led the life
of a recluse, and all his steps were formal and methodical; yet his disposition was amiable, and he indu st stated times
in easy conviviality. He sent two papers, geometrical and algebraics , on Indeterminate Problems, tot e Royal Society in
1723 and 1753, gave his restoration of the Loci Plani in I745, published his Conic Sections in 1735, produced the Latin edition
of Euclid's Elements in aquarto volume in 1756, which be compressed in 1760 into an English octavo, to which be annexed
the data in 1762. It contains only the first six books of the original, with the eleventh and twelfth, the rest of the book:
being omitted as of little consequence in the present state of science. Perhaps the selection should have been carried far
ther. This edition is correct and creditable to the compiler, and has obtained prodi 'ous success. Nay, the very Scottis
cisrns with which it abounds appear now to be ado ted at Oxford and Cambridge as t e appropriate diction of the Ancient
Geometry. Simson quite idolized his original. f e had a fine taste for geometry, some ta ents of invention, and consider
able attainments as a scholar, but without any great force of intellect. In his latter years, from excessive veneration of
the Greek Geometry, he not only viewed the Cartesian method with aversion, but began to regard the Fluxionary Calculul
with mistrust and suspicion. He became emeritus professor in 1761, and died on the lst of October 1768.
' Born in 1717 at Bethany, in the Isle of Bute, of which place his father was minister; studied seven years at Glasgow,
where he distinguished himself; to gain farther instruction, in 1741 he removed to Edinburgh, where he cultivated the
society of the celebrated Maclaurin, while he corresponded with Simson, his old master. He now prosecuted *ometrical
studies with ardour, and put forth his uncommon powers of invention ; and after he became minister at Roseneat , he found
leisure in that seclusion to continue his favourite pursuits. On the occasion of a vacancy of the mathematical chair at Edin.
burgh by the death of Maclaurin, he was induced to draw out the substance of his most rofound geometrical investigations,
which he printed under the title of General Theorems, in a small volume, about the c ose of 1746. This publication se
cured his election, and after some delay he was appointed professor in September 1747. He now enjoyed a situation most
congenial to his taste, and favourable to the exercise of his rare talents. Ambitious to apply his beloved geometry to un
ravel questions which were believed to demaml all the resources of algebraic art, he discovered a solution of Kepler‘s pro
blem at once simple and direct, and greatly surpassing in beauty the more laboured efforts of calculation. This investi
gation was inserted in the second volume of t e Transactions of the Edinburgh Society, which appeared in 1766. En.
couraged by such success, be five years afterwards produced his Pb sical and Mathematical Tracts; a very ingenious and
elegant work, which would have been clearer had the author onfy admitted an abbreviation by the simpler algebraic
symbols. About this time the results of the observations of the Transit of Venus, which had been expected to give the
true distance of the Sun, were found to be unsatisfactory and discordant. Stewart therefore published in 1763, as a
sequel to his Tracts, a theoretical solution of the aproblem; in which he was directed by Geometry to the exact motion
of the Lunar A , a question that, since the an ysis of Newton, had lexed the greatest mathematicians. But he
was not equally elicitous in Determining the Solar Distance, which require the inversion of the problem, and involved
some deceitful and precarious compensations of error. This pamphlet was his last production, having printed only a few
months before an octave volume under the title of Proposition: More Vetcmm Dcmrmflralrz. These propositions, however,
derive their value merely as exercises of the method of conducting geometrical annlvsis and synthesis. But his lamp of
genius was already nearly extinguished. Dr Stewart fell into a state of bad health, and having devolved the char of
teachin on his son, then a youth of the highest promise, he retired in 1772 to a small paternal property in Ayrs ire"
where e chiefly spent the rest of his days, and died on the 23d ofJsnuary 1785. _. y“,
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 583
much richer invention, was likewise an able cal Construction, the famous Delian Problem,
and zealous promoter of the Greek Geometry, or the Duplication of the Cube.
which he directed besides to the investigation of It would seem that, in finding the square root,
certain difiicult parts of Physical Astronomy. the Greek mathematicians must have employed
But though managed with suflicient address, certain methods of abbreviation which are not
the instrument be employed was hardly fitted explained. Archimedes, in his famous Quadra
for exploring the more abstruse and recondite ture of the Circle, to which he approximated by
problems, which often require all the concen measuring the successive inscribed and circum
trated powers of the Modern Analysis. The scribing polygons, having occasion repeatedly to
conclusions at which he arrived display much extract the square root, expressed the value by
elegance, though merely approximative, and fractions, and yet with such felicity as always
devoid of the precision that is indispensable in to adopt the lowest integral numerator and de
the present advanced state of Astronomical nominator. He thus discovered that the cir
Science. cumference of a circle is less than 3!, times and
I need not stop to notice the attempts of other greater than 33,? times its diameter, or that their
English mathematicians, to restore some frag ratio lies between the ratios '7 to 22 and of '71
ments of Apollonius. After the principal de to 228.1 This approximation within the limits
monstration was obtained, there could be little of the 2000th and 4000th parts, might be sufli
difficulty in evolving its different phases, and cient for ordinary practice. But Apollonius and
modifying it to the several cases. Playfair's Ptolemy afterwards approached a hundred times
elucidation of the nature of Porisms is entitled nearer. Yet no farther advances were made
to higher distinction. in solving that important problem, which re
It has often been matter of surprise, that the quired the most refined address, till the lapse of
Greeks should have spent so much ingenuity, near a thousand years, when the Arabians be
and set such a high value on the Geometrical came possessed of the denary system of notation,
Construction of Problems. But the application and carried the expression for the circumference
of Geometry served them in some measure the of a circle to ten decimal places. But this elabo
purpose of calculation, and became a sort of rate result was imperfectly known to the revi
substitute for the tedious and laborious opera vers of science in Europe; and Vieta, Adrianne
tions of their imperfect system of Arithmetic. Romauus, and others, exerted their ingenuity and
Accustomed, as we are, to the extreme facility patience in extending the earlier solution. The
of computing by help of the Arabic ciphers, simplest and most elegant is that of 113 to 855,
we can form no adequate conception of the toil an approximation differing scarcely by the ten
of working with alphabetic numerals, though millionth part from the truth, which was disco
the Greeks had made some capital improve vered about the year 1585 by the elder Adrian
ments in their system of notation. They could Metius, a military engineer in Holland. His
extract laboriously the Square Root of a num countrymen Van Keulcn and Snellius, in' the
ber, but never attained the extraction of the next century, pushed the expression for the cir
Cube Root, which it appears was first discovered cumference of the circle to 35 figures. But the
many centuries afterwards by the Arabians. progress of the higher analysis opened more easy
Hence undoubtedly the solicitude of the Greeks and rapid modes of approximation. In the early
to solve, by a Geometrical, or even a Mechani part of the eighteenth century, Sharp" and Ma

' This ratio, it may be observed, is easily derived from the limits assigned by Archimedes, for 7l + 7x 6 :1 HS,
and 223 + 22x6 = 355.
' Abraham Sharp, born at Little Horton, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, in 1651, was apprenticed to a merchant at
Manchester; but preferring the study of mathematics, he supported himself by teachingn school in Live L Here he en
as nmanuensis to Flamsteed, and became his assistant when the Royal Observatory was erected at rcenwich in 1676.
Is services were most eminent in every department. He constructed optical and astronomical instruments, observed
stars, calculated tables, and delineated celestial charts. His peculiar nentness of eXecution is displayed in a small geo~
metrical work which he published in 1717. About that time he seems to have retired to his native village, where he led
the life of a hermit, but esteemed for his quiet and beneficent disposition. He died in 1742.
 584 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

chin1 computed in England the quadrature of mensurability of the circle, which James Gre
the circle to 75 and 100 places of decimals, and gory had attempted to prove in 1661, was finally
Lagny in France advanced to 128 figures. But demonstrated a century afterwards by Lam
these labours were outdone by Vega,I an oflicer bert, from an ingenious transformation of the
of artillery in the Austrian service, who amused known series for the quadrantal are in terms
his leisure during a campaign, in employing of its tangent or the radius. The same inge
one of Euler’s formulae to derive the length of nious mathematician likewise proposed several
a quadrant from the tangents of fractional neat geometrical constructions, for approximat
arcs, carried the expression to 140 decimal ing to the length of arcs of a circle still more
places. This was the luxury of calculation; nearly than the methods given by Fermat, Gre
and though no doubt superfluous, it might at gory, Huygens, and others.
least convince any judicious person of the Elementary Plane Geometry rests on the com
impossibility of stating the ratio of the diame bined properties of the straight line and the circle.
ter to the circumference in finite terms. Yet Many important additions have been made to
the squaring of the circle is a problem which the digest of Euclid; and several eminent ma
has at all times fascinated the attention and thematicians of the eighteenth century have cor
bewildered the reason of many superficial or an rected, simplified, and essentially improved the
tiquated students in Geometry. The incom only valuable portion of the large work.5 Some

' John Machin, elected professor of Astronomy in Gresham College in 1713, and became secretary of the Royal Society.
He had the reputation of being an able mathematician, yet his essay on the Laws of the Moon’s Motion, in which he at
tempted to rectify the Principia, was but a superficial performance. He died in 1751.
' This excellent mathematician, who published in 1794 a complete collection of Logarithmic Tables and Analytical
Formula, was ei ht years afterwards robbed and barbarously murdered by a miller, in whose house be lodged, and his body
thrown into the nube.
= It may be sufficient perhaps to notice the Elements of Geometry by Thomas Simpson, and the similar treatises in the
French langua e by Clairaut and Legendre. These productions all unite clearness with precision ; and excluding whatever
appears supe uous, they still comprise the whole series of connected propositions. Simpson’s unpretending volume is neat
and very brief, yet sufiicientl perspicuous. The Geometry of Clairaut is still shorter, but has an air of originality, being
desi ed to show the road 0 induction, or to guide the learner through his efi'orts at the solution of geometric problems,
to discover the great elementary truths. He followed the same plan, and with more complete success, in his excellent
Elements of Algebra. But the Geometry by Legendre claims much higher merit, and is perhaps the best on the whole
that has yet appeared. It were vain, however, to ex ect perfection: the steps of his demonstrations are sometimes incom
plete, and his entire separation of the problems is at east is very questionable improvement. The notes he has added are
valuable,
ed butthe
to found appear disproportioned
comparison to the
of triangles on text, and considerations
abstract certainly too profound
derived for beginners.
from Thistheory
the common elegantofefunctions.
ometer attempt
But
such reasonings a priori are fhllacious, involving unperceived some metaphysical assumptions.
The works now mentioned might suflice for the instruction of practical or professional men; but the pursuit of a liberal
education aspires to greater attainments. The main object is to sharpen the faculty of perception, and invigorate by due
exercise the tone of the intellectual powers. For contributing to that effect, the fulness and circumspection of the an.
cient mode of demonstration are admirably calculated. It seemed, therefore, an estimable task to select the scattered
wrecks of the Greek Analysis, and dispose them into a form accessible to ordinary students. The beauty of the pro
positions concerning Laci was particularly striking.
It would be preposterous, however, to hold up the Elements of Euclid as a standard of instruction in Geometry for the
present day. They were composed before the invention of Trigonometry, and robably designed chiefly as an introduction
to the Pythagorean Philoso hy. Hence the large portion of them devoted to tiie relations of numbers, and the pro erties
of the regular polygons an solids. By common consent, therefore, the greater part of the system is now laid asi e, and
the other books are commonly altered or curtailed in practice. Many trivial propositions occur in the third book; several
of the fourth have little interest; and it may abate that extravagant praise which several mathematicians have lavished on
the Doctrine of Proportion contained in the fifth book, to know that it really cannot be taught. But the language em
ployed in that celebrated compilation, for want of appropriate technical terms, is often vague and indistinct. The
word angle, for instance, has no lem than three different significations; and other eXamples of a like confusion might be
easily cited. In some cases, the demonstrations of Euclid are imperfect or inconclusive. Thus, the reasoning in the twenty
. fourth proposition of the first book applies only to the particular position of the fi ure; an objection first started by Thomas
Simpson, to the eat annoyance of his critical namesake. But similar oversig t was made in the demonstration of the
seventh propofition of the same book, which fiiils if the figure be changed. Both these pro ositions are only of conse
quence as auxiliaries in the train of combination. But of the fundamental property of el lines, the demonstration
rests on the mere assumption of an intricate axiom. In a few cases the reasoning is unnecessarily complicated, from the
peculiar conceptions of the author. Thus, the noted fifth proposition of the first book is of that description. Its demon
stration implies the reversed a plication, at least mentally, of the isosceles triangle; but Euclid evades or disguises the pro
cess, by producing the sides 0 the triangle, and forming two interwoven trian les, which are virtually adapted by inver
sion, and the annexed trian les being then taken away, the equality of the ang es at the base hence follows. But- the last
is the only step wanted, emf the other two were evidently superfluous. This stumbling proposition has been called the
Pom .iisinorum ,- and no wonder that the beginner should feel puzzled at seeing such a parade of argument. end in so plain
a resu t.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. ~ 585
remarkable propositions, derived from sources and the directrix is mentioned by Pappus, but
beyond the usual scope of Geometry, are yet as the beauty of that locus was not perceived till
similated with that science. Of such accessions, Boscovich, in 1752, deduced the properties of
one of the most beautiful is the late curious and those lines from it in a string of corollaries,
unexpected discovery of Gauss, that, besides more ingenious than elegant. This essay was
the ordinary regular polygons, a numerous class compressed and methodized by Thomas New
more complex, including the next polygon of ton in 1794; and in the same year Walker, a
seventeen sides, are capable of being inscribed respectable mathematician, unaware of what
within a circle, by a mere geometrical construc had been already done, produced a work on a
tion.‘ similar plan, of which the first part occupied a
In solving the common problems, the straight quarto volume, composed indeed after the man
line and the circle are generally combined, which ner of the ancients, but so exceedingly'prolix in
requires the application of both the ruler and diction as to have very few readers.
the compasses. Schooten effected by the ruler An elegant mode of investigating curves of
alone several simple constructions, of use parti the second or higher orders, is to consider them
cularly in castrametation. But the late Masehe as generated by the conditional intersection of
roni' of Bergamo, in a small work which appear angles or lines taming about fixed points or
ed in 1795, made a beautiful addition to Ele poles. The property had been stated generally
mentary Geometry, by the solution of a variety in the but was expanded in 1720 by
of problems, especially those concerning the in Maclaurin in his Geometria Organica. The in
scription of the regular polygons, with the help tersections of Polar Radiants were discussed by
exclusively of compasses. Such speculations, Breckenridge in 1733. The subject has been
however, are in a great measure extraneous to again revived, and prosecuted with great inge
the science. nuity and research, by the celebrated Carnot,
The theory of Lines of the Second Order under the denomination of Dansversals.
forms one of the finest speculations of the more No part of Geometry has been more improved
advanced geometry. These curves were derived in the course of the last century than Trigono
from the Section of the Gone; but the clearest metry, which is not only simplified but much ex
and most philosophical way of treating them is tended in its application. The theory of planes
by considering their description on a plane. and solids has likewise been cultivated with emi
The distinguishing property of the foci was nent success. As the position of a point on a
known to Apollonius, but the advantage of its plane is assigned by referring it to two co-ordi
application overlooked. The Parabola forms nate lines, so the place of a point in space may
the intermediate transition of the Ellipse to the _be determined by its distances from three planes
Hyperbola, the remote focus stretching farther which are mutually perpendicular. The proper
out, till it vanishes into indefinite space, again ties of a line of single curvature may be derived
to re-appear on the opposite side. The features from the equation of its co-ordinates; the pro
of the Parabola are therefore not strictly includ perties of a curved surface can likewise be de
ed in the phases of the Ellipse and Hyperbola. duced from its triple shades, or the perpendicu
The more comprehensive relation of the dis lar projections on the three planes. Such is the
tances of any point in the curve from a focus process employed by Monge’ in his Descriptive

' Gauss found that the expression for the multiple cosine is always decomposable into binomial factors, and hence con
cluded that any regular polygon, the number of whose sides is a prime, and denoted by 2“ + I, ma be inscribed in a circle
by mere Elementary Geometry. These numbers form the series 3, 5, X7, 257, 66537, &c. of whic the first two only were
known before.
' Born in 1750; died at Paris, July 14, IBM. His tract on the Compauu happening to fall into the hands of General Bo
naparte during his first triumphant campaign in Italy, this extraordinary man was so struck With its ingenuity, that, on
his return to Paris, he communicated, in conversation, some of the propositions to the members of the Institute. The
book was immediately translated into French, and the author promoted to a place of trust and emolument in the Italian
Republic.
' Gupard Mon e, born in 1746 at Beuune, and educated at the Jesuits‘ seminary at. Lyons. ‘His uncommon talent for
drawing procured iim admission into the Military School at Mezieres, where he soon became assistant teacher. Disgusted
D188. IV. 42
586 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Geometry, which maybe considered as the com
pletion of the analytical method of Descartes.
It furnishes direct and general solutions of se
veral important problems, especially of those re
lating to the intersection of planes and the con
stitution of solids. Descriptive Geometry com
prehends also the theory of Perspective, which
was founded by Ubaldi, and long afterwards rev
cast and simplified by Brook Taylor, and ren
dered still more practical by Lambert.

2. ARITHMETIC.

To express large numbers by continued addi
tions being impossible, it soon became neces
sary to arrange them on a scale of ascending
progression. The simplest mode was evidently
to repeat the same root of the scale; and as men
in the earlier periods of society used to reckon
with the ten fingers of both hands, they were,
led by Nature herself to frame the Denary Sys
tem of Numeration. If they had likewise form
ed marks for a Digital Notation, they would have
completed the bases of Arithmetic. But un
fortunately the Alphabetic Characters had been
introduced before distinct symbols were con
trivcd to represent numbers. The letters design
ed merely for written language, came hence
among all nations to be employed besides in
numeral notation, though hardly manageable,
and ill adapted to any regular system of arrange
ment. In- the application of those characters
the ancient Greeks showed great ingenuity, by
distinguishing them into three classes, appropri
ated to the ascending progression of units, tens,
and hundreds. In this way they reached the
term of a thousand, and by employing as an
auxiliary the capital M, they could indicate
myriads or ten thousands. - The triple series of _
thousands up to a million were more easily
denoted, however, by placing a dash under
the successive sections of letters. But Archi
medes indicated a mode of obtaining almost un
bounded extension of this system, by decompos
ing the elements of the notation into periods of
ascending myriads. Apollonius simplified the
plan, by adopting a thousand as the root of the
progressive scale. Had he proceeded only a
little farther, and rejected the letters, except the
first class denoting digits, he would have render
ed his notation perfect, and have achieved one
of the most useful and prolific discoveries ever
made. Ptolemy afterwards advanced much
nearer to this ultimate object, by employing,in his
Trigonometrical Tables, the descending Sewagesi
mal Scale, suggested by the subdivision of the cir
cumference of a circle into degrees, of which sixty,
or the root of this scale, correspond nearly to the
length of the radius. It would seem, however,
that, during the interval between Archimedes
and Ptolemy, the Greek Arithmetic had receiv
ed some essential improvements in practice; for
the Sicilian geometer, by a. very tedious and
operose process, of which he gives merely the re
sults, was content with stating the ratio of the
diameter to the circumference of a circle as in
termediate between that of 7 to 22 and of 71m
223, differing therefore by a 1200thpart from
the truth; whereas the chords computed by the
astronomer of Alexandr-E for every half degree
of the semicircle are correct to the last place,
and consequently never deviate by a 300,000th
part of the whole.

with the tedious and operosc methods of calculation then practised among en 'neers, he sought to shorten the'road by recur.
ring to general principles and the aid of Geometry. Thinking closely on t at subject, he matured a re ular system. which
has changed the theory ofplanes and solids. The nrdour of his pursuits was infused into his pupils, on the frequent com
munications he made to learned societies rapidly extended his ihme. In 1780 he was conjoined with Bossut as actin pro
fessor of Hydrodynamics at the Louvre, a place erected by the patriotic minister Target, which required him to reside at
Paris only during half the year. But three years afterwards, on being appointed to succeed Bezout as Examiner of the
Marine, he fixer his permanent abode in the capital, and engaged in the experiments and discussions of the hiloso here.
He became a worm partisan of the Revolution, and contributed his utmost eil'orts to remote the various p ans :1 opted
by,its leaders. But he deserved praise for the great concern he took in founding the oly‘technic'School, an institution
eventually productive of the very best effects. Having accompanied Bonapute to Egypt, he returned with the fruit of
his observations to share in the fortunes of that wonderful man. He resumed with lustre the place of professor, and con
tinued to delight the numerous pupils by his kind attention and the clearness and expansion of his oral discourses. But
on the second return of the Bourbons in 1815, he felt the weight of their vengeance. The Institute was remodelled, and
the Polytechnic School suppressed. This sad reverse prayed on his spirits, and produced alienation of mind; in which me
lancholy state he languished for some time, and expired on the 28th July “318. _ .
‘
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 587
' The Romans, who cared only about objects of was the first who distinctly introduced the prac
vulgar ambition, overlooked the refined mode of tice of decimal fractions in 1585, though Regio
Greek Notation, and remained satisfied with their montanus had made a great step towards that
own very clumsy and involved system, which improvement, which Ramus even indirectly em
could with difficulty represent a large number, ployed. To count downwards might seem as
but was absolutely disqualified for serving in easy as to reckon upwards. But the mode of
any way the purposes of calculation. They were denoting the ranks of decimals was then most
obliged therefore to have recourse to counters, cumbrous, the successive numerals, like the in
and by help of the Abacus, or decimal board, they dices in Algebra, being inclosed in small circles.
performed the ordinary operations of summing Bayer in 1619 proposed to substitute for these
accounts. This humble expedient was practised complex marks an accent repeated. It was our
in Europe till the seventeenth century, and is illustrious countryman Napier, however, that
still used-by the traders throughout the Chinese brought the notation of decimals to its ultimate
Empire, its application being there facilitated simplicity, having proposed in his Rhabdologia,
by the prevalence of the decimal subdivision of printed ten years earlier, to reject entirely the
weights, measures, and coins. marks placed over the fractions, and merely to
The discovery of the Denary Notation, so beau set a point at the end of the units. But his su
tiful and simple in its application, is commonly blime invention of Logarithms about this epoch
referred to India, though neither the place nor eclipsed every minor improvement, and as far
the date of its origin has been ascertained. It transcended the denary notation, as this had sur
was unknown to the Arabian astronomers till passed the numeral system of the Greeks.
near the close of the eleventh century of our era, Various speculations have been framed re
and even at this period its expressions appear garding the properties of the different arithme
sometimes intermingled with the alphabetic nu tical scales. Leibnitz fancied important advan
merals. But the advantages of the system were tages to accrue from the adoption of the Binary
soon perceived; and the Tables of Sines and Scale, which operates with extreme facility, and
Tangents calculated by those laborious mathe requires only a single character besides the zero.
maticians are now found, from examination of This progression mounts so slowly, however,
the manuscripts belonging to the University that it cannot expressv a large number without
of Leyden, to be correct to the tenth decimal employing a multitude of terms. But the Duo
figure. The Arabians transmitted the new sys denary Notation, which is partially admitted in
tem of notation to the flourishing colony of the uncial subdivisions, would evidently answer
their countrymen in Spain, whence it was slow the best for general practice. It proceeds faster
ly communicated to the several Christian States than the Denary Scale, and is less subject to be
over Europe. This change was effected chiefly affected by fractions, since its root has no fewer
by the calendars or perpetual almanacs com than four divisors, while ten admits only of
piled in the Moorish seminarics, and eagerly pur two. Still these advantages would not compen
chased by the various monasteries and convents sate for its want of conformity with the train of
throughout Christendom. Yet the Arabic ciphers ordinary language. The Decimal Arithmetic
appear to have remained unknown in every part would soon generally supersede the use of every
of Europe beyond Spain, before the middle of the other kind of fractions, if it were likewise in
fourteenth century; nor in mercantile transac— practice combined with an extensive decimal
tions were they commonly adopted till near two subdivision of weights and measures.
centuries later. It is a singular circumstance The curious or mystical properties of num
that the advantages of employing the descending bers have at all times fixed the attention of
progression in the nicer calculations were not mankind. Square numbers, denoting the sides
sooner perceived, especially after the use which of a right-angled triangle, were sought for by
Ptolemy had made of sexagesimals. Stevinus the Pythagoreans, who gave a very simple rule
o
588 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to compute them.I Perfect numbers, or such digital squares from 3 to 9 were dedicated to
as may be composed by the addition of their the seven stars, including the sun and moon,
aliquot parts, could not fail to excite admira which in the astrological visions were believed
tion; and Euclid produced an elegant theorem to rule the successive days of the week.8 The
for discovering them. It is remarkable that these people of Siam had learned a very simple method
numbers should appear frequent at first in the of filling up those squares; but some European
series, and afterwards occur only at wide inter Mathematicians have since amused themselves
vals. Thus, below 10,000, there are four perfect with such arithmetical curiosities. Stifels, in his
numbers; but the last of the succeeding four Arithmetiea Integra, incidentally treated of Ma
includes no fewer than nineteen ciphers." The gic Squares, yet without naming them. He was
moderns have advanced farther, and imagined immediately followed in a small arithmetical
what are called Amicable numbers, on all which treatise by Adam Riese ; but the French seem
subjects Euler has shown his ingenuity and un to have directed most attention to those scienti
rivalled analytical skill. fic recreations. From the latter part of the 17th
It is les a matter of speculation, while it is till beyond the middle of the 18th century, a
of considerable consequence in the practice of succeion of ingenious persons were at pains to
calculation, to assign the Prime Numbers, or improve and extend the construction. Frenicle,
such as admit of no division, and to resolve the Poignard, Delahire, Ons-en-Bray, and Rallier
Composite Numbers into their several factors. des Ourmes, are entitled to particular notice.
No general method has yet been devised for the The construction of Magic Squares belongs
investigation of Primes, though by the researches to the class of problems styled Indeterminate,
of Bachet and Fermat in the seventeenth century, which depend on variable combinations, and
and of Euler, Lagrange, Legendre, and Gauss, in therefore admit of very numerous answers.
the eighteenth, they are now reduced to certain Thus, Frenicle, who successfully studied this
constant forms, which may facilitate their dis subject near the beginning of the last century,
covery. By an extension of the method called showed that the first sixteen of the natural num
the Stem: Qf Erawstlmaes, a sort of mechanical bers could be formed into a Magic Square in not
process, the prime numbers are separated from fewer than 880 difi'erent ways. Analysts have
the ordinary progression. In this way several since tried to narrow those changes, and aug
authors have constructed tables of Primes, and ment the difliculty of the investigation, by an
of Composite Numbers, with their various fac nexing other conditions. Dr Franklin produ
tors or divisors. Lindenau proceeded to a hun ced, by dint of perseverance, what he called a
dred thousand, but Cherae has lately carried the Magic Square of Squares, and a Magical Circle.
enumeration as high as ten millions. De la Hire‘ treated the formation of Magic
The formation of Magic Squares, by which Squares with such copious detail as to leave very
the numbers in their natural order are disposed little to be done by his successors. Yet several
in cells, so that each column gives an equal sum, eminent mathematicians have occasionally re
remounts to high antiquity. They have been verted to this amusing subject. Even the great
regarded in the east as charms or talismans, of Euler has not disdained to direct his transcend
great potency in the tide of human afl'airs. The ant skill in algebraic analysis to the solution of

' See notes to the Elmwnts qfGeometry. Euler has demonstrated that every number whatever consists of not more than
four squares. An example may be given of the composition of numbers between 10 and 20: 10 = 9 + i, 11 == 9 + l + l,
12=9+l+1+l,l3==9+4,l4=9+4.+1,15=9+4+l+l,l7=16+1,18=l>6+l+l,l9==l6+l+l+l,
20 = 16 + 4.
' It may gratify the curious to see the series 6, 28, 496, 8128, 33550336, 8509869058, 137438691328, and
23058430081399.5212!! These numbers are obtained by multiplying the l, 2, 4, 6, 12, 16, 18, and 30 powers of 2 by its
2, 3, 5, 7, 13, 17, 19, and 31 powers diminished by unit.
’ The first in modern times who noticed Magic Squares was Agrippa of Nettesheim, who gave in his books dc Occultd
Philosophia, printed in 1535, the Sigilla Jovia, Mania, Solis, Vcncn'a, Mercurii, and Lime.
‘ Born at Paris in 1640. and died in 1718, a man of some attainments, and great application—well acquainted with the
details ofsurveying, and of practical astronomy.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 589
problems connected with the theory of Magic wards investigated. Huygens perceived the
Squares.‘ utility of employing such fractions to represent
Another portion of Arithmetic, not merely approximate ratios, and in this Way. he found
curious, but of material importance in the ap convenient small numbers to represent the teeth
plication of that science, has been much culti of the wheels and pinions of his Planetarium.
vated during the eighteenth century. If both But the subject appears to have lain neglected
the terms of a proper fraction be divided by the till 1787, when Euler explored it with his usual
numerator, there will result an equivalent frac depth and felicity, in a distinct memoir publish
tion, having unit for its numerator, and an in ed in the Peta-sburg Transactions. He may con
teger, conjoined with another fraction of smaller sequently be regarded as the real founder of the
terms, for its denominator. But this new frac Theory of Continued Fractions, to which indeed
tion may be again broken down in the same he gave the appellation they have since retained.
way, and the process of decomposition renewed It was‘ a favourite speculation of that great
successively, till a fraction with an integral de analyst, who resumed the subject at different
nominator is at length obtained. This mode of times, and widely extended its application. Eu
resolution is therefore the very same as what is ler showed how to convert any quadratic equa
employed in finding a common measure or di tion into a Continued Fraction, and demon
visor, only the several qnotients are here pre strated that the expression for an irrational
served. \Vhen the original fraction is expressed square root consists of terms which either repeat
by rational numbers, its decomposition must al or circulate in regular periods. A cube root
ways terminate; but if the'numerator and de may likewise be expressed by a Continued Frac
nominator be mutually incommensurable, the tion, but its terms can have no sort of order in
process of evolving their elements will never their sequence. As these Fractions, in approach
draw to a conclusion. The fractions which ing to their ultimate value, oscillate continually
thence arise may simply repeat, or they may cir between excess and defect, they are always
culate at short intervals or periods, or they may capable of being changed into Converging Series,
succeed each other without any sort of order affected by the alternate signs of plus and minus,
whatever. But it is evident that such progres and the transformation may be reversed. By this
sive subdivision must approach constantly near method the very ingenious Lambert converted
er to the true value, and that the resulting frac the series of Gregory and Leibnitz for the length
tions, if successively recombined, will exhibit a of a quadrant into a Continued Fraction, whose
series of approximations. terms have a regular and incessant circulation,
The fractions of this kind were first noticed and hence proved (what had only been presumed
by Lord Brounker,‘ who proposed one of them before) that the Circle is incommensurable. But
to express the ratio of the diameter to the cir he was enabled to proceed still farther, and to
cumference of a circle, which Dr Wallis“ after establish, that even the square of the number

‘ Cornelius Capito printed, in 1767, at Gliickstadt, a short treatise on Magic Squares, in which he proposed to vary
their construction no fewer than a million times. But the latest and compietest work on this curious subject was compiled
by the late Professor Mollweide of Leipsic, the in enious editor of Kliigel‘s valuable Mathenuzlirchu Wiirlcrbuch.
' Born in 1820, and died in 1684 i an able mafliemstician, but an unprincipled courtier.
' This very remarkable man was born November 23, 1616, at Ashfurd in Kent—educated at Cambridge-became chaplain
to Lad Vere in 1643, and was then led to cultivate the art of deciphering, in which be ac uired such skill, as to be ulter
wards fiequently employed by the Long Parliament in examining intercepted dispatches. hrcugh that interest he was up.
inted to a sequestrated church in London, and chosen in 1644 one of thc scribes to the \Vestminster Assembly ofDlvines.
ut his austere occupation did not divert him from the nobler pursuits of philoso by and science; and hein appointed by
the Parliamentary commissioners in 1649, Savilian Professor of Geometry at 0: 0rd, he continued to lar y to discharge
the duties of that otiice. He had afterwards some hot disputes with Hobbes, who, though a most ingenious metaphysician,
unfortunately mistook his own blunders for discoveries in Mathematics. \Vallis maintained a large correspondence with
men of science, and assiduously contributed to the progress of philosophical discovery during that active period. The mo
deration of his character assured him the possession of the places he held at the Restoration ; and though he found leisure
to compose a very learned philosophical grammar of the En lish languuge, and sometimes indulged his early taste for con
troversial divinity, he devoted the greater part of a long 1' e to the laborious cultivation and extension of the various dc
psrtments of Mathematical Science. His works are voluminous, and display great erudition, talents for deep research, and
originality of conception. He died on the 28th October 1703, and was succeeded in the chair by Dr Halley.
590 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

expressing the circumference is likewise irra have their denominators formed by successive
tional.‘ multipliers, could be employed in a similar way;
Lagrange has since recommended and ex— but its application is somewhat difficult and in
plained the application of Continued Fractions tricate.’
to the solution of numerical equations. These To facilitate the operations of arithmetic,
fractions may be readily changed into Recur tables have been digested of the powers and
ring Serics,’ which, in the case of small roots, products of numbers. The most astonishing
are often beautifully simple and remarkably con work of that kind, including all the multipliers
vergent. But sometimes they betray the opposite from one to one thousand, was produced by
tendency to diverge; and the great object of Hervart, Chancellor of Bavaria, in 1610, only
Langrange was to remove that defect. Euler, in four years before the invention of Logarithms,
several of his last memoirs and opuscules, di the want of which it could in some faint degree
rected them to indeterminate problems, to the have supplied. But tables of products in a less
finding of maxima and minima, and to the de unwieldy shape are still occasionally used for
velopment and integration of certain analytical abridging the labour of calculation. A notable
formulae. Nothing can exceed the beauty of improvement has been lately introduced by the
some of these speculations. substitution of Quarter Squares, grounded on
It is a singular fact, that though Continued the knowu property that the product of any two
Fractions had their origin in this island, they numbers is equal to the fourth part of the ex
were afterwards almost wholly overlooked by cess of the square of their sum above the square
our mathematicians. Scarcely thirty years have of their difference; A single page might com
passed away since the attention of the curious prise as many of those numbers as, by simple
Was again recalled to them. But an acquaintance addition and subtraction, would exhibit an ex
with the transformation of those fractions would tent of products equal to those contained in
prove extremely useful to practical men, by fur Hervart’s enormous folio.‘
nishing a variety of short approximations, which It would be a great improvement in elemen
are easily remembered and readily applied. Or tary education to introduce into the school a
dinary computations in mensuration, in the com more extended multiplication table, including
parison of difl'erent weights and measures, and at least all the products of the numbers from 1
in several standard proportions, might thus be to 25. A very useful practice has been adopted
much abbreviated without any sensible inaccu lately in the north of Germany, to accustom
racy. The method proposed by Lambert for learners to the readiness of mental calcula
decomposing fractions into progressions that tion.‘

‘ The area of a circle having unit for its diameter is expressed by the alternating series 1 - Q + Q — -', + t, &c. which
was converted by Euler into the continued fraction _1_
l + 1
3+ 9
5' + 25
s + 49
Y + &c., the numerators being the squares
of the odd numbers. This extension never stops, and consequently the fraction is not reducible to finite terms. The
square of the expression runs into a similar infinitude.
' It deserves to be mentioned that Girard first gave the simple recurring series which expresses the parts of a line di
vided into extreme and mean ratio. It is formed by the continued addition of the two preceding terms, Thus 0, 1, l, 2,
3, 5, 8, 13, 21, 3-1, 55, 89, 144, die. The square of each number in this series differs from the product of the two numbers
which inclose it, only by unit alternately in excess and defect: Thus 8’ = 64 = 5 x 13 -- 1, l3' -_-. 169 = 8 x 21 + l.
' For an explication of Lambert's method of decomposing fractions, see Philorflphy qfdfillmcfle.
‘ Alargeta le of multiplication, from I to 10,000, and a specimen of quarter squares, extending to a million, may be
seen in the treatise quoted above.
5 It is called Kopfrechmmg or calmlating by the head. Three works are current on this subject, those of Biermann, Heuss,
and Kiihler-published between 1790 and 1816.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 591

3. ALGEBRA.

ALGEBRA derives its immense superiority over Cosa, or Alghebra and Almucabala ,- the first ap
the ancient analysis from the very complete sys pellation derived from the Italian Cosa, denot
tem of notation which it has at length attained. ing the Thing sought, and the other borrowed
Each step of an investigation being now regis from the Arabic words expressing Molution and
tered in the clearest and most precise manner, Composition. After the appearance of this ele
the mind is relieved from the fatigue of carrying mentary digest, Algebra was cultivated in Italy,
forward the whole of a continuous chain of rea during the first half of the sixteenth century,
soning. It can rest at any place, and again re with great industry and success. Ferreo, Tar
sume the process of deduction with the greatest talea, and especially Cardan, made rapid ad
facility. But this perfection of pictured lan vances in the new science. This ingenious
guage has been the result of a series of slow though very singular person not only gave the
and successive improvements. Diophantus, who, solution of Cubic Equations which bears his
soon after the Christian era, composed a large name, but discovered Ithe leading properties of
treatise on the resolution of certain arithmetical equations in general, distinguishing their roots
problems, a portion of which work is preserved, into the true and the fictitious ; and besides im
made the first attempt towards an abbreviated proved the notation by employing frequently the
form of analysis. The symbols he used were, letters of the alphabet. The Italians, however,
however, exceedingly few, being the initials or still used contracted words for symbols, and
terminations of the ordinary words, only some-v the initials p. and m. for the signs of plus and
what modified. It deserves remark, that Die-' minus. In 1572, Bombelli of Bologna, retaining
phantus viewing a number as composed‘from this embarrassed mode of writing, composed a
another by the addition or subtraction of a regular summary of Algebra, which be enriched
third, he termed this last one abundant or de with Ferrari’s rule for resolving biquadratic
ficient, and gave a rule for the multiplication equations. In the meanwhile the knowledge of
of those affected numbers, similar to what is the analytic art had penetrated into Germany,
new applied to the signs plus and minus. His where it received its capital improvement in no
treatise passed into the hands of the Arabians, tation from the systematic genius of that people.
who studied the numerical properties with much The change was chiefly efl'eoted by the industry
ardour, but made no advances in refining or of Stifels,1 a Protestant minister and zealous
simplifying the form of notation. From them follower of Luther, who in 1544- published his
again this higher species of arithmetic was Arithmetica Integra. In that remarkable work
transplanted into Italy, probably during the he first introduced the symbols + and ~— for
fourteenth century, by Leonard, a merchant plus and minus, and the character J (or a con
of Pisa, who had travelled long in the East. tracted R) for Radix or root; and he repre
A series of works on Arithmetic and Geome sented unknown quantities by the capital let
try were published between the years 1470 ters A, B, C, 8w. and intimated the successive
and 1487 by Pacciolo, a Minorite Friar, who powers and their reciprocals by an ascending
in 1494 brought out his Arte Maggiore, or what and descending series of exponents. Nor was
he says was vulgarly called the Regola de la his merit confined to algebraic writing: the en

] Born at Eslingen, in Saxony, in 1509, and died at Jean in 1567. Though a profound and inventive mathematician,
he seems to have imbibed all the wild enthusiasm of that convulsed period. Captivatcd perhaps by the wonderful properties
of numbers, he fancied, as other ingenious persons have since done, that he could interpret t e visions of the Apocalypse,
and foretell the end of the world. He was so imprudent as to place that awful dissolution very near hand. Early in the
morning of the day redicted in the year 1553, he assembled his trembling flock in a wide open field, where he endeavoured
to season their min 5 for the tremendous chan by fervid prayers and pathetic exhortations. The sky was lowering, the
darkness thickened, a portentous silence preva ed, and the preacher rol ed his thunders with overpowering energy. But
the clouds soon assed away, the sun shone forth in his wonted splendour, and all nature smiled. I‘he populace recovered
their agitated spirits; and now breathing rage and disdain, they chased the unlucky prophet home with volleys of stones.
592 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

thusiasm of the age seems to have roused the and practice of his profession, possessing great
spirit of invention in him; and Stifelsanti original powers of mind. He reduced Statics
cipated some of the later discoveries, pointed and Hydrostatics to their simplest principles;
out the nature of Logarithms, explained the pro and in his Arithmetic or Algebra, printed in
perties of figurate numbers, and showed how 1585, be extended the range of calculation by
the co-efiicients of the powers of a binomial several fine improvements and discoveries.
quantity may be derived from the columns of Marking the unknown quantity with a small
what has been since called the arithmetical tri circle, be denoted its power by inserting the in
angle. Scheubcl a few years afterwards pursued dex ; and was enabled, by prefixing a fraction,
the same path, yet without adding any thing to represent also the roots. But, besides improv
material to the science. In this state it made its ing and simplifying the symbols, he enriched
way at last into England, where Recorde,1 an the analytic art by his inventions, and gave a
ingenious though unfortunate man, printed the general method for the resolution of numerical
Cassie Art at London in 1553. He was the equations. The works of Stevin were, in 1625,
first to propose the sign = for equality, but collected and expanded by his countryman Gi
made no other advances; and during a. period rard,‘I a man likewise of most original concep
of most active enterprise, till the close of the tion, who eagerly promoted the objects of science.
century, Algebra was not cultivated at all in this Four years afterwards this editor produced a
country. small tract exclusively his own, and full of new
In the meanwhile France continued the pur and ingenious deductions. He there gave a very
suit of the mathematical sciences. Ramus had complete theory of equations, distinguishing
revived those abstract studies; but Vieta, who them into their several orders, and proving that
succeeded him, and flourished between the years they had always a corresponding number of
1570 and 1600, rose by his numerous discoveries roots; he showed how these roots are succes
to much higher eminence; a. lawyer by pro sively combined in forming the co-eflicients of
fession, yet a man of great learning, and gifted the several terms; and finally anticipated the
with profound and original genius, conjoined remarkable rule discovered by Newton, to find
with the most indefatigable application. Vieta the sums of their different powers. Girard was
introduced the literal or specious Algebra, and possessed of fancy as well as invention; and his
thus rendered its procedure quite general, by fondness for philological speculation led him to
employing the Roman capitals always to denote frame new terms, and to adopt certain modes of
numbers, the vowels being appropriated to un expression which are not always strictly logical.
known quantities. He likewise traced vari Though he stated well the contrast of the signs
ous distinctions, and framed several significant plus and minus, in reference to mere geometrical
terms, which are still retained. But while be position, he first introduced the very inaccurate
improved the analytical symbols, he greatly ex phrases of greater and less than nothing, and began
tended the theory of equations, and cultivated the unfortunate appellation of impossible quan
with success the prolific and important subject tities.
of angular sections. » It is indeed the reproach of modern analysis
Flanders at this period equally displayed the to be clothed in such loose and figurative lan
spirit of invention. Stevin of Bruges, born guage, which has created mysticism, paradox,
about the middle of the sixteenth century, was and misconception. The Algebraist, confident
an engineer eminently skilled both in the theory in the accuracy of his results, whenever they

‘ Robert Recorde, born of a good family in W'ales, about the year l506-studied at Oxford, and elected a fellow there in
1531. He embraced the medical profession, but taught mathematics at both universities, and afterwards in London, where
between the years 1651 and 1557 he published several elementary treatises on Geometry and Algebra, with quaint titles.
But llccorde was unfortunate, and having been thrown into the Fleet for debt, he died a prisoner in 1558.
’ Albert Girard published his edition of Stevin‘s Arithmetic in 1625, and his own discoveries in Algebra in a small
quarto at Amsterdam in 1629 He died in 1633, and his widow the year utter put forth his complete collection of Stevin‘s
works.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 593
become significant, hastens through the suc feet the language and darken the conceptions
cessive steps to a conclusion, without stopping of algebraists. A disposition has also prevailed
to mark the conditions and restrictions impli in modern times, of hastening to general con
cated in the problem. This rapidity of opera clusions, although the data be limited or imper
tion, though in many respects most advanta— fect. Such careless deductions are but awkward
geous, yet afi'ords less mental exercise than the ly amended, by the adoption of expedients more
cautious and guarded procedure of the Greeks. like the fictions of lawyers than the reasonings
It will not be deemed foreign to the scope of this of sound logicians. The introduction of equal
discourse, to remark, that the signs plus and minus and impossible roots of equations served only
confer no distinctive character, but merely in to restrict the ordinary rules, which had been
dicate that the number to which they are pre made too general, representing the number of
fixed, is to be annexed to some other number, roots as always equal to the index of the highest
or digbined from it. The terms additive and power. The involution or repeated multiplica
subtractive would expres correctly their whole tion of binomials will produce the successive
import. The rules for the involution of those orders of expressions, which pass into equations
signs are derived from the consideration of the on the supposition that any one of them vanishes
properties of compounds, arising from the addi or has its parts mutuallybalanoed. But the con
tion or multiplication, for instance, of the bino verse of this proposition will not always hold
mials a i b and c :t: d. The operation proceeds true, That every compotmd expression is re-.
by detail ; but the real meaning of the notation solvable into as many binomial factors as the
may be suspended, and it becomes significant index of its highestpower signifies. Several forms
only after the several members have been recom even of the quadratic or cubic expressions resist
bined. A number, in strict language, is alto all binomial decomposition. But it is a property
gether devoid of quality, and can be reckoned demonstrated, that every higher expression what
neither positive or aflirmative, nor negative, which ever may be resolved into binomial or trinomial
designations are accidents, and not attributes. 1 In factors, or into simple or quadratic elements. Im
proposing these terms, Vieta did not, therefore, possible quanlities are thus merely the symbolical
discriminate the precise nature of the symbols; exhibition of the binomial factors of a quadratic
and his powerful example has continued to in or trinomial expression which is irreducible; and

\ This distinction might{perhaps have satisfied the scruples of the late venerable Baron Maseres, who wrote an express
treatise against the abuse 0 the Negative Sign, which he came to view with a sort of aversion as the main source of the incor
rcct language and vague conception so prevalent smon algebruists. Though not quite entitled to the rank of a discoverer,
that excellent person deserves a place in the history 0 Mathematics, for his valuable contributions, and his zealous and un
wearicd exertions to promote accurate science. He was an able geometer, a profound constitutional lawyer, a man of
Sound and most extensive leaniing, and of very general information. But he possessed the higher qualities of our nature,
and combined liberality of sentiment and unbending integrity with the feelings of a kind, generous, and social disposition.
His Element: of Trigonvmdry was the completest treatise in English at the period of its appearance. He nlterwards im
proved the solutions of cubic and biquadratic equations, and illustrated the methods of approximating to the resolution of
equations in general. But the most important service be rendered to mathematical science consists in reprinting at great
expence, and chiefly
quarto volumes. for distribution,
From his anxiety tothe series of ori file
be perspicuous, ~nal
wasauthors in logarithms,
apt to fall with ample
into the opposite annotations,
extreme of tiresomeinprolixity.
six lsrge
The grandfather of Mose-res was an ofiicer in the French guards, horn in the district of Beam, and a Hugonot, who, on
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, retired to Holland, and transferring his services to the Prince of Orange, accompa
nied the Preservcr of our liberties into England, and fought by his side in Ireland. The grandson having embraced the
profession of the law, was soon alter the peace of 1763, probably on account of his intimate acquaintance With French lun
gpage and customs, n upointcd Attorney General of Quebec, where he resided till l170. At leavin his charge, he visited
oston and New Yor ', while that agitation was fermenting which burst into open revolt. Soon ul er his return to Eng.
land, he iublishcd in successive volumes his Canadian Freeholder, in which he refuted the despotic maxims of Lord Mans
field, on earnestly recommended conciliatory measures with our American colonics. But it was a time of infatuation and
disaster. Msscres by his firmness gave mortal offence to the courtiers, and never obtained any promotion, further than
the small sins-cure office of Cursitor Baron of Exehc'qucr. But fortune had abundantly provided for all his wants, and he
enjoyed unbroken health, and the renovating pleasures of study and social intercourse. The Baron had composed a full
and learned treatise on Life Annuities, and matured a plan for securing small pensions from Government to such of the
poorer classes as should make certain contributions dunn the vigour of their days. This he embodied in a Bill which
passed the Commons, but was lost in the House of L0 is, through the influence of the Bisho s, who seem to have consis
dered paupcrism as a right appendage to their splendid ecclesiastic establishment. He diet at lteignte in May 1824,
at the very advanced age of 93.
DlSS. IV. 4 I
 594 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the mark of impossibility is removed, either by a

marking of exponents, during the short period
change of the signs, or by a recombination that from Descartes to Newton.
restores those factors to their primitive bino But the French philosopher effected a revolu
mial form. Such notation may indicate the li tion in scientific procedure, by applying (what
mits of a problem, and seems to originate in his countryman Vieta had only partially at.
neglecting the previous statement of the limita— tempted before) the symbols and calculations of
tions.1 In reference to Geometry, the impossi Algebra to the solution of geometrical problems.
ble expressions intimate the transition of the By referring curve lines to co-ordinates or mu
circle into the equilateral hyperbola, or of arcs tual perpendiculars, he expressed their relations
into logarithms. by equations, of which he distinguished the rank
The publication of the Geometry of Descartes and composition. He showed that a biquad
in 1687 is justly deemed an epoch in the his ratic equation is, by the help of indeterminate
tory of analytical science. The capacious mind co-eflicients, resolved into two quadratics, and
of the author seized on all the preceding disco may be constructed by combining a circle with
veries, and moulded them with his original in a conic section. The construction of a cubic
ventions into a regular and comprehensive sys equation was somewhat simpler, though derived
tem. He gave rapidity to the writing of Al from the same principles. But Descartes pro
gebra by the introduction of small characters, ceeded still farther, and represented what are
and rendered the distinction more palpable be now called curves of double curvature, by re
tween known and unknown quantities, by the ducing them, by a series of perpendiculars, to
appropriation of the initial and final letters some plane of projection. These were all im
of the alphabet. He adopted the notation of portant advances in mathematical speculation.
the integral exponents or indices, as reduced to Attempts have been made to apply the Car
its simplest form by Herigon; and this appa tesian method even to Elementary Geometry,
rently very slight improvement led, in the se which is in fact to convert a clear and simple
quel, to the most important results. Though train of reasoning into a sort of hard mechanical
the index was at first merely a contraction for process of calculation. This change, were it Ms
the repeating of the same letter in the involution tainable, would be the reverse of an improve
of powers, yet it acquired a most extensive im ment. It would extinguish that fine study which
port when it came to be treated abstractly as a affords the best exercise and discipline of the in
number. The prefixing of the subtractive sign tellectual powers. The wonderful dexterity and
changed the expression into its reciprocal, and readiness which men of such teeming invention
the substituting of a fraction converted it into as the Bernoullis, Euler, and Lagrange gene
the symbol of evolution or the extraction of rally displayed in managing algebraic analysis,
roots. Nothing can better illustrate the effi appear to have seduced their admirers into an
ciency of a systematic notation, as an instru over-estimate of its real advantages. The con
ment for enabling the intellect to pursue and structions derived from algebra very seldom reach
generalize its deductions, than the successive the purity and elegant simplicity of the geome
modifications which analogy suggested in the trical methods. In those cases where Geometry
\
‘ A very aim is problem willillustrate this: Suppose it were required, from a given point, to draw a tangent to a
given circle. T e construction would he, to join the centre with the given point, and upon the connecting line describe
a circle to cut the former in the points of contact. It is evident, that if the given point occu ied the extremity of the
diameter, there would be only one point of contact; and if it lay within the circle, there coul be none. This construc
tion hence intimates sufficiently the conditions of the problem; and yet it fails in the case where the circle described
merges in the given point, and con uently ceases to determine the position of the tangent. The ulgebraical solution,
if rightly interpreted, gives similar in ormation. Let r denote the radius of the given circle, and a the distance from
its centre to the given point; then J‘s—'1 1" will express the length of the tangent, which only requirm to be inflected
tothe given circumference. But if the given point full on that circumference, then a = r and the origin and termination
of the tangent coincide, leaving its position undetermined. Again, if the given point lie within the circle, a will be less than
I, ind consequently the subtractive portion _- r' will predominate over the other portion a', and the compound radical
J a“ - r' become impossible. It serves to show, however, that by a change of condition the problem would be rendered
soluble. .k
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 595

is most felicitous, they betray the features of a. Higher Equations. But though Euler solved
clumsy and artificial combination. The applica biquadratics in a different way from that of
Descartes, all attempts to find directly the roots
tion of Algebra should therefore be reserved for
the most arduous and complicated problems in of the fifth and the superior orders of equations
the Higher Geometry. had totally failed. It became necessary therefore
In the latter part of the seventeenth, and du to have recourse to the approximative methods
ring the course of the eighteenth century, Al of resolving equations. Successive improve
gebra still continued to advance; and though it ments in the process of calculation were made
underwent no reVolution, it acquired greater by Raphson, Halley, Lagny, and Taylor; so
perfection in all its details. The construction that little seemed wanting for any practical end.
of cubic and biquadratic equations, which Des During the last century likewise the method
cartes had effected by combining a circle with a of series, so various and extensive in its applica
parabola, was afterwards improved; but Newton tion, was cultivated with the greatest success.
proposed the Conchoid as the curve best adapted About the years 1714 and 1718, Montmort1 and
for the practical solution of such problems. James Bernoulli employed it in the investiga
Leibnitz succeeded in conquering the irreducible tion of the Laws of Chance. But De Moivre,0 a
case of Garden, by a bold application of the bi— French refugee, and a man of learning and pro
nomial theorem, having converted the cubic found science, carried these researches much
roots of the compound expressions into two se farther, having devoted his time professionally
ries, with alternate imaginary terms, which are to the calculation of probabilities, and cf the
extinguished by their conjunction. In examin values of life-annuities. In 1780, he published
ing generally the nature of cubic equations, their an original work, which, besides other useful in
solution came afterwards to be referred to theventions, explained the properties of a Recurring
trisection of a Circular or Hyperbolic Sector, and
Series, that always repeats the same succession
was therefore accomplished by the application of co-eficicnts in distinct sequences. About
of a table either of Sines or of Logarithms. The the same time, Stirling3 brought out a complete
theory of the Section of Angles and of Ratios, treatise on Series, in which he advanced by a
founded by the ingenuity of Cotes, furnished a different road to consider their convergence, in
clue to the resolution of certain forms of the terpolation, and summation. This ingenious

' A man of some rank, and an able mathematician, born in 1678 at Paris, where he died in 1719.
' Abraham De Moivre, born in 1667 at Vitri in Chem e. Being a Protestant, he was obliged at the age of eighteen
to seek shelter in England after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Having shown an early taste for Mathematics, he
continued to prosecute the stud as a profession. He supported himself creditably in exile, by giving lessons and readi
public lectures. His analytics discoveries extended his fame, and his good conduct insured him respect. He embrnc
the Newtonian Philosophy, and made some improvements on it. He generalized Cotes‘ famous theorem of the section of
a circle, but turned his attention chiefly to the method of series, which he applied successfully to the doctrine of annuities
and chances. Afier his re utation for such calculations had been establishei 9 it is said that he spent a great part of the
day at Slaughter‘s Cefl'ee- ouse, in St Martin's Lane, where he was ready to answer any question of that nature prm
unded to him, for the fee of one guinea. His principal work on the Doctrine of Chances was published in l738, but the en.
rged and improved edition bears date 1756. De Moivre lived to a great age, but in his advanced years he was subject to
obstinate fits of sleeping, and in that torpid state he remained for at least several weeks, till death closed the scene in
November 1754.
' James Stirling, born about the year 1690 in Stirlingshire, where his father owned a small property. He was educated
at Glasgow, and sent b that University on Snell's Foundation to Baliol College in Oxford. Dunn his retreat there
he applied himself so di igently to the stud of Mathematics, that he printed in 1117 a small tract on ines of the Third
Order, with new solutions of one or two di cult problems by the fiuxronary calculus. .He then repaired to London, and
becoming acquainted with the Venetian Minister, he accepted an invitation to settle at Venice, where he resided several
years, and taught Mathematics. The vicinity of Padus gave him an opportunity of ac uiring the friendship of N icholns Ber
noulli, nephew of the two elder Bernoullis, who was Mathematical professor in that niversity. During his stay at Venice,
Stirling contrived to gain access to the manufacture of glue plates, and escaping at some personal risk, he is said to have
transferred the secret to En land. He now conducted a mathematical or nautical school on '1 ower Hill, while he maintained
a correspondence with the p ilosophers both abroad and at home. Here he published his great work on the Diferznh'al Me.
0:04 and Series in 1730. After toiling in his academy several years, he was induced to leave London, and undertake the
direction of the Mines at Lesdhills in Scotland. In that elevated district near San uhar he resided durin the rest of
his life, and by his skill and activity he greatly improved the operations of extracting the(lead ore. He now hel a profitable
employment, but his high mathematical fume would have secured him the honour of succeeding Muclaurin in l746,if he had
not at that unhappy period been tainted with Jacobite principles In his letter years he seems to have confined his attention
to practical concerns, and died at Leadhills in 1772.
596 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

mathematician followed no general procedure, brought the mode of this elimination into a
but showed great felicity and address in trans regular system, which removes all the ditiicul
forming one series into another. The subject ties. Among the promoters of Algebraical
was at different times partially extended by Science may be ranked our countryman Dr
Simpson, Maelaurin, Landon, Lorgna, Hutton, Waring,“ a profound analyst, but unfortunately
Waring, Pfafl', and Kramp. Euler handled Sc an obscure and confused writer. His Miscel
ries with his usual fulness, perspicuity, and pe lanea Analytz'ca and other detached pieces dis
netration; and yet Lagrange and Laplace, in cover uncommon penetration and originality of
surveying that field, have gleaned fresh disco conception, and though neglected at home, they
veries, which the latter of these illustrious men have, notwithstanding their repulsive form, been
applied most happily to develope the Theory of duly appreciated by the great mathematicians
Probabilities. '. r on the Continent. 1 - v
The composition of equations was at the same The latest improvement that Algebra has
time investigated with more address and preci received consists in the Combinatorial Analyst's,
sion. The rule for distinguishing the positive which may be viewed as an important extension
and negative roots from the alternating signs, of the principles of the binomial theorem. Vieta
which Descartes had merely stated, now received traced the rudiments of the doctrine, which was
a strict demonstration by Scgner. The mode successively enlarged by Mersenne, Guldinus,
of finding the impossible roots, or rather the Sehooten, Pascal, Wallis, James Bernoulli,
quadgitic factors, of an equation, which Newton De Moivre, and Euler. But it has received its
probably had inferred from mere induction, was greatest expansion in Germany, and chiefly
traced by Maclaurin to its real source. D’Alem from the laborious and persevering researches
bert proved that every irrational expression is of Hindenburg, who first published a tract on
reducible to the form A" :1: ,/ - B“; or, in other this subject in 1779, and resumed the discussion
words, that every compound expression of a in the years 1798, 1794, and 1795. He was
higher order may be resolved either into simple followed in the same line of investigation, by
or quadratic factors. This is the most import Burckhardt, Rothe, De Prassi, and Pfafl'; and
ant concluion perhaps relating to the nature of this interesting branch of analysis now forms a
equations. But the general theory was never part of the algebraical course pursued in the Ger-,
so clearly and completely discussed as by Gauss, man States. It throws much light on the theory
in a small work published by him in 1779. of equations, renders more general the method of
Various methods, and several of them elegant, series, and facilitates the calculation of chances.
have been proposed by Euler and others for In the application of Algebra to Geometry,
simplifying and expediting the approximation Euler, pursuing the route marked out in 1727‘
to the roots of equations. When a question in by Frederick Mayer, has given such extension
volved the powers and products of more than to the properties of Angular Sections, as to cre
one unknown quantity, it exercised the skill of ate almost a new science, bearing the appellation
algebraists to separate them; but Bezout1 has of the Arithmetic of Series. Vieta prepared the

' Stephen Bezout, born at Nemours'on the 31st March l730-led accidentally to the study of Geometry, and fired
by the perusal of the Eloger of Fontenelle. Having soon distinguished himself by proficiency in blathematical Science,
he was appointed Examiner to the Navy in 1763, and Examiner of the Artillery Department 1768. In the discharge of his
duty in those offices, he gained the love and respect of the youth by his impartiality, kindness, and solicitude for their ad
vancement. He published The General Theory ofEquafion: in 1779, and gave further proofs of his original inventive powers
in other occasional Memoirs. But he has owed his celebrity chiefly to the excellent Course qf Mathematics compiled for
professional education, which is highly esteemed and generally adopted on the Continent. The constitution of Bezout was
pmmaturely exhausted, and he died of a malignant fever on the 27th of September 1783. '
' Edward \Varing, born near Shrewsbury in l736. He studied at Cambridge, where he distinguished himself so much
in abstruse calculations, that he was elected, after a hard contest, Lucasian professor of Mathematics in January 1760.,
He led the life ofu recluse student, and though a man of great worth, he was unfitted by his extreme diflidence for the
general intercourse of society. His latter years appear to have been spent at his place of nativity, where he died on the
15th August 1798. \Varing had not entirely confined his application to mathematical research; he printed a metaphysical
tract of considerable merit, which was distributed among his friends; and it deserves mention, that he there distinctly
brought forward the philosophical view of Causation which is now very generally embraced.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
way, and the Bernoullis had advanced farin the superficial or profound, from the size of a primer
research, but it was reserved for their great dis
ciple to expand and convert their conclusions
into a compact body of doctrine. This im
portant branch of Analysis has continued to
be much cultivated in Germany, under the
more expressive name of Goniomeb'y, which was
first applied by Lagny in the Parisian Transac
tions for 1724, to an ingenious method proposed
by him for measuring angles.1 Pfafi' has lately
enlarged it with the properties of the multiple
tangents, and his countryman Mollweide has
likewise made some valuable additions. The
store of formulw now collected is of the utmost
utility in transforming and reducing into prac
tical operation the different series adopted by
Physical Astronomy.’ mm. "no
Algebra has also been applied with advantage to
Goniometry generally, as comprehending the so
lution of thecases both in Planeand Spherical Tri
gonometry. This was early attempted by Girard,
but carried to its completion by Euler and La—
grange. Some concise and elegant formula: have
been deduced, which facilitate and diversify the
practice of computation. In short, if Algebra
were purged of the vitious language and inaccu
rate conceptions that pervade it, and which were
early introduced by the confidence of rapid and
careless calculators, it might at last claim the
character of a perfect science.
The number of elementary treatises of Algebra
which have been produced in various languages
during the currency of the eighteenth century,
appears quite incredible. They are almost ephe
meral, and assume every feature and dimension,
3 597.
to the magnitude of a lexicon. A very few of
those works claim the highest praise, and may
retain their hold of education. The Algebra
of Euler is in various respects a most remark
able production. That illustrious analyst, when
totally deprived of sight in his advanced age,
dictated it in the German language to a young
domestic, whom he trained for an amanuensis.
He was obliged therefore to be plain, distinct,
and pcrspicuous; and these qualities he com
bined with richness of invention. The second
volume had an air of originality, which made
it peculiarly interesting. It treated of Diophan
tine Problems, and the resolution of Indetermin
ate Equations,‘ and was afterwards expanded in
the French version by the masterly annotations
of Lagrange. In our own language, Maclau—
rin’s Elenwnts of Algebra, though a posthumous
worlr, is perhaps the ablest on the whole, and
the most complete. The bulky volumes of Dr
Sanderson,‘ which were likewise printed after
the death of the author, are commendable chief
ly as the production of an ingenious person,
amicted from infancy with the calamity of total
blindness; they have little claims to depth, ori
ginality, or logical precision, but possess the
merit of being eminently clear, methodical, and
copious even to difi'usion. The Alyebm of
Thomas Simpson is a work of an opposite dc
scription—brief, condensed, and marked with
traits of invention. Passing over the numerous
smaller treatises which have run through the
schools, the compilation of Emersonb deserves
notice. It forms part of the Gyclomaahesis, or

‘ This consists in performing h the help of compasses a repeated decomposition, similar to what is effected in the re
duction ofa common to a continue fraction. There being in practice generally a balance of errors, the numerical relation
hence derived approximates to great precision. The met od may be applied to the comparison either ot'srcs or of straight
lines.
’ The collection of flnwwle by Hirsch deserves particular commendation.
’ A very simple and regular method of solving such questions is given in the second volume of the Tmdtou of flu:
Royal Society of Edinburgh.
t Nicholas Sanderson, born at Thurleston in Yorkshire in 1682. \Vhen only twelve months old, he lost both eye
balls by small-pox; but showin early capacity, he was sent to the free-school at. Penniston, where he made great profi
ciency in the knowledge of the c assics, and soon understood the works of the ancient Geometers when read to him in the ori
ginal Greek. He afterwards profited by the kind instructions of some mathematical friends, and found himself so for ad
vanced in science, that at the age of 25 be repaired to Cambridge, and established his fame in that university by the
warmth and splendour of his lectures on the Newtonian Philosophy. He was encouraged by the gentleness of Whiston,
who saw no rival; and, on the ejection of that amiable enthusiast in 17“ for heresy or dogmatism, succeeded to the Lu
casian Professorship of Mathematics, the duties of which he continued henceforth to perform with zeal and assiduity. 'l'he
faculties of touch and hearing be ossessed in a wonderful degree: and he was a lively companion, breathin a free and
open disposition. But sedentary liabits impaired his vigorous constitution, and he died of a mortificstion in Ill limbs on
the 19th of April 1739.
5 William Emerson, born in June 1101 at Hurworth, a village near Darlington-the son of a schoolmaster, who taught
him Mathematics, and left him a small property, which he occupied and cultivated. He was a person of strong intellect
598 PRELIMINARY D ISSERTAT'IONS.

series of elementary works in all the depart more wanted for the purpose of education than
ments of Mathematics and Mechanical Philoso a classical treatise on Algebra, which, avoiding
phy, executed with ability by that singular man; all vague terms and hasty analogies, should un
exhibiting a mass of valuable matter, clothed in fold the principles with simplicity and rigid
a slovenly style, and digested without method, accuracy, and follow the train of induction with
or any regard to taste or elegance. Nothing is close and philosophical circumspection.

_ 4. THE HIGHER CALCULUS.

Lnxnm'rz, at his death, left the Calculus which ing, however, some fine analytical discoveries.
he had framed. in a most flourishing condition. Besides producing the beautiful geometrical theo
The superiority of its algorithm, joined to the rem on which is founded the application of Bino
ardour of his disciples and successors the Ber mial Factors, be constructed an ample Table of
noullis, gave it the complete possession of the Fluents or Integrals, which were solved by the
Continent. But in England, the Method of decomposition of fractions, by Logarithms or
Fluxions, now greatly in arrear, was cultivated Circular Arcs. Other ingenious problems are in
only by a very few aspirants. Its inventor had troduced in bi posthumous volume entitled Her-
vacillated about the notation he should adopt, and monia Mensurarum, published in 1722 by his rela
the unfortunate marking by points appeared the tive and successor Dr Smith; but for want of
first time in one of the volumes of Dr Wallis’ the author’s revision, this profound tract is un
works, printed in 1699.1 Newton had published luckily so concise and obscure as to need a com
nothing separatelyon the subject, till the Tract on mentary. Some of the propositions were neat—
Huxions, drawn from the recesses of his closet, ly demonstrated by John Bernoulli; but De
made its appearance in 1704; which, though Moivre considerably extended the doctrine, which
full of ingenuity, was then decidedly imperfect was afterwards reduced into a systematic form
and insufficient. But Cotes‘I and Taylor5 labour by iValmesley.
ed successfully in extending the analytical dis Dr Brook Taylor was a man of rich invention
coveries of their great master. The former, one and elegant accomplishments, who supported
of the brightest mathematicians whom England with dignity the reputation of English science.
has produced, died at an early age, after achiev He was indeed our only mathematician that,

and considerable talent of invention: but affected singularity, and indulged coarse boorish habits. Having a mechanial
turn, he constructed his own instruments, and delineated all the figures he wanted. His best worlr, perhaps, was the tree
tise of Increments, but his System of Mechanic: has had the eatcst currency among all ranks of students. In the de
cline of life he sufl'ered much from the cruel attacks of grave , and died after a lingering illness on the 20th Ma 1782.
l The earliest mode used by Newton for denoting a Fluxion seems to have been a zero prefixed to the variab equantit .
Thus, the fluxion of r" was written n 1"“ 1 or. It is evident therefore that the great inventor must have then had near y
the same conception of the origin of Infinitesimals as his rival Leibnitz.
I Roger Cotes, born July 10, 1682, at Burbach in Leicestershire, of which his father was rector. Havin shown an
early and decided inclination to Mathematics, he was encouraged by his uncle, the Rev. John Smith, who carried the boy
to his house in Lincolnshire, and carefully instructed him in the principles of science. Hence he removed to St Paul‘s
school, where he made great progress in classical attainments, but still found leisure to cultivate his favourite studies.
Thus accomplished, he was sent to Trinity College at Cambridge, and advanced through all the gradations with unrivalled
distinction. In January 1706, he was elected unanimously to the chair of Astronomy and Experimental Philosophy,
which had been just founded by Archdeacon Plume. He took orders in 1713, and at the desire of Dr Bentley superin
tended the printing of the second edition of the Principia, to which be furnished a learned and ingenious pretbce. His
genius and uncommon talents had raised the highest expectations, when a putrid fever snatched him away in the full tide
of v~ our, on the 5th of June 1716. Newton in his latter days used often to exclaim with a modest feeling ofregret, “ If Cotes
had ved we should have known somethin ." This very promising philosopher was perhaps rather fastidious; for, except a
short. but ingenious essay on Logarithms, e produced nothing of decided importance during his lifetime. The papers lefl'.
by him in an imperfect and unfinished state were collected and published with some annotations by his cousin and succes
sor Dr Robert Smith.
1 Born in atiiuent circumstances at Edmonton in Middlesex in 1685; studied at Cambridge, where be distinguished
himself, and passed through the successive gradations with the greatest applause. The mathematical and phfysicel sciences
were his favourite pursuits, but be embraced neral learning and cultivated the fine arts, being ecially ond of paint
ing and music. Fortune enabled him to indiiléé his taste. He held the office of Secretary tot 9 Royal Society for a
few years, and afterwards visited the Continent. - His mind was most acute and inventive; but, though methodical on the
whole, he was at no pains to unfold his original conceptions. He died at an early age in 1731.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 599
after the retreat of Newton, could safely enter the son of James Riccati, pursued likewise the
the lists with the Bernoullis. His most original same road. A curious kind of problems was
work, the Methodue Irwrementorum, published in started by Fagnano,‘ another Italian Count, to
1715, unfolded the elements of the increase and determine those Elliptical or Hyperbolic Arcs,
decrease of a variable quantity or function. It which have their difference expressed by an
was a fine extension of the Differential or Flux algebraical quantity. This led Euler, in 1756,
ionary Calculus, and constituted a new and im to invent a very comprehensive method of deter
portant branch of the Higher Analysis, which mining particular integrals, that Lagrange im
has since received an appropriate algorithm, and proved in 1766 and 1769, and which he himself
acquired the appellation of Finite Di erences. again simplified in 1778. Our ingenious coun
The Method of Increments was applied to the tryman Landon has chanced to fall into a simi
summation of series, and a variety of difficult lar train, having in 1775 converted the formula
problems, of which it afforded easy and rapid so for the rectification of the Hyperbola into an
lutions. It furnished the first investigation of the other which includes two arcs of an Ellipse, to
motions of a vibrating cord, showing that the gether with an algebraical quantity. The rec
harmonic curve is aTrochoid or Prolatc Cycloid. tification of the Ellipse has been since improved
Among otherimprovements, it contained the cele by Legendre and Ivory.
brated theorem for the expansion of a magni To obtain the differential of any integral ex
tude, arising from the combination of its succes pression, is always practicable; the great diffi
sive orders of differentials, which has deserved culty consists in reversing the problem, and find
ly retained the name of its ingenious author. ing the integral which corresponds to a given
This elegant formula is of extensive use in al differential equation. Such equation must be
most every analytical inquiry, and even performs rendered complete before the integration is ef
the inverse process of Fluxions, by exhibiting in fected. It was hence a question of much im
many cases at once the resulting fiuentor integral. portance, to save unavailing efforts, by deter
But the notation employed was imperfect, con mining the conditions necessarily required for
sisting merely of accents instead of points; and integration. Euler, as usual, was the first to
the Tract, like other works of Taylor, affected discover the rule in 1786 ; but, only three years
a degree of brevity which borders on obscuri afterwards, it was without any communication
ty. It was therefore elucidated by- Nicole, an produced by Fontaine and Clairaut. At a later
eminent French mathematician, in a series of period, Euler extended the conditions of integra
able dissertations, between the years 1717 and bility to the higher orders of Differential Equa
1727. The Taylorian Theorem itself has been tions, which Condorcet demonstrated with equal
successively modified, transformed, and extend simplicity and elegance.
ed by Maclanrin, Lagrange, and Laplace, whose The Modern Analysis thus constantly advan
names are attached to their several formulae. cing, received a capital extension about the middle
The Italian mathematicians contributed ma of the last century, by what is termed the Cal
terially to the progress of the Higher Calculus. culus of Partial Dzfiizrences, which applies with
The Integration of a class of Differential Equa singular felicity to the solution of the most ardu
tions was proposed by Count Riccati, and solved ous and recondite physical problems. It would
in different ways by himself and the sons and be difficult to communicate any distinct concep
nephews of the first Bernoullis. Manfredil in tion of this subtle doctrine to the uninitiated,
1707 gave askilful solution of differential equa but the object proposed may be stated generally
tions of the first degree; and in 1722, Vincent, as, the method of finding the function of several

‘ Born at Del a in 1674-ap inted professor of Mathematics there in 1698, and astronomer to the Institute of B0
logna in 111]. e died in 1739, aving produced several excellent works, in which his taste, learning, and science ap
pear conspicuous.
' Born about 1690 at Senegaglis in the Roman State, where he died in 1760. His mathematical researches were pub
lished in two volumes q uarto, at Pesaro, in 1750. He devoted much attention to the remarkable properties of the curves
mlled Lemmas.
 600 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

' variable quantities, from the relation merely of Euler, 'who was far superior to any feeling of
the Difi'erential Co-efiicients contained in‘their jealousy, readily embraced this improvement,
Complete Difi'erential. The first specimen of and bestowed on it the denomination of the Calh
this sort of Integration was given by Euler in culus of Variations, of which he explained the
1734‘ ; but D’Alembert expanded the process in principles and application, after the most com
his Discourse on the General Cause of Winds, plete manner, in a tract appended to the third
~which appeared in 1749. It was likewise em volume of his great work. The distinction be
‘ployed by both these illustrious mathematicians tween Difl'erentials and Variations is rather
in the rigorous solution of the problem of the subtle, yet may be easily conceived by consid
~vibrating musical string, the position of any ering the nature of the Parabola. When an
point in the harmonic curve depending evidently ordinate shifts into a proximate position, both
on the interval of time, as well as on the relation it and the corresponding absciss acquire Di er.
between the absciss and ordinate. But Euler cntials ,- but if the Parameter sufi'er the minut
~left nothing unfinished. In 1762 he resumed the est alteration, the whole trace of the curve will
subject of Partial Difi'erences, and gave a com vary, and the infinitesimal mutation which the
plete explication of its principles, embodying the ordinate thence undergoes is termed its Varia
mode of calculation by ‘an appropriate Algo tion. The algorithm adopted to denote Varia
rithm, in a memoir of the Petersburg Acts, en tions consists of the Greek letters instead of the
titled, Investigatio functicmum ex data difi'erentia Roman or Italic, which have been appropriated
Jimn conditione. But still further progress was to the ordinary DWrenh'aLc. The modes of In
made by him in the third volume of his immor tegration used in both forms are fortunately
tal work on the Difl'erential and Integral Cal convertible.
culus, which came out in 1770. Euler, having The Integration of Differential Equations has
then advanced to differential equations of the at length, perhaps, nearly attained that degree
second order, digested the whole doctrine of of perfection of which it is susceptible. A
Partial Differences into a clear and systematic multitude of expedients are devised for efl'ecting
form. _ Yet several important additions and im the process in particular cases, but no general
provements have been since contributed to this and direct method has been yet found. To inte
intricate subjectvby Lagrange and Laplace, by grate a differential equation of the first order
Nieuport and Trembley. composed of two variable quantities, is the pro
The last great accession to the Higher Analy blem originally known by the title of the Inverse
sis, and somewhat resembling the method of Method qf Tangents, and is commonly solved by
Partial Difi'erences, is the Calculus of Variations. the separation of the indeterminate members,
Of this fine theory, the first trace was shown by which brings it to a question of Quadratures.
the rapid genius of Leibnitz, in his mode of dif Some equations consist of parts which, though
ferentiating a curve whose equation itself is sup notseparately integrable, will yet admit of inte
posed to undergo the minutest alteration. The gration when combined. Others are integrated
controversies of the Bernoullis concerning Isope by the inverse method of factors; but the pro
rimeters and Lines of the Swiftest Descent, aug cess by successive approximations may be re
mented greatly the various resources of that kind garded as in most cases the preferable mode.
of Analysis. But Euler, combining their dis The skill of the analyst is chiefly displayed in
coveries, produced a new and direct mode of find the evolution of series the most converging.
ing such JlIaxima and Minima, and compressed Of the Theory of the Infinitesimal Calculus,
the solutions into a systematic form, in a distinct various modifications have been offered during
treatise published at Lausanne in 1744. This the course of the eighteenth century, which
elaborate performance led the way for the simp help to elucidate the subject by their contrast,
ler and most elegant and comprehensive doctrine and may be regarded as fine speculations, though
created by the early genius of Lagrange, and they should lead to no material improvements in
invested by him with a commodious notation. the practice. The notion of flowing quantities,
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 601
first proposed by Newton, and from which' he The method of Analytical or Derivative Flute;
framed the terms Fluxions and Fluents, appears, tions, which has since acquired such celebrity,
on the whole, very clear and satisfactory; nor was darkly anticipated by Dr Waring, one of
should the metaphysical objection of introducing the profoundest but most obscure of algebraical
ideas of motion into Geometry have much weight. writers. This elegant theory was concisely
Maclaurin was induced, however, by such cavil sketched by Lagrange in 17472, and enlarged
ling, to devote half a volume to an able but thirty years afterwards into a distinct work; the
superfluous discussion of this question. As a re same subject having been treated very fully and
finement on the ancient process of Exhaustions, somewhat differently by Arbogast in 1800. It
the noted method of Prime and Ultimate Ratios, is grounded chiefly on the inversion of Taylor’s
or of the Relations of Vanishing or Evanescent theorem, the co-efficients of the several terms of
Quantities, which Newton preferred in the Prin a Derived or Expanded Function involving the
cipia, deserves the highest praise for accuracy of successive orders of its Differentials. But La
conception. It has been justly cemmended by grange deduces the formula from considerations
D’Alembert, who expounded it copiously, and purely analytical, and endeavours thence to erect
adopted it as the basis of the Higher Calculus. a science on strict logical principles, entirely
The same doctrine was likewise elucidated by disengaged from ideas of Infinitesimals or of
our ac'ute countryman Robins,l who did not Vanishing Ratios. It may however be doubt
scruple to seize the occasion of making a coarse ed whether, with all his ingenuity, he has at
attack on the great Euler. Landen,’I one of tained that object,.or gained, indeed, any real
those men so frequent in England whose talents advantage. A mathematician so deeply imbued
surmount their narrow education, produced, in as that sublime genius with the spirit of calcu
1758, a new fo'rm of the Fluxionary Calculus, lation, would almost spontaneously regard a pro
under the title of Residual Analysis, which, cess of analysis in the same light as a. train of
though framed with little elegance, may be legitimate reasoning. However satisfactory may
deemed, on the whole, an improvement on the seem the origin of Derivative Functions, if we
method of ultimate ratios.s To confer more examine it closely, we shall probably find the
consequence on his innovation, he contrived demonstration to rest merely on the strength of
likewise a set of symbols, and applied his algo analogy, which surely is not the most conclusive
rithm to the solution of different problems. But sort of argument. But though the method of
it never obtained any currency, and soon fell Derivations should not possess that logical supe
into oblivion. riority over the Fluxionary or Differential Calcu

‘ Benjamin Robins, hem of Quaker parents at Both in 1707. He discovered early and powerful talents, which be im
proved with intense ardour, and soon emanci ted himself from the trammels of his cold and narrow sect. Mathematics were
isfavourite study, but he enriched his min by a course of extensive reading and the pursuit of neral information. He
became a successful teacher of those sciences in London, and turned his attention to their practical application. Having
cultivated also the art of writing, he distinguished himself by several controversial pieces in science, and even assisted by
his pen the opposition to Wal le‘s administration. He was now so well known as a clever writer as to be employed in
correcting \V ter's account 0 Anson's Voyage round the World; but finding the performance very poor, he re-com
the whole. The up cc of this celebrated work in 1748 secured the patronage of the Admiral, and he was appointed
Engineer General to the Exist India Company. He sailed from England at Christmas 1749, and on his arrival in India
began immediately the fortifications at Madras; but he fell a sacrifice to that banet'ul climate on the 29th July 17.31. His
various mathematical works are stamped with originality of conception, and com used in a clear, neat, and forcible style.
' John Lsnden, born at Peakirk in Northamptonshire in January 1719. Bre up to business, he showed an early talent
for Mathematics, which he strenuously cultivated at his leisure hours. In 1162 he was appointed agent to Earl Fitz
william, an employment which he held till within two years of his death. Besides his separate publications, he communi
cated to the Royal Society, at difi'erent times, valuable papers on the most ditiicult parts of mathematical and physical
science, all of them distinguished by depth, ingenuity, and poWert'ul invention. It is onl to be r etted that, perhn
for want of the collision of society, he indulged a dogmatic and pugnscious temper. He ied near his native spot on 1.
15th of January 1790. -
= An example will show how Landen‘s operation might be simplified. Let it be required to find the ratio of the dill
. . . 1" - v“
ferential of z to that of 1". Assume v a proximate value or state of the variable 1:,- thcn by division -;-—v = a“ —'
+ z'- ' v.....r-' n “- ' + v ‘- ', the number of terms being n. But it is evident that the closer 2 comes to v, the nearer
will each of these terms approximate to .r"- ‘. Wherefore, at the coincidence of .1: with v, the differential of 1‘ divided by
the differential of .z- is r“— , and consequently d 1“ = :°-' 4 a.
piss. iv. 4 G
602 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

lus which its author fondly supposed, yet is the
invention entitled to the highest praise for its
beautiful perspicuity and its ready and most ex
tensive application. \Ve have only to regret
that it has required a new system of characters,
when the ordinary notation has become so fa
miliar, and attained so great perfection. Such
mutations, like the diversity of languages, may
be deemed a serious evil, since they divert the
attention to the mere accessaries of learning,
and retard or obstruct the acquisition of real
knowledge. 1

SECTION II.

APPLICATE SCIENCE.

1. DYNAMICS.

Tinsmost important science maybe considered they represent the sides. It would hence be
as grounded on the Composition of Forces. Al easy to derive the general proposition of oblique
though the ancients could not fail to remark forces; but this beautiful property was sufi'ered
that the efi‘ect of two oblique forces is equiva to remain buried amidst an unpublished chaos
lent to the action of some intermediate force, yet of ingenious hints and multifarious projects.
the principle in its simplest form was first dis Near a century more elapsed, till it was re-dis
tinctly stated, after the revival of letters, by the covered in its full extent by Stevinus, a Flemish
famous painter Leonardo da Vinci,’1 who being engineer, who applied it successfully to the ex
likewise a skilful mechanic and engineer, was plication of the common mechanical powers.
acquainted at that early period with the right About the same time, Galileo, exploring the ac
mode of conducting experimental research. He celeration of falling bodies, employed the prin
showed the action of two perpendicular forces ciple of the composition of forces in determining
against a point to be the same as what is de the paths described by Projectiles. Another cen
noted by the diagonal of a rectangle, of which tury nearly passed away before Huygens enrich

' As an introduction to this study, the essay of Robins on Prime and Ultimate Ratio may be read with profit. A very clear
exposition of the principles will be found in the Principioram Calculi Difl'ermtiali: ct Integrali: Erpociliu Elcmcnturia, a thin
quarto published by L‘Huillier of Geneva, at Tubingen, in 1795. But the most complete and perspicuous treatise of
the Higher Analysis unquestionably is Euler‘s great work, comprised in seven volumes quarto, printed at difl'erent
times between the years 1748 and 1797, and consisting of the Introdudio ad Analyse: Infinitorum in two volumes. one
volume of the Calculus DWerentialia, three volumes of the Calculus Integralia, to which have been added two posthu~
mous volumes. The treatise composed in Italian in two small quarto volumes, by the late Professor Paoli, though
entitled only Element: of Algebra, is of a more comprehensive import, and remarkably clear and elegant. The German
language has very full and able articles on every part of the Higher Calculus, in Kliigel’s Mathematical Dictionary.
The large French work of Lacroix is valuable for its contents, but deficient in clearness and elegance. His Abridge
ment seems very obscure and unsatisfactory. The neatest and most concise treatise on the Higher Calculus in the
French language is that of Bossut, in two octave volumes. In English, the Treatise of Fluxions by Simpson may still
be studied with profit. Of Maclaurin’s large work, the first volume contains an excellent account of the ancient method of
Exhaustions, and the second volume is valuable for its physical disquisitions. Our later publications on Fluxions are nu
merous, but have not acquired such a character as might entitle them to any particular notice.
' So called from the name of the place where he was born near Florence in 1452, bein the natural son of a notary.
Bred inandatfiztgance
design, an and country so transcendent
of execution. in art,
But having he soonardently
likewise distinguished himself
cultivated thebyMec
0 ' anical
ina 'ty Sciences,
of conception,
he washarmony of
appointed
director of an Academy of Architecture and Engineering by the Duke of Milan, in which capacity he constructed the
canal of Mortesana, to supply that city with water. But the litical convulsionsof that period drove him back to Florence,
where he resumed his former profession. Near the close of is days he accepted from Francis I. an invitation to France,
where he languished a few months, and expired in the arms of that monarch in 1520. His numerous sketches of projects and
machines, with his observations (written backwards), after having been carried to Paris, are now deposited in the Ambrosi
an Library at Milan, or among the collections at Florence. A digested abstract of these would form a curious monu
ment.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
ed Dynamics with his elegant theorems of the
measure of Centrifugal Force in the case of cir
cular revolutions. But Newton had already,
and without receiving any communication, ex
tended Centrifugal Forces to curve lines in
general, and had thence deduced the elliptical
orbits of the planets. The Dutch philosopher
gave a further expansion to Dynamics, by his published in 1738.,
beautiful theory of the oscillation of pendulums.
librium
John Bernoulli'
or Statics, simplified
by proposing
the science
the principle
of of Bernoullis, and imbued with the taste of the
Virtual Velocities, which Varignon adapted to
the several mechanical powers. This consists
in the fundamental property, that any system at
rest being supposed to suffer a minute derange
ment, if the velocity of each body, estimated
in the same direction, be multiplied into its
mass, all those collected products will extinguish
.each other. Virtual velocities might be there
fore viewed as an extension of the principle of
the lever.
But the same inventive mathematician after
wards produced another radical property, which
he styled the Conservation of Living Forces, and
which had been suggested by the ingenious hy
pothesis employed by Huygens for discerning
the centre of oscillation. The phrase expressed
that permanence, through all the gradual changes
603
of any system of connected bodies, in the ag
gregate of the products of their masses into the
squares of their velocities. This important prin
ciple abridges the solution of various dynamical
problems, and was embraced by Daniel Ber
noulli, the son of its propounder, as the basis of
his able and complete theory of Hydrodynamics,
'
Herman,“ a disciple and countryman of the
Leibnitzian school, published, in 1716, under
the title of Pkoronomia, the first regular treatise
on Dynamics, drawn up in the analytical or
algebraical form. It was clear and compact, but
incomplete, and not distinguished by much novel
ty of conception.
The task of composing a work on Dynamics,
full and original in every part, devolved on
Euler, who exerted all the resources of his pe
netrating genius, aided by intense and indefati
gable application. This capital performance
came out in 1786, in two quarto volumes, en
titled Mechanics, or the Science of Motion, and
exhibited the completest and most elaborate
body of analytical investigation that had been
yet produced. '
James,‘ the elder Bernoulli, in his mode of
treating the problem of the Centre of Oscilla

1 John Bernoulli was born at Bi‘ile on the 7th of Au It 1667, being consequently above twelve years younger than his
brother James. He possessed equal genius, but had a eener and more pertinacious temper. Designed by his father to
be bred a merchant, inclination led him to the culture of letters, which, from the example and instructions of his brother,
he afterwards exchanged for the pursuit of mathematics. The force of his inventive faculty he soon displayed in the reso
lution of those arduous questions which then agitated the scientific world. The spirit of chivalry had about this period passed
ovar to the learned, and the practice of sending mutual challenges incited application and fomented the talent of discovery.
Along with Huygens and Leibnitz, he was the first in solving the problem proposed by his brother, to determine the na
ture of the Catenarian Curve, or the tiexure formed by an equable chain suspended from both ends. Having completed
the usual course of education, and turned his thoughts in 1693 to the medical profession, he toolt a degree in physic. He
now travelled into France, and spent some time at the country-seat of the Marquis de l'Hopital, whom he taught the New
Calculus.were
sciences Proceedin
stran Rlynext to Holland,
conjoined) in thebeUniversity
was appointed in 1695 Professor
of Groningen. The timeof be
Medicine anduired
there in: Mathematics (for these
by his lectures and
writings appears to ave awakened the jealousy or bigotry of the Calvinistic clcr y, who broug t a serious charge against
him, for impu
himself, ing the doctrine
whicgnnepresental of theasresurrection
the body incontinual
in a state of a Thesis maintained by one
mutation, not onlyofthe
iis scholars, andeven
liquid, but composed or corrected
the solid by
parts being
successively absorbed and renewed, and no particle of the composition remainin after a very short term of years. The
coolness of the m 'stratcs, however, effectually silenced the ignorant clamour o the Synod, and Bernoulli was pressed to
remain in Hollan , with flattering offers of promotion. But Bernoulli preferred his native city, whither he was sponta
neously invited to succeed his brother. In this honourable station he spent the rest ofa long life in extendin , by the ac
tivity of his genius, every branch of Mathematical and Physical Science. He corresponded with all the foreign societies,
and the numerous prizes lie bore away roved a source of income. His treatise on seamanship came out in 17“, and hit
dissertation on the elliptical figure of t e planets appeared in 1730. But his various philosophical papers were carefully
collected into four quarto volumes, and published in l742 at Geneva and Lausannc. He died full of years and of glory on
the lat of January 1748.
' These two properties—Virtual Velocities and Cnmtrmtion qf Living Form-are easily and directly proved from the
elementary principle of the composition of forces. See Element: qf Natural Philosophy, p. 134, 135.
' Bum at Ride in 1618. Having been six years Professor of Mathematics at Padua, he accepted an invitation in l724
to Petersburg; but not long afterwards returning home, he beumie Professor of Morals and Public Law in his native
city, where he died in 1733.
‘ James Bernoulli, the first of a most illustrious race of mathematicians, was born on the 27th December 1654, at Bile,
and educated in the seminary of that frontier city. His father wished him to follow the profession ofdivinity, but the im
604 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

tion, struck out a more direct and ingenious wise to Hydrodynamics, comprehending both
procedure, by which the forces exerted are rc- _ the motion and the resistance of fluids.
solved into separate portions, and an equality The slightest incident has often led to the
obtained between their accelerating and retard most interesting discoveries. Few would sup
ing influence. This fine conception, after the pose that the spinning of a common top in
lapse of forty years, appears to have prompted volves the most diflicult conditions in Dyna
D’Alembert‘ to the discovery of the simple and mics, and serves to explain all the intricacies
general principle on which he framed his Trea of the planetary vertiginons motions. Segner,
tise of Dynamics in 1743. In every system of a celebrated professor of mathematics at Got
bodies acting mutually, their several movements tingen, and. afterwards at Halle, and a man of
at any instant of time may be decomposed into original and independent mind, published, in
two portions, one which is retained in the next 1755, a short dissertation, with the modest title
instant, and the other spent ; and since an equi of Specimen Theories Turbinum, wherein he'show
librium must obtain among the lost motions, an ed that every body having a determinate figure,
expression ishence derived for the motions that which after combined impulsions is abandoned
are preserved. The most intricate questions in in free space, will, besides its progressive mo
Dynamics were thus reduced to mere statical tion, perform simultaneously, and without the
problems, and solved constantly in the same easy smallest interference, aconstant and uniform re
and uniform way. Maclaurin’s method of ex volution about each of three principal axes mu
pounding forces by co-ordinates facilitated still tually perpendicular, and passing through the
further the application of this principle, which centre of gravity. These axes of rotation possess
D’Alembert in 174-4- and 1752 extended like some beautiful but abstruse properties, which the

ulse of native genius burst through constraint, and hurried him into the ardent ursuit of geometry and astronomy, which
lie cultivated in private. Alluding to this circumstance, he chose for his device lgliiiethon drivin the chariot of the Sun,
with the motto, “ Invite patre idem verso." He began his travels for information in 1676, visited Geneva, traversed
Fmnce, and eagerly sought the society of men of learning and science. In 1680 he descended to the Netherlands and H01
land, passed over to England, and frequented the philosophical meetings in London. After his return home in N382, he
gave a course of mechanical lectures, in which he exhibited the new discoveries. Being a po' ted Professor of Mathe
matics in 1687, the fame of his vast attainments drew crowds of strangers to the academy. glis genius was a torch of illu
mination, and the most elegant simplicit distinguished all his rofound inventions. In conjunction with his younger bro
ther, he not only found out the secret o the Differential Calculus, on which Leibnitz had given every short and obscure
emy in the Leipsic Acts, but unfolded the rinciplcs with such superior talent and address, that the German philosopher
had the generosity to regard him as entitl to share in the honour of the great discovery. He pursued the New Calculus
with extreme ardour, and applied it most happily to svariety of arduous investigations: He greatly improved'the Method
of Series, extended the Theory of Curve Lines, approximated to the rectification of the Parabola, and discovered many
beautiful properties of cycloids, epicycloids, and spirals. With the logarithmic spiral, which he discovered to renovate
itself by evolution, his fancy was so much struck, that, in imitation of Archimedes, but in allusion to the sublime prospect
of resurrection, when he should “ shufile off this mortal coil," and rise like Phmnix from her ashes, he directed with a fine
enthusiasm this curve to be inscribed on his tomb, with the Ovidian line, “ Eadem mutata rcmrgo.”
But such mighty strides required pro ortional exertion of intellect, and this intense and unremitting application under
mined the constitution of Bernoulli, an carried him to a premature grave. He sunk under a slow fever on the 16th Au
gust 1705. He had nearly finished his great work on the doctrine of series, and the calculation of annuities and chances,
entitled Dc Am Conjcctandi, which was published in 1713. His other miscellaneous productions were not collected till
1744. when they came out in two quarto volumes at Geneva.
‘ Born at Paris 16th November 1717, the fruit of an illicit amour with a lady of high rank, who exposed her infant; but
the father, listening to the calls of nature, settled a competent annuity. He was educated by the .lanscnists in the Col
Iégc dc Quatre Natioru, where he gave early tokens of capacity and genius. After finishing the usual course, he returned
to the family of his nurse, with whom he lived forty years in great simplicity, cherishing his independence, and devoting
himself wholly to mathematical pursuits and the cultivation of general literature. Such was the rogress he made, that he
was admitted, at the age of 24, a member of the Academy of Sciences, and two years atterwnrds e produced his Treatise
on Dynamics. The germs of the Calculus of Partial Differences appeared in his Dissertation on Winds, which obtained
the prize from the Academy of Berlin in 1746. His new dynamical principle he applied to the investigation of the Earth’s
vertiginous motion in 1749, and to the theory of the resistance of fluids in 1752. About this time he engaged with Diderot
in the compilation of the Encyclopfdie, wrote the famous introductory discourse, and furnished several capital articles, espe
cially in mathematical science. ut he now sought to distinguish himself likewise in hilosophy and literature, and pub
lished a variety of tracts, which gave occasion to controversy and violent opposition. fiut this hostility carried his reputa
tion to a higher pitch. He corresponded with theFest Frederick of Prussia, but refused the flattering offers of that M0
narch and of the Empress Catherine of Russia. he literary honours he enjoyed at home were more agreeable to his
taste. Having become secretarv to both Academies, he was esteemed the head of the hilosophical body at Paris. His
works are numerous in various departments. He was a close, accurate, and original ' 'er; and his style partakes of the
same qualities, nest, hard, and precise. He died on the 29th October 1783- -
 - DISSERTATION FOURTH. 605
great Euler investigated with that profound talent that they are often derived from mere abstract
and luminous method which distinguish all his considerations, or the consonance of geometrical
productions. The curious discovery of Segner analogies. But the constituent properties of
drew likewise the attention of D’Alembert and bodies lie beyond the reach of anticipation, and
Lagrange, and deserves to be regarded as one can be explored only by experiment. Every
of the most important additions ever made to the body may be divided into parts, and each of
science of Dynamics. It has contributed signal these parts again subdivided; nor has any limit
ly to the advancement of physical astronomy, been yet found to this repeated process of de
and thrown a clear light on the theory of the composition. Each scparate portion likewise re
nutation of the earth’s axis, and of the precession tains all the properties of the mass from which
of the equinoxes. it was detached. Hence the corpuscular ele
Dynamics might seem to have nearly reached ments, or the materials that form bodies, have
its perfection, when Lagrange in 1788, by com precisely the same character as the compounds
bining the principle of D’Alembert with that of themselves. But though imagination represents
virtual velocities, converted the whole into an an interminable series of subdivisions, such can
absolute analytical science. His procedure was not be the actual constitution of nature, which
to refer the efforts of every particle of amoving is always defined by number and measure. We
system to three mutual perpendiculars, and may therefore infer the existence of certain ulti
thence derive three several differential equations, ' mate portions or atoms, endued with the very
which being integrated, would give the final fewest qualities, but which by their various com
solution of the problem. But to discover a ge binations constitute the particles of matter, or
neral form of integration is the great difficulty form the corpuscular composition of bodies.
which still remains. All attempts to remove Every body whatever can have its dimensions
this obstacle have hitherto failed, and we are contracted or dilated by the application of force;
reluctantly obliged to remain satisfied with mere and the extent of this cfl'ect is limited only by
ly partial and approximative methods. It must our circumscribed power. The atoms must
he confessed that the subtilties of the Higher Ana hence be held together by some mutual appe
lysis have been often displayed with very little tite, whose intensity varies with the interme
effect, and that the most celebrated mathemati diate distance. This tendency is evidently re
cians, in resolving some arduous questions, es pulsive within a certain interval, and attractive
pecially those involving physical considerations, beyond it. But the essence of matter consists
have still not advanced beyond the vague and in impenetrability, and therefore the repulsive
imperfect results-which sagacity had with very force must increase from approximation above
slender aid already attained. Analysts affect too any finite measure. The inherent power, thus
much the air of generalizing, and deceive them variously changing at near intervals, will merge
selves with expectations which are never destined at remote distances into the great law of attrac
to be realized. It is thus that Nature appears tion.
to set limits to the soaring of human genius. Such is a brief outline of the reasoning by
which the ingenious Boscovich‘ in 1759 sup
ported his beautiful Theory of the Constitution
Statics and Dynamics, though really ground of the Universe. It was partly suggested per
ed on observation, depend on principles so haps by the modification first proposed by Clai
simple, and apparently so congruous to reason, raut on the Newtonian System, which assumed

' Roger Joseph Boscovich, born in the small republic of Rugusa on the llth of May 1711; received his elementary
instruction under the Jesuits, who noticed the promising talents of the youth, and sent him to com )letc his education in
their college at Rome. He soon attained great eminence in erudition and science; and became Pro essor of Mathematics
and Astronomy successively at Rome, Pavia, and Milan. In “'53 he performed the mensuraticn of a degree in the Papal
States, and during the intervals of that laborious occu tion he composed in three octave volumes a treatise of ele
mentary mathematics, remarkable for its simplicity and e egance. He was afterwards employed in several public negotia
tions, and the claims of his native state brought ban to London, where he spent some time, mingling in the societies of the
606 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the attractive power to be composed of a small groups, a property which seems deducible from
portion of the inverse cube of the distance, joined the principles of crystallography and the theory
to the ordinary term of the inverse square. But of definite proportions. We thus catch a glimpse
the idea of the Ragusan Philosopher was far of the rccondite composition of corpuscular ele
more general, exhibiting this power as what ments.
algebraists call a of the distance. He The Boscovichian Theory reduces the inves
rendered the conception still clearer by means tigation of the properties of bodies to the utmost
'of a primordial curve stretching to indefinite simplicity, and may be regarded as a very happy
distance, of which the ordinates on either side extension of the great law of attraction. Why
of the axis indicate the corresponding attractive it has not been received with more favour, espe
“or repulsive force. The extended horizontal cially on the Continent, might provoke some
branch includes the solar attraction, the alter surprise. Being probably considered as too
nate convolutions of the curve mark the proxi speculative, it has never been studied with the
mate changes of cohesion, and the final descend attention it deserved. Purged of its antiquated
ing branch, by its continual approach to a per metaphysics and crude chemical notions, it would
pendicular, intimates the insuperable repulsion form the best introduction to general physical
'which prevents the collapse of matter. The in science.
termediate alternations of the curve are un A portion of that beautiful theory, however, is
known; but as in their progress they cross the now, ina modifiedshape, very commonly received,
extended absciss from above or below, they especially by the continental philosophers, who
mark the limits of instability or stability. In view the constituent molecules as held together by
this way the difl'erent constitution of solid, li their mutual attraction opposed to the repulsive
quid, or gaseous substances may be represented. energy among the attached particles of heat. It
The atoms being likewise variously grouped, is a upposition which readily explains the ge
must by their blended action produce that im neral properties of bodies, and serves to elucidate
mense diversity of efl'ects which animate the their structure and internal operations.
spectacle of the external world. The Boscovichian System assumed the gene
It is to be regretted that Boscovich obscured ral principle, that every substance whatever is
his fine theory by an infusion of scholastic me capable of contraction and dilatation. But this
taphysics: He maintained that those atoms or was not admitted at the time in its full extent,
physical points had no magnitude, or differed the noted experiment of the Florentine Acade
from mathematical points only in being endued micians seeming to have established the abso
with primary force. But this difliculty, which lute incompressibility of water. The conclusion
proceeds rather from our modes of conception however was too hastily drawn; for though the
than from the actual state of things, might be liquid included within a hollow sphere of gold
obviated, by supposing the atoms to have real resisted the blows of a hammer, and burst the
dimensions, though far smaller than any assigned shell, yet the celerity with which it spirted
measure. The primordial curve can likewise be through the crevice, only displayed the elastic
presumed to advance, not by insensible grada force resulting, as Bellegradi rightly observed,
tions, but by a succession of most minute steps. from an expansive effort to recover its previous
This slight modification would accord with the condition. But the actual condensation of water
tendency of atoms to collect into certain regular and other liquids under pressure was first shown

learned, and composed his Pom on Eclipm, which exhibits a neat view of the Newtonian Philosophy. Thence he went
with an embassy to Vienna, where he observed the transit of Venus in 1769. On the suppression of the Jesuits by Pope
Ganganelli in 1772, he was invited to France, and appointed Director of O tics. But the Parisian philosophers derided
his school of theology, and undervalued his scientific talents; and after a residence of ten years, he returned in disgu 51‘. to
Italy, and printed in 1784 his Oplucula in five quarto volumes at Bassano. Ch 'n and vexation in the decline of life
geyed on his sensitive mind; and he sunk by degrees into a deep melancholy, which ended in utter and be less insanity.
ut from this deplorable state he was relieved by death on the 13th of February 1787. Boscovich POSSESS a fine geome
trical taste, joined to considerable powers of invention in a variety of subjects.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
experimentally in 1762 by our ingenious coun
tryman Mr Canton, 1 who measured the effect by
means of a sort of large open thermometer, con
taining the fluid in a very capacious glass ball,
which terminated in a long capillary tube. Pro
fessor Zimmerman of Brunswick in 1779 carried
this condensation much farther, having introdu
ced water into the cavity of a brass cannon, and
compressed it by‘a force exceeding the Weight
of 300 atmospheres. Still the popular and ele
mentary treatises, neglecting such decisive facts,
continued to repeat with complacency the para
doxical assertion, that water retains the same
volume under every degree of compression. Nor
607
was the public recalled from its careless ac
quiescence, till the mention of some experiments
of enormous compression performed at great
depths in the Atlantic Ocean. But the cele
brated Oerstedt of Copenhagen has lately made
an elegant improvement of Canton’s method, by
which the condensing power exerted on water
by a progressive pressure as high as thirty at
mospheres, is most easily and accurately measur
ed. Byafurther extension of the apparatus, the
contractility of various solid substances could
likewise be readily ascertained, which might
lead to the detection of facts interesting in the
economy of Nature.

2. HYDROSTATICS AND PNEUMATICS.

Tar. theory of the Pressure and Equilibrium Hydrostatics, or rather Hydrodynamics, which
of Fluids is readily deduced from the principles treats of the Motion qfHuids, is a subject of far
of Statics, joined to the consideration of the in more difiicult investigation. Torricelli gave the
ternal mobility of the fluid particles, or their first traces of this theory, which exercised the sa
absolute indifference to maintaining figure. But gacity of Newton, and yet required considerable
the ordinary demonstration seems incomplete, correction. The fundamental problem is to find
without taking likewise into view that Compres the discharge of water through a small hole in
sibility, which belongs in a more eminent degree the bottom of a cylinder filled with the fluid.
to fluid than even to solid substances. The This efilux amounts only to about five eighth
particles retreat from the action of pressure, con parts of the first emission; and to explain the
tracting on all sides, till the repulsion occasion discrepancy, the immortal author of the Princi
ed by their mutual approach becomes a sufficient pia had recourse to the supposition of a cataract,
countervailing force, difi'usible in every direction. or funnel-shaped conoid, by which the various
Hydrostatics is therefore a complete science. streamlcts bend their course towards the orifice.
The conditions of equilibrium had been discover But the theory was not investigated in a more
ed by Archimedes, but Stevinus traced the efi'ccts rigorous and systematic manner, till half a cen
of fluid pressure, which Pascal afterwards ex tury afterwards, when Daniel Bernoulli’I pub
plained. lished his important treatise of Hydrodynamics.

‘ John Canton, one of our most diligent, skilful, and accurate experimental philosophers, was born at Stroud in Glou
cestershire in 1718. His father, a broad-cloth weaver, bred him to the same trade; but the youth, incited by the lessons
of an elementary teacher, had from his earliest years imbibed a taste for mathematical studies, and continued to devote
every leisure moment to those fascinating pursuits. The ingenuity he showed in constructing sun-dials drew the notice of
his more intelligent neighbours, who kindly fostered his efforts, and lent him instructive books. Nothing has contributed
more in England, not only to spread general information, but to awaken latent genius, than the circulation of popular com.
pendiums and dictionaries of science. \Vith these aids the ardent application of Canton made such rapid and striking pro
gress, that his patrons counselled him to quit the loom and repair to the metropolis, the great mart of talent. In I738 he
was admitted assistant in a mathematical school in Spital Square, and afterwards became partner and successor in the con
cern, which he conducted during the rest of his life. Without aspiring to the higher walks of science, he was active in the
search of knowledge. He devised new experiments, and carefully repeated those in vogue; thus extending our acquaint
ance with Electricity, Magnetism, and some parts of Physical Chemistry. But his career was short, for he ied of a dropsy
in l772.
’ Daniel, son of John Bernoulli, born at Gronin n 9th February l700. conjoined the hereditary talent with a mild
and balanced disposition. He was only five years 01 when his thther returned to Hide, where he prosecuted his educa
tion, and enjoyed the peculiar advantages of paternal aid, and the inciting emulation of his brother Nicholas. Being des
tined for the rofession of physic. he sought to improve his medical attainments by resorting to the schools of Italy. There
he published in 1724 his Ezrrcifatimu‘s Mathemaliva', and already acquired such reputation that he was pressed to become
director of an academy projected at Genoa. This ofler, however, he declined, but soon afterwards accepted, along with his
608 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

.The subject was next discussed in 1744 by of analysis, Daniel Bernoulli was singularly
D’Alembert, and with the depth and origina happy, guiding his steps always by the light of ex-'
lity which distinguish all his productions. This periment and observation. And, since the result
celebrated philosopher, eight years thereafter, of the most elaborate investigation is very seldom
advanced to the arduous investigation of the Re better than a simple approximation, it seems more
sistance of Fluids, and displayed the resources of judicious in such researches to lay the chief stress
his invention, in evolving a variety of ingenious on the estimate of physical principles. After
formulae. Euler likewise, by a series of repeat the most strenuous efl‘orts of genius displayed
ed progressive essays between the years 1755 during the eighteenth century, the theory of the
and 1772, successively simplified the theory of motions of fluids has really not arrived at more
Hydrodynamics, and reduced the doctrine into precise conclusions than those first assigned by
a strict analytical form, the whole comprised in the penetration of Newton. Nay, so far from
two differential equations of the second order. reaching any higher degree of perfection, some
Lagrange followed next, and discussed in 1781 of the recondite speculations of Lagrange and
the chief difliculties which encumbered the Poisson, those particularly relating to the ex
theory; and five years thereafter, he simplified tent and celerity- of waves, and the general un
still further the mode of investigation in his dulatory commotions in fluids, involve conse
Mécanique Analytv'que. quences which are palpably at variance with the
But it is rather mortifying to confess, that known phenomena of Nature. In such compli
these refined speculations are of little avail in cated investigations, the safest mode of proceed
the practice of the science. It is indeed impos ing is to follow the example of astronomers, who
sible, by any efl'ort of analysis, to embrace all determine the co-efiicients of the several analy
the physical conditions concerned in such an in tical formula, by the comparison of observations.
tricate system of internal corpuscular motions. The simplest and most elementary theory is
Assumptions become necessary for the sake of hence rendered subservient to practical use.
abbreviation, and the process of integration it The principles of Hydrostatics constitute the
self is seldom if evercomplete. The results drawn grounds of Naval Architecture, which embraces
from such laborious researches are, after all this the theory of the Construction and Sailing of
parade of rigid accuracy, to be viewed as only Ships. To this very important branch of sci
near approximations, which could often be at ence, Euler turned his mighty talents, and pro
tained by much easier means. It would there duced in 1749 a large and elaborate work, con
fore be preferable in many cases to study the taining a series of ingenious propositions, but
physical relations more closely, avoiding the which unfortunately are not the best adapted to
abuse of abstract calculation, and to rest satis actual practice. About the same time the ce
fied with arriving at the conclusions by a sort lebrated Bouguer,l combining geometrical skill
of balance of errors. In the sober application with the stores of experimental knowledge, exa:

brother, a more flatterin invitation from Peter the Great of Russia, to hold a prominent station in the Institute then
founded in the new capi Nicholas soon sunk under the severity of that northern climate, but Daniel remained till
1783, when he was appointed to the professorship of physic at Bale. In quitting Russia, he did not forget to recommend
for successor his countryman Euler, who, though seven years younger, had been associated in some degree as his fellow.
student. Bernoulli durin the rest of his life pursued at home his philosophical invest' tions with unwearied assiduity
and eminent success. e gpined or shared most of the prizes given by the difierent earned bodies over Europe. In
1734 he divided with his fat er the honour of solving the very difficult problem of the inclination of the orbits of the
planets. But his great rival was Euler, nor did their frequent collision ever cool the warmth of mutual friendship. Ber
noulli long enjoyed the high respect due to his talents, his virtues, and many amiable qualities. He died on the 17th
March 1782.
* Peter Bouguer, born on the 10th of February 1698., at Croisic in Lower Britten , where his father was royal profes
sor of Hydrograph , and had shown abilities by publishing an esteemed treatise of Lav‘ tion. Under such guidance he
imbibed a very ear y taste for mathematics, and having distinguished himself at the Jesuits‘ college of Vannes, he was, af
ter a strict public examination, found qualified to succeed his father when only fifteen years old. Notwithstanding his im
mature age, be discharged the duties of his office with dignity and success. But he found leisure also to pursue his pri
vate studies, and in 1727 he gained a prize of the Parisian Academy for a paper on the Meeting of Ships, and obtained
other prizes in the following years. His Treatise on the Gradation qf Light appeared in 1729, and established his high re
putation. His celebrity always increasing, he was appointed in 1735 to join the famous scientific expedition sent out to
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. is 609

mined the subject in its details, and reduced The most complete set of experiments on the
the theory into a form remarkably simple and resistance of water in narrow canals was made
elegant. When a body floats on the surface of by Bossut between the years 1766 and 1775,
water, it is held in equilibrium by the action of and form the groundwork of his valuable theo
two equal and opposite perpendicular forces retical and practical treatise on Hydrodynamics.
passing through its centre of gravity, and the It hence appears that water has its celerity re
centre of buoyancy or that of the fluid dis duced to the tenth part, by flowing through a
placed by immersion. Its weight draws it smooth leaden pipe whose length is four thou
downwards, while the buoyant efi‘ort presses it sand times its diameter, or that every particle of
directly upwards in the line of support, the ver the fluid has its motion @xtinguished and suc
tical position of those centres being essential to cessively renewed ten times during the passage
the stability of flotation. The centre of buoyancy alongthe extended cavity, bygrazing against sides
.does not remain constant, but shifts with the and again relapsing-into the current. If in this
inclination of the natant body. The sustaining case, therefore, the whole pressure were distin
force may be conceived to act at any point in guished into an hundred equal parts, one of
its direction, and consequently where the line these alone generates the velocity, the remain
of support crosses the axis. On this point of ing ninety-nine parts being expended in merely
concourse, Bouguer bestowed the appropriate surmounting the impediments to the flow. A
name of Metacentre, as the limiting position similar consideration was made the basis of
which determines the conditions of flotation, Practical Hydrodynamics by Dubuat, who in
there being stability whenever it stands above 1786 gave simple and easy formulas, for deter
the centre of gravity, but the contrary if it mining the discharge of pipes, canals, and rivers.
falls below. This Imefill theorem. he had in Smeaton, our celebrated engineer, performed
vented in 1746; and nine years afterwards was a series of experiments by means of small mo
published his investigation of the several motions dels in 1759, on the action of water and wind
of ships under the impulse of wind. That inquiry against the floats or sails of mills. The results
rested too much, however, on the ordinary re obtained on such a narrow scale have, notwith
sistance of fluids, which needs material correc standing their unavoidable imperfection, bccri
tions. It is not very diflicult to measure the adopted into general practice. Other later ob
primary shock of the fluid particles; but, since servations made by Banks have likewise gains
they accumulate on the front of the body while it ed credit among our artisans. The most skilful
advances, the most arduous task is to estimate experiments however of that kind were institut
the force expended, in turning them aside into ed by Eytelwein of Berlin in 1799. But the
the general mass, and restoring the diffuse qui recent observations made at Fahlun in Sweden
escence. To include such multiplied conditions, are decidedly the completest and most scientific
which are still essential towards a correct and which have been yet performed.
complete solution of the problem, would evi The usual method of investigating the resist
dently transcend the powers of the most com ance of Fluids is to estimate the momentary
plex analysis. The utmost that can be effected shock or impact of their particles against the
is only an approximation, which may be easily anterior surface of the penetrating body. But
obtained by adopting a simplified hypothesis, a more complete and elegant solution may be
and correcting the terms from observation. derived, from considering the pressure caused by

measure a de es of the meridian under the equator. He spent ten years on the lotty chain of the Andes, prosecuting
with unebat ariiour a variety of new, ingenious, and important researches. On his return to Euro , he poured forth a
flood of most interesting information in most branches of physical science. His last works rein to the construction
and sailing of ships. Incessant labour and intense application had worn out his constitution, and he expired on the
15th of August 1758. Few persons have contributed so largely to the promotion of Natural Philoso by as Bouguer,
who united the rare qualities of an able mathematician and a skilful and accurate experimenter. Li e studious per
sons little conversant with the world, he is alleged, however, to have had the misfortune of a jealous and irritable
temper.
DISS. IV. It H
610 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the incessant accumulation, and therefore con ratio faster than the square of the velocity, and
densation, of the medium in the track of the therefore Hutton proposed to increase the index
,passage through it. There is likewise another 2 by a small variable addition. This modifica
retarding force occasioned by the constant dila 'tion however is not conformable to the physical
tation of the fluid in the rear of the advancing principles. Coulomb has shown, by his very
body. In the case of the gaseous media, this delicate Balance of Torsion, that, in the case of
impediment often rises to a great amount. extremely slow motions, the resistance of fluids
.VVhen the velocity of penetration, for instance, is proportional to the velocity simply. The
through common air exceeds 1350 feet each se complete expression of resistance therefore in
cond, a vacuum is formed behind the missile, cludes probably, besides the second power, like
which thence suffers a retardation equal to the wise the first and third, of which the co-eficients
weight of a whole atmosphere. This conse are to be found by a scrupulous comparison of
quence was first remarked by Robins in the the results. More precise experiments are still
.flight of cannon-halls, and it completely de wanted, to improve the science of Gunnery.
ranges the parabolic theory. He was mistaken The flow of air through a small orifice snfi'ers
however in restricting the efi'ect to such extreme nearly the same loss as water, or delivers only
»ly swift motions; for the same consideration ap about five eighth parts of the measure indicated
plies in every degree of rapidity, the condensa by theory. But, in passing through long trains
tion and corresponding dilatation of the air close of pipes, the several gases appear, from some re
to the anterior and the posterior surfaces of the cent though very limited experiments of Girard,
.ball being proportional to the square of its cele to encounter proportionally still greater obstruc
rity. Hence the measure of retardation is al tion; insomuch that a stream of air would re
ways atfected by the shape of the rear, as well quire a pressure exceeding tenfold its emergent
as of the front of the projectile. force, to enable it to work its way through a
Robins employed an ingenious method of de pipe whose length is 180 times the diameter.1
termining the impulse of balls, by firing them It is a question hitherto overlooked, but of real
against a heavy loaded pendulum, whose de importance in the economical distribution of pipes
flection correctly indicated the momentum thus for conveying coal or oil gas.
communicated; and by intercepting the flight Water and other liquids, when heated, are
at different distances, it was easy to discover theobserved to flow more freely from a very narrow
loss of velocity, and consequently the resistance aperture or through a long bore, ow
opposed by the air. Borda, assuming a much ing evidently to increased fluidity or the greater
lower scale of velocities, followed a difi'erent internal mobility of their particles. From a
mode in the valuable set of experiments on the re very slender syphon pure water near boiling will
tardation arising from fluids which he performed drop six times faster than on the verge of freez
between the years 1763 and 1769. He particu ing. But air seems not afl'ected in the same
larly'noticed the influence of the figure of the way : If it be forced by a certain pressure
hinder part of a moving body in modifying the re through a long capillary tube of glass laid hori
sistance of the medium. Dr Hutton adopted the Zontally in a water bath, the current, so far
Ballistic Pendulum of Robins in his most exten from accelerating, will become retarded by the
sive series of experiments executed with great cir application of heat. This discrepancy is occa—
cumspection on Woolwich Common during the sioned by the dilatation of the fluid, which en
years 1‘790 and 1791. It comprehends the whole feebles the rate of discharge.
range of velocities, from 5 feet in a second to The progress of chemistry during the eigh
2000. The resistance appeared to increase in a teenth century has brought us acquainted with

' The eneral complexion of the fact had been accidentally noticed before at \Vilkins' great iron-works in Wales, where
the nozze of the bellows of a blast furnace being inserted into the one end of a train of large pipes, the efllux from the
other end scarcely affected the flame of a candle.
 .
'

.K DISSERTATION FOURTH. 1‘! 611

other kinds of air or gases besides the atmos cuity at the sides, from which a small insert
pheric. But their mechanical properties are ed syphon would draw a stagnant liquid to
not so easily determined. The very inferior a considerable height. This was particularly
density of hydrogen gas was first discovered in noticed in 1795 by Venturi, who termed the
1‘766 by Cavendish, who made it ten times lighter property Lateral Action. On file same principle
than common air. By some late experimenters depends the suspension and play of a small ball
it has been represented as even sixteen times above a jet of air from hydraulic bellows or a
lighter, when carried to the highest state of pu condensing engine. Hence likewise an explica—
rity. This conclusion, however, appears very tion of a seeming paradox in the action of fluids,
doubtful, since it involves hypothetical consider lately considered by the ingenious Hachette.
ations. It is very difficult to detach the latent If a pipe bent directly downwards swell below
moisture and to weigh accurately the dried into a cone with an horizontal base, encircled by
gases contained in large glass balloons. This a narrow rim, and pierced with a central hole, a
experiment, though quite practicable, remains strong current of air issuing through that aper
still to be performed ; and there is reason to sus ture, but having a. circular plate fitting closely
pect that the alleged lightness of hydrogen gas with a weight appended, so far from blowing
has been much exaggerated. But Pneuma away the water, will draw it forcibly and sup
tic theory suggests a method of ascertaining port the load. The sheet of air between the
the relative density of any gas, which is at once opposite surfaces being kept rarefied by its di
most ready, and susceptible of very considerable verging strearnlets, the external atmosphere
accuracy. It is only to observe the time of a given presses strongly upwards. The experiment is
discharge of the fluids, from a small orifice, and reducible to the simplest form; for a-common
under the action of a certain pressure; when tobacco-pipe held inverted, will by mere blowing
the density will, in like circumstances, be in be made to suspend a card from its bowl. The
versely as the square of the number of seconds safety-valve therefore of a high pressure engine
elapsed.l But the celerity of the flow may be may not always afford the expected protection;
discovered indirectly by another mode, which is under peculiar circumstances it will remain
practised with the greatest ease and nicety by attached at a very small distance, allowing only
any person possessing a fine musical ear. He a partial escape of steam in very thin diverging
needs only to send the gas through a detached streamlets.
organ pipe, and distinguish the precise note The like effect is produced in the expanding
which it yields, or find another pipe in unison discharge of water from a narrow circular outlet.
with it; the inverse subduplicate ratio of these Here the streamlets dividing from the centre,
lengths will express the relative densities of draw in air and keep it rarefied by their rapid di
the fluids. This suggestion deserves to be pur vergence. The adhesion fails with a rectangular
sued. aperture, the streamlets then proceeding in paral
When air is thrown by pressure through a lel lines. On a modification of the same principle
small round hole, either into free space or into depends an elegant experiment of Ampere. If
a close vessel with a wider exit, it must evident water be projected horizontally from the bottom
ly spread in diverging streamlets, and sufi'er a ofa tall vessel through a vertical slit, this able phi
certain degree of rarefaction. The radiating losopher observed that the sharp parabolic stream
discharge of a fluid thus involves a princi will at a certain distance form a sort of node, and
ple,B which explains a number of curious facts. sink into a broad arch. The different retardations
' Water rushing in a foaming current along a of the exterior streamlets appear in this case to
pipe or confined channel, leaves a partial va determine the change of appearance.

‘ These methods of experimenting present themselves to a mathematician, but perhaps the first intimation of them was
given in the Erperimeulal Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of 11001, p. 534. Since a delicate musical ear can
distinguish even the quarter of a note, the error of observation in the second mode should not exceed the 64th part, Which
seems a nearer a proximation than is attainable in any other way.
" See the artic e Mariosoroor in this Encyclopzedia.
 _.. __-__¢-_-_

612 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Brook Taylor had shown that a musical chord cords. The interval between the g and i is 3, and
during its vibrations has the sWelling outline of betwecn i and 3‘» it is H; which fractions indi
a trochoid. But Euler and D’Alembert drew a cate a tone and a semi-tone, the latter differing
more general conclusion, and prOVed that the from unit only by about half the difference of the
curve might consist of several intermediate former. But i may be split into 5, 1%, and }§;
Q branches, subject merely to certain conditions de and hence g and 1%, though not quite equal, are
pending on the Theory ofPartialDgfl‘erences. The both deemed tones, the former being called the
solution of the problem gave occasion to a contro Major and the latter the Minor. The fraction g
versy between those illustrious philosophers, the is therefore composed of g, ‘3, 1’6, and {g ; and
former maintaining that the portions of the har thus seven divisions, consisting of three tones
monic curve might be discrete, and the latter, in major, two tones minor, and two semi-tones,
conformity with the great principle of Leibnitz, fill up the whole extent of the fraction Q, which
contending for their necessary continuity. But is hence termed the octave. It is impossible to
Daniel Bernoulli, avoiding the mazes of intri» express an equal subdivision of ratios by small
cate analysis and visionary metaphysics, gave a numbers, but twelve semi-tones may be inter—
clear investigation based on experiment. He polated with tolerable ncarness. Speculative
established from induction that a vibrating authors have endeaVoured to adjust or temper
string naturally divides itself into aliquot parts,
the scale, and for this purpose they have some
which perform independently their several 0s times proposed the application of logarithms.
cillations during each sweep of the whole chord. Wallis illustrated the Theory of Music with his
Applying the same kind of reasoning to wind ingenuity and stores of erudition. In the ear
instruments, he showed that a cylinder of air lier part of the subsequent century Malcolm and
which, by its tremor darting in the cavity of a Smith produced learned treatises on the subject.
tube with the rapidity of sound, produces its But Euler himself, having at difl'erent times re~
fundamental note, divides, likewise according sumed the investigation, composed an ample
to the force of intonation, into halves, thirds, treatise on the General Principles of Music.
fourths, or fifths, which segments yieldst the same It is curious to compare the different degrees
time their melting subordinate notes. Hence a of sensibility possessed by the organs of seeing
musical tone is never single, but consists in the and of hearing. The eye extends its perception
_ union and concord of certain elementary sounds. over a range of intensity from one to beyond a
And such is the origin of Music, which receives billion, or from the feeblest glimmer of twilight
its harmonious composition from the balance to the dazzling glare of the meridian sun. But
and concert of Nature. The theory of Rarneau, it loses its grasp unless the impression lasts
which D’Alembert took the pains to expound, nearly the tenth of a second on the semorium.
is reducible to the same principle. Those acute Hence a momentary gleam of light, as in Elec
subordinate notes rise at times above the funda tricity, may elude observation, while a brand
mental, or outlive it. Hence the shrill expiring Whirled quickly round appears a continued cir
note of a deep-sounding bell, and hence also the cle of fire.1 The discrimination of the human
narrow compass of the French horn, which car has a more limited extent: It comprises
yields merely the successive natural tones ac only eight octaves, from the gravest to the
cording to the force of the blast. sharpest note, or from those produced by only
These natural tones are derived from the mu 16 vibrations in a second to those excited by a
tual relations of the simple series of numbers 2, succession of 8192 vibrations in that interval.
3, 4, 80d 5. The ratio of 1 to 2 is evidently Such extreme rapidity might seem far beyond
compounded of the ratio of 2 to 3 and that of the reach of our faculties; but it is the nature
3 to 4, and these ratios mark the sweetest eon of a musical note to repeat its action till an

‘ This remark might serve to elucidate the more recondite Electrical Theory. A variety of curious appearances are
explained from the same principle. Hence likewise the ingenious toy lately brought forward and called by Dr Paris the,
Thamnatnwv.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 613
other arises; and this divided duration, short as These strata he remarked might be found by
it maybe, is suflicient to impres the auditory Logarithms; but contenting himself with a
nerve. rough computation, he adopted an arithmetical
The application of the Higher Calculus to un instead of the geometrical progression. Hence
fold the Motions of the Gaseous Fluids has ex be reckoned the air to be 4032'times attenuated
ercised the skill and ingenuity of the greatest at an elevation of 15 leagues or 48x73 miles,
analysts, without producing however any mate which is a tolerable approximation, the true
rial results. But what is really valuable has been height being only 41% miles.
obtained, by the simplest theory guiding experi Mariotte had therefore no very distinct con
mental research. Oue of the finest corollaries ception of the great property that at equal as
drawn from the principles of Pneumatics is the cents in the atmosphere the density of the air
method of ascertaining the heights of mountains diminishes in a continued proportion. This
by Barometrical observations. Pascal was the beautiful theorem appears to have been first dis
first to propose this nice problem, after the covered and demonstrated about the year 1662
success of the famous experiment performed by Huygens, who never took the trouble, how
at his suggestion on the summit of the Puy ever, to publish it.‘ But in 1685, Halley gave
de Dome. But the essential element of the an elegant geometrical demonstration of the pro
solution—the relation between the pressure and perty, founded on the relations of the segments in
the density of the air—had not been yet dis~ cluded between the hyperbole and its asymptotes.
covered. Twenty years elapsed till Richard For the sake of round numbers, he assumed 30
Townley, assisting at some of the experiments inches for the standard mercurial column, air at
which Boyle was making to refute the miserable the surface having 800 times less density than
objections of Father Linus, perceived that simple water; and he made the elevation proportional
law, which the English philosopher confirmed to the difference of the logarithms of these co
by other more extended experiments on the com lumns, the interval between 30 and 29 inches
pression and dilatation of But in 1676, corresponding to 900 feet. This rule, drawn
Mariotte, a French experimenter, endued with directly from theoretical considerations, was
greater penetration, and possessing some geo found to apply with tolerable accuracy to an ob
metrical skill, published a work on the Atmos servation made a few years afterwards on the
phere, of high merit for the time, and stamped top of Snowdon. Newton generalized the pro~
with originality. He had instituted a clear set blem in his Principia, by taking into the esti
of experiments for investigating, and stated the mate the decrease of gravity in receding from the
result in explicit terms, that the Density of the centre of the earth, and arrived at the conclu
Air is always proportional to its Compression. sion, that the densities of the higher strata of
From this law he sought to derive the graduat the atmosphere form a geometrical progression
ed rarefaction in the upper regions of the At corresponding to the altitudes disposed in har
mosphere. He thought the variation of a line monic proportion. But this correction may be
by the barometer near the level of the sea should deemed superfluous in most cases of barometri
answer to an ascent of 10} toises, which is the cal measurement.
same in English measures as the tenth part of It was only wanted, therefore, to rectify the
an inch for 75% feet. He then proceeded. to
method of Halley, by trying it with observations
find in succession the thickness of the strata of made at great altitudes. But, for more than half
air corresponding to4-032 twelfth parts of a line a century afterwards, the subject of barometri
in the whole mercurial column of 28 inches. cal measurement was entirely neglected in Eng

‘ The demonstration, with its date, is given on a Dutch Almanac, now preserved in the Library of the University of
Leyden, which. among other valuable notices, contains various microscopical observations, and ajudicious parallel between
Descartes and Bacon, whom he censures for his ignorance of Geometry, his violent opposition to the Copernican System,
and his general insttention to the progress of physical and astronomical science.
'614 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS. _

land; and, instead of being improved on the the inch into a thousand equal parts, he unfor¢
Continent, it had relapsed iuto confusion, and tunately took an irregular sequence, by adopting
became involved in hypotheses fostered by the lines or twelfth parts, which he broke down
lingering influence of the Cartesian philosophy. again into sixteenths.
Bouguer returned to the right path, and availed The construction of the thermometer engaged
himself of the opportunity afforded in surveying his particular attention. He tried alcohol, and
the stupendous Cordilleras, to compare theory various refined oils, and discovered their great
with observations on the grandest scale. His defects. He was therefore induced to prefer mer
investigation was not published, however, till cury, which, besides other advantages, he found,
1753, when he gave the very simple rule which by the methods practised by Renaldini and Brook
is the ground of all the modern practice: That Taylor, to possess the essential property of ex~
the drfikrence between the logarithms qf the barome panding very nearly equally with equal acces
trical columns, reckoning as integers the first four sions of heat. Substituting that mineral fluid for
figures, and deductinga thirtieth part, will express the dilute spirit of wine, he merely corrected the
the altitude in TOISES. To accommodate the re divisions of Reaumur, reckoning the arbitrary
sult to English measures, it is only required to number of eighty degrees from freezing to boil
add, instead of subtracting, the thirtieth part ing water. Corresponding to each of these de
of the logarithmic difference, to denote fathoms. grees, he determined the expansion of air by
But still there were considerable discrepancies heat to be the 215th part, which answers to a
which the ingenious observer endeavoured to 269th on the centesimal scale.
remove by some plausible suppositions respecting The rules which Deluc inferred from nume
the elasticity of the air. To find the density of rous experiments and observations Were pub
that fugacious fluid, he proposed an experiment lished in 1772 in his able but very diffuse work
which marks originality of conception : It was entitled Recherches sur les Modificatiom: de l’At
to note the relaxation of a pendulum or the rate mosphere. Two years afterwards they were re
of its diminished sweeps at different elevations duced to English measures, and simplified by
in the atmosphere. Maskelyne and Horsley ; and the problem of
The chief cause of the perplexity was owing barometrical measurement appears then to have
to the variable influence of heat on the density excited much attention in our island. General
of the air. No further improvement could there Roy computed and observed the heights of
fore be made till that effect had been ascertained, mountains in Wales, and Sir George Shuck
and the difference of temperature between the burgh at the same time, and for a similar pur
stations in every case measured by the applica pose, ascended the lofty summits of the Alps.
tion of an accurate thermometer. De Lue has They had the advantage of employing barome
the merit of reviving the subject, and of pur ters constructed by the celebrated Ramsden;
suing his researches with ardour, skill, and per and their conclusions, published in 1777, ac
severance. Geneva, his native city, from its po cordingly very nearly agreed, making the differ
sition near lofty mountain, afforded the great ence between the logarithms of the mercurial
est facility for conducting extensive observations. columns to express the elevation in fathoms at
He began his excursions among the Alps in a temperature only the fraction of a7 degree be
1754, and soon perceived the necessity of im low the freezing point. Since that time little
proving the barometer, and rendering it more more improvement has been effected, though se
portable. By carefully boiling the mercury veral circumstances that modify the solution of
within the tube, he was enabled to expel any the problem, especially the influence of humidity,
particles of air or of moisture which adhered to might require to be reconsidered. Laplace
its sides; and having adjusted the level of the indeed has introduced some niceties which ap
basin, he affixed to the instrument a scale mark pear hardly suited to such imperfect data, and
ed with fine subdivisions. But instead of fol render his formula extremely complex and in
lowing the decimal division, and distinguishing elegant. Till the modifications of the atmos
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
phere be measured with much greater precision,
we may rest satisfied with a simple and rapid
approximation. Nay, the application of loga
rithms might in most cases be superseded, by
employing a very easy proportion.l
The mutual appetency of the elemental atoms not a single effort, but combines the adhesion of
includes both the cohesion of the particles of the liquid particles to the solid with their cohe
a body to each other and their adhesion to a sion to each other.
difl‘erent substance; and since this cohesive
force belongs alike to solids and to fluids, it only
preserves their volume, and does not essentially
maintain the firmness or figure of a body. Hence
the small detached portions of liquids run into
globules or drops, and hence also they may be re
tained in avessel at some height above the brim.
In very narrow glass tubes, water and other li
quids will indeed stand considerably higher than
the level. This curious fact was first distinctly
noticed by Aggiunto, one of the leading mem
bers of the Academy del Cimento, who died at an
early age. But the completest series of experi
ments on Capillary Action was made by our
countryman Hauksbee. He proved that it is
not affected by atmospheric pressure, and suc
ceeds equally well in vacuo ; he showed the
ascent of water and other liquids between prox
imate glass plates, and compared it with the
rise in narrow tubes; and he ascertained the
elevation to be always inversely as the width of
the bore or the separation of the plates. He
found the same property belongs to plates of
marble and brass, and remarked the ascension
of water in an open barometer tube crammed
with fine ashes. Dr Brook Taylor likewise
performed several ingenious experiments on
this subject: Having joined two plates of glass
at their vertical sides so as to form a sharp
wedge, he dipped it in a sheet of water, and ob-,
served the liquid to rise and form a rectangular
hyperbole; thus clearly exhibiting the relation of
the ascent to the interval between the proximate
surfaces. But he pursued the phasnomcna of
corpuscular attraction still farther, and measur
ed the adhesion of a disc of glass to water and
615
mercury. Seventy years afterwards this in
quiry was resumed by the celebrated Guyton
Morveau, who endeavoured to ground upon it
the chemical theory of Elective Attraction. The
attempt however was 'fallaeious, because the
force required to detach a disc of glass, marble,
or metal, from a surface of water or mercury, is
In 1718 Dr Jurin, being led to examine the
phenomena of Capillary Action, proposed a theo
ry for their explication which seemed at least
plausible. He rightly ascribed the rise of water
in the cavity of the tube to the close attraction
of the internal surface of the glass, though he
did not perceive the way in which that force
must act. He fancied the suspension of the
slender column of liquid to be caused by the at
traction of the ring of glass immediately‘above
the summit. But such an assumption was quite
illusory, for the ring below that limit would evi
dently exert an equal force in the opposite di
rection, and thus extinguish the influence of the
former. This singular oversight very long how
ever escaped remark, and Jurin’s hypothesis
became popular and commonly adopted.
Clairaut, discussing the equilibrium of fluids
in his famous work on the Figure of the Earth,
incidentally examined the property of Capillary
Attraction, of which he gave a profound but
incomplete analytical investigation. The acute
Segner took up the subject in 1754, and gave a
different solution, distinguished by its depth, in—
genuity, and general accuracy. Assuming as a
principle, that the attractive energy is confined
to a mere exterior film of the liquid, he found
the curve of the upper surface to be what is
called the Lintearia, or the cavity of an inflated
sail formed by an uniform tension. The results
he obtained were perfectly accordant with the
phaznomena, except the figure of a drop, in the
determination of which he had, from overlooking
the double curvature, committed a small error.
Nearly half a century more elapsed till any
further attempt deserving notice was made to im

' A: {I}: mm of the mercurial column: is to their dijfi‘rcnce, :0 i: the comical number 52,000 to the approximate height. This
pumber is the more easily remembered from the division of the year into weeks. For a condensed explication of the sub
Jcct oi Barometncal Measurement, see Element: qf Geometry, 4th edition, p. 454-456
61'6 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

prove the Theory of Capillary Action. In 1802, a ples, trusted to his consummate skill in the process
short dissertation on the subject, drawn up for a of calculation, and involved the subject in a maze
particular occasion, and cast into a popular form, of intricate and abstruse The reflections
was inserted in the Pkilostwhical Magazine.1 It drawn from Dr Young on that occasion were
set out from the simplest principles, refuted the extremely judicious, and deserve to be held up
notion of Jurin, proved that the attraction of the to view at present, when such a false taste pre
inner surface of the glass must be exerted later vails as threatens to involve the science of our
ally, and showed from the nature of fluids how island in specious mysticism. “ It must be con
such a force would produce a vertical effort in the fessed that, in this country, the cultivation of the
liquid column. The author had designed to ex higher branches of the Mathematics, and the in
pand the outline into a strict analytical investi vention of new methods of calculation, cannot be
gation, that should embrace the whole range of too much recommended to the generality of those
the phenomena, but deferred the task on account who apply themselves to Natural Philosophy;
of the more interesting objects which happened but it is equally true, on the other hand, that the
then to engage his attention. This unpretending first mathematicians on the Continent have ex
essay, though little appreciated at the time, ap erted great ingenuity in involving the plainest
pears however to have recalled the attention of truths of mechanics in the intricacies of Alge
philosophers to a ubject so long neglected. In braical formulas, and in some instances have even
less than two years the late lamented Dr Thomas lost sight of the real state of an investigation, by
Young resumed the investigation of Capillary attending only to the symbols, which they have
Action after the manner of Segner, and obtained employed for expressing its steps.” (Lectures on
a very complete solution, but which required, be Natural Philosophy, vol. II. p. 6'70.)
sides, the admission of a repulsive force among the Laplace’s intricate formula for Capillary Action
particles of the liquid at a certain small distance. has been since unravelled by the acute discrimi
At the mention of Dr Young’ name the historian nation of Mr Ivory, who disjoined it into two
must pause. None of our countrymen has ap separate portions; the one depending on the ad
proached more nearly to the character of the ce~ hesion of the watery film to the inside of the tube,
lebrated Dr Brook Taylor. Possessing the same and the other resulting from half the cohesion
ingenuity, extensive learning, varied accomplish of the particles of the liquid to each other. But
ments, and profound science, he combined like our ingenious countryman deduced these ele
wise a concise, hard, and sometimes obscure mode ments of the complete force from the simplest
of statinghis reasonings and calculations. He ma physical principles, availing himself of the pro
nifested some chagrin at seeing Laplace, within a perty of equable difl'usion of pressure through
twelvemonth after, digress from the train of his the mass of a fluid. The same investigation
Mécam'que Celeste, to produce an analytical inves gave the measure and limits of depression observ
tigation of the phaanomeua of Capillary Action, so ed in mercury and some other liquids. The
closely resembling his own in the general conclu~ treatise on the Elevation of Fluids which first
sions. The illustrious French Philosopher, over appeared in the Supplement to this Encyclopae
looking the previous advances that had been made, dia" was a masterly production, which fulfilled
and little solicjtous about tracing physical princi every requisite that could be desired.
9 -

I In a memorandum bearin the date of December 1798, the principle is thus briefly stated : “ The attraction of water
to glass, being directed perpen icular t0 the surface, produces, in consequence of the laws of fluids, a lateral motion, in the
same manner as would the pressure of a vertiml column equal to that force." It then goes on to investigate generally the
curvature of the surface of the water, and gives the simple formulae {3:1 and {611, for the ascent of that liquid between
glass plates or within the bore of glass tubes, the mutual distance or diameter being denoted in inches by d.
2 Supplement to the fourth, fifili, and Mo edition, vol. IV. p. 809.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 617

3. ELECTRICITY.

ELECTRICITY has, from very small beginnings, bing glass, crystal, and other kindred substances,
risen in the space of little more than half a and the latter by the friction of amber, lac, rosin,
century to the rank of a Science, superficial in 8w. ; and he gave a clear view of the phzenomena
deed, but full of interest and splendour. With of electrical attraction and repulsion, by demon
out engaging the attention of profound philoso strating that bodies similarly electrified mu
phers, it owes its progress chiefly to the ardent tually repel, while those dissimilarly electrified
application of ingenious experimentalists. In attract each other.
this department Hauksbee, 1 a diligent and skil Electricity began about this period to draw ge
ful operator, made some considerable advances neral notice, and accordingly more efficient means
soon after the commencement of the eighteenth were employed for the exhibition of its properties.
century. He marked the circumstances of elec The friction of a glass tube or stick of sealing
trical attraction and repulsion, and observed the wax by the hand was abandoned for the adoption
production of light by friction both in air and of a large wheel to whirl swiftly a globe or cylin
in vacuo. But to him succeeded a more fortu der under the pressure of a cushion. Otto Giie
nate explorer of Nature—Stephen Gray—a pen ricke had used for the same purpose a globe of
sioner of the Charter House, a man of recluse sulphur, and Hauksbee one of glass; but the ad
and peculiar habits, and no great reach of mind, vantage of applying a cushion was not immedi
yet allured to the pursuit by curiosity and the ately perceived. One or more gun-barrels sus
gleams of fancy. The apparatus be employed pended horizontally by silk cords, and having
was very humble, suited to his slender means. small bundles of linen threads fastened to the
About the year 1720 he gave a catalogue of bo nearer ends, formed the prime conductors. Such
dies, which show electricity on being rubbed by was the clumsy machine then constructed in
the hand, including most substances, except the Germany, and thence introduced into France
metals which he could not excite. But in 1732 and England. The curious found amusement
he was led by a chain of accidents to discover in drawing sparks and firing inflammable sub
the conducting property inherent in certain bodies, stances; and experiments of that sort were in
by which they are distinguished from such as geniously varied and multiplied. The analogy
may become electrical. The fundamental facts of Lightning to the Electrical Flash could not
thus elicited were in 1789 arranged perspicu fail to be remarked, though their absolute iden
ously by Desaguliers, who framed the inter tity was not yet proved. Recourse was now had
changeable epithets Conductors and Non-elecm'cs, to electric agency, for the mitigation or cure of
and Non-conductors and Electrics, and proposed certain chronic disorders; and with that view
the term Insulation to denote the interrupted principally were different substances subjected
communication of electrical virtue. In the mean to its immediate influence.
while Dufay,’ keeper of the King’s Garden at The attempt to electrify water in a phial sus
Paris, availing himself of these discoveries, ad pended by a book from the prime conductor,
vanced in the investigation with a keener and gave occasion at this time to a discovery which
more philosophical spirit. Between the years constitutes an epoch in the annals of science.
1733 and 1739 he detected two opposite kinds The experiment appears to have been originally
of electricity, which he called the Vitrezms and performed in Poland, but was repeated in No
the Resinous, the former being excited by rub vember 174-5 by Cuneus and Lallemand at Ley

' Francis Hauksbee. Of this ingenious man, the best experimenter of his time, it is mortifying that so little should be
recorded. Neither the date of his birth nor of his death is known; but he flourished between the years "(wand 17:“, and
appears to have been Curator to the Royal Society of London.
' Born in 1698at1’nris, where he died in I739. He was son of an officer in the French Guards, and had spent his
youth in the military profession, which he quitted for the study of chemistry and botany.
DISS. IV. 4-:
 618 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

den, and described by Musschenbroeck. It hence on the same idea, and is certainly entitled to the
acquired the appellation of the Leyden Phial or merit of expounding it in a clear and interesting
Jar, and consists of a jar or plate of glass cover manner. The shrewd American, without pos
ed or coated On both sides, to near the top or sessing any superlative talents, or the advantages
edge, by a metallic leaf or other conducting sur of education, had, by industry, judgment, and
face, which renders it capable of holding a very perseverance, raised himself to a conspicuous sta
high charge of accumulated electricity. By this tion in society. Having some tincture of science,
Wonderful invention, a power was'obtained in and a taste for experiments, he was peculiarly for
comparably greater than any former exhibition tunate in choosing a subject of inquiry which so
of electrical influence. The shock or convulsive well accorded with the pitch of his acquirements.
agitation accompanying the discharge of a loaded He had repeatedly visited England, and after his
jar through the nervous system, at first inspired return to America he maintained a constant inter
terror, and still continues'to excite surprise and change of letters with his friend Peter Collinson,
astonishment. The swiftness of electrical com a wealthy grocer in London, but a zealous bota
munication thus displayed seemed to exceed the nist, who valued learning, and held a regular and
rapidity, of thought itself. Nollet,l a popular extensive correspondence over Europe. Through
lecturer on Experimental Philosophy at Paris, this channel of communication, was Franklin
sent the shock with instantaneous eti'ect througha early apprized of whatever chanced to engage
whole regiment of guards; and Watson,‘ an in attention in the scientific world; and his obser—
genious physician in London, could discover no vations were in their turn quickly transmitted
interval of time in its transmission by a circuit across the Atlantic, and conveyed from England
of about six miles, formed partly by a wire, but to France and Germany. Having carefully
mostly by the course of the river Thames. studied the important art of writing, he had at
various attempts were now made to explain tained a style remarkably simple and perspicu
the electrical phsenomena. The ordinary class of ous, which gave the best eii'ect to all his compo
philosophers had so long indulged the belief of sitions. His explication of the Leyden Jau‘, from
ethereal media, that they were easily induced to the redundancy and defect of a single fluid, was
ascribe the powers of electricity to the agency of favourably received both at home and abroad;
such a s'ubtile fluid, which might seem at length though the hypothesis of a vitreous and a resin
revealed to our obserVation. Dufay showed that ous tluid, proposed by Dufay, and generally pre
the electrical machine draws its supply from the ferred on the Continent, appeared to explain the
ground, and “'atson advanced a step farther, in principal facts with equal readiness and facility.
assuming that every substance naturally holds a But it was reserved for the American philo
(certain 'share of the fluid, which in a charged sophcr to complete a grander discovery, which,
jar is redundant on‘the one side and deficient on though unreasonably extolled, is the foundation
the other, or distributed in a positive and negative of his permanent fame. The similarity of Elec
state. The credit of inventing this Theory has tricity and Lightning already struck several ex
been, assigned to'the celebrated Franklin,5 who perimenters; and the Abbé Nollet had in 1746
might probably without communication have hit drawn a parallel, in which he compared the con
I I ' n' i

._lsszr~-n-v-.n -r._ll
0 - "l

' John Anthony Nollet, born at Pin-ipré, in the district of Noyon, on the 19th of November 1700-' From that obscure
retreat he was drawn by his growing reputation; and his amiable character secured the support and encouragement of
zealous friends. He had the advantage of visitin r England and Italy, and those journeys procured him the favour of the
Km of Sardinia, and afterwards the patrons e o the Royal'Family of France. Enjoyin some appointments utl’urig
he or many years gave regular courses of atunl Philosophy, and by his popular and e oquent lectures, and his skill
in- reparing and exhibiting the illustrative experiments, he spread aetgeneral taste for science. His elementary works,
wit out aiming at originality, are remarkably neat and clear. He di much regretted on the 24th of April 1770.
'1 William \Vatson, born in London in 1715. Bred an npothecary: and being very prosperous, he turned physician.
He was active and ingenious, with some talents, and still greater pretensions. By his ardour he extended considerably
the knowledge of Electricity; He died in 1787, havin the year before obtained the honour of knighthood.
" Benjamin Franklin, born at Boston in 1706, and ‘ red at Philadelphia on the 17th of April 1790. His political career
.is well known, and his literary progress has been suficiently appreciated.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 619
glomeration of thunder-clouds to the prime con inexpressible delight, he saw the loose fibres
ductor of an electrical machine. ItVVinkler next, stretch out from the string, heard a snapping
noise, and observed the pendantikey not only to
and with more decided arguments, contended for
the identity of those powers. Franklin, following attract light substances, but to give sparks on
the same train of speculation, enumerated in-a approaching his knuckle. Thme .were all deci
clear and methodical order the different circum sive marks of electrical action, and answered’his
stances of resemblance. But it was necessary to most sanguine expectations.. The success of
pass the circle of mere probabilities, and be pro this trial encouraged him to entertain the daring
posed as the final proof to have recourse to direct project of turning aside the stroke of heaven,
observation. His suggestion was, to erect on the and of guarding our edifices from the ravages
top of some eminence a tapering iron rod 40 feet of thunder, by the erection of lofty conductors.
high, which he conceived would attract electricity These views, combinednwith amusinghexperi.
from the charged thunder-clouds. Preparations ments and lively speculations, were explained
were accordingly made in France for trying that at great length, and in a very easy and pleasing
hold experiment. In the spring of 1'752, Dali manner, in the series of letters to Collinson, and
bard, a distinguished botanist, had an iron rod 40 through his friendship printed 1at London in
1755, and immediate]y translated into the French
feet in height tied with silk cords to a post in the
neighbourhood of Paris, the lower end being pro language, and circulated with zeal and rapidity
tected from rain by a sort of sentry-box. The ap over Europe.1
paratus was, during his absence, intrusted to the Notwithstanding the enthusiasm excited by
charge of a resolute carpenter, who watching the dispersion of that work, the scheme of an
the first appearance of a thunder-storm on the nexing conductors to buildings was yet slowly
10th of May, ran to the spot, drew sparks from adopted. The first one erected was by Watson,
the rod, and, assisted by the curate of the vil at his villa near London, in 1762; two years
lage, actuallyrcharged an electric jar. The afterwards, they appeared in Germany; and not
demonstration of the nature of Lightning was till the year 1776 were they applied to pro
thus rendered complete; but an experiment so tect some cathedrals in Bavaria and Italy.
wonderful deserved repetition. It was eagerly They have spread since in all directions, espe
performed, under the direction of Button, in the cially on the Continent, flowing, it might seem,
Royal Garden at Paris; and, during the months with the tide of Franklin’s political celebrity.
of July and August, it was tried with the same But his famed hypothesis, if examined strict
results near London, where Canton succeeded in ly, will be found to rest merely on the extension
detecting atmospheric electricity by means of a of vague analogicalconsiderations. If a pointed
common fishing-rod. m . wire sensibly draw electricity at the distance of a
Intelligence now came from America, that foot from the prime conductor, through what a
Franklin had performed his experiment in a wide range, it is argued, must a long tapering rod
finer style. Not having the opportunity of an shoot its influence in the vast magazine of the
eminence in the flat country around Phila atmosphere! It may be shown, however, that
delphia, he imagined the expedient of employ the point acts only on the electrified air which
ing a boy’s kite, to gain a great elevation in the
streams from the machine, and by repelling
air. T0 the end of the hempen string, from again laterally those aflluent particles, facilitates
which hung a small key, be fastened a piece of their continued flow. The slightest impediment
silk cord, for holding in his hand. On the 15th to the motion of the acrial currents reduces the
of_June in the afternoon, while a storm was ga action of the point; while, on the contrary, a knob
thering, he walked into the fields, and, assisted or blunt termination may acquire the same in
by his son, he launched the kite, when, to his fluence as a pointed end, if the flow of electrified
" ‘ \I’FI: "- -m"l w n I!
w [w w 77‘ ~— aw- q-yrT nu Y“ 1‘ hfd~ 4-,.'-‘ e .70. -~¢.¢_,,- -» .. {I

, I It deserve-etc be noted, that the Royal Society, which rarely extends its patronage to untried merit, had refused these
ingenious letters a place in their Transactions.
620 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
air towards it be maintained, either by rendering
the ball very hot, or by sticking to it a small
lighted taper. The idea of stealing the lightning
from the thunder-cloud, and silently disarming
the fulminating agent, is therefore utterly chi
merical. To produce such an effect, the whole
body of succumbent air must discharge its elec
tric store, by actually coming in successive
contact with the end of the rod. And, in what
reasonable length of time could that extended
communication be accomplished? But it is equal
ly futile to suppose, that the terminating of the
rod by a point could have the slightest influence,
in tempting or leading the thunder-stroke towards
any particular spot. Yet such was the main
argument used in the famous dispute which once
agitated the scientific world, with regard to the
comparative advantages of terminating the con
ductors with points or with knobs.
But though any attempt to avert the course
of thunder seem preposterous, it is of extreme
importance to consider whether the intervention
of a. proper conductor may not mitigate, or even
render innocuous, the fulminating stroke. The
coruscation of lightning resembles most the
electric spark, its tortuous path being marked
by the violent divulsiou of the aiirial track. The
rapidity of transit might indeed be regarded as
instantaneous; but Helvig has lately endea
voured, in Germany, to measure it by help of the
Camera Lucida, and estimates it, from probable
conjecture, at 8 or 10 miles in a second, or above
40 times swifter than sound. According to the
ingenious Gay-Lussac, lightning often darts at
once more than three miles in a rectilineal path.
The ordinary classing of conductors into per
fector imperfect, is very loose and unsatisfactory.
Their true distinction consists in the time they
require, however short this may be, for the trans
mission of electrical energy. Froma set of pecu
liar experiments, it would appear that the copper
transmits this virtue more than a thousand times
quicker than water, which again conveys it
several thousand times faster than dry stone.
But all this particles of the conductor are thrown
“a” it}? i“? “i
. k _ if possible, the fury of such rsgeful storms.
.m; 1‘1?“ J
' mod ,bm Electrical Poiiits'and Conductors, in the first number of Professor Jansos's
1‘ On this important subject see‘hipperoa
Philosophical Journal, published in 1823.
pulsion, and, consequently, the disruptive effect
must be proportioned to the interval of action.
A copper tube, or rihband, of even moderate di
mensions, if well spread over the roof and con
tinued into the ground, may hence be suflieient
to protect a house from thunder, by reducing
exceedingly the duration of the repulsive efforts.
Iron, which is generally employed, conducts
twenty times slower than copper; and lead is still
worse adapted for the purpose, since it conducts
about a hundred times slower. The electrical
energy being conveyed chiefly along the surface
of bodies, sheet-copper should decidedly be pre
ferred for the substance of a conductor.1
Thunder-rods of the ordinary construction have
been now tried seventy years, and the accidents
from lightning seem just as numerous and in
discriminate as before. The public. is gradually
losing its confidence, therefore, in the efiicacy
of those vaunted protectors ; but, in spite of such
warnings, philosophers are most unwilling to
descend from their proud eminence. When any
sinister event occurs, they are solicitous to find
excuses and parry objections. They recommend
the conductors to be planted nearer, carried
higher, and perhaps armed with a cluster of
points. It may require a few more of such fa,
tal accidents as the late explosion, in France, of
a protected powder-magazine, to demolish finally
the Franklinian hypothesis.
But the injury caused by the stroke of light
ning is, in this climate, much less considerable,
after all, than has been genuslly believed. The
loss of human life by thunder-storms over Eu
rope appears not to exceed annually, perhaps, one
individual in three millions. The damage to
property from such appalling discharges is like
wise comparatively small. The ravages inflicted
on the; Continent by showers of hail are of a
more formidable kind. nThose frozen masses are
often large, and fall with such terrible 'force as
in the space of a few hours to tear in the
vines and batter down the fields of corn over
wide and fertile districts. It was an object
therefore of still greater moment to mitigate,
Pr. .Il lfil _.. __. 000,» v| 'to mus ~_ ~-I M
H" y j'-- . “'Jt - ‘r" n‘
 .' DISSERTATION FOURTH. 621
About the year 1776, several speculative expe which, like embattled spears, dared the front of
rimenters, conceiving electricity promoted con heaven. The question relative to the utility of
gelation, and therefore the conversion of the Hail-Ifrotectors was now referred to the Institute
drops of rain into solid icicles, proposed erect of France; but that learned body, though it
ing thunder-rods to prevent the formation of clung to the charm of the Thunder-Rod or
hail. It was even suggested, in aid of these pro Paratonnerre, rejected with seem the pretensions
tectors, to kindle fires on the high grounds, and of the Paragréle. But the faith of the believers
to shake the atmosphere by the discharge of was not so easily shaken, and a succession of
mortars. But Heinich showed the futility of angry and querulous pamphlets for a while kept
all such expedients, in a dissertation printed in up the dispute. 1: Yet we may infer that the con
the Bavarian Transactions for 1785; and, except fidence in the efficacy of such notable protectors
the notice of a curious experiment by Seiferheld is fast declining, since an old auxiliary—the agi
in 1790, the question seems to have sunk into tation of the air by the firing of mortars—has
oblivion. The attention of the public, however, been recalled to their aid.1 7 .ihsol .n _
was again for a moment recalled in 1800, by the mun rules"
offer of a prize from the Physical Society at In the latter part of the eighteenth century,
Berlin; but the successful candidates, Wrcde Electricity was enriched by a continual acces
and Weiss, proved that hailstones had no con sion of curious facts and experiments. New
nexion with Electricity, and that the various instruments were devised, of nicer construc
expedients tried for averting them were entirely tion, to measure the intensity of electrical at
fallacions. The subject seemed deservedly for tractions and repulsions. The catalogue of
gotten for twenty years, but has been lately re electrics themselves was not only extended,
vived again by the periodical folly of mankind. but rendered more definite, mby distinguish
La Postolle, apparently a zealous visionary, pro ing the opposite qualities of the substances ruh~
posed in France with the utmost confidence, as bed. Some steps havetlikewise been made
a complete safeguard against the ravages of hail, towards a more precise theory. If a ball elec
the erection of a tall wooden pole with straw trified vitreously be approached to an insulated
ropes hanging loosely from the top of it to the cylinder, the nearer end will assume the resin
ground. He was followed in 1823 by Thollard, ous electricity, while the remoter extremity will
another projector equally sanguine. But as the indicate the vitreous; the limit of neutrality al
world is governed by names, the powerful talis ways advancing to the approximating ball. This
man or lofty tha'tched pole received the sound capital experiment appears to furnish the true
ing, though not very classical, appellation of explication of the Leyden Jar. But it involves
Paragre‘le or Paragrandino. Certificates of its a more extensive principle: Pressure may be con
eflicacy flowed in from all parts; the storm sidered as only close apposition, and friction is
clouds were seen by veracious witnesses collect evidently a case of repeated pressure. Hence the
ing over those poles, and rollingrtheir hail action of the Electrical Machine itself, and hence
stones harmless along the straw to the ground. likewise the theory of that beautiful eontrivance,
The cultivators of the mountain districts on the the Electrophorua, first announced by Wilke of
confines of France, Switzerland, Italy, and Ger Stockholm in 1762, but named and fully dv
many, seemed enchanted by the discovery, and scribed in 1776 by Volta' of Como, to whom
whole fields were planted with those Parayre‘les, electrical science was afterwards so much in

‘ Orioli, professor of Natural Philosophy at Bologna, seems not disposed to acquiesce in the decision of the Academy of
Sciences at Paris. He appeals to the liberality and opulence of the French nation, and gravely recommends it to plant
paragrela, armed with metallic wires about 40 feet high, and not more than 500 feet apart, over its wide territory; and
farther proposes that the experiment should be‘continued for ten years, under the inspection of some competent cul
tural board. If the sum of l00,000 livrcs has been raised at his suggestion for that project in the small province of B0 ogna,
what might not he expected from the munificence of such a kingdom as France?
' Alexander Volta, descended of an ancient family in the north of Italy, and born in 1745. He embraced the clerical
profession; but, devoting himself to the pursuits of natural science, he was appointed to the chair of physics at Pavia in
1714. Electricity engaged his attention, and the observations of Galvani opened to him that brilliant career of discovery
622 PRELIMINARY DISSERTA TIONS.

debted for its extension. The Vindicatt'ng Elec resort, a number of horses, which, though stun-I
tricity of Beccaria and the Returning Stroke of ned by the multiplied succussions, yet generally
Lord Mahon depend on the same property. Of recover andwithstand these attacks, till the eels
a like nature is the accumulation of Electricity themselves become quite exhausted, and are
by the Doubler and other instruments of that dragged out helpless. It appears from dissec~
sort; ' tion, that the Silurus Electricw; is furnished with
It appears that the electrical state of bodies a very’peculiar and complex nervous apparatus,
sufl’ers a modification from every change of their which has been fancifully'cornpared to an elec
chemical or mechanical constitution. Such al trical battery. But we are entitled only to in
'tcrations are detected by delicate Electrometers, fer, that the animal is endued with a faculty of
of which the best perhaps maybe the'gold-leaf one modifying, by sudden compression or otherwise,
proposed by Bennet in 1787. The origin of its internal constitution, and consequently its
atmospheric Electricity is finely illustrated by electrical condition. ~
that sensible instrument, which shows an evo Electrical agency, by efl’ecting new combina
lution or an absorption during the condensation tions among substances, has contributed essen
ofvapour or the transition of water into steam. tially to the advancement ofChemistry. Caven
Hence a cloud suddenly collected from the con~v
dish discovered the composition of nitric acid in
globating vapours is vitreously charged, and 1'788, by passing successive sparks through a mix
flashes its lightnings, which, by the uccussion ture composed of certain portions of the oxygen
of the air in their devious lengthened tracks, ous and azotic gases. By a similar process, he
conveyed to our ears with the tardiness of sound, found atmospheric air to consist of the same ele
occasion the prolonged rolling noise of thunder. ments, only combined in a different proportion.
' But his fine discovery of the composition of water
The power of benumbing the touch, which be was afterwards confirmed, by concentrating the
longs to a certain fish of the ray kind, thence effort of electrical repulsion, in the experiment
called the Torpedo, and very frequent in the Medi that Dr Pearson, assisted by Cuthbertson, an
terranean, had been remarked from the earliest expert electrician, performed in 1799, which
'times. This singular property was now sus evolved those gaseous components. This sa
pected to be owing to electrical influence; and tisfactory experiment has been since greatly
the zeal of Walsh in 1773 converted the con implified, by one of those happy miniature con
jecture into demonstration, showing by satisfac trivances, in which the late very ingenious
tory experiments that the animal could send its Dr Wollast-on so much excelled.
shock only through conducting substances. But Electricity can be transmitted through the
the power of stunning its prey is possessed in a several gases; and the light which it then extri
much higher degree by a large species of eel, cates is brighter in proportion to the condensed
the Silurus Hectricus, which was originally state of the medium. As the air becomes rarer,
brought from Surinam, and abounds in the the projected spark assumes a spreading lam
pools and sluggish streams of the hot region of bent appearance, through all the gradations of
Venezuela. From a healthy-specimen exhibited colour, from white to yellow, orange, and purple,
in London, vivid sparks were drawn in a dark vanishing into the faintest violet. The most
ened room. But from a rapid emission of shocks, copious display of purperine gleams appears
‘these animals suffer great prostration ofstrength; when the air is rarefied about 1000 times, which
and the celebrated Humboldt gives an amusing corresponds to an altitude of thirty-five miles in
account of the method of catching them in New the atmosphere. Such may be the proper region
Spain, by driving into the waters where they of the diffuse and tremulous coruscations of the

which will render his name immortal. Volts was particularly distinguished by the liberal and discerning patronage of
Napoleon. During the fervour of reform and revolution, he laid aside the ecclesiastical habits. and-married ; but, in the decline
of life, the early impressions regained their-ascendancy, amlcompunctian for the breach of the vow of celibacy preyed on
his spirits, and undermined his health. He died on the 0th of March 1826. '
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 623

Aurora Borealis, which is decidedly an electrical happy idea seems to have been overlooked, when
phmnomenon. If the rarefaction be pushed far Volta in 1800 invented his famous Pile; the
ther, the luminous appearance grows always most energetic instrument of all electrico-che
fainter, till it becomes extinct. Accordingly, mical analysis, and commencing deservedly a
Morgan 1 found by a very careful experiment that new epoch in physical science. By Crookshanks
an electrical charge is not conducted through a it was rendered far more commodious, in being
Torricelliun vacuum,—an important discovery, converted into the Galvanic Trough; which,
since it shows that Electricity, like Heat, can again enlarged into Batteries sometimes of enor
exist only in.a state of combination with its re mous extent or dimensions, has conducted Davy,
cipient substances.
- ~ - (or Berzelius, and others, to the most splendid and
wonderful discoveries. .
The close of the eighteenth century was dis The Voltaic Pile is only a modification of the
tinguished by the accession of a new branch of Electrical Battery; but its peculiar action may
Electrical Science, more brilliant and astonish assume two distinct features. It either exerts
ing than even the parent stock. It originated the slowness and duration of repulsive force, or
in a fortunate incident which occurred in the displays the most intense concentration of that
year 1790. Galvani, Whose name it bears, pro power. Hence the opposite effects produced by
fessor of anatomy at Bologna, remarked, in the very large single plates, and by a very numer
ous series of small ones. Light and heat are i
course of his demonstrations, that the limbs of a
dissected frog were strongly convulsed at every most copiously projected from their recipients
spark which one of his pupils happened to draw by the former, while chemical decomposition is
from the prime conductor of an electrical ma effected with the greatest energy by the latter.
chine standing in the immediate vicinity.“ Being But it Would require much patient and profound
thus led to consider the subject, he made several investigation, to discover the working of such
curious experiments, and published a Disserta recondite principles.
tion on Animal Electricity, which engaged very The original design of this discourse was to
general attention. The femoral muscles of a come no lower than the early part of the present
frog, bared of their integuments, but left connect century, and to avoid discussing the merits of
ed with the trunk of nerves, were found to serve contemporaries. But I cannot resist the pleasure
as a most delicate sort of electrometer. With this of noticing the signal advance which Electricity
aid, it was easy to trace the faintest vestiges of has lately made. Its close connexion, if not
electrical influence, and to contrast the proper perfect identity, with Magnetism had been long
ties of various conductors. The very weakest suspected, and was even adopted by several in
chemical solutions, the more contact of different geniousv theorists. This atlinity found a most
metals, nay the apposition of animal fibres, were zealous supporter in Ritter; butlthe fmcy and
all found in their several degrees to dcvclope mysticism blended with his opinions had begun
electricity. But the simplest mode of exciting before the year 1818 to weaken their influence.
it is, by the mutual application of small plates or In this state of uncertainty, Professor Oerstedt
discs of copper and zinc. Dr Robison made a ca of Copenhagen, happening, in the course of his
pital improvement, in proposing a pillar of these lectures during the winter of 1819—20, to show
discs, like a rouleauof half-crowns, to augment by his pupils the intense heat excited in a small
their combination the intensity of effect. This wirgof platinum, laid horizontally and nearly

- i A very ingenious person, who died young, being nephew to Dr Price, Ind brother-of the able Actuary of the Equitable
Assurance Company.
' The Germans lay claim to the origin of Galvanism. Sulze, about thiirmiddle of then-eighteenth century, had. in his
work on Taste. noticed the sinigulnr impression made on the tongue by the contact of two distinct metals. But Zimmerman
has lately produced a passage 1' om the Biblia IVamrtt, a book published at Leipsic in 1752 by Swammerdam, in which the
author mentions his having observed the convulsions of the muscle of a frog held against a glass tube by a silver wire
pendant from a ring of brass. Such facts are curious, and deserve attention ; ut every honourable mind must pity or scorn
that invidious spirit with which some unhappy jacksls hunt after imperfect and neglected anticipation, with a view of de
tracting from the merit of full discovery.
 624 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

in the direction from east to west, to join the hasty conjecture. Instead of adopting one or two
conductors from the copper and zinc plates of a fluids, it were safer to suspend the assumption
Galvanic Battery, thought of placing under it a of any. We can perceive no distinctive marks
small compass, and the needle was observed in of the operation of a fluid, which is often con
stantly to turn aside as if it had been drawn by founded with the mere luminous track occasion
another magnet. This surprising fact was not ed by the particles of Light disengaged from the
much heeded by him at the time; but having substance of the conductor; the colour of emis
afterwards carefully traced the conditions of the sion being modified by the peculiar character
experiment, he published near the close of the and intensity of the retaining force.
year 1820 his great discovery, which awakened The Theories proposed by [Epinus and Caven
the public attention, and gave rise to numerous dish are entitled, however, to the praise of great
speculations that frolic in the giddy maze of ingenuity, and may serve to connect with ele
electric and magnetic currents. gance the chain of principal facts. The latter
It must indeed he confessed, that after all most accurate philosopher likewise stated the
the progress which Electricity and its younger immense disproportion in the celerity of differ
branch Galvanism have made, the hypotheses ent conductors, though he did not explain the
commonly received are exceedingly vague and grounds of his conclusions. Coulomb agreed
unphilosophical. In cultivating these attrac with him in limiting electrical diEusion to the
tive sciences, experimenters would seem to sa surface of bodies; and the Balance of Torsion
tisfy themselves with the exercise of a looser showed the intensity of attractive and repulsive
and humbler species of reasoning. It is rather power to be inversely as the square of the dis
amusing to observe the complacency with which tance. These were real discoveries, deduced
some ingenious persons describe the play and from nice and cautious observation; but his
vagaries of an Electrical Current, whose exist countryman Poisson has since exercised profound
ence was never proved. We are acquainted skill in the play of analysis, by attempts to ex
only with electric attraction and repulsion, and plore the hypothetical influence of Electricity,
with the transmission of electric influence: All without having arrived, however, at any con~
' beyond these elementary principles, rests on clusion that is not obvious or of no value.1

4. MAGNETISM.

NEARLY allied to Electricity is the science of discovered in Upper Asia, and thence commu
Magnetism. The property of attracting iron nicated by their Tartarian conquerors to the
possessed by a certain- stone or metallic ore, was Chinese. From them again, the knowledge of
known from the remotcst times; but the direc the invention spread gradually over the East.
tive power, or disposition to turn always to The Crusaders, during the occupation of their
wards the north, that most wonderful property bloody conquests in those regions, had leisure to
which guides the modern navigator over the dark admire the arts acquired by their more civilized
and desert expanse of ocean, lay hid through a rivals. Having their curiosity thus awakened,
long succession of ages. This remarkable sub they appear, about the latter part of the twelfth
stance derived its name among the Greeks from century, to have imported into Europe the
Magnesia, a district of Macedonia, where it was Compass, along with the substance which, mis
chiefly found. taking it for Natron, they-calledSalt Pctre,and of
The Magnetic Compass, with the art of dis which they had learned the deflagrating property.
tillation, which was never practised by the an That invaluable instrument was at first very
cient Greeks or Romans, seems to have been rudely formed, consisting merely of a piece of

' Such abuse of a noble science would have merited the censure of the Dinm'ud :
Or set on Analytic ground to prance,
Show all his paces, not a step advance. .
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 625
the native mineral fixed to a broad cork, and tated its structure, by fashioning a magnet into
set to float in a dish of water. - An artist of the a small sphere or tmella, and hence illustrated
opulent town of Amalphi, the great emporium the declination of the needle, as well as its dip,
of the East, and seated on the shore of Calabria, or the position which it takes when, after being
in the direct route of the Crusaders, improved poised freely on its centre of gravity, it receives
the construction, and marked the north point by the magnetic virtue,-—a property which had been
a Fleur-de-Lis, the armorial bearing of the king first noticed by his countryman Robert Norman
dom of Naples. From its directive property, in 1576. But something more was required to
it was now called in English the Loadstone or explain completely the directive property of the
Leading Stone. About a century afterwards, needle. If a magnetized sewing needle be set
the method of communicating magnetism by the to swim on the surface of water or quicksilver,
touch was probably discovered, the needle or it will not advance towards the north, but readily
small bar of steel so treated being then applied traverse in that direction. In fact, while the
to a card suspended on a pivot. The Germans one end is attracted, the other is equally repel
bisected successively the eight cardinal divisions, led, by the vast magnetic power of the earth con
which had satisfied the Romans and the Chi centrated below the Arctic Region, but having
nese, into sixteen and thirty-two points, to really the same quality as what was first named
which they gave those compound names which the South Pole of the needle. Those antagonist
are still retained. About this period, when ob forces will have no influence therefore to draw
servations were not very precise, the needle was it forwards; but if it be turned aside, they will
judged to turn nearly towards the north; but combine their oblique action to bring it back
Columbus, in his first voyage of discovery, found into its meridional position.
it to decline from the meridian as be advanced Gilbert’s original work was republished at
on the Atlantic; and this apparent change of the Ferrara in 1629, with a commentary by Cabaeus,
laws of nature occurred under circumstances a Jesuit; and fourteen years afterwards another
which would have 'appalled a less determined member of that learned fraternity, Kircher, a
commander. The variation of the compass, how man of singular talent and immense erudition,
ever, was distinctly noted in the year 1500 by produced at Cologne a full treatise on Magnet
Cabot, another celebrated Italian navigator. ism, which contained little, however, of sound
Magnetism made little further progress, till doctrine, but abundance of fanciful speculation.
Dr Gilbert, the founder of experimental science Hooke remarked the debilitating effect of heat
in England, explored the subject by a course of on the power of the magnet. Newton appears
patient and skilful investigation. To this emi to have sometimes amused himself with mag
nent philosopher we are indebted for the disco netical experiments, but did not bestow much
very of the few connecting principles. Every thought on'the subject: .He was disposed to
magnet, whether natural or artificial, has its consider the force exerted as reciprocally pro
powers concentrated in two opposite points, portional to the cube of the distance.
termed the north and south poles; and the si The celebrated Halley, who, by his ingenuity,
milar poles of separate magnets repel each other, learning, zeal, and enterprise, contributed so
while their dissimilar poles exert a mutual at largely to the promotion of physical science,
traction. VVhen a piece of soft iron is approxi now turned his attention to the subject of ter
mated to a magnet, it becomes itself a magnet, restrial magnetism. In 1688, and more dis
the nearest end assuming an opposite polarity, tinctly in 1692, he endeavoured to explain the
and therefore being constantly attracted. If a declination of the needle and its variations, by
long iron bar be held in a position nearly verti supposing the Earth to be a hollow sphere with
cal, its lower extremity is always found to ma two opposite magnetic poles, but having another
nifest the properties of a north pole; and, from solid sphere, of analogous polarity, which re
this induced power, Gilbert legitimately inferred volved slowly within it. From this bold hypo
the magnetism of our globe. He likewise imi— thesis, of two fixed, combined with two mov
DISS. xv. 4 1-;
 626 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

able poles, he sought to calculate the changes of fewer than four distinct forces, emanating from
internal constitution that are continually going the several poles. Taylor, the most acute of those
forward. At a time when the method of find observers, reckoned the magnetic force, if exerted
ing the longitude at sea was extremely imper very near, to be inversely as the square, but
fect, he proposed the variation of the compass when more remote, as the cube, of the distance.
observed in different latitudes, as an easy way of It was reserved for Coulomb,ii sixty years after-’
obtaining at least an app ' ' I to that im wards, to discover the true law of magnetic at
portant problem. With this view it was neces traction and repulsion, by means of his delicate
sary to collect numerous observations made at Balance of Torsion, though the same deduction
remote points on the ocean; and in 1699 Halley had been previously announced by (the ingenious
obtained the command of two small sloops of Lambert. The earlier experimenters had sought
war, with the rank of post-captain, the better to ascertain those forces by the loads required
to insure ' ' among the crews. Thus to effect a separation, or to counterbalance their
equipped, and empowered, he traversed the action. Graham proposed the more precise me
vast Atlantic, diligentlypexploring both hemi thod of computing the magnetic forces, from the
spheres, till he was arrested by the icy bar number of vibrations performed in a given time
riers. 'On his return in the following year, en by the needle; but his suggestion was overlooked,
riched with a store of various information, he to be invented again, and generally adopted.
published his Magnetical Chart, in which the The properties of the magnet appear myste
limits corresponding on the surface of the globe rious, though reducible to a few primary facts.
to every five degrees of declination, were marked But to discover the great pervading principle,
by certain curve lines formed by connecting the still baffles the ingenuity and penetration of the
points of observation. This was the model of most ardent research. The supposition of a
all the charts of a similar nature which have subtile permeating fluid is very generally em
been since constructed. ‘ One of the most noted braced, though it rather darkens than elucidates
was produeedby Mountain and Dodson in 1744, the subject. Yet it seemed to receive counte
and improved in 4,756.1 Wilke laid down nance, from the curve lines marked out by iron
another in 11772, and Lambert sketched out a filings when strewed on a sheet of paper or a
third in 1776. But the most accurate and com plate of glass laid over one or more magnetic
plete magnetic chart that has yet appeared, was bars. On a hasty glance, these traces might be
published by Churchman in 1794. The value regarded as indicating the circulation of an in
of such delineations, however, is unfortunately visible fluid. Euler, whose strength lay in the
diminished by the errors proceeding from the command of analysis, went so far as to imagine
local attraction of the magnetic needle, which that the pores of the magnet were furnished
were quite overlooked at‘that period. -. with a sort of valves, which permitted the en
Between the years 1712 and 1725, numerous trance of the current and prevented its return.
experiments were made by Hauksbee, Brook But this amusing experiment is most easily and
Taylor, anda,Mu‘sschenbroeck, \,to determine the satisfactorily explained, from the composition of
relation of the intensity of magnetic force to the the attractive ,or repulsive forces centred in the
distance of its actiortgbut though the power ap magnetic poles. The curves delineated by the
peared to decrease most rapidly with its remote filamentous chains, when two dissimilar poles are
ness, no satisfactory, conclusion was obtained. exerted, resemble elliptical arcs, but seem hyper
The cause of this failure must-be imputed to the bolic ones, if two similar poles unite their action.
intermixing, in the statement of the resultsmno The magnetic curve is distinguished by some
' . mi .v * I? w.
vy..'.3.";;.isign;.ira‘ériiiJ1" ,npnd
ve a table of no fewer than 50,000 observations arranged corresponding to the
756. They found it impossible, however, to reduce all the changes to calculation.
' Charles Au stin-(Zoulethb, a 0st accurate and ingenious experimenter, was born at Angoulfime in 1736, and died at
'l‘aris on the 23 of August 1806. Receiving his education in that capital, be embraced the military profession, and was
sent as engineer to the island of Martinique. He aflerwards held various employments, and might have risen to the highest
distinction, if he had been as compliant with the times as some others of his countrymen.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 627
remarkable properties, and one of the most larity‘of'iiion. In the years lmhlld 1787, Cavallo
beautiful may Pe cited: It is, that if from the tried the magnetism ofvarious substances, by'set
same points in the axis, tangents be drawn to ting them to float ‘on'a vial-y cl'éh'fi surface 6f'mer
cury, onInwhich theyturned
them, the several points of contact will range
in the Mfume ofzi circle?" m" Mforce.n this tafi‘ii‘é’ fountd‘l that/a tritesniiillest
of ire]:
Epiuus adopted the hypothesis of 'an activ'e which 1,1,; enema-u téa‘ebula'wliet'eal'yét ea
pable of sensiblynai'fecting 'thelyfieedle.""m'ékel
fluid, to explain the pm‘both of Mag
netism and Electricity, and to re is strongly magnetical, but ’mm‘s 'eli'fedbl'dd' by
duce its operations to great simplicity. Brug the addition of cobalt. “Yet' ‘b‘r'assfthough na
man and others have entertained similar notions. t" passive, becomes suscePtiblé‘of ‘msg‘né't
But admitting the “My of such conceptions, ism by hammering, and loses this power 'again
they enable us merely to“ shift the difficulties. when heated to near redness. But a more nu
We must imagine the constitution of the un merous and far niore 'pr‘ecise collection of expe
known fiuid, while the properties of the magnet riments of that kind was made during the 'course
itself are obvious to the senses. Sound logic, of twenty years, between 1784 and 1804,"h'y
therefore, dissuades us from indulging in dreams Coulomb. This m‘ci'st acute and accurate expe
hardly more instructive than the occult qualities rimenter found every substance almOst to be
of the Schoolmen. The true business of the susceptible of magnetism. To examine the
philosopher, though not flattering to his vanity, property, he formed needles about three-eig'hths
is merely to ascertain, arrange, and condense of an inch in length, suspended by fine silk
the leading facts. ' ‘i "'i‘” lines; and these obeyed the magnet, though
Ingenuity and patience were for many years composed of gold, silver, copper, lead, and
exercised in improving the art of constructing tin, tray of bone and chalk. But this seeming
artificial loadstones, or of communicating mag universal diffusion of the property might still
netism by different modes of Touch. The ge be Owing to the presence of iron, however
neral procedure depends on the magnetic power much attenuated. \Vhcu bees-wax had incor
induced by apposition, though it is often afl'cet porated with it a portion of iron-filings equal
ed by very slight circumstances, and always re only to the 130,000th part of its weight, it was yet
quires dextrous manipulation to insure success. sensibly affected by the magnet. Nor is it im
In France, Reaumur and Duhamel gave circum probable that niekcl, as ouce‘believed, may be
stantial directions; but our countrymen Knight, only a refractory ore of iron, still resist-ing che
Mitchell, and Canton, acquired peculiar address mical decomposition, though deriving from this
in magnetizing ’;l and Epinus gave an improved source its magnetic virtuei“ v.“
method, suggested by his theory, for communi The variation of the needle has been accuratek
cating magnetism by the Double Touch, the two ly observed in Europe during nearly two centu
rubbing bars being held each reclining about ries. It seems to belcontinually increasing,
half a right angle from the vertical position. *1“ though in a most irregular manner. In the
It was proved that the magnetic virtue resides year 1657, it stood directly north at London;
near the surface,"and therefore hollow magnets and it held the same meridional position in 1660
were proposed, though perhaps never actually at Paris. But during the remainder of the cen
tried. But thin bars seemed to answer best for tury it changed towards the west, at the rate of
attaching under the card of the mariner’s com 11’ annually at London, but only"6' at Paris.
pass. Coulomb remarked that a teel wire is, From 1700 to 1725 the yearly increase of va
by twisting, made capable of being nine times riation at London was only 9?, from 1725 to
more strongly magnetized. It is singular that 1750 it rose to 14’; but from 1750 to 1775 it
cast steel is unfit for a magnet, and that the returned to 9’ again, and from 1775 to 1800
smallest admixture of antimony destroys the po it declined to 6'. For the next 25 years the

' See Anulyrir of Curve Linn, near the end of the volume.
628 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

rate of augmentation has been scarcely 2’, and 1794, on the island of Sumatra, by Macdonald, -
the change at Paris is still smaller. This who found the diurnal aberration there not to
rapid decline of the annual change appeared to exceed 8'. But the alternation of heat and cold
intimate the needle’s approach to the limit of in that equatorial climate is likewise more li
westerly digression, from which it w0uld slowly mited. . .
return in the contrary direction. Such expecta The Dip of the Needle is much less change
tion, however, is not yet realized. In 1817 the able than its Declination. It‘ is more difficult
needle was observed at. Paris to make indeed a to observe, but appears to have been diminish
slight retreat; but, in the following year, it ing during the last hundred years, at the very
moved forward again, and continues to advance, slow rate of .a minute annually. The quantity
though slowly, to the west. Its relaxation in of Dip, or the depression of a poised needle be
London is less apparent.1 low the horizontal position, depends in every
But the variation of the needle, besides its place over the surface of the earth nearly on the
annual progress, is liable to other alternating latitude. It would be very desirable to render
changes, amounting sometimes to a considerable the observations with the Dipping Needle more
quantity. Its diurnal deviation was first re certain and delicate. Coulomb proposed an in
marked by Graham in 1722, and ascertained genious mode of computation, from the load re
with more precision in 1750 by Wargentin of quisite to bring it into an horizontal position
Stockholm. But Canton investigated the sub compared with the time of its vibrating in that
ject with great ability and perseverance, in a plane.
very extended series of observations begun in Albert Euler, son'of the great analyst, cem
1756. He found the needle to travel westwards sured Halley’s magnetical hypothesis, and pro- -
from about nine o’clock in the morning till two posed in 1766 a simple theory deduced from cl»
in the afternoon, when it remained for a while serrations, and requiring the assumption of only
stationary, and again slowly returned, regaining two poles, distinct-'howaver 'fron‘r-those of the
its station during the night, or before the early terrestrial axis. ‘ The North Pole he would place
dawn. In the morning, its movements Were in the latitude of 75' '7', and the, South 'Pole in
less regular. The extent of those digressions the latitude of 60° 37'; assigning to the former
was found to depend on the season of the year; a western longitude of 91° 54', and to the latter
near the end of December, the diurnal aberra only 38" 86'. '
tion was only '7', but it'mounted to 13? about Biot and Humboldt, from a comparison of
the middle of June. later and ampler observations, assigned for both
Canton, with great probability, referred these the magnetic poles the opposite latitudes of
curious facts to the influence of heat on the 79° 1'; the longitude of the northern one being
magnetic forces. Though the direction of the 27° 87’, and that of the southern one 205° 12'
needle is mainly determined by the internal west from Greenwich. The plane perpendicu
magnetism of the globe, it must also be affected lar to the magnetic axis intersects the equator
in someidegree by the local attraction of the fer
at an angle of 10° 59', and in west longitudes
ruginous particles united to mineral substances, 117° 87' and 800° 27'.
and profusely scattered on the surface. If we But deductions of this kind are liable to a
suppose their joint power inclines to the east of source of inaccuracy which had long escaped
the magnetic meridian, it will evidently act observation. ' The bolts and other pieces of iron
more feebly in drawing the needle aside during in the frame of a ship, ranging mostly before
the'warm portion of the day, and in the height the binacle, very sensibly dcrange the bearings
of siunmer. This ingenious explication seems of the compass by their lead attraction. This
to be corroborated by the observations made in deviation seems to have been first remarked by

' The celebrated astronomer Burckhardt, by combining together a number of observations, has-deduced a formula for
the variation of the needle at Paris. Admitting its accuracy, the maximum will be attained in 1837, and reach to 24° 26',
the period of magnetieal revolution héing completed in the space of 860 years.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 629»
Bayly, who accompanied Captain Cook as as was enabled to detect the position of the mag
tronomer in the two last voyages of that great netic poles of the Earth, and trace the es of
navigator. Butrit was accurately investigated variation on its surface. But the results ' go
by Lieutenant Flinders in 1795. The error thus correction as.often as fresh data are plocured”: |' l
caused is often as much as 10 degrees; and, Hansteen
tween the infers,
years from
1819 experiments
and l§26 onhethe
made
oscillql-fl
owing to the oblique influence of stenestrial
magnetism, it attains to a much , _ t tion of the needle, that the magnetic intensity,
in the high latitudes. When the vessel’s keel lies has been decreasing annually at .Christiania,
in the magnetic meridian, the needle is not dis London, and Paris, by the 235th, the 725th,
turbed, and thedivergence becomes greater in the and the 1020th parts respectively. ;Tlhis'div‘er;
transverse position ; in every other position, the sified effect he ascribes to the _,revolution of the
sine of the deflexion has a certain ratio to the sine Siberian pole. .1”, i
of the angle of the course. A single experiment The remarkable discovery of Oerstedt has
will determine that ratio, and hence the rectifi greatly enlarged the field of magnetic influence.
cation is easily applied. But Barlow has pro A wire of any kind of metal being laid horizon
posed a very simple contrivance, to avoid the tally and at right angles to the magnetic meri
trouble of computation : It is to fix, on the deck dian, to connect the opposite conductors of a
and immediately behind the binacle, a thin iron Galvanic Battery, a needle either below or above,
plate, which by its proximity may counteract it is drawn considerably to tl1ie)one‘isidilgvortheIv
the diffuse attraction along the forepart of the other.
with theInstead
vagaries
of of
bewildering
invisible ,3the
V ha suffi
ship. This adjustment being once attained,
must suit eyery situation. My, ed“, cient
ducedexplication
from of the phago”
p ' ' ‘ es :,——1.
mayMagnets
be
But the action of terrestrial magnetism is evi
dently the result of its intensity combined with its ism is in some proportion
direction. Though the attractive force augments metallic substmmping either to their _ ,7
in approaching to the magnetic pole, yet the Dip constitution or the universal disse ' 1,tion of fer
of the Needle rapidly increases, insomuch that ruginous molecules: 2. The cros'sl'wu'e, from its
the late Arctic voyagers found it in Baflin’s Bay position with regard to the Tqmtrial Magnet,
only three degrees from the vertical position. acquires induced, magnetism, butgtending traps
The efficacy of the directive force was hence versely; the under Nside having the‘virtue o a
reduced about nineteen times, and the compass north pole, and the upper side that of a south
betrayed a deviation amounting to 70° or 80?. pole. The copious infusion of that virtue is
The study of Magnetism, so long neglected, occasioned probably by the duration of the in
has lately been revived with splendid success. ternal tremor, excited by intense Iac
Conjoined with observations of the length of the tion, and analogous to t g'efl'ectsv‘on‘a bar of
pendulum in different latitudes, experiments (iron or steel subjected to spinning, tnzisting,
have been likewise made on the oscillation of heating, or the fulminating shock. qc are
the needle, which indicates the directive power easily explained the diversified phases 0 attrac
of the great internal magnet. ,g-From a compa tion, rotation, or impressed magnetism.
rison of these, it appears that the intensity of Arago proved that continuous electrical sparks
the terrestrial magnetism is doubled in the or thedischarges
Galvanic Battery.
operate theBut
same
his penetrating in
ascent from the equator to the western limit of
Baflin’s Bay. No person has shown such ardour genuity soon discovered the means of laugmentg
in pursuing the investigation of this subject as ing prodigiously the intensity of the magnetic
Professor Hansteen of Christiania, who not only action, by coiling the conjugate wire into‘a cy
with infinite labour collected and digested the lindrical spiral, andv thus forming a sort of ma
multifarious facts, but has undertaken distant gazine oftransverse inferior and superior needles
journeys for the purpose of rectifying former which unite their influence. Schwegger, pur
observations. From all these combinations, be suing the same ideas in Germany, has produced
630 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
a very simple and convenient instrument, for
detecting the smallest traces of magnetic virtue.
Magnetism has again received a beautiful ac
cession from the keen glance of Arago, whose
mind embraces and enriches every department
of science. If a needle. be finely suspended
over a thick circular plate of copper made to re~
volve horizontally, it is drawn aside from the
meridian in the direction of the motion; and
when this becomes very rapid, it will even fol
low the tide of eircumvolution. The effect is
nowise occasioned by the whirlwind raised, for
the experiment succeeds best when the needle,
pendant'from a silk line, is inclosed within a
glass case that has a bottom of mica or thin
glass resting immediately over the plate of cop
per. The power is augmented by the proximity
of the needle and the thickness of the revolving
disc,—an evident proof of the attraction exerted
by the accumulated ferruginous molecules.
‘ The simplest and most satisfactory way of
explaining this curious phaanomenon seems de~
rived from the principle, that, though magnetism
acts instantaneously, a certain portion of time,
however small, is required for the infusion or
communication of the magnetic virtue. The
circular plate acquires this property from the
mere apposition of the needle; its axis with re
versed polcs lying when at rest exactly under
the pointer. But if the plate be quickly turned,
5. OPTICS.
Tm: science of Optics, next to that of Astro
nomy, is the noblest creation of human genius.
No branch of knowledge so far transcends ordi—
nary notions, and none has more essentially
contributed to augment our perceptive powers
or expand the range of observation. The sense
of Touch, diffused with various intensity over the
surface of the body, connects us with the proxi
mate objects of an external world. Tasteis akin
to Touch, and makes us acquainted with those
solvent properties of food which stimulate the
animal frame. The sense of Smell is not con
fined to mere contiguity, but extends its infor
mation to the substances which emit from a
distance their peculiar odorous eflluvia. Hearing
carries our sensations still farther, and intimates
the axis, not being instantly impressed, will be
carried forward, and must consequently draw
after it the needle, or even involve it in a con
tinued rotation. On the other hand, if the
copper remain fixed while the needle is made to
vibrate, the axis of induced magnetism must
always hang in the rear, and therefore retard, or
tend to diminish, and soon extinguish the oscil
lations. Hence an important practical inference,
that the needle of a ship’s compass should tra
verse near the bottom of a thick copper box, in
order to correct that excessive sensibility which
is so inconvenient in ordinary seamanship.
Magnetism has been gaining accessions like
wise in detail. Seebeck of Berlin proved that
various substances have their magnetical state
affected by the unequal distribution of heat.
Becquercl described an instrument which, by
neutralizing the terrestrial influence, shows the
faintest shades of magnetism, and distinguishes
the slowest electrical conductors. His country
man Rousseau, advancing by the same path,
gave the construction of the Sideroscope, which
detects the very feeblest traces of iron in bodies.
This curious combination of magnetic needles
has been improved and successfully applied by
Leballif, who devotes the moments of respite
from the drudgery of a laborious office to the
ardent and unwcaried pursuit of experimental
science. '
the operation and the direction of those distant
changes which excite the tremulous commotion
of sound in our atmosphere. But the faculty
of Vision is of a much higher order. It soars
above the grossness of matter, transports us
above this sublunary scene, and holds commerce
with the skies. The other senses have gained
no help from instruments, if we except the par
tial advantages which Hearing has derived from
the speaking and ear trumpets. But Sight was
refreshed by the application of Spectacles, and
its powers of exploration have been advanced in a
most astonishing degree by the tardy subsequent
discovery of the Microscope and the Telescope.
The wonders of atomic Nature seem now laid
open, and all the glories of the remotest celes
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 631
tial forms are brought under immediate obser1 however, were quite overlooked, when Bradley
vation. The medium of such intercourse is that
in 1729 established his fine discoveryflwithin
pure empyreal stream of Light, which approaches close limits, but on the very same grounds.1
the nearest to our conception of Spiritual Es Astronomers had“ been obliged to abandon
sence. seller.» 1 dl fllbms.
their attempts to W telescopes of much
The chief properties of the rays of Light con higher magnifying
apertures, powei's, and
I d Consequently to cqritrhct
to‘ reduce the
the meal
sist in Reflexion and Refiach'on. With the for;
mer thel ancients were sufiiciently acquainted,
s’ure of illColour
vision. " ation
wasinstill
order
imagined
td prociii'e
to depend
but they had only a vague notion of the con
nexion between the angles of Incidence and Re merelyvon the various mixturel‘of light and
shade. But Newton’s grand'rdiscovery of the
fraction. * It is somevvhat singular that both the
Telescope and the Microscope should have been decomposition of the Solar Beam, first communi
several years'invented before the law on which cated to the Royal'Society in 1671, and-further
their construction depends, or the constant re explained by his correspondence during the three
lation between theisines of those angles, was de following yeiirs, changed the whole‘aspect of the
tected. This important discovery was made by science. The ingenuity in devising the imple
Snellius, but simplified and first published in and beautiful experiments with combined prisms,
1637 by Descartes, who greatly reformed opti is not more admirable, than the force and clear
cal science. The progressive motion of Light ness-of the whichdeduced from them
was next beautifully deduced from the annual such splendid eonciu'siohs. The mild spirit of
anticipation and retardation of the eclipses of the philosopher was wounded by the attacks of
Jupiter’s satellites, by the ingenuity of Roemcr, petulance and contradiction; and he quietly ig
a young Danish astronomer, who had been in tained, in his closet, for the space of upwards
vited to France in 1672,3and there liberally en of thirty years, the sequel of those invaluable
tertained for nine years, till he was recalled to experiments, and only consented publish the
his native country and loaded with lucrative and Treatise of Optics after his reputation had final
honourable appointments. One might suppose ly triumphed over all opposition. This resolution
that the aberration of the fixed stars, or their is much to be regretted, as it not only post
apparent circular shifting in the heavens, would poned the diffusion of genuine science, but gave
have been hence anticipated, as a simple in occasion to the blending of some speculations
ference from the motion of Light combined with which the discerning author would probably not
the revolution of the Earth in its orbit. Such have published in the high meridian of his in
a consequence had been foreseen by the acute tellect. Though the experimental procedure on
mind of Descartes, who therefore adopted the which the work rests had been strictly induc
tive, yet was the composition cast inia synthetical
instantaneous propulsion of light as a funda
mental principle in his Dioptrics. Were it form,--broken into a series of propositions, with
otherwise, he maintained the stars would not their preliminary apparatus of Axioms and De
appear in their true positions, and the suri' finitions; which commonly involve assumptions,
would be seen eclipsed long after his conjunc and so far from giving more precision to our
tion with the moon. These considerations, reasonings,"imperceptibly lead to the admis
s H

‘ In a letter of Descartes, bearing the date iiiflidl,

;l ,2. he notices an exgriment proposed b a Dutch correspondent, to prove
that Light takes a sensible time to arrive at the eye from a distance. his was towave a min torch at night, and observe
its reflexicn from a mirror removed only a quarter of a league. The French philosopher vi his frlen s repeated the
experiment several times, and could not discern the smallest interval between each bending of the flame and its reflexion.
But even admitting the lapse of the 24th art of an arterial pulse to intervene durin the short passage to the mirror
and back in, or allowing the velocity of)“; English miles in a second, it would c023: etely derange Astronomical Obser
vations. he sun would not appear in his real position, but in that which he occupi when the rays of light which reach
us It their journey. A solar eclipse would theretbre be seen, not at the moment of conjunction, but an hour sttervm'ds,
the Light having to travel from the Earth to the edge of the Moon and back again, or to pass and repass the distance of
50 semldiameters, each of 3000 leagues.
632 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

sion of errors. The very term Refrangibility, Theory of Light and Colours is undoubtedly one
ofi the noblest efforts of human invention. It
which Newton, under the guise of a definition,
applied to the rays of light, became afterwards quickly modified the projects of opticians. The
a source of misconception. It evidently con imperfection of the Telescope was hence found
verted the refraction of light into a general pro to proceed only from undue mixture of colour
perty belonging peculiarly to the rays them in the image, occasioned by unequal refraction,
selves, and therefore independent altogether of which no change in the forms of the glasses
the quality or nature of the refracting medium. could remedy. The Reflexion of Light alom
This might appear only aslight distinction, but offered any chance of improvement. Newton
it probably contributed to the hasty and inaccu had constructed a small Catoptrical Instrument
rate experimental inference, that in every case with his own hands; but‘ for many years after
the refraction of the mean ray by a prism deter wards no artist appeared that possessed suficient
mines the corresponding refractions of the ex skill to imitate and improve it. The ingenious
treme rays, or that the solar spectrum is always Mr Hadley in 1723 was the first who succeeded
distinguished into the same proportions of co in getting a Reflecting Telescope made for his
loured spaces. Since all material action, how private use; and we may presume that the great
ever, is reciprocal,-the refractive process cannot inventor himself, before the close of life, enjoy
be referred to the single agency of the particles ed the satisfaction of seeing his early ideas rea
of Light, but must result from their mutual at lized. Such was not the fortune of James Gre
traction to the substance of the transparent me gory, whose Refiector, more complex indeed, but
dium. It is not the lot of humanity to reach likewise more commodious, had remained amere
perfection, and the most gifted of mortals will speculation, till about this time it was manufac
at times betray the weakness of our nature. tured and came to acquire high reputation. James
The subdivision of white light into seven com Short particularly distinguished himself by the
ponent rays, and the distinction of the spectrum finished execution of those instruments, and for
into coloured spaces adapted exactly to the in a long time he maintained the superiority of the
tervals in the diatonic scale of music, were no English artists. Every improvement in the con
doubt fine illusions which reflected the mys struction of the telescope contributed to the ac
ticism of the age. But it must now be ad curacy of astronomical observations.
mitted that the primary colours melt into each Hadley not only gave an impulse to practical
other by imperceptible shades, and that the spec astronomy, but soon enriched its stores by that
b'a painted by different prisms differ widely in invaluable instrument the Quadrantof Reflexion,
their relative extent, and exhibit even a diver which has ultimately produced a complete revo
sified partition of spaces. lution in the
ment was
year 1669, inartconsequenceiof
proposed of observing.
by Newton-‘I an. ' unsuccessful
' '‘
Certain it is that the philosophers on the Con
tinent generally refused to admit the accuracy
of the conclusions of the Treatise of Optics, and attempt of Hooke; but the description had been
Mariotte, the most ingenious and skilful of the laid aside and neglected till 1731, when the an
French experimentalists, was unsuccessful in his nouncement of Hadley’s invention recalled it
attempts at the prismatic decomposition of the from oblivion. The mode of finding an'altitude
sun's rays. His failure must no doubt be attri hitherto practised at sea was liable to much
buted to the influence of prejudice, and the stifil uncertainty, since it required to direct the eye
ness of advanced age; but finally to silence all first to the horizon and next to theudisc of the
such opp0sition, it was judged expedient in 1716 sun, though the instrument might have its posi.
that Desaguliers should repeat and somewhat“ ition altered during this interval by the motion
vary the original experiments before a committeeM of the ship. The difficulty was now obviated by
of the Royal Society at London. ’ if: employing a movable index, which brought the
Notwithstanding these few blemishes, arisingmsun’dmge tqfiogch the bounQ-y of tilihorizon.
merely from hasty generalization, the Newtonian It is a very happy application of the simple prin
 .' DISSERTATION FOURTH. 633
ciple in Catoptrics, namely, that a ray of light which a more skilful ex'eeution might nearly pre
which has sufi'ered two reflexions deviates from elude.
its course by an angle just double of the mutual
inclination of the mirrors. The Quadrant was af The middle of the eighteenth century was dis
terwards enlarged into a Sextant, it had telescopic tinguished by a capital correction of the New
sights aflixcd to it, and received its final simpli tonian principle of the proportional refraction
fication in this country from the dividing engine of the several rays of light, which has led to the
of Ramsden. This delicate instrument has come most important practical results. It had been
since into almost universal, use in measuring concluded that no combined unequal refractions
angles; and though originally contrived only to could ever form a white image, because the same
observe the latitude at sea, it is now employ refractive powers which might neutraliae the
ed with the greatest facility iu ascertaining the colours must likewise bend the converging or
angular distance of the moon from the sun or a diverging rays into exactly parallel directions.
star, and thence supplying correct data for com But, dissatisfied with this theory, Euler in 1747
puting by the help of improved lunar tables the endeavoured to prove the possibility of destroy
longitude itself. ing the coloured margin of a fecal image, by imi
Meanwhile the Sextant underwent a radical tating the structure of the eye, which he con
transformation on the Continent, being changed sidered as aperfect optical instrument. He pro
into an entire Circle. This was effected by the posed to construct a convex lens, by joining two
celebrated Mayer, whose very narrow circum meniscus glasses holding water in their cavity;
stances drew forth all the resources of his inven and expected from such a combination not only
tion. He sought to remedy the imperfection of to correct the spherical aberration, but to pre
the common Graphometer or Circumferentor, vent the border of colour. All his attempts,
by multiplying the angle observed, and thus however, to obtain distinct vision, were unsuc
blending and extenuating the errors of subdivi cessful. Yet he still persisted in holding it to
sion. By this simple contrivance not only were be a Law of Nature, that not the refractions of
the grosser inaccuracies obviated, but the instru the extreme rayp, but the indices oftheir powers,
ment was rendered even superior to others of the are constantly proportional ; and from this ma
finest construction. Mayer next conjoined this thematical er metaphysical assumption, he strict
principle with that of Hadley, and produced the ly deduced his calculations. These speculations
Repeating Circle, which, having afterwards re of Euler made some noise in the scientific world,
ceived some further improvements from Borda, and shook the confidence abroad in the accuracy
is now employed universally on the Continent of Newton’s experimental conclusions. About
in Goniometrical Surveys, and in the practice this time John Dolland, 1 bred a silk-weaver, the
of Navigation and Astronomy. This instrument trade of his father, a French Protestant refugee,
complex, however, in its construction, and being fond ofmathematical studies, had chosen
tedious and operosc in its application, seems after to embrace, in partnership with his son, the pro—
many trials not to be gaining ground in Eng fession of an Optician, as more congenial to his
land. Its chief advantage consists in reducing taste. Having already acquired reputation for
the errors occasioned by imperfect workmanship, ingenuity and skill, he communicated in 1752,

' John Dolland, born in Spitalfields in June 1706. Left by the early death of his father in straitencd circumstances, he
was obliged to toil for the support of the family. But his thirst otter useful knowledge led him to devote every spare
moment to private study, and even to encroach on the hours of repose. By such severe application he made considerable
proficiency in geometry and algebra, in optics and sstrcnom , and added to these attainments s tolerable acquaintance with
the ancient languages He became anxious to follow s ro ession better fitted to his nius, and in I752 hejoined his son
Peter, who having quitted silk-weaving, had successfu ly commenced the business 0 optician. The discovery of achro
matic lssses in 1768 established his reputation, and afforded a pros not of the large fortune sfierwards reaped by theindus
try an perseverance of his successor. But the elder Dolland hm only begun to taste the sweets of prosperity: while en
gaged intensely in the perusal of s new memoir of Claimut, he wss, on the 30th November 1761, struck with a fit of ape.
plexy, which in the space ofa few hours hurried him to the grave.
D188. IV. 4- L
634 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to the Royal Society of London, a short paper, A convex lens of crown glass of the focal length
showing that the principle advanced by Euler of two feet, conjoined with a concave lens of
was discordant with the property deducible from flint glass having a virtual focus at the distance
the Newtonian experiments. But it did not of three feet, must hence form a colourless image
thence follow that either of these must be the at the distance of six feet. This capital dis
true Law of Nature; and accordingly Klingen covery, achieved in 1757, enabled Dolland to
stiema, an ingenious and learned Swedish philo construct refracting telescopes of much larger
sopher, proved that the hypothesis espoused by aperture and wider field than before, and pre
Dolland would not stand a rigorous analytical senting the image with such a Pure brilliancy as
investigation. The English artist was therefore to entitle them to the name of Achromatic. It
compelled to adopt the only sure and decisive was likewise possible to correct the spherical
mode of settling the question, the unbiassed aberration by modifying the coalescent curva
appeal to experiment. He soon found that his tures. But the discharge of extraneous colour is
preconceptions were inaccurate, and that refrac attained most completely by forming a triple 0b—
tion may subsist without any fringe of colour. ject-glass, composed of a concave lens of flint
He formed a wedge or hollow prism with two glass inclosed on both sides by two convex lenses
thin rectangular pieces of plate-glass, joined at of crown glass.
the edges and cemented to planes of brass at the The theory of Achromatic Telescopes was now
ends, and having filled the cavity with distilled complete, but it still required patience and ad
water, he inverted in it an acute-angled glass dress to carry it into successful execution. Dol
prism, and looking through this compound me land, and his son afterwards, took incredible
dium, he gradually widened the angle of the pains in choosing their samples of glass, and ac
glass plates, till an object placed in front ap quired such exquisite skill in combining them,
peared free from any coloured border, but con as to set all rivalship at defiance. The Conti
siderably depressed. The refraction of the nental Mathematicians were eager in examining
water had therefore predominated over the op the structure of those achromatic lenses, and in
posite refraction of the glass, without expand applying their superlative powers of calculation
ing at the same time the prismatic colours. to define the proper forms. Klingenstierna and
This simple and well-devised experiment esta— Boscovich, but especially D’Alembert and Euler,
blished therefore, in contradiction to Newton, distinguished themselves by their most elaborate
the important principle, that the length of the and profound investigations in this new branch of
spectrum, or the disperszbn of the extreme rays, is Dioptrics. Yet it maybe questioned whether art
not always proportional to the mean refraction, ists have derived any real help in practice from
but depends on the constitution of the diaphauous such vast and profuse displays of analytical re
medium. The result already indicated an im search. England, following a more tentative pro
proved construction of the telescope, by substi cedure, continued exclusively for half a century
tuting a compound object-glass, inclosing water, to supply the world with Achromatic Glasses.
nearly in the manner attempted by Euler. But The correction of colour obtained by the in
Dolland rejected this imperfect expedient, and genuity and perseverance of Dolland consisted
sought to produce an unalterable combination thus in the blending of a spectrum with an
with difl'erent kinds of glass: Having struck other of the same reversed length, but caused
into the right path, he pushed forward to a great by an inferior refraction. Though the extreme
discovery. He tried to select among the dif boundaries were necessarily white, it did not
ferent kinds of glass such as might efl'ect his however follow that the intermediate portions
purpose; and after a long and perplexing re should be absolutely colourless. On the con
search, he finally preferred the combination of trary, it seems ascertained that not only the en
crown and flint glass; the refractive power of tire expansion of the spectrum, but the relative
the former being to that of the latter as two to extent of its several coloured spaces, depend on
three, while their opposite dispersions are equal. the peculiar quality of the refracting medium.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 635
A redoubled combination of lenses might there Thus, red mingled in difl'erent proportions with
fore mingle and destroy the secondary colours green produces orange or yellow, and green
scattered through the middle range. But the sufl’used with violet gives blue; while red blend
light would be necessarily enfeebled by sufi'ering ed with violet forms crimson, that fine brilliant
those repeated refractions. hue which is not emergent in the solar spec
Several experimenters, in their attempts to im trum. In this pencilled expansion, we may
prove the achromatic telescope, had proposed the thus reckon three principal colours, or more
interposition of fluids between the pieces of the completely four, five, or six, with innumerable
compound object-glass. But the late Dr Robert shades. If the whole extent of the spectrum
Blair instituted the most elaborate investigation produced by a prism of flint glass be reckoned
on this subject about the year 1787. He found 50 parts, the spaces occupied by the unfolded
all the essential oils, but especially certain me colours will nearly represented in this series:
tallic solutions in muriatic acid, to possess the red 5, orange 4, yellow ’7, green 9, blue 10, and
greatest dispersive powers. A most compli violet l5 ; or if the orange be merged in red,
cated arrangement of those fluids with different and the yellow in green, the expanse of the four
lenses was first tried, and next abandoned for resulting colours will be, red 9, green 16, blue
a less intricate combination of a triple muriatic 10, and violet 15. These successive spaces are
solution, inclosed in glass shells, and invested all considerably different, it must be confessed,
on both sides by a semiconvex and a meniscus of from the fanciful subdivision of the diatonic
crown glass. This compound appeared to pro scale of music attributed to the range of the
duce the effect desired, not only discharging spectrum formed by water or crown glass.
from the image the extreme fringes of red and It is often assumed that the numbers of the
violet, but excluding also the intermediate streaks component rays of light are proportional to the
of green and yellow. Unfortunately the liquid breadths of the several coloured spaces of the
by degrees lost its transparency, either from the spectrum. But the most ordinary experience
change of its own constitution or from the slow contradicts that supposition ; for the eye is of
but continual corrosion of the surface of the fended by the excessive glare of red and orange,
glass. A similar attempt has been lately reviv is relieved by the softness of green, and feels
ed, but We fear with no better prospect of suc languid under the feeble action of blue or violet.
cess. No confidence can be placed in the per Whatever may be the distinctive properties of
manent transparency of any fluid medium. the coloured particles themselves, they are evi
Although theprismatic colours follow thesame dently collected by the prism in groups of very
invariable order, they yet expand in very differ. different densities. It is hardly possible to com
ent proportions, according to the nature of the pare the various intensities of such heterogene
refracting substance. It is impossible, from the ous things as colours with any degree ofprecisiou ;
closest examinationofthe solarspectrum in a dark but when highly condensed, the impression they
room, to distinguish the limits of the several co make on the eye is nearly the same as that of
loured spaces, which appear to melt away by in white light itself. On this principle the late inge
sensible gradations. The extreme boundaries of nious Fraunhofer, the great improver of achro
illumination are still more undefined. The red matic glasses, was enabled in 1814 to estimate
seems tograduate nearthe edge into a dullbrown, nearly the illuminating powers of the prismatic
while the violet spreads out by lengthening shades rays, by examining them as concentrated in the
into blackness. Those verges are no doubt more field of a large telescope of a theodolite. He
extended in our climate, owing to the greater found the brightest spot on the spectrum of flint
profusion of lateral rays sent from the white por glass to lie on the verge of the yellow next the
tion of the sky which encircles the sun’s disc. orange, and about 11 parts of its whole extension
Three primary colours—red, green, and vio of 50, from the extremity of the red. But the
let-are commonly supposed to be sufficient by most remarkable discovery he made was, that
their various admixture to generate all the rest. though the coloured spaces appear not parted by
 636 PRELIMINA RY DISSERTATIONS.

any distinct boundaries, yet they are broken and of exciting or communicating heat. Common
subdivided by numerous white and black lines, language betrays in this respect their distinctive
or even dark stripes. I-Ic reckoned altogether characters. Red and orange are termed warm
above 600 lines; a few occur in the red, but colours, green temperate, and blue and violet are
they are multiplied in the orange, the yellow, the said to be cold. The first that endeavoured to
green, and the blue. A stripe, opened by a fine measure the heating powers of the coloured rays
white line, divides the red; other stripes emerge of the spectrum was the Abbé Rochon, who in
at intervals between the orange and the blue; the summer of 1776 employed for that purpose
and two very broad approximating bars cross an air thermometer and a prism of flint glass.
the violet. Other glass prisms, and even those But though he used some precautions, and re
filled with liquids, gave similar appearances, peated his experiments, the results were not
which were therefore not accidental, but the very nice or consistent. Without venturing to
constant results of some law of nature. The compare the calorific intensities of the extreme
powers of refraction thus advance not by insen rays, be yet reckoned those of a bright red as
sible gradations, but seem to ascend with irre about eight times more powerful than such as
gular bounds. This inference bears some ana gave the liveliest violet, and considered the bor
logy to the Newtonian hypothesis of the easy fits dering orange as the hottest spot in the spec
of reflexion and transmission. trum. But in this country the differential ther
The same judicious philosopher, combining mometer, modified as a photometer, being an
eminent practical skill with deep and accurate instrument susceptible of incomparably more
science, succeeded by unwearied application in precision, was applied to the spectrum of flint
achieving the grandest improvement efi'ected in glass in 1798. Dividing the whole extent into
the construction of achromatic glasses since the four equal spaces, the calorific energies of blue,
time of Dolland. Fraunhofer conducted per green, yellow, and red might be represented
sonally the whole train of a large establishment; with tolerable exactness by the series of square
he directed the preparation and fusion of the numbers 1, 4, 9, and 16. Two years after
materials, selected the proper pieces for grind wards the famous Dr Herschel tried to measure
ing, and prescribed the due forms. The glass the impressions made by the coloured rays on
produced under the patronage of the liberal the small bulb of a mercurial thermometer, and
Bavarian government greatly surpassed in qua arrived at the paradoxical conclusion, that the
lity every other kind: It had a translucid pu hottest part lies even on the outside of the red,
rity, and a uniform consistency. Fraunhofer and at a little distance beyond the extreme ter
constructed with it the most'perfect object-lenses, mination of the spectrum. It was thence in
of more than eight times any former dimension, ferred that there are dark rays which give only
and exceeding nine inches in diameter. He had heat and not illumination, and travel in com
proposed to attain an aperture of ten inches or pany with the solar beams, though less sub
even more, and would unquestionably have suc ject to refraction. This hold hypothesis was for
ceeded, if death had not prematurely stopt his a time regarded with wonder and applause; but
ardent career. The power and brilliancy of such the delicate observations of Berard, by the help
magnificent telescopes transcended all concep of an Heliostate to direct the incident rays and
tion.l . give them a steady effect, soon demolished the
If the rays of the coloured spaces of the spec fabric. A large circular prism or the outer
trum be so widely diversified in their illuminat ring of a huge burning glass has been since em
ing energy, they differ no less in the property ployed to mark with nicety the limit of the

' The Bavarian flint-glass appears free from those wavy lines or streaks which still impair the best English specimens,
and displays besides one-third more of dispersive ower. The famous telescope constructed for the University of Dorpat
has an aperture of 9; inches, with a focal length of) 14 feet 3 inches English measure: it turns with a double parallsctic mo
tion. guided by the constant revolution of a centrifugal pendulum. l‘his wonderful production of art, pouring a flood of
light on the image, magnifies 200 and occasionally 600 times, and has enabled Professor Struve to augment prodigiously
the catalogue of double and changing stars. . . ‘3. . . . J
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 637v
greatest calorific eti'ect, which always occurs of refracted rays. The ancient engravers had;
within the red space, though nearer its exterior. employed spheres of glass or crystal to assist
border. The notion of dark rays of light, which vision; but the substitution of lenses, which at
enveloped the science in mystery, stands now the close of the thirteenth century served for
therefore without any proof, and is utterly dis spectacles, was an important advance. This
countenanced by sound philosophy. figure greatly reduced the thickness of the dia-.
The improvements made in the application phanous mass, and therefore facilitated propor
of Optics to the measuring of angles, since tionally the passage of light. But the progress
the invention of the repeating circle, relate of improvement seemed completed in the plan
principally to the micrometer. Bouguer pro proposed by_ the French Naturalist to obtain the,
posed his Helivmeler, or double object-glass exterior surfaces of a lens by combining a num
micrometer, in 1748; but Short and Dolland, ber of circular prismatic segments. From the
probably from a different suggestion, simpli difficulty of the construction, however, this pro
fied the contrivance in 1754, by dividing a ject was long retarded, and afterwards forgotten.
single objectrglass into two equal portions. The knowledge of such attempts was not wanted
Beccaria had shown that rock crystal, like Ice to direct the ingenuity of Fresnel1 into the right
land spar, has the power of double refraction; path. He calculated the curvature of the suc
and Rochon availed himself of this property to cessive concentric segments which would pro
construct in 1777 a very delicate micrometer, duce a correct focus, and advanced the construc
though Boscovich about the same time appears tion to a regular system, on which Soleil, an ex
to have conceived a similar idea. Dr Maske pert optician at Paris, has founded a manufac
lyne had more than a year before pursued a ture. This compound lens has displaced the re
path little difl'erent, his micrometer consisting flectors from the French light-houses, and must
of movable glass prisms. soon, from its very superior power of concentra
The French have ingeniously directed the tion, becomegenerally adopted. ,
principles of Optics to the improvement of The eighteenth century created a new branch
Light-Houses. In this useful pursuit the cele of optical science, destined to measure or com
brated Bufi'on led the way. Endeavouring to pare the intensities of difi'erent lights, and there
realize the performance ascribed to Archimedes, fore termed Photometry. The first notions of
he disposed 400 mirrors, each of them half a this curious subject were given by Marie, a
foot square, into a frame, so as to collect the French Capuchin, in a small tract printed in
sun’s rays into a single focus, and by the re 1700. Though this ingenious person erred
flexion from this large surface in 1747 he ac egregiously in the mathematical deductions, he
tually set fire to wood at the distance of 70 had probably the merit of setting to work the
yards. The experiment was next inverted, and superior, talents and skill of his countryman
a burner placed in the focus, to have its rays Bouguer, who published in 1729 an original
thrown parallel, and produce remote illumina treatise on the gradation qf light. He there sets
tion. But for this purpose a much smaller reflec out from the obvious principle that light darting
tor was suflicient, composed of bits of mirror in straight lines must become dilated or attef
planted in a spherical cavity. The final improve nuated in the ratio of the square of the distance
ment consisted in hammering thin plated copper from the radiant source. But the eye with a
into a parabolic shape. These powerful reflec little training can with tolerable accuracy dis
tors, combined with Argand’s lamp, were about tinguish in a dark room when two surfaces pre
thirty years since introduced from France into sented at once are equally illuminated, and con
our light-houses. sequently the relative powers of the lights may
Bufl'on tried likewise to concentrate the power be readily computed from the distances required

I The insidious advance of a consumption has arrested his career of discovery, and drawn that inventive and amiable
philosopher to s premature grave.
638 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to produce such a congruous appearance. Bou mometer to guide the sense of vision.1 This de
guer compared the light of a candle with the sideratum was happily supplied before the close
dazzling brilliancy- of the sun and the soft ra of the century; and the Photometer constructed
diance of the moon; and found that the inten on the principle of the minute difl'erences of
sity diminishes from the centre to the margin temperature is not only very delicate, but ex
of the solar disc, but that the gradation is in empt from the remotest chance of error. The
verted in our satellite. He discovered also ex method of shadows proposed by Count Rumford
perimentally the diminution of the sun’s rays in in 1796, may be reckoned an improvement on
traversing the atmosphere with different angles Bouguer’s procedure, but it is liable to the in
of obliquity. The same able experimenter as superable objection of depending altogether on
certained the loss of light, as occasioned under the patient attention of the observer and his un
dilferent circumstances, by refiexion and refrac certain sharpness of sight.
tion. He then held the office of Royal Hydro The present century opened with the most
grapher at Croisic in LOWer Brittany; but after auspicious prospects, and was soon distinguished
his return from the laborious and memorable by one of those great and unexpected discoveries
scientific expedition to Peru, he resumed his which form an epoch in the progress of science.
early pursuits, and prepared an enlarged edition Such may be regarded the fine detection of the
of his optical work, which was edited by La polarized rays of light by Malus, a French officer
caille in 1760, two years after his death. At of Engineers, and one of the most ardent dis
the same time came out the systematic treatise ciples of the Polytechnic School; which in so
which Lambert entitled Photomclria, designed short a period drew together and put into rapid
as the sequel to a small tract which this ardent motion a far greater mass of mathematical and
and inquisitive philosopher had printed two physical talent than any of the older seminaries
years before on the remarkable properties (f the in Europe. The double refracting property of
route of light through the air. This production is Iceland Spar, or the crystallized carbonate of
Very complete in its mathematical structure; but lime, noticed by Bartholinus and accurately in
the experiments on which it rests are generally vestigated by Huygens, had likewise engaged the
not so well devised or so nicely performed as penetration of Newton, who concluded that the
those of Bouguer. The ingenious author seems ray which sufl'ers the unusual or Maordinary
to confide too much in a sort of filtration and ad refraction must have its opposite sides affected
justment of facts, as obtained by the aid of cal by some virtue like magnetism which gives them
culation. Lambert, in' his preamble, admits the a tendency to polarity.fl This curious and acute
imperfection of those observations, owing to the remark appears to have lain neglected near a
infirmity and variable condition of the eye, and hundred years among the crowd of ingenious
regrets that he had no instrument like the ther speculations started in the optical queries. Ma

! Optandum eerie am, at acogitarctur Photometrum rhcrmomctro analogmn, quad Iumini L‘Iporilum q'm intmrltafem ntque
clarfiatm indicard- He subjoins, Enimnero ipn: oculu: (in; sislil umtplar, quippe pupillm aperture lumim's sequilur magnitudinm
ac chritatcm, et utrique sue accvmnwdat. A! mag-napcrr dubilandum artcm in [we rwgotio natumm posse imitari. (Photometria,
sive de Mensura et Gradibus Luminis, Colorum, et Umbrze, p. 7.)
' The whole deserves transcribi . “ The unusual refraction of island crystal looks very much as if it were
performed b some kind of attractive virtue edged in certain ride: both of the rays and of the particles of the crystal. For
were it not or some kind of disposition, or virtue, lod in some sides of the particles of the crystal, and not in their other
sides, and which inclines and bends therays towards t e coast of unusual refraction, the rays which fall perpendicularly on
the crystal would not be refracted towards that coast rather than towards any other coast, both at their incidence and at their
emergence, sons to emerge perpendicularly, by a contrary situation of the coast of unusual refraction, at the second surface:
the crystal acting upon the rays after they have passed through it and are emerging into the air, or, if you please, into a
vacuum. And smce the crystal by this disposition or virtue does not act upon the rays, unless when one of their sides of
unusual refraction looks towards that coast, this argues a virtue or disposition in those sides of the rays, which answers to
and sympathizes with that virtue or disposition of the crystal, as the pole: qftwo mag-net: answer to one amlhen And as mag
netism may be intended or remitted, and is found only in the m et and in iron ; so this virtue, of refracting the perpen
dicular rays, is greater in island crystal, less in crystal of the rec , and is not yet found in other bodies. I do not say that
this virtue is magnetical; it seems to be of another kind: I only say, that whatever it be, it. is difiicult to conceive how
the rays of light, unless they be bodies, can have apennanent virtue in two oftheir sides, which is not in their other sides;
and this w)ith0ut any regard to their position to the space, or the medium, through which they pass.” (Optics, book iii.
query 20.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 639
' lus had early turned his attention to the more observation with the same results, and soon
difficult problems in optics, and after his return, found that light reflected at a certain angle
with a shattered constitution from an absence of from the surface of glass acquires the same
several years spent in foreign service, obtaining character as the extraordinary ray in the double
more congenial employment at home, he re refracting prism. Water showed a similar
sumed with enthusiasm his favourite studies, disposition, but at a different angle of inci
and devoted to them every moment he could dence. It was not diliicult to trace the law
spare. While intensely occupied with the in through the various reflecting surfaces; but
vestigation of the phaznomena of double refrac Malus extended his researches farther, and
tion, a fortunate accident occurred, which dis pursued them with rapidity and success. But,
closed to him a new and splendid field of con in the midst of this career, he was premar
templation. In one of his frequent visits to turely carried away from his friends and the
the Observatory, during his residence at Paris, philosophic world, by a lingering disease, on
he chanced in the summer of 1809 to be struck the 23d of February 1812. The subject of
with the brilliant reflexion of the setting sun Polarity has been since carried forward by
from one of the windows of the Luxembourg several eminent experimenters both abroad
Palace, on looking at the appearance through and at home, particularly by Arago, Biot,
a prism of rock crystal which he slowly turned and Fresnel, and by Brewster, Seebeck, and
round, and remarked with surprise that one Herschel; but it still wants the simplicity and
of the images changed regularly to brightness evidence which always mark the perfection of
from obscurity. Next morning he repeated this science.

6. DOCTRINE OF HEAT.

HEAT is the great principle of all internal mo The Doctrine of Heat has, in the course of
tion. Its various changes and gradations deter the eighteenth century, been advanced to the
mine the growth of plants and the expansion rank of a science. Its transfusion through the
of animated beings. The knowledge of the pro mechanical arts has communicated a grand
duction of fire was the earliest of human disco movement to society, and wonderfully augment
veries, and already distinguished our species in ed our national wealth and resources. That a
its lowest condition from the brute tenants of subject so nearly concerned with the wants and
the forest. The application of that element has comforts of human life should have remained
most essentially contributed to the advancement during the lapse of ages in a state of mere in
of the arts and the general progress of society. fancy, might furnish matter for grave reflection.
It has contributed prodigiously t0 the increase of The science is essentially experimental, while
population, by converting the crude produce of the ingenuity of the ancients was expended in
the soil into nutritive and wholesome aliments. framing loose and airy visions. Fire they held
Applied in a higher degree, it has aided industry to be the Fourth Element, which, by its extreme
in fashioning the various utensils necessary for levity, soared to the highest place in the Hea
the comforts of life ; but urged to the greatest in vens, and spread its lambent ethereal essence
tensity, it has enabled man to fuse the metallic over the boundless regions of space. Being re
ores, and forge those eflicient tools by which he garded of pure divine origin, the sparks of the
controls the powers of nature, and renders them celestial flame were believed to impart anima
subservient to his convenience. What a vast in tion to the beings of this nether world. But the
terval in the range of progression from therude Heat which commonly pervades the terrestrial
savage, thatlaboriouslykindles two sticks by rub bodies, and feeds our culinary fires, was consid
bingthem, to the experienced engineer, who com ered by the sages of antiquity as variable in its
bines all the deductions of philosophy in wield constitution, and of a lower and perishable na
ing and directing the resistless force of steam ! ture.
'640 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Heat was'viewed by Aristotle as a peculiar ‘ the sun, and even that of the lunar beams, which
element, composed of minute particles in con were fancied then to have a gelid influence.
'tinual agitation. Bacon, after a very prolix The Air Thermometer, as it is now called, was
and confused exemplification of his formal me about twenty years afterwards, though proba
thod of pursuing induction, arrived at a conclu bly without any communication, reproduced by
sion nearly similar, though less intelligible, that Drebbel of Alcmaer in North Holland, who car
'Heat consists in a certain expansive motion. ried it, with other ingenious contrivances, into
But other philosophers, and especially the alche England during the latter part of the reign of
mists, entertained juster notions of the subject. James I. The instrument being observed to be
They conceived Heat to be a material substance, affected by the changesof weather, was hence call
of extreme subtilty, diffused in various propor ed a Weather Glass. In fact, it indicated only the
tions internally through all bodies. Unfortu elasticity of the air, which depends on the blend
nately those theorists were not very consistent ed operation of two separate causes, the degree
in their speculations. The different applications of temperature, and the varying force of atmo
of fire they considered as not merely varying in spheric pressure. But the latter influence was
degree, but quite distinct in kind. The heat of a yet unknown, nor till the great discovery of the
furnace and a stove, that of a sand and a water Barometer by Torricelli could it be distinctly
bath, and that of putrefaction and fermentation, traced. The insufliciency of the Air Thermo
seemed in their apprehension all separate species; meter was then perceived, and another fluid sub
and animal heat was regarded by the Arabian stituted, which sensiblyexpands by heat while se
physicians as a finer essence, endued with invi cluded from the compression of the atmosphere.
gorating and restoring virtue. The Florentine Academicians, about the year
So long as such notions prevailed, it is evident 1655, first constructed an instrumentof that kind,
that no real advances could be made in the consisting as before of a glass ball, but filled
knowledge of the preperties of Heat. The first with' spirit of wine, and having its stem of a
thing required was to find a method of ascer smaller bore, sealed hermetically, or melted at
taining its intensity; and for this invention we the top by the flame of a blow-pipe. Italy had
are indebted to Sanctorio, Professor of Physic thus the honour of inventing both those instru
in the University of Padua, the celebrated dis ments, the Thermometer and Barometer, the
coverer of Insensible Perspiration, who, near most important auxiliaries of modern science.
the end of the sixteenth century, laboured with Three different forms of Thermometers, con
ardour and success in improving Medical Science structed for the Academy del Cimento, were
by the application of Mechanics. Hero, of the copied and circulated over Europe. But the
Alexandrian School, had anciently described a great object now was to procure an exact cor
curious machine, which, by the alternate ex respondence, by fixing on some standard scale.
pansion and. contraction of included air during The Italians, began the divisions at the cellar
day and night, produced certain reciprocating heat, supposing this to be uniform; and they
motions; the Paduan physician seized the prin marked other points by plunging the ‘ball in
ciple, and constructed an instrument on a small certain chemical mixtures. Boyle proposed
scale, chiefly adapted to measure the' tempera the freezing of the oil of aniseed for the
ture of the human body during fevers. ‘ It con lower point; and Halley recommended the
sisted of a pretty large ball of glass, terminating ebullition of alcohol as the limit of the scale.
in a long narrow stem, which was inverted and The great advantage of deriving a point from
plunged perpendicularly in water or coloured the congelation of water was not at first per
liquid. For the sake of convenience, the ball ceived. Many observers believed it to vary
was sometimes flattened on the one side, and under different circumstances, being deceived
the stern rendered more compact by serpentine by the fact that Water will bear a greater
involutions. \Vith this instrument Sanctorio cold before it shoots into crystals, though the
tried to measure the heat of the rays shot from temperature at which' ice or snow begins to
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 641
melt is always the same. Guericke was the the dilatation of the liquid aboVe that of the glass
first who started from the thawing point, in di which contains it. The mensuration of the ball
viding the scale of a large spirit of wine ther hence became troublesome and liable to much
mometer. To regulate the divisions, two different uncertainty.
ways occurred ; either to assume a higher point, The first who succeeded in constructing ther
or to distinguish into small portions the capa mometers with adequate skill was Fahrenheit.
city of the ball. The latter was the mode adopt This ingenious man had been a merchant at
ed by Newton, who recreated his mind with Dantzic, and through misfortune failed in busi
chemical experiments. Employing linseed oil, ness; but having a good taste for mechanics, he
which expands largely, and bears a great heat, phical
removedinstrument
into Holland,
maker
andatsettled
Amsterdam.
as a He
be subdivided the capacity of the glass into
10,000 equal parts; and beginning from the began with spirit of wine thermometers, which
point of thawing ice, he found the liquid to ex he formed much smaller and neater than had
pand 256 at the heat of the human body, 725 at been attempted before. But he soon preferred
boiling water, and 1516 at melting tin; but quicksilver, and having found it to expand
preferring smaller numbers, he assumed 12 for from freezing water to blood heat, about 60 parts
blood heat, and reduced the other numbers in in 10,000, he assumed the number 64, and ob
they same proportion to 34 and '11. This method tained the degrees by repeated bisections. In
was quite philosophical, but of very diflicult this practice he was confirmed, on observing
execution. A correct and ingenious process for what he considered as extreme cold, to descend
determining the scale of heat was proposed in just through half that space, or 32 degrees. From
1694 by Renaldini, a learned Italian mathema a mixture of water, ice, and sal ammoniac, the
tician. Taking the freezing and boiling of scale commenced; 82 degrees were allotted for
water for the extremes, he found the interme the interval to ice-water, and 64 more for the
diate points from a mixture of ten parts, com ascent to blood heat. But he afterwards enlarged
posed progressively of melting snow and water the range, and assumed another point from the
just ceased from ebullition, the ingredients limit of boiling water, which he placed at the
being 1 and 9, 2 and 8, 3 and ’7, 8w. About 212th degree in the mean state of the atmo
twenty years afterwards, Brook Taylor and sphere, though liable to some variation from the
Hauksbee applied that ingenious mode to as change of barometric pressure. Such was now
certain whether the expansions of certain fluids his confidenco in the delicacy of the construction,
are exactly proportional to the corresponding that be proposed the thermometer as an instru
accessions of heat. ment for ascertaining the heights of mountains
It had been proposed by Roemer to fill ther from the depressed temperature of boiling water;
mometers with quicksilver, and Halley adopt a very simple method, which has been lately re
ed the suggestion. But instruments of this vived by the reverend Mr Wollaston.
kind being observed to disagree with the com The thermometers manufactured by Fahren
mon spirit of wine thermometers, the cause of heit being remarkably neat and convenient,
such discrepancy was now detected. Alcohol were, notwithstanding their arbitrary subdivision,
swells with increasing progression on the appli widely dispersed over Germany, and introduced
cation of heat; while mercury shows the valu into Britain by the practitioners in physic, who at
able property of expanding with an uniform that period usually resorted to Holland for medi
advance. cal instruction. But most strangely in France
After the point of thawing snow had been a very unwieldy and inaccurate instrument
fixed, the degrees of the scale were generally de maintained its ascendancy. The thermometer
rived from the decimal subdivision of the capa of Reaumur had a ball near four inches in dis
city of the ball. But this absolute bulk is not the meter, which was filled with spirit of wine dilut
true basis of the scale, since the expansion indi ed with Water. The scale began at the term of
cated by the thermometer must be the excess of congelation obtained by an artificial process, but
DISS. xv. 4 M
.642 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

the highest point was marked by plunging the proportion to their bulks, or maintains an equal difl
instrument into boiling water. But it is evident fim'on through space. This principle was likewise
that the liquid could never reach this degree of adopted by Musschenbroeck, and the simplicity
heat, but Would stop several degrees lower at of the proposition seems to have procured it a
the limit of its own ebullition. Besides, so large very general reception.
a mass receiving the impression very slowly, Wolfius, who about this time was spatiating
would not indicate with any precision the tem over the vast field of physical and moral science,
perature of the surrounding medium. Reckon and forming a newphilosophical sect in Germany,
ing the ball to contain 1000 parts of the fluid, taught that bodies had two sorts of interstices,
the whole expansion was found to be 87%, and the one filled with air and the other charged with
Reaumur therefore took the round number 80 fire. He attempted to explain why iron acquires
for the extent of his scale. The same artifi heat sooner than wood, and why the solution in
cial subdivision is still very generally retained, nitre occasions cold; but neglecting to follow
though transferred to the mercurial thermometer, experiments, he produced only vague and shallow
which is exempt from the glaring defects and speculation. Equally visionary, but enlivened
errors of the original instrument. . by French vivacity, was Mairau’s Dissertation
Provided with Fahrenheit’s thermometer, the on Ice, published in 1740. .
philosophers of Holland and Germany made some The most judicious writer that had yet ap
progress in the science of heat, while France ap peared on the subject of heat was Dr Martinel
peared to rest satisfied with mere speculation. of St Andrews, who studied medicine on the
But experimenters were too eager in hastening. Continent, and, like the accomplished physicians
towards general conclusions. While the theory of that period, cultivated learning and general
ofgravitation possessed the charm of novelty, science. His acute Essays, published in the
it seemed natural to suppose that heat is distri years 1‘739 and 1740, not only corrected the
buted among bodies according to their density different thermometric scales, but enriched phi
or mass. This inference, however, is often very losophy by several well-devised and original ex
remote from the fact. Boerhaave found that a periments. Unfortunately the career of this pro
pound of mercury at 200°, so far from communi mising genius was very short. Having in the pur
cating to a pound of water at 32° half the excess suit of his profession accompanied Admiral Ver
of heat, or 84°, as another pound of water at that non in the fatal expedition against Carthagena, he
high temperature would have done, gave only an perished by a malignant fever. Martine did not
addition of 4° ; so that twenty pounds of mercury consider with sufficient attention the unequal
had scarcely as much heating influence as a distribution of heat among bodies, but he care
single pound of water. It would have required, fully investigated the variable rates of heating
according to his experiment, even a greater bulk and cooling of different substances. He noticed
of mercury by one-half more, to produce the especially the facility with which mercury, in
same calorific effect as water. Had he perform comparison of water, receives or parts with its
ed the process with due precaution, he might heat. He conceived the process of cooling to be
have observed that hot water exerts as much in commonly retarded by a sort of covering or
fluence as mercury of 32 times its weight or 2% atmosphere of warm air closely encompassing
times its volume. But this celebrated chemist, the body; and he endeavoured to distinguish two
satisfied with gross results, and mistrusting per sources of the dispersion of heat. Had such in~
haps his own experiments, hastened to the con vestigations been steadily prosecuted, they must
clusion that heat is distributed among bodies in have led to interesting results.

' He was the son of George Martine. a small Fife proprietor, who having officiated as chamberlain to Archbishop Sharp,
wrote a credulous and bigoted account of the See of St Andrews. The youth displayed the principles of the defunct
Episcopacy, by bending a riot of some students at the College of St Andrews, on the breaking out of the feeble rebellion
in 115. .
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 643
. About this time, the practice of making obser formed by Braun, Professor of Philosophy at
vations with the thermometer had become pretty Petersburg, in the month of December 1759,
general in England, in consequence of the dif when the natural cold seemed to be 34° under
fusion of the very neat and accurate instruments the beginning of the scale. Having plunged the
manufactured by Fahrenheit and Prins, at Am bulb of a thermometer intoamixture of pounded
sterdam, which were likewise imitated in London ice and sal ammoniac, the quicksilver appeared to
by Wilson, who afterwards established a flou sink progresively to 350°, and then to consolidate.
rishing type-foundry at Glasgow, and held the But such enormous cold exceeded the bounds
professorship of Practical Astronomy. These of credibility, and [Epinus soon discovered the
thermometers were filled with quicksilver, and source of this illusion. Employing tubes of a
only four or five inches long, the stem clasped by wider bore, he observed the quicksilver, drawing
a folded paper scale, engraved with successively afterit a concave surface, toretreatasit congealed,
bisected divisions, and the whole inclosed in a and sink into the rest of the liquid mass. The
thin glass case. ' But the most philosophical con semi-metal must therefore have suffered a large
struction of the thermometer was now proposed contraction in the act of freezing, and become
by the learned Celsius, who filled the chair of much denser. Yet twenty years elapsed before
Astronomy in the University of Upsal, and had the point of mercurial congelation was correctly
borne an active share in the operation of deter ascertained. On the 16th of January 1780, Von
mininga degree of latitude on the verge of the Elterlein of Vytegra, ' a town of Northern Rus
Arctic Circle. He started from the point of sia, in the latitude of 61°, found that some pure
congelation, and reckoned just a hundred di quicksilver exposed in a porcelain tea-cup during
visions upwards to that of ebullition. This the night had become solid, but began to melt
simple scale, commonly used in Sweden and again when the thermometer rose to 40 degrees
Denmark, is the same as that which was after below the zero of Fahrenheit’s scale. This limit
wards adopted by the French under the name was more decisively fixed, at the suggestion of
of centigfade, in their complete and elegant Dr Black, by Hutchins, then governor of Hud
system of decimal weights and measures. It is son’s Bay, who repeatedly froze mercury during
singular that Deluc, in rectifying Reaumur’s the winter of 1781-2, by the application of artifi
thermometer, should have retained such an arti cial cold. In rigorous climates, or for measuring
ficial subdivision as that by ‘fourscore. But this very depressed temperatures, it hence becomes
philosopher had the merit of, ascertaining that necessary to employ thermometers filled with
mercury dilates almost uniformly with equal alcohol, which has never been made to freeze.
additions of heat, while the expansion of the The cold occasioned by the evaporation of
spirit of wine is variable, and ascends with an water and other liquids in the more genial
accelerating progression. A thermometer form regions had been known and turned to domestic
ed of alcohol, whether diluted or not, is hence use from the earliest ages. In the northern
exceedingly inaccurate, unless it be regulated by countries, that property, being less apparent,
the comparison with a mercurial one. was commonly disregarded; but the thermo
The practice of using thermometers filled with meter now detected changes which might elude
quicksilver led to the curious discoveryof the con ordinary observation. It was soon remarked
gelation of that dense liquid. Professor Gmelin, that, after dipping the bulb in water or alcohol,
who had been sent with a party of naturalists the quicksilver constantly sunk in the stem.
to explore the remote regions of the Russian About the year 1750, Dr Cullen, then Lecturer
empire, observed in Siberia, on the 16th of in Chemistry at Glasgow, in repeating some
January 1785, the mercury to sink in the ther experiments with a pupil, remarked that a ther
mometric tube to a point which corresponds to mometer with a wetted bulb showed a much
the 120th degree below the zero of Fahrenheit’s greater depression of temperature under the ex
scale, while it changed into a solid mass. But hausted receiver of an air-pump. But he did
the artificial freezing of mercury was first per not pursue the observation farther, or attempt
644 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

to investigate the theory of evaporation. This spaces of internal separation. Heat has there
interesting subject remained long afterwards in fore a narrower range of density than the bodies
Volved in deep obscurity. with which it combines. It holds a sort of
The temperature of water exposed to heat ap middle station, and is distributed according to
pears to rest stationary at the two distinct limits the quantity of matter, joined to the considera
of freezing and boiling, which serve to mark the tion of the space which this occupies; that is,
points of the thermometric scale. Though the it obeys some compounded relation of the weight
fact had been long well known, it was first ex and the bulk. Hence the denser bodies receive
amined with attention in 1760 and the three fol a proportionally smaller share of heat. Thus,
lowing years by the celebrated Dr Black, who had a pound of metal contains less heat than one of
already distinguished himself by unfolding the stone; this, less than an equal weight of liquid;
nature and properties of fixed air. He rightly in and this last, still less than a pound of any spe
ferred that a certain additional share of heat must cies of gas.”
at each station unite with what is already lodged “ When two bodies are united chemically, the
in the substance of the ice or the water; but not compound has an attractive force generally dif
aware that he was really framing an hypothesis, ferent from that of the mean result. Hence a
he termed the former latent and the latter sensible corresponding portion of heat is, during the act
heat. Strictly speaking, however, all heat is of coalescence, either absorbed or eVOlved. Thus,
latent or concealed from the senses, and never water, on being joined to sulphuric acid, occa
exhibited in a detached form. The thermometer sions an extrication of heat, because the diluted
indicates merely the heat contained in its own acid exerts less power of adhesion than did its
bulb, and not necessarily that of thebody with ingredients. And, for an opposite reason, the
which this communicates. “ But heat is evident muriate of ammonia, in dissolving, is attended
ly not passive; it is an expansive fluid, which di by an absorption of heat, or an apparent pro
lates in consequence of the repulsion subsisting duction of cold.”
among its own particles; and it would spread in “ Every substance capable of assuming differ
definitely through spaoe, if it were not fixed or ent states of constitution betrays likewise ana
retained by the counterbalancing attraction of logous variations of attractive force. When a
the substances which absorb it. Were each cor solid body melts into a fluid, and thence passes
puscle to exert the same action, this universal into vapour, each transit is marked by an aug
fluid would be disseminated among bodies, ex mentation of that force, and is therefore accom
actly in proportion to their respective quantities panied with a corresponding absorption of heat ;
of matter. The mutual adhesion depends, how~ during which process, the temperature must
ever, on the density of the substance, modified evidently remain stationary. Thus, a lump of
by its degree of inherent disposition to combine. ice transported intensely cold into a close apart,
A sort of aflinity or specific attraction for heat ment, will grow warmer by regular gradations,
is thus produced, evidently proceeding from the till it begins to thaw, and then the farther accu—
peculiar nature of each body. To trace its im mulation of heat will appear to be suspended;
mediate origin is not more possible perhaps and if the water so formed be poured into a
than to discover the source of other physical covered pot, and set over a steady fire, the tem-\
properties. Yet there appears some tendency perature will 'again rise uniformly, till it reaches
towards a general principle: the particles of the limit of boiling, when the act of conversion
heat, like those of all expansive fluids, have their to steam will henceforth absorb the whole afluentf
repulsion diminished in proportion to their mu heat; yet the temperature will mount still higher
tual distance; while the molecules of the con if the escape of the vapour be prevented, but
taining substance sufl'er the corresponding de which soon acquires such prodigious elasticity as
crease of attraction after a slower ratio than the to burst whatever obstacle can be opposed to it.” 1

‘ Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation qfHcal, pp. 529-631.
\
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 645 "
The first that made any advance towards such performed before the year 1784 by Professor
views of the distribution of heat was Irvine, Gadolin of Abo, who, rejecting the notion of
who had been assistant to Black at Glasgow. Capacity, introduced the unexceptionable ex
Unfortunately he seems to have introduced the pression, Specific Heat. One of the most beau
term Capacity, which involves a crude notion, as tiful consequences derived from this theory, was
if heat were merely passive, filling up the interior the determination of the absolute zero or lowest
pores or internal vacuities of bodies. But, a point in the scale of Heat. Two different ways
few years afterwards, Wilcke of Stockholm, of solving the problem led to nearly the same
directed, he says, by the views of his col results: ]. From the measure of Heat absorbed
league Klingenstierna, a mathematician and in the melting of ice, and 2. From the quantity
philosopher of the first order, examined the sub evolved in the mixture of certain liquids. Thus,
ject philosophically, and performed several accu it being found that the heat contained in water
rate experiments. Thus, he found that water at is to that of ice as 10 to 9, and that 135 degrees
98° of Celsius, poured upon an equal weight of are required for the equilibrium of the liquid
snow, had its temperature reduced to 18°, and constitution, it follows that the water ust formed
that three parts of water at 40°, joined to one must actually contain 1850 degrees of heat, or
of snow, produced the common temperature of that the real scale would descend to the enor
12". These trials gave both the same result, or mous depth of 1318° below the beginning of
73° of Celsius, corresponding to l29'6° on Fah Fahrenheit’s divisions. Again, the concentrated
renheit's scale, for the increase of heat required sulphuric acid holding only six tenth parts of
to convert snow into water.1 A similar conclu the heat of water, the arithmetical mean of a
sion was obtained by filling equal tin vessels mixture of one part of it by weight with three
with equal parts of snow and snow-water, and of water would evidently be nine tenths; but
placing these within a larger one full of boiling suppose the specific heat of that compound were
water, and set over a fire; the moment the chill only eight tenths, while the thermometer rose
water rose to 72°, the snow had all melted. on the afl'usion 169°, or from 32° to 201°, the
In 1780 Lavoisier, assisted by Laplace, and whole extension below the point of congelation
employing his Cabrimetcr, ascertained the heat would be 8° x 169', or 1852". This experiment
evolved from different bodies during their va is susceptible of greater accuracy than the for
rious changes, from the several quantities of ice mer, and deserves to be repeated in different
which it melted. This seemed to be a very simple proportions. Considerable discrepancies have
and correct mode of investigation; yet was it hitherto affected such observations, arising pro
liable to considerable inaccuracy, from the large bably from the want of suflicient precaution in
portion of water which still remained adhering the manner of conducting them.
to the mass of pounded ice. But the French Dr Crawford followed nearly the same train,
chemists rather confused the subject, by mixing and was enabled, by employing finer instruments,
up incongruous principles. Embracing the the to obtain a greater degree of precision. He took,
ory of Capacity, they likewise tacitly adopted on the whole, a philosophical view of the sub
the hypothesis of sensible and latent heat, only ject, but sacrificed his better judgment to popu
changing these terms by a sort of appropriation lar opinion, by retaining also the hypothesis of
into flee and absolute, while the poverty of their Latent Heat, “ the ideas associated with which
language suggested for that fluid such an im have spread a cloud of mystery and paradox
perfect etymon as Caloric. most unfavourable t0 the progress of real science.”
The best series of experiments on the dis It is to be regretted that a similar confusion of
tribution of heat among different bodies was ideas should still pervade the writings of so

' In the first experiment the hot water lost 98° -- l3°, or 85°, while the snow water gained only 13", or had absorbed
72' : in the second experiment the hot water had transferred 3 (40 _- 12) at 84°, and consequently 84“ -- 12°, or 72°. was
spent in liquefying the snow. If every precaution were used, the measure of heat absorbed would amount to 16° of Celsius,
or [36“ by Fahrenheit'a scale. .
646 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

many of the chemical philosophers. Crawford behind the focus. A similar experiment was
had expected much accuracy from thermometers about the same time made by Hooke, though
with large bulbs and minute subdivisions; but not published till very long afterwards. This
these advantages were more than overbalanced ingenious philosopher showed that a glass mir
by the want of delicacy to transient impressions. ror which reflects light will not repel heat.
On a revision of the experiments from which he But these interesting facts lay buried for a cen
sought to ground his theory of animal heat, he tury amidst a multitude of scattered observa
had occasion to change the numerical results. tions, and seem to have first attracted the no—
About this time shone forth the brilliant and tice of Saussure and Pictet, both of whom, and
original genius of Scheele, who not only ex especially the latter, carried the investigation
panded the boundaries of chemistry by his va to some extent. They still wanted the connect
rious inventions, but enriched other departments ing principle, which should embody and re
df physical science. In particular, he bestowed animate the mass.
a keen glance on the subject of the emission of Scheele pursued a similar path, but was little
Heat. versant in the history of science, and had none
That Heat, and even the opposite influence, im of the advantages of an improved apparatus.
pression of Cold, admits of Reflexion, like light, is Endowed with original and inventive powers,
aproperty longknown, and had been distinctly an he followed the current of his own conceptions,
nounced by Baptista Porta, in the sixth edition of and consulted always the book of Nature. An
his Natural Magic, printed about the year 1590. examination of the circumstances disclosed in
This remarkable experiment was more particu the management of stoves and chemical furnaces,
larly described in 1632 by Cavalleri in his tract induced him to consider Heat or Fire as existing
on the Burning Speculum.- it was repeated and under two distinct modifications; one which rises
varied in 1658 by the members of the Academy and spreads by a successive transfer among the
del Cimento, who received the impression on the ambient substances, and the other which streams
bulb of an air thermometer. The concentration immediately from its source in rectilineal direc
of cold in the focus of a metallic reflector was tions. The latter be designated by the phrase Ra
again tried, during the severe winter of 1740, diant Heat, which has since become a favourite
by the academicians of Petersburg, though with appellation. If this expression indicated merely
rather doubtful results, owing to their ignorance the tendency of Heat, .under certain circum
of the true circumstances on which the success stances, to disperse in straight lines, it would be
depends. But, after an apparent oblivion of near quite unexceptionable. But in technical lan
forty years, the experiment was revived with guage, the Radiation qfCaloric associates an ob
striking effect at Geneva, and continues to hold scure idea of a subtile fluid invested with vague
a conspicuous place in every course of physical or uncertain properties.
lectures. The common thermometer comprises, between
Mariotte, as far back as the year 1682, had freezing and boiling mercury, the space of scarce
made a capital remark, which some late disco ly 700 degrees; which is evidently but a small
veries have revived and explained. That able portion of the vast range of heat. It was most
experimenter, in concentrating the heat of a fire desirable, therefore, to have an instrument of
by help of a burning mirror,l found the effect greater extent, adapted especially to the ascend;
to cease when a piece of glass was interposed ing scale. The Pyrmneter, composed of metallic

‘ This must have been a metallic reflector: an ordinary mirror, or one of silvered glass, will scarcely collect any heat at all.
Indeed the art of applying a metallic plate to the surface of glass is a modern invention. The earliest method was the
Dutch, which consisted in pouring melted lead intensely hot over a sheet of ‘glass softened nearly to fusion. But the
adhesion was afterwards more easily obtained in the ordinary way, by applying tinfoil_to the glass, and dextrously flooding
it with mercury, to form an amalgam. It is from this shining metallic coating that llght 1s chiefly reflected, having pene
trated and again escaped through the substance of the glass. But with regard to _Heat, a very small reverberation takes
place at the anterior surface of the glass, and the effect is exactly the same if the .silvermg be rubbed off. It would prevent
much confusion were chemical writers to appropriate the term :peculum to metallic reflectors.
 DISSERTATiON FOURTH. 647
bars, answered, though veryimperfectly, that pur The fusible metal, composed of lead, tin, and
pose. But the elegant contrivance of Wedgwood, bismuth, has been suggested as an expansible
the celebrated improver of English pottery, pro substance, which may be heated to near the fusion
mised the greatest advantages, both to science and of copper; but, in congealing again, it unfortu
the chemical arts. It consisted merely of a small nately swells suddenly, and would burst its glass
cylindrical piece of finely prepared clay, which ball. A combination of metallic bars has like
bears the most intense heat, and yet regularly wise been proposed, though no plan for efl'eeting
contracts in the fire. Assuming that the intensity this has yet been devised, sufliciently simple and
of heat must cause a proportional contraction, he reducible to practice.
measured this by sliding the thermometric piece Metallic thermometers have indeed been con
within a tapered groove, its width at the one end structed, which indicate with great delicacy
being to that of the other as 5t0 3, and its whole the ordinary temperature, and all the sudden
length divided into 240 equal parts. By com changes of heat. These consist generally of thin
paring the dilatation of silver, it was found thAt slips of steel and brass, united together, and
each of these divisions answers to 130 degrees of formed into circles or spirals. The most elegant
Fahrenheit's scale. Hence the melting points of instruments of this sort were executed at Paris,
silver, gold, and cast-iron, and those of the fusion by the late ingenious artist Breguet.
of flint-glass and of Chinese porcelain, being re It was an object of much greater consequence
spectively 28, 32, 180, 114, and 156,- by \Vedg to construct a register-Mmnmneter, which should
wood, would correspond to the enormous num mark the greatest heat and cold during the ab
bers 471’”, 5237“, 17977", l5397°, and 21257°. sence of the observer. This had been attempted
These results, however, appear far to transcend by different experimenters in the course of the
the truth. The principle of the instrument is eighteenth century, but was first carried to
totally different from that of the thermometer. any tolerable perfection about the year 1780, by
It does not mark the transient impression of Mr Six of Canterbury. These registers consisted
heat, but the change or permanent efi'eet pro of spirit of wine thermometers, with compound
duced on the bit ,of clay by baking, or the ex reverted stems, partially filled with quicksilver,
posing it during a certain time to the action of which carried small bits of steel to indicate
the furnace. Hence the very ingenious method the limits of ascent. With such instruments
of discovering the degrees of heat which the the inventor made some curious observations on
Chinese and the ancient Etruscans employed local heat, or on the difl'erences of temperature
in their potteries, by observing the moment at moderate altitudes during the alternations of
when a specimen of their ware subjected to an day and night. He particularly remarked the
increasing fire began to contract anew. That influence of a clear sky in chilling the ground.
contraction is undoubtedly caused by the ex The simplest and most eommodious register
pulsion of a part of the water held so obstinate. thermometers, however, were a few years after
ly by the clay, the repulsive force excited by wards contrived by I)r Rutherford, an ingenious
the accession of heat controlling the adhesion physician, who resided on his property in the
of the moisture. It may be inferred that the clay neighbourhood of Kinross. They turn on a
attracts the remains of latent humidity with a pivot, the stems being placed nearly horizontal,
force always increasing; but the repulsion in and only reclined occasionally for adjustment
fused by the conversion of the expelled particles after the heat of the day. The minimum ther
into steam ascends nearly in a geometrical pro mometer is filled with alcohol, and the maxi
gression with equal accessions of heat. A nearer mum one with mercury, the tubes of both being
approximation to the scale of temperature might rather wide, with bits of enamel swelled at
probably be derived from the logarithms of the each end, which are drawn down the slant
very large numbers stated above. ing tube by the retreat of the alcohol, or pushed
It remains however still an important deside upwards by the expansion of the mercury. Ruth
ratum to construct a thermometer that shall erford’s thermometer was first happily applied
accurately measure the higher degrees of heat. by his neighbour Dr Coventry, the well-known
B48 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

Professor'of Agriculture in the University of An absorption of heat always accompanies?

Edinburgh, in ascertaining the progress of heat the passage of a fluid from the liquid to the
into the ground, and its effects on the germina gaseous form, which seems to require the same
tion of the seeds of the cerealia. Some curious surplus, in whatever way the conversion has
facts have thus been detected regarding the in been produced. If a. body of air be confined
fluence of an herbaceous covering to retard the over a surface of water, it will soon become
penetration of frost. charged with moisture, and then there is no
The thermometer soon afterwards received more evaporation. But if the damp air be suf
a most important modification, which renders fered to escape and disperse itself, the process
that instrument extremely sensible to the alter will be perpetually renewed. The correspond
ations of local heat. This improvement consist ing abstraction or transfer of heat must conse
ed in adapting the instrument to measure, not quently proceed without intermission. Although
the actual temperature'of any spot, but its occa the dissipation of moisture and of heat from a
sional change or variation. The extent of the htlmid surface exposed to a current of air con
scale being limited, the dimensions of the de tinues incessant, the coldness thence resulting
grees could be proportionally enlarged. is not, however, likewise progressive. A wet
The construction of the Differential Thermo sponge or a porous vessel full of water will,
meter was early suggested by a close analysis of when placed in the same situation, gradually
the phaenomena of evaporation. It is well known arrive at a certain depression of temperature;
that a wet sponge suspended in the air loses gra nor will this limit alter without a change of cir
dually its water, and during this dissipation it cumstances. It follows, therefore, that the ex
continues colder than the encircling medium. haling surface, after it has become colder than
The depressed temperature was commonly attri the ambient medium, must begin to receive as
buted to a process of rapid evaporation, which well as to discharge heat. Every thin shell of
seemed to result from the combined action of vari air Which successively comes to touch the hu
ous causes,—the heat of the air, its state of dry mid surface must be cooled down to this stand
ness or rarefaction, but especially the swiftness ard, and thus deliver its excess of heat, while it
of its circulation. Halley had, near the close of absorbs another portion spent in vapourizing the
the seventeenth century, advanced the rational moisture it dissolves. As the process of evapo
hypothesis, that moisture is exhaled from the ration goes on, the heat communicated at each
surface of water by a sort of chemical solution repeated contact of the fugaeious medium must
in the atmosphere. The same opinion was soon come to be precisely equal to what is again
about the middle of the following century pro abstracted from the exhaling liquid in the act of
posed and expounded by Le Roy of Montpellier; saturation. \Vhen this equality of interchange.
but though supported by concurring analogies, is attained, the resulting temperature must have
it might appear perhaps too simple for the ge reached its lowest point of depression, where it
neral taste. The fanciful notion, first started will continue stationary. But the heat deposit
.by Dcrham, that evaporation is occasioned by ed by each successive shell of air must evidently
very minute vesicles or hollow spherules of be proportional to that depression, which will
water, charged with highly attenuated air, which hence indicate the portion of humidity that
rise and float in the atmosphere, proved more passes into the gaseous state of solution; or the
acceptable to a wondering public. The vesicular difference of temperature induced will furnish
theory afterwards obtained a wide currency from an accurate measure of the dryness or distance
the philosophical reputation of Saussure, who from saturation of the circulating air. To ob
considered it as countenanced by some dubious tain, therefore, a perfect Hygrometer, it was
optical appearances. But the mere subdivision only required to construct a Thermometer that
of fluid matter could produce no change of tem should mark distinctly small differences of heat.
perature, and the clearest facts are opposed to In the first application of this principle, made
the notion of a passive dispersion of aqueous as early as the year 1791, the water was eva-,f
norpuscles. poratcd from a thin porous earthen cup, like
 .' DISSERTATION FOURTH. 649
a truncated egg-shell; and the thermometer had ing ball with coloured silk, and blowing glass
rather a large bulb, with a very narrow bore, or enamel of the same shade for the naked ball.
and bearinga'scale of only a few degrees sub A free exposure to the atmosphere is in this
divided into tenth parts. The tube was not case essential. The sweep of the Wind may
sealed, but had a wider cup of glass cemented a accelerate the equilibrium, but cannot derange
little below the top, containing some mercury, its limit; for the same portion of air which ab
which united with that of the stem when the stracts vapour and the constituent heat, likewise
instrument was inverted, and separated the mo deposits its excess of temperature on the chilled
ment it was dipped into the evaporating cup, surface of the wet ball. The interposition of a
leaving the mercurial thread to contract down screen will not in the smallest degree afl'ect the
wards from the end. This arrangement was indication of this Hygrometer,—-a result at com
found, with due care and attention, to answer plete variance with the notions generally re
satisfactorily. It was more than three years ceived. To regulate the scale of the instrument,
afterwards, when the severity of the season the tenth part of the centesimal subdivision was
suggested the idea of making the ball of the adopted, or the distance from freezing to boil,
thermometer itself the evaporating surface, by ing was distinguished into a. thousand degrees.
covering it with a crust of ice. By successive improvements in its construc
The next advance was at all times to invest tion, the Differential Thermometer was render
the ball with a thick coat of tissue paper or soft ed simple, precise, and elegant. But the instru
lint, that should hold a sufficient charge of ment still betrayed imperfection, the limit of
water. To find the depression of temperature equilibrium or the zero of the scale visibly sinking
which marks the dryness of the air, nothing in the course of several months. This was owing
was wanted but to compare it with another to the diminished elasticity of air in immediate
thermometer having a naked bulb. This pur contact with the liquid lodged below one of the
pose appeared to be most easily efi'ected, by balls, which continued to absorb oxygen, and
joining the stems of two air-thermometers; and deposit its colouring matter. But early in
thus was fortunately produced the DIFFER 1800 every source of error was removed, by
ENTIAL THERMOMETER, which under a variety adopting, as the movable fluid, concentrated sul
of forms is capable of so many curious and im phuric acid tinged with carmine, which remains
portant applications. Its primary object was unaltered for any length of time, though ex
to serve for an Hygrometer, but the instrument posed to the full glare of the sun.
was soon found, when placed out of doors, to The precision of the Diti'erential Thermome
be sensibly deranged by the diffuse light of the ter now fitted it for a variety of nice inquiries.
sky. This circumstance led to its modification One of the most important was to ascertain the
as a Photometer, the covering being removed alteration of the charge of heat in air, cor
from one of the balls, and the other ball blown responding to a change of the elasticity or vo
of black enamel. The addition of a pellucid lume of this fluid. When the variation was
glass case now became necessary, to screen the small, the allowance of two centesimal degrees
action of light from the consuming and irregu for each hundredth part of the difference of
lar influence of wind. The luminous rays pass density seemed to be a very near approxima~
Without interruption through the clear ball, but tion. Thus, if a mass of air be condensed one
are by the dark ball absorbed and converted into fiftieth part, it will have its temperature raised
heat, which continues to accumulate and to raise one degree, or give out one degree of heat; on
the temperature, till the corresponding augment the contrary, a like expansion of air occasions
ed dispersion of heat by the ambient air comes an equal absorption of that element, or the ap
at length to equal the continued accessions from pearance of cold. But when the difference of
the afliux of light. elasticity is considerable, some modification be
In arranging the instrument as an Hygrome comes requisite; and a very simple formula was
ter, it was hence requisite to neutralize the pho found to connect the experimental results. Let
tometrical influence, by covering the evaporat this elasticity change from 1 to e, then the heat
0155. IV. 4- s
650 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

evolved or absorbed is expressed in centesimal the capacity or measure assigned to air by

Dr Crawford (then esteemed the most accurate),
degreesby 25o (e —- z)
1 or 7(12
25° , - l A $1._
each hygrometric degree would correspond to
milar mode of investigation determined the re the 3460th part of the weight of the solvent.
lative shares of heat contained in the artificial Both of these proportions were found, however,
gases and in common air. . to differ widely from the truth. A wet card
This principle elucidates the decrease of tem being tied to the instrument, it was let down
perature in the higher strata of the atmosphere, into the centre of a large glass globe with a
while the formula exhibits the scale of grada narrow neck, containing 4000 cubic inches of air,
tion. Hence, knowing the mean temperature and suspended through a hole in the glass cover
of the ground at any part of the globe, it is easy from a fine balance; the progress of humifaction
to compute the elasticity and corresponding and the concomitant loss of weight were at short
elevation which would reduce that to the zero, intervals of time nicely observed. From this
and mark the limit of perpetual congelation. A comparison it resulted, that the moisture sufii
curve is thus traced, bending at first with a cicnt to mark an hygrometric degree is only the
gentle declivity on either side from the equator, 20,000th part of the air with which it unites.
and then descending more rapidly and turning Hence the atmospheric fluid, instead of being
with a contrary flexure, grazing along the sur charged with nearly twice as much heat as water,
face at the pole. - The application of the instru as had been generally presumed, holds only three
ment led more immediately to the solution of tenths of that quantity. The proportion after
another important physical problem,—to deter wards given, in some elaborate experiments of
mine the proportion of humidity or of volatiliz Pctit and Dulong, was rather smaller, or 26
cd water which air is capable of holding in so parts in 100; but the former result is simpler,
lution at different temperatures. A very simple and probably more exact.
law was derived,——that the quantity of moisture The principles thus established serve at once
dissolved constantly doubles at every 15 degrees to confirm and illustrate the ingenious Theory
in the rise of temperature. Thus, air at the of Rain, which the keen sagacity of Dr James
freezing point may contain the two hundredth Hutton had elicited from observation about the
part of its weight of moisture, but at 15° it will year 1756. The commixing of two bodies of
hold the 100th, at 30° the 50th, at 45° the 25th damp air that have different temperatures, must
part; so that,-if it were safe to push the pro always occasion a precipitation of moisture more
gression to its extremity, the air could unite or less copious; for, since the solvent power
with rather more than half its weight of steam augments in a geometrical progression, the loss
at the limit of ordinary ebullition. of it which the warmer air suffers will con»
Similar conclusions were derived from the stantly exceed what is gained by the heating of
waste by exhalation at different temperatures. the colder portion of the damp mass.
A large hollow ball of thin metal, covered with a 4 A curious conclusion followed from those
close coat of linen, and filled with boiling water, data : Supposing the vast canopy of air, by some
being suspended from the end of a fine beam, and sudden change of internal constitution, at once
10 grains of water at successive intervals repeat to discharge its whole watery store, this precipi
edly sprinkled over the surface, the times of tate would form a sheet of scarcely five inches
dissipation were carefully noted, and the corre thick over the surface of the globe. During the
sponding solvent powers of air hence inferred. course of a year, our atmosphere must there
The Hygrometer likewise determined the re fore deposit five or even ten times all the mois
lative portions of Heat contained in water and ture it held in solution. To explain the actual
air. It is evident, from the theory before ex phaenomena, it is hence requisite that this rest
plained, that were the heat diffused according less medium should change unceasingly from
to the densities of these fluids, each millcsi a state of dryness 'to humidity. Such alter
mal degree of moisture would equal the 6000th nations are effected by the system of winds,
part of the air which held it. But adopting which sweep variously over the land and the
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. I

ocean. But to complete Dr Hutton’s Theory of termed the Dewing Point. But it is liable to
Rain, it becomes necessary to have recourse to considerable uncertainty. Placed within aime
the operation of Opposite humid currents of dif tallic case, the wetted Hygrometer will gain
ferent temperatures, which bring their grazing the zero of the scale; but when covered with a
surfaces into rapid intermixture over a given glass shade, it will stand at 5 or even 10 degrees
spot, where the aqueous precipitate is copiously of dryness, the vitreous surface, aided by heat,
discharged. , abstracting the humidity from the inclosed air,
A further application of the Hygrometer de and preventing it from attaining the state of
tected the influence of rarefaction in augmenting saturation.
the dryness of air. The change is rendered very The Differential Thermometer was now di
perceptible, by introducing that instrument in its rected to a more extensive and important sub
quiescent state under the receiver of a pneuma ject of inquiry,lthe mode of the propagation of
tic machine. On working the pump, the hygro heat among various bodies. Considering it as
mctric action which had ceased is instantly re a subtile diffusible fluid, a nice investigation of
newed, and urged constantly forward in propor the phenomena might disclose the nature of its
tion as the process of exhaustion advances. The connexion with other substances. Ascending by
dryness thus induced amounts to 50 degrees, a regular gradation, bodies may be distinguished
every time the rarefaction is doubled. If air into solid, liquid, and gaseous. Suppose a cylin
had the same temperature at all elevations, it der of silver, cased in down, had the one end
would exhibit a regular gradation of dryness. heated always to the same degree, the heat would
But at each ascent of 2800 feet, though the air advance and discharge itself from the other.
is constitutionally 7 degrees drier, it likewise If the igneous fluid were merely passive, like a
becomes 5 degrees colder. This continued di current of water, the elevation of temperature
minution of temperature predominates at first and the inverse length of the cylinder would
over the progressive arid quality of the medium, follow the square of the velocity of discharge,
till the apparent moisture has become extreme, and not the simple ratio, as actually observed.
beyond which limit the attenuated air continues Heat is therefore never passive, but powerfully
to spread drier and more pellucid. The Curve attracted by its recipient. No portion of the
of Greatest Humidity, forming the proper range cylinder can receive or deposit its heat, without
of clouds, rises about two miles above the Line sim'ultaneously sufl'ering a corresponding expan
of Perpetual Congelation. The pervading clear sion or contraction. The heat is thus transfer
ness of the upper region, without which the red from stage to stage, by a series of concate
surface of our Earth would have been wrapped nated dilatations and contractions; and these al
in perpetual darkness, is entirely owing to the ternate oscillations, which are quicker in some
property of rarefaction augmenting the solvent substances than in others, create the only impe
power of the air. diments to the flow, that would otherwise be al
From the theory of the Hygrometer, it is ob most instantaneous. The elasticity of heat must
vious that the instrument marks the dryness be prodigious, since its weight eludes all exami
of the ambient air only at the reduced tempe nation. Considering its extreme tenuity, the
rature of the wetted ball. To find the true expansive energy which it displays can only be
dryness of the atmosphere, a correction is to be assimilated to the mutual repulsion of the par
applied for the superior solvent power of its ac ticles of Light. Every appearance, indeed, seems
tual temperature. With this view auxiliary to indicate that Heat is merely Light under a
tables are constructed, which give also the latent and combined form.1
coldness of extreme humidity, or what has been In the case of liquid substances, the commu

‘ “ The only fluid we know, combining enormous elasticity with extreme diffusion, is Lion'r itself, which when embodied
constitutes Elemenlal "rat, or Fire. It is elicited from every substance by percussion or compression, by electrical agency
or chemical aflinity. With every species oflight our vision is equally perfect, and consequently the luminous particles must
652 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

nication of Heat is more complicated. Suppose whole discharge, is not performed by the ac
Heat were applied to the upper surface of a ves tual flow of the heated air, though it requires
selscontaining water, its influence would gra the agency of a gaseous medium. The dis
dually descend, precisely in the same manner as charge can be collected at any distance by
if the whole mass had been consolidated ; for the a metallic reflector, and thrown concentrated
warmer and dilated portions, retaining their on the naked ball of the Differential Thermo
several positions, would continue to float in suc meter. But the intervention of a large sheet of
cessive strata graduating downwards.- But if tin-foil obstructs the whole effect, while a very
the bottom of the vessel were subjected to the fine screen of gauze, which would stop the pas
same process of heating, the water, as fast as it sage of streamlets of hot air, scarcely impedes
grew warmer and specifically lighter, would rise the operation. It is impossible, therefore, to
and difi'use its acquired heat. The communica resist the conclusion, that what has been vaguely
tion of this influence would hence become rapid, termed the radiation of heat, consistsin a certain
and spread itself in horizontal strata. But propulsive effort or internal tremor, excited in
every renewal of the sentient surface must like the gaseous medium, analogous to the undulai
wise promote the dispersion of heat through a tory propagation of sound. The air can be
fluid mass. Such is the expenditure of heat shown to have a closer contact with glass than
from a hot ball plunged in the current; but'in with metal, and hence the former surface exerts
cold still water, the heat being dispersed by two a superior energy of pulsation. The interval in
distinct processes, the ball at first cools in a the case of glass appears to be about the 500th
much faster ratio than the difference of tempe part of an inch. A metallic ball, coated with
rature, but ultimately approximates to that ratio, the finest gold-beater’s skin, of only the 3000th
The loss of heat is, however, the same, \vhateVer part of an inch in thickness, will have its pul
be the nature of the surface encircled by the satory energy augmented from 1 to 6; and by
water, whether of metal or glass, or cased in the addition of other films, this dispersive power
linen. W'ater moving in a current at the. rate will successively rise to 10. ~
of only a mile an, hour, will abstract four times ' In air rarefied 200 times, the abductive power
as much heat as if it had remained stagnant. from the glass balls is reduced from 6 to I,
But when a hot ball is suspended in air, an while the peculiar discharge of heat at the naked
other element of dispersion now comes into play. surface is depressed from '7 to 5, and that at the
The air in contact becoming heated and rarefied, gilt surface from 1 to g; the naked ball emit
ascends continually and scatters the heat. But ting now 65. parts of heat, and the gilt one only
another portion of heat is discharged from the 2}. The effects are changed in a different gase
cooling surface by a rapid, rectilineal projec ous medium. Thus, the same balls, with a vitre
tion. This emanation is best observed in sub ous and metallic surface, would discharge 81
stituting a cubical vessel with different sides of and 25 parts of heat if immersed in hydrogen,
glass, or of polished or papered metal. It is both of them losing 24 parts by the powerful ab
most powerful in front, laterally duction of that gas. But were the medium
as the cosine of the angle, of declination. ,From rarefied about 200 times, the quantities of heat
a surface of linen the propulsion of heat is ten emitted from the naked and the gilt ball would
times, and from that of glass eight times greater, be The
reduced
principle
to 13 thus
and 8,}.
unfolded applies with ma
than from a bright polished metallic surface.
This peculiardissemination of heat, which from thematical precision, and illumines an exten
a glass ball amounts to nearly half of the sive train of phaenomeua. It likewise suggests

in all cases dart forward withvthe same celerity, or travel at the rate of about 200,000 miles in a second. But since atmo~
spheric air is projected into a vacuum with the velocity of only a quarter of a mile each second, the motion of Light is thus
800,000 times more rapid. Wherefore the propulsive force of Light compared with that of Air is expressed by the square of
this number, or 640 billions." In the state of combination wit Air, since it must have the same elasticity as that fluid,
Light must hence be 544,000,000,000,000,000 times rarer than water. See Element: ly' Natural Philosophy, vol. i. p. 452
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 653
various improvements in the practical arts, and tiful property was established by decisive expe
in general economy. One of the finest modi riments, which render the theory of the Hygro
fications of the Differential Thermometer con meter absolutely complete. But the perfor-v
verts it into the Pyroscope, by merely gilding mance of that instrument received further eon
richly one of its balls. By this alteration it is firmation and clear elucidation from the con
fitted to measure nicely the hot or cold pulses, trast of the Atmometer, which indicates with
and hence to determine the relative'powers of great accuracy the quantity of exhalation from
fuel, and the efficacy of variously constructed a given surface in a certain time. w.
chimneys. The access of heat is almost entirely A train of observations performed by thi
repelled from the gilt ball, while its accumulation Hygrometer in 1810‘ led to the method of pro~
on the naked ball is regulated by its subsequent ducing artificial congelation on a large scale.
tendency to disperse through the ambient air. Having ascertained the increased power of
The action of wind must evidently lower the aqueous solution which air acquires as it grows
effect, insomuch that a current at the rate of only thinner, it was next suggested to combine the
eight miles an hour will reduce it to the half. action of a vigorous absorbent with thetransient
To fit the Pyroscope for observations out of dryness created within a receiver by rarefacr
doors, it became therefore necessary to shelter tion. “ On introducing a broad surface of concen
it from the sweep of aerial streams. This pro trated sulphuric acid, this substance was found
tection was obtained by adopting the pendant to superadd its peculiar attraction for moisture
form of the Difi'erential Thermometer, inclosing to the ordinary efi‘ects resulting from the pro
the lower ball within a larger one of silver, and gress of exhaustion; and, what was still more
inserting the upper one in the focus of an oblong important, it continued to support, with scarce
spheroidal cup, cut over at the remoter focus. ly diminished energy, the dryness thus created.
It was thus converted into an jEt/trioscope, which The attenuated air was not suffered, as before,
indicates the cold pulses darted at all times from to grow charged with humidity; but each por
the higher strata of a clear atmosphere, but tion of this medium, as fast as it became satu
more copious in summer than in winter, and rated by touching the evaporating porous dish,
stronger during the day than the night. The transported its vapours to the acid, and was
information afforded by that delicate instrument thence sent back denuded of the load, and fit
completelyelucidates the successive steps towards ted again to renew its attack. By this perpe
a correct Theory of the formation of Dew, by tual circulation, therefore, between the exhaling
Musschenbroeck, Dufay, Six, Wilson, Bernard and the absorbing surface, the diffuse residuum
Prevost, and finally the late ingenious Dr Wells. of air is maintained constantly at the same state
In analyzing the process of evaporation, the of dryness. Heat is hence abstracted in pro
cold induced on the humid surface was attri portion to this invigorated evaporation. If air
buted solely to the quickened transfer of the be rarefied only 50 times, a depression of tem
contiguous portions of the ambient medium. perature will be produced, amounting to 80 or
“ But the conterminous air must besides com even 100 degrees of Fahrenheit’s scale.” It is
municate heat to the water by pulsation; and hence easy in the hottest weather, and in every
consequently the balance of temperature would climate, to freeze a body of water, and keep it
be liable to incidental variations, if moisture, in a congealed state, till it gradually wastes
with its embodied heat, were not likewise ab away bya continual but invisible process of eva
stracted by some corresponding process. And poration. On a large scale the operation would be
such is the harmonious adaptation of these ele conducted the most profitably; insomuch that a
ments. The discharge of vapour appears to be proper system of air-pumps, put in motion by a
subject precisely to the same conditions as the steam-engine of only six horse power, might in
emission of heat, and in both cases the proximi the climate of London produce at the rate of
ty of a vitreous or a metallic surface produces a ton of pure ice every day.. Other absorbent
effects which are entirely similar.” This beau substances besides sulphuric acid could be em
654 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

ployed, though not so advantageously; such as It seems idle to examine the pretensions of
pounded trap-rock slightly roasted, parched oat such projector as the Marquis of Worcester or
meal, and dry sole-leather. When water is ex Sir Samuel Morland, who caught at any sha
cluded, the dryness created within the exhaust dowy schemes, to retrieve their ruined fortunes.
ed receiver may be turned to different useful The person who first considered the proper
purposes. This process is now commonly em ties of steam philosophically was Papin, a physi
ployed, especially on the Continent, in the nicer cian born at Blois, who visited England in 1680,
chemical analyses. It can likewise be directed and became curator to the Royal Society. The
to'delicate preparations, which the action of Digestor, which he constructed next year, exem
heat might derange. r plified the enormous elastic force that steam ac
The application of these various refined in quires when heated and confined. As a source
struments forms a sort of aera in the progress of power he proposed atmospheric pressure,
of philosophical apparatus, and has contributed by forming a vacuum either by the inflam
to introduce into physico-chemical researches mation of gun-powder or the condensation of
a precision and delicacy unattempted before. steam. Precluded by the revocation of the
What seems wanted at present to complete our Edict of Nantes from returning to France, he
knowledge of Heat, is not the vague repe accepted in 1687 an invitation from the Prince
tition of experiments already carefully per of Hesse to a chair in the University of Marburg.
formed, but a nice investigation of several un There he extended his plans, but found no helps
explored properties, directed with scrupulous to carry them into execution. The superior
accuracy and on a large scale. skill of English artists transferred the palm of
The systematic application of Heat has, dur invention. Newcomen, a blacksmith, and Caw
ing the eighteenth century, produced a complete ley, a glazier, natives of Dartmouth in Devon
revolution in the mechanical arts. Air, steam, shire, by their united studies and labours, pro~
and water are often employed as carriers of duced the Atmospheric or Fire Engine in 1705;
Heat, but with very different energies. These but, to prevent opposition, they associated in their
fluids being all raised to the pitch of boiling patent a naval oflieer, Savery, who had a few
water, while a current of air will transmit only years before contrived a very imperfect machine,
one degree of Heat, a like current of steam will which acted however by alternate expansion and
communicate 12 degrees; but astream of water condensation. Accident suggested the injection
with the same celerity and transverse section of cold water within the steam-vessel, instead of
will, from its density and high charge, com external afl'usion. Beighton simplified the mode
municate no less than 2800 degrees of Heat. of opening and shutting the valves, and improved
The alternate expansion and contraction of the whole system of machinery; and in the
fluids by heating and cooling evolves prodigious course of half a century, the Fire Engine was
powers. It may be shown that, with the same adopted for raising water in all the coal-mines.
expense of Heat, air itself treated in this way At this epoch the genius of Watt, guided by
exerts about three times as much force as what sound judgment and urged by unremitting ap
is obtained from the successive formation and plication, efi'ected in less than forty years a com
condensation of steam. If such reciprocal plete change in the powers of mechanisms!» His
changes were impressed on air as rapidly as on steady purpose was to reform the principles of
steam, the application of that medium would the steam-engine, and reduce its composition to
soon supersede the most eflicient of all engines. mathematical precision. He began with per
The expansive force of steam was finely dis-. forming the condensation in a vessel distinct
played by the JEolzZpile, an instrument constructed from the working cylinder; and be next ex
in the Alexandrian School. After the revival cluded atmospheric pressure, and merely em
of science, it had been employed to set in motion ‘ployed the alternate action of expanding and
a variety of toys; but no eflieient application of contracting steam. But to pursue his career of
steam was achieved in the seventeenth century. invention might demand a separate disquisition.
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 655‘

7. ASTRONOMY.

THE varying spectacle of the heavenly bodies The progress which Astronomy has made
has attracted the curiosity of mankind since the since the decease of Newton may be referred to
very dawn of civilisation. In the genial regions five separate heads ; 1. The investigation of the
of the East, where societies were first collected, figure of the earth, and of the other planets;
the rural inhabitants, accustomed to enjoy the 2. The determination of the anomalies of the
freshness of the nights in the open fields, con moon’s motions, and their application to the find
templated with wonder the sparkling radiance ing of the longitude at sea; 3. The analysis of the
of a pure canopy, remarked the groups of stars, prolonged efl'ects resulting from the mutual dis
and learned by degrees to trace their successive turbing influence of the planets; 4. The improved
changes, and to connect these with the periodic theory and observation of comets; and, 5. The
motions of the great luminaries. The rudeness telescopic discoveries of new planets, and the
of such early observations was compensated by vast expansion of the catalogue of stars.
the number of the included revolutions. The oc 1. Investigation Qflhe Figure qftke Earth and of
casion of an eclipse or an oecultation served, by the other Planets.—It was easy, by combining the
disclosing the coincidence of different periods, to rotation with the length of the radius of the Earth,
rectify the elements of the planetary movements. to compute that every body at the equator must
Astronomy has grown up by a slow accumula lose the 289th part of its weight, from the ac.
tion of facts, continued through a long tract of tion of centrifugal force, which, being propor
ages. It had acquired considerable accuracy in tional to the distance from the centre, will
practice, before it received any tolerable lights exert only half such influence over the whole
from theory. But the art of observing has in mass; and therefore supposing this to be homo
modern times acquired amazing precision, from geneous, and assuming with Huygens that gra
the very improved construction of instruments, vitation is all directed to a central point, and
and the extended methods of calculation. The equal at every distance, it thence followed that
register of a single year may now furnish more our planet is an oblate spheroid, of which the
complete data than the aggregate observations Equatorial is to the Polar diameter as 578 to
of a whole century in remote ages. .577. But Newton had already explored the
The great eultivators of astronomy are divid question with consummate penetration; and,
ed into two classes,-—accurate and inventive obsetting out from the great principle of an attrac
servers,—-and profound and original theorists. tion subsisting among all the particles of matter,
Of those illustrious men who, in the lapse of had, on the hypothesis .of homogeneous fluidity,
three thousand years, have devoted their labours shown that the equatorial column has its pres
to so noble a purpose, we may distinguish a sure at the centre diminished by the elliptical
few that have stood pro-eminently above their defect of the sphere, while the action of the per
compeers ;—as observers, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, pendicular column is augmented from the op
Tycho Brahé, Hevelius, Cassini, Flamsteed, posite cause; and thus a greater inequality than
'La Caille, Bradley, Maskelync, and Piazzi ;—and the mere influence of centrifugal force becomes
as theorists, Copernicus, Kepler, Newton, and requisite to produce equilibrium, assigning 230
after some interval Clairaut, D’Alembert, and to 229solution,
This as the ratio of thewas
however, diameter
merelyto tentative,
the
Euler, and in our own times the associated names
of Lagrange and Laplace. Astronomy is not the imperfection of the calculus being compen
only the sublimest of all the sciences, but has at sated by a refined sagacity, which noted only the
last reached the highest pitch of perfection, and leading steps.
constitutes by far the grandest monument of hu The explication of the System of the World
man assiduity and genius. from the Theory of Attraction, embraced with
656 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

indolent acquiescence by the countrymen of time Bouguer noticed some restrictions essential
Newton, was either opposed or viewed merely to the rigorous solution of the problem; but
as an ingenious speculation by most of the now Maclaurin took a most commanding View
philosophers on the Continent.x But a contro of the subject, and produced, first in his famous
versy now arose, which brought the accuracy of Dissertation on the Tides, and again more fully in
these principles to the test of observation, and his Treatise of Fluxions, printed in 174-2, ageo
‘secured their final triumph. It is evident that metrical investigation, distinguished by its ori
the length of a degree of the meridian must be ginality, clearness, and superior elegance. This
proportional to the distance of the centre of mu illustrious mathematician established, from the
tual cencurrence of the plummets from its extre law of gravitation, the stability of a fluid sphe
mities, or to the radius of external curvature. roid revolving about its axis in a certain time,
*In the case of an oblate spheroid, therefore, proved that every point within the mass would
those degrees w0uld regularly enlarge from the be pressed equally on all sides, and showed that
equator to the pole. But the Trigonometrical even the superadded attractions of the sun and
Mensuration of France, begun by Picard in moon could not disturb the internal equilibrium
1675, and completed in 1716 by Cassini, form of our Earth. The conclusions applied likewise
ing the most extensive survey yet attempted, to the other planets, and embraced the theory
'was found leading to an opposite conclusion in of the tides. But his profound investigation like
the meridional are, the degrees on the north of wise disclosed several general theorems, which
Paris, instead of lengthening, appearing to con have greatly simplified and extended the science
tract about a 430th part below those on the south, of Hydrodynamics.
which would indicate an oblong figure, having The most refined theory, thus confirming the
its perpendicular diameters as 96 to 95. This Newtonian figure of the Earth, again recalled
perplexing result served to keep alive for some the attention of philosophers to the actual sur
time- longer the controversy on the Continent vey of its surface. The French triangulation
between the followers of Descartes and the grow being resumed in 1740, an error was detected
ing partisans of the Newtonian Philosophy. In in the measurement of the base, and another
the meanwhile, a clock made by the famous not less considerable in the obsersation of the
Graham, and carried out to Jamaica in 1782 by meridional are; but to rectify the various de
Colin Campbell, was ascertained by astronomical tails required the labour of. several years, nor
observations at Black-river, in the latitude of 18°, did the work terminate before 1754. In the
allowing for the influence of heat on the pendu extent of above eight degrees, their lengths ap
lum, to go 1' 58” slower every day than in Lon peared regularly to increase, from Perpignan t0
don. This quantity of variation Bradley found Dunkirk, by about the 1730th part; marking
to exceed what would suit the figure calculat evidently the oblateness of the spheroid. M; Q‘
ed by Newton, and he was therefore disposed to But it was most desirable to resolve the ques
attribute the effects to some diminution of density tion on a larger scale ;.and the Academy of Paris,
in the equatorialregions. James Stirlingcompris urged in 1733 by Condamine to send a party to
ed the attractions of homogeneous spheroids un measure a degree under the Equator, adopted
der two beautiful theorems, which were publish his project with zeal, and fortunately obtained
ed, though without demonstrations, in the Philo the sanction of government. After all the pre
sophical Transactions for 1735. About the same parations were made, the Academicians, Con;
1%.; flvfith ‘c, r . db
,_\..r- 5. ,v.._ l, rams“
' In a letter written from Basie on the 22d November 1729 by Nicholas Bernoulli, to his friend James Stirling at Lon
don, with whom he had become so uainted several years before, when the former was professor at Padua, and the latter a
teacher of Mathematics in Venice, e confesses, with regard to Maehin’s attempt to illustrate the Lunar Theory, that he had
not yet taken the trouble to read the third book of the Principia. Pauca quidem in to intelligo, quia nullam udhur opemm
collocdui in [actions tertli Iibri Prindpiorum D. Newtoni. Stirlin gin his answer, dated in September 1730, frankly remarks,
that “ it is somewhat stra e, that though the Principle: have a published above 40 years, nobody has read further than
the two first books, althoug they be barely speculations, and were written for no other reason but that the third might be un.
derstood." (From a collection of Stirling‘s papers in the possession of Mr Irving, one of the Judges of the Court of Ses~
sion, under the title of Lord Newton.) ~.-~4vi
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. ' .657
Idamine, Bouguer, and Godin, in May 1785 sailed is not Only an oblate spheroid, but so cenider;
from Rochelle to Peru, where they joined Juan ably flattened as to haVe its equatorial diameter to
and Ulloa, two naval ofiicers deputed by the its axis in the ratio of 179 to 178; and he thence
'king of Spain. The whole company assembled inferred that the central parts must be four or
in the month of June in the following year at five times denser than the superficial crust.
Quito, almost under the Equator, and arranged In the mean time, it being foreseen that the
their plan of operations. They chose a valley mensuration of a degree in'Peru would be ne
of the Cordilleras running above 200 miles south cessarily retarded, the celebrated Maupertuis, a
wards from that city, and inclosed on both sides person of agreeable attainments, though not
by the loftiest ranges of the Andes. Divided very profound in science, prevailed with the
into two troops, they carried a series of triangles French minister Maurepas to dispatch another
along the Hanks and summits of those stupen company, which he reluctantly conmnted to
dous mountains covered with eternal snows, and lead, for a similar purpose to the Arctic Circle.
connected the reticulation with the base mea His associates Were Monnier, Camus, Outhier,
sured below. In pursuing their laborious task, and Clairaut, already distinguished by the pre
the observers had to encounter the greatest dif cocity of his fine mathematical genius. They
ficulties, and to suffer privations of every kind, arrived at Stockholm in June 1786, and were
owing to the severity of the climate and the joined by Celsius, the professor of astronomy at
total want of accommodation, joined to the con Upsal, who had brought from London Graham’s
tinual impediments occasioned by the supersti zenith sector and transit instruments. Having
tion of the natives and the pilfering habits of settled their general plan, they proceeded to the
the Indians. But resolution and perseverance bottom of the Gulf of Bothnia, and selected
at length overcame the multiplied obstacles, Tornea for the principal station. From that
though no fewer than eight years were consum small capital they stretched a chain of triangles
ed in completing with elaborate care and accu along the wooded heights to the top of Kittis, a
racy the difl'erent operations undertaken. Con distance however not exceeding 60 miles. Work
damine was a man of an ardent and active mind, ing with great spirit and activity, and having
and persuasive address ; Godin, an excellent ob no difficulties to encounter but the severity of
server; but Bouguer combined the character of the climate, they observed the angles from the
a deep and original thinker, with the talent of several stations during the remainder of the
invention, unwearied application, and an ex summer, determined the celestial arc in autumn,
tended acquaintance in the various pursuits of and measured the base along the frozen surface
philosophy and science. The Academicians were of the river Muonio in the early part of winter.
ably assisted by their Spanish associates, though The length of a degree of latitude at the Arctic
each performed separately his own calculations. Circle was found to be 57,419 toiscs, or 34-9
It was reserved, however, for Bouguer to give toises longer than the corresponding measure at
the complete narrative of all the various opera Paris, which gave the ratio of 178 to 177 for
tions, in his Treatise on the Figure of the Earth, that of the Equatorial and Polar diameter, al
not published till 174-9, but one of the most va most the same as the result of the more exten
luable scientific works that has ever appeared. sive operations afterwards in Peru. Maupertuis,
Besides amply discussing the principal question, having with such expedition ascertained the ob
it investigated incidentally the effects of local at lateness of the Earth, and assigned a depression
traction on the plummet, the length of the pen still greater than had been computed by Newton,
dulum, the theory of refractions, the rules of returned triumphant to Paris in the spring of
barometrical measurements, the limits of perpe 1737. But this arctic triangulation, betraying
tual congelation, the intensity of the solar rays evident marks of haste, became suspected after
at different elevations, and the celerity of sound wards of inaccuracy; and, at the suggestion of
as affected by heat. He concluded that the Earth Melanderhjelm, the Swedish academy, about the
was. xv. 4 o
658 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS;

beginning of the present century, sent Svan his single exertions a degree of latitude. This
berg, with proper assistants, to resume the ope he found, on the parallel of 34°, to be 57,037
rations, who not only rectified the former obser toises, and therefore of the same length with a
vations, but carried the mensuration about 40 degree as far north as 49' in France ; which
miles farther north. seems to indicate not only a flatter outline, but a
It was then determined that the length of a difl'erence of internal constitution in the southern
degree in Lapland is only 57,209 toises, which, hemisphere. The accuracy of the measurement
compared with Cassini’s corrected measure in itself, however, has bcen strongly suspected.
France, reduces the oblateness to the 290th part In 1750 and the two following years, Bosco
of the Earth’s axis. But a more accurate result vich and his associate La Maire measured an arc
is obtained from the comparison of the distant of two degrees in the Papal States, and fixed the
observations made under the Equator and at the length on the parallel of 43° at 56,979. Beccaria
Arctic Circle, the perpendicular diameters of the traced a single degree in Piedmont, and found
terrestrial spheroid being in the ratio of 302 to the opposite attractions of the lofty sides of the
301. Still greater nicety has been attempted Alps had such influence in deflecting the plum
by Littrow, who, on re-computing the degree in met, as to render the northern half of the mea
Lapland, reduced it to 57,168 toises, which sure a 69th part longer than the southern.
After a pause of near forty years, the mensu
an oblatencss of only 8—15.
ration of the Earth was revived with increasing
Other determinations of a degree of latitude ardour and on a grander scale. The object first
have been made at difl'erent parts of the Earth’s contemplated was merely to settle the difference
surface, the most remarkable of which may be of longitude between the observatories of Green
noticed. La Caille, one of the best observers, wich and Paris, by connecting them with a se—
and the most accurate and laborious of astro ries of triangles. General Roy directed the
nomers, rectified the French triangulation du English survey in 1784-, while similar operations
ring the years 1789 and 174-0; nor did the ex were conducted by Cassini in France. The Re
treme severity of that memorable winter prevent volution soon followed, and prepared the public
his carrying forward these operations over the mind for the reception of every bold project. It
lofty mountains of Auvergne. He proved decid was now proposed to adopt a universal and
edly that the degrees of the meridian regularly permanent system of weights and measures
increase from the south to the north of France. drawn from nature, the unit of linear extent
Some years afterwards he went to the Cape of being the thousandth part of a centesimal minute,
Good Hope, chiefly for the purpose of framing or the ten millionth part of the quadrantal are
a catalogue of the stars of the Southern Constel from the Pole to the Equator. wTo obtain this
lations; but his ardour and extreme activity en standard, it had been resolved to carry a chain
abled him to accumulate other valuable celes of triangles over the whole extent,- from Dunkirk
tial observations. Having performed the task to Barcelona; which was performed during the
he had proposed, and the ship not arriving to most eventful period of general excitement and
carry him home, La Caille was tempted to em commotion, by the profound sagacity, persever
ploy the time thus afl'orded in measuring by ance, and undaunted zeal of Delambre, 1 joined to

’ Born at Amiens on the 19th September 1749. Being designed for the church, he studied the ancient lan inthe
Gymnasium of his native city, first under the Jesuits, and afterwards under the tuition of the poet Delille. to whom e became
“Wly BtmChed- At a ripe age, he was invited to the study of astronomy by Lalande, and soon ad ted as his fivourite
pupil. In 1785 he begin the vast series of his scientific labours, which oocubied the rest of a long l2, iWitheut-ummg
at originality, Delambre produced very complete and valuable works, pursued his immense calcu M with scrupulous
nicety and incessant application, and disti ished himself as‘a most accurate, skilful, and indefatigable observer. He
sought predsion merely, and was rather ind erent about the elegance of his formula- or composi j Yet he was an ex
‘bflntegrity
cellcnt Greek scholar, well so usinted with the princi oined to simple
1 modern habits,and
languages, he indeed
passedathman 0 ' Of an
amiable disposition, with fix principle! r0 .‘
volution with a blameless ' hit
rgedl 0 “hi
ll: i'Versul'ly
ed his fullregretted,
share ofonthethe lOtli ofA
honours and di-_'- ‘.-__' f
bestows on those eminent in science,
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 659
Mechain. 1 After completing this operation, they all the refinements of modern art have been 'ex
measured a base ofseven miles in length near Paris, hausted in the mensuration of a new base.
and another of verification, somewhat shorter, Those operations have no doubt proceeded
on the road from Perpignan to Narbonne. The very slowly, and yet the results of the first series
register of all the observations was in the spring were perplexing, the three degrees measured
of 1799 submitted to a sort of congress of scien from Dunnose to Clifton successively contract
tific men assembled in the French capital, who ing instead of lengthening, and therefore indicat
having examined and repeated the various calcu ing, like the earlier observations of Cassini, an
lations, and compared the celestial arc with the oblong figure of the Earth. The whole are agrees
mensuration in Peru, adopted the 334th for the exactly with the last triangulation of France, in
oblateness of the earth, and determined the dis giving an oblateness of only the 334th part; but
tance of the pole from the equator to be 5,130,740 whether the intermediate discrepancies should be
toises. imputed to an error of azimuth, or to the pro
Mechain, anxious however to extend the me~ bable derangement from local attraction, still
ridian as far as the Balearic Isles, again repaired remains undecided.
to Spain, and conducted a series of triangles over In 1802 and 1803 Colonel Lambton measured
the savage heights from Barcelona to Tortosa, a degree of the meridian in the East Indies, and
when, exhausted by incessant fatigues, he caught found, at the latitudes of 9° 35', 12° 3’, and 16° 35’,
an epidemic fever, which proved fatal in Septem the lengths to rise successively to 60,477, 60,490,
ber 1805. The operations were continued by and 60,512 fathoms. Hence Delambre deduced
his young but very able successors, Biot and the oblateness of the terrestrial spheroid to be the
Arago, who terminated the meridional are at the 206th part. But Rodriguez, an able Spanish ma
isle of Formentera in 1807. This extension of thematician, who had already criticised the obser
the chain scarcely altered in the slightest man vations of Mudge, detected various mistakes in
ner the former conclusion. Lambton’s calculations, which being rectified,
The English survey, being designed merely reduced the depression of the Earth to the 820th
for the construction of an accurate set of maps, part.
suffered some interruption by the death of Gene Since the spheroidal figure of our planet is
ral Roy, but was resumed with spirit in 1793, evidently subject to great irregularities, we are
under the skilful direction of Colonel Mudge, led to inquire, whether it be a. solid of revolution
who carried the triangulation as far as the north and have true circles for its parallels of latitude.
of Scotland; and since his decease in 1820, the Cassini and Maraldi seem to have been the first
work has been transferred to Ireland by his per to solve this interesting question. They found,
severing assistant and successor Colonel Colbyf in 1734 and 1735, a degree of longitude at Paris
The method of observing is now improved, and and at Strasburg to be 36,676 and 37,745 toises,

' Born at Leon 16th August 1744, the son of an unprosperous architect, who could hardly educate him in the same pro
fession. The youth supported himself, and even sided his father, by teaching mathematics, and made suchgmficiency in
astronomy as to attract the notice of Lalsnde, by whose warm and active patronage he soon obtained the 0 cc of hydro
graphcr to the Marine at Versailles. Though he had not the talent of invention, he became an expert, patient, and correct
calculator. He was, beside-an very nice and accurate observer, and applied himself particularly to the search of comets, and
the observatories
the computation ofof their
Paris orbits. In 1784 and
and Greenwich; he was joined
when to the commission
the Constituent for had
Assembly ad'ustin thetodifference
resolgved of longitude
adopt a grand metricalbetween
system
founded on the length of the meridional arc, he was appointed to measure the southern portion of it from Barcelona to ltodez.
He conducted his operations with great cclcrity and success ; but, inspectin a new engine constructed by a friend at Barce
lona, he met with a dreadful accident, which had well nigh proved fatal. A era slow convalescence he‘ resumed his labours;
but every thing new combined to dishesrten him,_thc war with Spain, the ravages of the yellow fever, and the news of the
reign of tenor in France. Alter moderation had revived, Mechain with much re uctance was prevailed on to come to Paris :
but strongly pressed the expediency of extending the measurement two degrees farther into Spain, and insisted on carrying on
that work himself. This pertinacity was not exp ained till alter his death, when it appeared that he had concealed a discrepancy
occurring in the rectification of his observations, which, without acknowledging the error, he no doubt hoped to remove by
subsequent operations. Alter experiencing many difficulties, be vigorously renewed his labours in Valencia; but his mind
was depressed by anxiety for his reputation, and alarms at the s read of cont ious disease. This mental prostrstion
favoured its attack, and he expired of yellow fever in his retreat at llon de la a, on the 20th September 1806.
660 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
and therefore considerably less than what belongs
to a perfect sphere. But the most accurate ob
servation of this kind was made by La Uaillc in
1740, from the top of a hill near Aix, to a signal
on a high tower above the Rhone, about 96 miles
remote, where be caused ten pounds of gunpowder
to be fired, and found by the instantaneous blaze
the difference of time between the tWo meridians,
and then measured trigonometrically along the
plain of .Arles the intermediate distance, which
gave 41,858 toises for a degree of longitude, or with extreme precision, or the distance between
260 toises less than a globular form would re-‘ the point of suspension and the centre of oscilla
quire. Lambton estimated the degree of longi tion. The pendulum constructed by Borda
tude on the parallel of 12° 82’ to be 61,061 seemed to require little correction. It consisted
fathoms, or 57,294, toises; but his observations
and calculations seem not entitled to much con
fidence. The latest and most accurate measure~
ment of a perpendicular to the meridian was
performed in 1823, near Geneva, by Colonel
Brousseaud, of the French engineers, in connexion
with the late ingenious Professor Pictet, while
the skilful astronomers Plans. and Carlini com
pleteda similar operation on the plains of Italy as
far as Padua. The first, being compared with the
are from Greenwich to Formentera, gave a 271st
part for the oblateness of the Earth; but, when
conjoined with the Italian prolongation, it redu
ced the'quantityof depression to a 292d part of the
equatorial diameter. It must he confessed, how
ever, that the accuracy of these conclusions has
been contested by some of the ablest calculators.
From a skilful combination of the five prin
cipal measurements, in Peru, India, France,
England, and Lapland, Mr Ivory has, by the
incthod of the leaSt squares, deduced §(l)—9 for the
qblateness of the Earth, and shown that the
corresponding elliptical meridian agrees with
the best observations. The result would have
been still more satisfactory, had the English
survey comprised the whole extent of the island.
But a very small portion of the are is comput
ed, and the fruits of twenty years’ expensive
operations are not yet communicated to the
public. Meanwhile, other surveys, conducted
after the most scientific manner, are now far ad
vanced; in Lower Saxony by Gauss, in Holstein
by Schumacher, in Swabia by Bohnenberger,
and in Russia and Finland by Struve. These
continental observations must throw much light
on the form and constitution of our planet.
Local attraction may deflect the plummet from
its vertical position, but it can have little effect
on its general gravitation. The vibration of a
pendulum, therefore, promises a readier and
surer method of discovering the figure of the
Farth. The difiiculty is to ascertain the length
of a slender iron wire about 13 feet long, termi
nated by a small cap of copper, to which was
nicely fitted a ball of platinum about an inch
and half in diameter. The vibrations were per
formed in two seconds and continued for twelve
hours, the number being reckoned from the dis
tant coincidences with the pendulum of an astro
nomical clock. Matbieu has computed, from six
observations made with this instrument along
the meridian from Dunkirk to Formentera, the
depression of the terrestrial spheroid to be
1
But from a general comparison of all
m'
the various measures over the surface of the
Earth, Laplace reckoned this quantity only
_1 . It has been alleged, indeed, that the
330'78 , -
illustrious author had committed a mistake in the
taking out of a logarithm, which being corrected
- l
wou ld g“'e 319
_.
The Convertible Pendulum constructed by Cap:
tain Kater, on the beautiful principle first. dw
monstrated by Huygens, that the point of sus
pension and the centre of oscillation are inter
changeable, seemed to promise greater accuracy,
and was proposed by the inventor as furnishing
an invariable standard of linear measure. So
sanguine were his expectations, indeed, that he
believed it could not occasion an error of the
400,000th partof the whole. But the observations
which he made with this pendulum, at different
points in an arc of ten degrees extending to Shet
land, display no such harmony, for the resulting
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 661
oblateness of the Earth varies from the extremes, ting out on the expedition to the Polar Circle.
and l . But after his return from that memorable achieve
between It has been custom:
397'5 229'6 ment, he resumed the disquisition; and adopting
ary to attribute the discrepanciesto the influence the geometrical discoveries of Maclaurin, hepro
of local attraction, but they are frequently too duced the completest analysis of the problem, in
considerable for the most exaggerated hypothesis his very ingenious work which came out in 1743.
to explain, and must he referred either to the He determined the equilibrium of a revolving
inaccuracy of the observer or to the imperfection spheroid, when composed of concentric layers
of the instrument employed. Calculators, in of different densities, assuming the deviation
their endeavours to harmonize such observations, from the spherical figure to be very small.
can seldom proceed dispassionately ; they are apt Clairaut showed that the particles of the same
to modify some of the data, and arbitrarily to re density must always range in distinct strata,
ject others as anomalous or liable to suspicion. to which the resulting force that urges them is
Parry’s experiments with the convertible pen perpendicular ; and found the general equations,
dulum at London and Melville Island gave an simplified afterwards by Euler, for assigning the
oblateness of l stability of the fluid mass. But it. was not until
The numerous observations
312 6 1784 that Legendre gave a direct analytical so
made by Freycinet and Duperrey, in their voyages lution of the problem, in the case of a homogene
of discovery, indicated, for both the northern ous spheroid approaching nearly to a sphere,
and southern hemispheres, a depression between which required the single condition that gravity
._1_ and._l_. Captain Sabine concluded, from his shouldact perpendicularlyat the surface. Laplace
280 282 afterwards simplified and completed this investi
own combined observations, that the quantity is gation, by extending it to elliptical strata of dif
1 ferent densities. The solution, however, was not
But Mr Ivory, whose decision is entitled
288-4? rigorous, and merely exhibited an approximation,
to the greatest confidence, has, from a critical by leaving out the cubes and higher powers of
examination of those data, concluded the ellip the series. The numerical results yet vacillate
between the proportions announced by Huygens
ticity to be 3—56; and found the same figure to
and Newton. It is indeed remarkable, that a sub
agree both with the measures along the meridian ject which has exercised the efi'orts of sublime
and those perpendicular to it. To arrive at so genius, should have yet derived so little real
satisfactory a result, however, it was necessary elucidation from the stores of the higher calcu
to exclude nearly one-sixth of all the observa lus. The theorems of Maclaurin still far trans
tions, those made near the equator being the cend the most elaborate displays of analytical
most discordant. Such aberrations leave con research. But his illustrious countryman Ivory,
siderable distrust, which is not removed by in undismayed by such formidable difficulties, has
specting the later observations. But it were idle lately revived the discussion, and, examining
to affect extreme precision, where the discre more narrowly the physical conditions of the
pancy amounts sometimes to a six thousandth problem, and thus restricting the difi'erential
part. The convertible pendulum appears liable equations, he has with felicitous address sue
to different sources of error, and though it may ceeded in conducting his analytical procedure to
furnish an approximation to the determination a definite result. Britain has therefore the
of the terrestrial spheroid, it can hardly be ex honour both of originating the discovery of the
pected to reach the accuracy and certainty re true figure of the Earth, and of completing its,
quisite for a metrical standard. demonstration. l 11 H nr “
But the Earth’s oblate shape is likewise de
We maynow revert to the analytical investiga ducible from certain small mutations in the orbit
tion of the figure of the Earth. Clairaut had given of the moon. The attraction exerted by our satel
the elements of the solution previous to his set lite on the protuberant matter at the Equz tor occa
662 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

sions the Nutation of the terrestrial axis; and this the tides. While the ocean swells out both
action being reciprocal, the moon suffers a. corre under and opposite to the sun, it turns another
sponding alteration both in latitude and longi trebly more protuberant spheroid towards the
tude. Such is the wonderful precision attained moon. These elevations, differently combined,
in astronomical observations, that Burg, one of produce the variable heaving of the waters which
the most expert calculators inour day, computed constitutes the general tide. The conditions of
at the‘request of Laplace, from very numerous equilibrium are easily determined; but it is a
data, the ellipticity of the Earth to be respective most arduous research to distinguish the several
ly ___l_ and _. The motions of the lunar eflects of the rotation of the earth and the re
304'6 volution of the moon, in retarding and modify
nodes and perigee have been shown by the same ing the oscillations of the irregular aqueous ex
profound philosopher to indicate a similar con panse. Such was the problem which so long
clusion. The form of the Earth is hence flatter exercised the genius and penetration of Laplace.
than that of a homogeneous spheroid; and this He began the consideration of this intricate sub
difference appears to arise from the increasing ject in 1774, and resumed his investigation re
density of the internal mass caused by superin peatedly afterwards. Having obtained a gene
cumbent pressure. A like character belongs to ral expression for the oscillations of the ocean,
Jupiter, the largest planet in our ystem; for his he distinguished these into three separate swells,—
axes, which, from the combined action of gravity obeying difl'erent periods of succession. The
and centrifugal force, should have the ratio of 41 tides of the first class depend on the motions of
to 36, are observed to be only as 14 to 13, or the sun and moon, the variations of the dis
41 to 38, thus evincing the great compression tances, and the change of their declinations.
of the internal mass. The stream tide occurs at the interval of a day
The discussions relating to the figure of the and a half after the conjunction or opposition,
Earth led to an examination of the Theory of the the lunar swell at first preceding the solar, but
Tides, the great outlines of which had been falling back at the next two returns, till at the
likewise traced by Newton from the Law of third accession it combines with the latter. The
Gravitation. The Academy of Sciences at Paris decrease of consecutive tides is about a third
selected the complete investigation of this difficult faster at the conjunctions which happen in the
subject for the prize offered in 1740; and never equinox than at those in the solstice, and nearly
did three more illustrious competitors contend twice as rapid at the quadratures that occur in
for the honour of an award, which was shared the equinox as at those in the solstice. Similar
among Maclaurin, Euler, and Daniel Bernoulli. consequences result from the alterations in the
The dissertation of our countryman, as already right ascension and the declination of the sun
observed, was pro-eminently distinguished by the and moon. All these conclusions of a refined
new and beautiful propositionswhich it contained. theory are singularly confirmed by a critical and.
Supposing the Earth were at rest and covered with very laborious examination of the observations,
a shell of water, any remote body, attracting the made for a series of years at the port of Brest.
anterior surface with greater force than the lateral The second sort of oscillations is occasioned by
mass, and this again with greater force than the the diurnal change of the elevation and depres
posterior surface, would evidently cause the fluid sion of the sun; so that in midsummer, when
to rise on the opposite sides and form a prolate the declination is greater, the stream tide at
spheroid, having its longer axis directed to the Brest rises seven inches higher in the morning.
disturbing agent. But this influence was proved than the following tide towards evening. This'
by Newton to be inversely as the cube of the divaricating tide has no visible influence however
distance. Though the sun has above twenty on our shores; and to explain the equal swell of
million times more matter than the moon, yet the waters during the day and the night, Laplace
being four hundred times more remote, he there refers it to the retardation from a current of a
fore exerts three times less influence in raising certain uniform depth, which he estimated at
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 663
four leagues, or eleven English miles, but has seldom passing the clear bounds of geometry,
since greatly reduced it, without venturing to as or entangling his demonstrations in the laby
sign the true measure.l The third kind of tides, rinth of Algebraical formulae, he advances with
depending on the greater revolutions of the elegance and apparently without effort to the
moon, have much longer periods; but their in disclosure of the most recondite truths. But it
fluence, however small, is traced through the must he confessed that, in his eagle flight, he
Observations. The immense calculations of was satisfied with taking a general glance of the
Bouvard have detected every varying phasis of objects, and seldom stooped to mark the details
the law of Universal Attraction; but a closer or investigate the grounds of his calculations.
approximation is still wanted to unfold sepa He no doubt managed the research by estimat
rately all the terms of the disturbing forces. ing the different elements of perturbation, and
Some of the minute shades are indicated by a supplying, as in other cases, the deficiency of
fine application of the Doctrine of Chances, and the analytical process by a selection of circum
a similar process renders highly probable the ex stances, and the nice balancing of errors. The
istence of corresponding fluctuations in the mass illustrious author himself candidly admitted the
of our atmosphere. imperfection of his Lunar Theory; but what
seems truly astonishing is, that in such a novel
2. Mathematicians were at length prepared and arduous attempt he should have been guilty
for investigating dispassionately the application of so very few mistakes or omissions. The Eng
of the great principle of attraction to all the va lish commentators contributed very little to its
rious motions of the heavenly bodies. It had ex extension and improvement. Machin, profes
plained with beautiful simplicity the revolutions sor of Astronomy in Gresham College, secre
of the planets about the Sun, and of the satel tary of the Royal Society, and esteemed an ex
lites around their primaries. But to distinguish pert calculator, speaks of it with flippancy, and
its operation in the anomalies of the general sys seeks only to annex a vague hypothesis, which
tem was a most arduous undertaking. Astro leads to an arbitrary geometrical construction ;
nomers indeed had already, from a diligent and “ especially,” says be, “since the greatest part of
skilful comparison of distant eclipses, detected the Theory of the Moon is laid down without any
the principal irregularities of the Lunar Motions. proof, and since those propositions relating to the
Hipparchus and Ptolemy discovered what are Moon’s motion which are demonstrated in the
called The Equation of fire Centre and the lives Principia do generally depend upon calculations
tion ; and after an interval of fourteen centuries, very intricate and abstruse, the truth of which
Tycho and Kepler added the Variation and An is not easily examined, even by those that are
nual Equation. Newton not only expounded all most skilful ; and which, however, might be easily
these anomalies by the simple law of gravitation, deduced from other principles and hints of cal
but, probably without any helps from observa culations which he has not produced.”" He ad
tion, discovered six more auxiliary equations. mits, indeed, that Theory gives only half the
The Theory of the Moon, which crowns his im motion of the Lunar Apogee.
mortal Principia, is a production of genius, sa The first who improved and expanded the
gacity, and invention, almost superhuman. He Newtonian Theory of the Moon was Calandrini,
ascends with admirable order from the easier to professor of Mathematics at Geneva, who super
the more ditiicult problems, reducing them al intended the printing of the Jesuits’ edition of
ways to greater simplicity; he pursues his ap the B‘incipia in 1789 and 174-2. He investigat
proximations with consummate address, and ed by a direct method the principal lunar equa

_ ' In the last edition of the M1ranique Celene he seems to have silently abandoned his calculation altogether, contenting
himself with adopting the conjecture of the geographer Varenius, that the depth 'ot' the sea must bear same proportion to
the altitude of the shore.
' The Law of the Moon's Motion according to Gravity, a very short tract appended to Mottc's Translation of the Printipia
which came out in 1729.
 664 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

I tions, and' likewise the smaller inequalities to exult in the prespect of the immediate fall of
which Newton had left undcmonstrated. He such a towering rival. In this dilemma, Clairaut,
revised the investigation of the motion of the to reconcile the result of analysis with the actual
apsides, but was mortified to find his calcula pluenomena, proposed, without abandoning the
tions gave only half the quantity derived from great principle of attraction, to modify its recipro
observation. The honour of confirming the cal gradation of intensity, by annexing to the
Newtonian Theory of the Moon was reserved, square of the distance asmall subsidiary term de
hoWever, for our own countrymen. Dr Stewart, pending on its cube. This correction might be
the successor of Maclaurin in the University sufiicient, from the proximity to the earth, for
of Edinburgh, discovered the true motion of adjusting the Lunar motions, while it could have
the line of apsides by a simple and beautiful no sensible influence, he conceived, in affecting
geometrical procedure, in which his inventive that duplicate ratio which directs the, remote
penetration happily supplied the flexibility of revnlutions of the planets about the sun. But
theinodern calculus. About the same time Budon, who began his career with the study of
Walmesley,l an English Benedictine Monk, mathematics, showed, from the properties of the
who afterwards attained the rank of Catholic roots of equations, that such a modification of
Bishop and Apostolic Vicar, but had been com' the law of gravity involved what appeared anab
pelled by religious and political bigotry to reap surd consequence, that a body would be attract
the advantages of a foreign education, produced ed equally at different distances. Clairautwas
in 17419, at the early age of 27, a correct analy not shaken by this argument, Which he conv
tical investigation of the motion of the Lunar sidered as only metaphysical ; yet so. much
Apogee, which be extended and completed in discussion had been provoked, that, anxious
1758.1 to remove all doubts from the subject, he re
In the meanwhile, the profoundest mathema sumed his investigation, and pursued it with
ticians were directed to the right points of at incredible labour and resolution. Carrying the
tack, and incited to exert all their penetration approximation much farther, by computing the
in exploring the influence of the System of Gra values of the higher terms of the series, and
vitation, by the prizes proposed by the learned reiterating the process, he found the combined
associations on the Continent. Clairaut began integrals to give exactly the double of the former
his examination of the Lunar Theory in 1743. result. This satisfactory conclusion, which con
At first he was content with merely studying firmed the simple law of gravity, and restored
the Newtonian procedure, and converting it the harmony of the universal system, was an
into analytical expressions; but as he became nounced early in 1749. The bare mention of
more familiar with the subject, he pushed his the fact was enough for the inventive powers of
investigation further, and in 1747 comprised all Euler, who, by quite a different procedure, soon
the subordinate motions of the 'Moon under the obtained the true variation of the Lunar Apogee.
famous general problem of the Three Bodies. If D’Alembert needed some previous information
But, after a prodigious exertion of ingenuity to put him in the right train, he pushed his cal
and perseverance, if was mortifying to find his culations to wider extent, and approached still
soliition assign for the variation of the Lunar nearer the absolute effect. It would seem that,
Apogee only half the measure established by during this eager competition, the advances of
observation. Euler and D’Alembert, nearly Stewart and Walmesley were overlooked. But
about the same time, arrived at a similar con their countryman Thomas Simpson ventured,
clusion. The followers of Newton were sur though considerably in the rear,__totravel partly
prised and mortified
- ,1 |
the r‘esult, while the ad We" “‘6 we . Pf equates-mama '
herents of the Cartesian alreadv began This r‘ ' '_ thefirst
a H“- .li‘l ’2“l¥h Hui-"P-»
v
“h. ' a.
fi_
_ ‘ Dr Charles Walmesley,'horn in 1722. In his latter years he resided at Bath, and took to the study of mystii: theo
logy having meet on the Revelations, and explained the Vision of Ezekiel; His papers were burnt by an nntipoplsh
mob,in 1780, and he died in 1797. affix}.
 “ DISSERTATION FOURTH. ' 665
mathematicians of the age extinguished for ever he preferred the arrangement of the elements
any lurking suspicion of the 'Law of Universal .adopted by Euler. He was the first who em
'Attraction. The great object of scientific re— ployed the method of conditional equations to
.search was henceforth to direct its application -find the true values of the co-efiicients. His
to the celestial motions and the improvement of Tables were inserted in the Gottingen Trans
practical astronomy. The rectification of the actions; and after the most sedulous correction,
Lunar Tables, now become of such importance he sent them in 1755 to London, for the pa
in the practice of navigation, was the fruit of tronage of the Board of Longitude. At his
those tarduous calculations. Clairaut bestowed 'death in 1762 he left two copies, greatly im
intense application, and digested his results into proved, one of which his widow transmitted to
a clear form; he skilfully employed some data that scientific After long and protracted
furnished to him by La Caille for adjusting the deliberations, the modified prize of L.8000 was
auxiliary equations, and thus produced Tables at last awarded to his family, with a present
of the Moon’s motions distinguished by their of L300 to Euler, for his excellent formulas.
very superior accuracy. .D'Alembert proceeded But another more complete copy having been af
more slowly and neglected such aids, so that his terwards presented, the Board of Longitude be
Lunar Tables never obtained estimation with stowed an additional reward of L.2000 at the in
astronomers. Euler excelled both his illustrious stance of Dr Maskelyne, who zealously under
rivals in the wonderful command of the poWers took the charge of editing those Tables in 1770.
of calculation ; he worked with ease and rapidi The exertions of the continental'mathemati
ty, and his fertile invention continually supplied cians were now successfully directed to the in'.
new resources and suggested other paths of ad~ vestigation of the disturbing influence or mutual
vance. >He suspended for- a few months the perturbations of the larger and. nearer planets.
further improvement of the Lunar Theory, and Euler in 1747 sent to the Academy of Sciences
at the invitation of the Academy of Sciences at at Paris a most ingenious memoir on the de
Paris, analyzed with all the fulness of research rangement of Saturn’s motion, occasioned by
the influence of the mutual disturbance of the the superior attraction of Jupiter. It was not
planets Jupiter and Saturn. But aiming at still only the first solution of the problem, but the
higher perfection, after the interval of a few simplest and most direct, referring the forces
years he resumed this investigation, simplifying exerted to three perpendicular co-ordinates.
and greatly extending it. In the mean time he He then discovered the beautiful principle in
had computed a set of Lunar Tables, which he celestial mechanics, that there exist really no
disposed in a clear method, having discovered the secular equations, but that all the deviations from
co-etficients of the several equations from theory the regular course are strictly periodical, and
alone. _ x return always in the same order, though separat
- About this time Mayer of Wfirtemburg began ed at vast intervals. Notwithstanding the ex
to distinguish himself as one of the ablest and uberance of his analytical resources, he was yet
most ingenious astronomers that has appeared obliged toomit the smaller quantities, and to adopt
in any age. In 1751 he had been appointed di certain admissible suppositions, in order to short
rector of the observatory at Gottingen ; and in en the immensity of the calculation.. But being
this situation, encircled by foreign troops, and again recalled to the consideration of the subject,
exposed to the danger of powder magazines, he he produced, four years afterwards, another dis
yet laboured with such intense and enthusiastic sertation, which surpassed all his former efforts,
ardour as to shorten his days. His efforts were and obtained the doubleprize of the Academy.
mainly directed to the improvement of the Tables The great analyst new-modelled his investigation,
of the motions of the Sun and Moon. These rendered the process much simpler and clearer,
elements he derived from a discussion of nu pursued the approximations farther, and arrived
merous observations of eclipses and occulta at more accurate results. He found that the mean
tions, and he borrowed little from theory, though motions of Jupiter and Saturn are equally subject
nlss. 1v. 4 r
606 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

v to a very slow increase or diminution, which al spheroidal prominence of the Earth. By the
ternates however in the lapse of 15,000 years. transformation of his general expressions, he
But Euler was induced to push those researches found the Precessiou, or conical motion of the
still farther, and gained the prizes proposed by terrestrial axis about the poles of the ecliptic, to
the Academy for the years 1754 and 1756, by his be 50 seconds annually, and its Nutation or alter
theory of the inequalities in the Earth’s motion, nate vibration on the same plane only 18 seconds
caused by the planets. The three methods of during the period of the revolution of the Lunar
investigation that he proposed were all of them Nodes. Comparing this quantity with observa
quite different; and nothing seemed more asto tion, he concluded that at the surface of the
nishing than the facility with which his prolific Earth the attraction of the Sun is to that of the
invention struck out new paths. He discovered Moon as 8 to 7, which makes the satellite to
four small anomalies to result from their com have only the 70th part of the mass of our planet.
bined attractions, though it was scarcely pos—
sible, for want of proper data, to assign the The powers of calculation were now turned
precise measures of those aberrations. He ven to the erratic class of the celestial bodies, so
tured, however, to estimate the mean progres long the objects of superstitious terror, but which
sion of the aphelia at 12 seconds annually, and Newton had likewise subjected to the great law
the diminution of the obliquity of the ecliptic, of gravitation. While the planets revolve in
which some astronomers still doubted, at 4.9 ellipses approaching to circles, and lying nearly
seconds in a century. He found that the eccen in the plane of the ecliptic, the comets describe
tricities of the aphelia of Jupiter and Saturn are elliptical orbits with very difl'erent inclinations,
periodical, and complete their cycle in the space and so extremely elongated as to resemble pa
of 30,000 years. By an inverted application of rabolas through a considerable part of their
the same principles, it was possible, by com course. Being very small, they are seen for a
puting the co-efiicients of the formula: from ac short space only in the vicinity of the Sun, but
tual observations, to determine the masses of become quite invisibleduring their distant excur
those planets which are not accompanied by sa sive journey beyond perhaps the boundaries of
tellites. Euler hence found that Mars contains our planetary system. The periodic time of a co
rather less matter than the Earth, and Venus met, depending on the length of thetransverse axis
only about the half, but which by a subsequent of its ellipse, can seldom be determined with any
calculation be nearly doubled. The process was sort of accuracy. The few observations that
too much involved to secure entire confidence in can be made in the transient interval of its ap—
the results; and the rapidity and extent of his parition are scarcely sufficient to its mean
calculations had led to occasional mistakes. motion and the places of its nodes and perihe
The same subject was in 1757 discussed lion. Newton, while he proposed the parabolic
by Clairaut, in a clear and concise manner. theory as sufficiently correct in the visible por
By comparing his jbrmulw with the accurate tion of the cometary track, gave two elegant
observations of La Caille, be determined very constructions for discovering the elements of
nearly the masses of the principal planets, and the curve from three proximate observations.
showed that the greatest efl'ect of their accumu Halley applied those principles to the laborious
lated influence in deranging the Earth’s motion computation of twenty-four remarkable comets.
can amount only to about a minute. His esti~ But his attention was more especially fixed on
mate of the attraction of Venus has been con the nearest of them, which had been observed
firmed by later and more elaborate calculations. in 153], 1607, and 1682, and seemed to be the
In 1749 D’Alembert investigated rigorously same with one noticed by chroniclers in 1080,
the effects arising from the Moon's attracting the 1155, 1280, 1305, 1381, and 14-56,‘ and hence

' This would seem to be the comet whose appearance after the5capture of Constantinople by the Turks spread terror through
Christendom, and which pope Calixtus III. so devoutly exorci in the same anathema with these dreaded infidels- .
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 667
performing its reVolutious in about '15,;- years; he the distance of Uranus. It approached so near
therefore ventured to predict its return about the to the Earth as would have disturbed her mo
end of 1758 or the beginning of 1759. In arriv tions, if its mass had not been extremely small.
ing at this conclusion he was equally fortunate The success and popularity of Clairaut drew
and circumspect; he found that the comet must some peevish reflections from D’Alembert, whose
suffer great derangements in its passage through formulae, if he had taken the trouble to pursue
our planetary system, from the attractions of their. application, would have led to similar re
Jupiter and Saturn, which he endeavoured to sults. Euler, whose researches on Comets were
calculate, though with very doubtful success. still more extensive and diversified, viewed this
The time of the expected return approaching, ex triumph of ardent exertion with the calmness and
cited intense curiosity in the philosophical world; magnanimity of a sage. But Clairaut, eager to
and Clairaut was induced to apply his formula! complete a work in which he had gathered so
in the investigation of the progress of the comet, many laurels, next proceeded to calculate the dis
which, after immense labour in calculation, as turbing influence of Jupiter and Saturn on the
sisted by several expert computers, he announced place of the nodes of the comet of 1682 and 1759,
at a public meeting of the Academy of Sciences which has- an inverted motion. Newton had
on the 14th of November 1758. He found that shown that the perturbations in the planetary
the last revolution would be retarded about 618 system always advance the perihelion and re
days longer than the former, not reaching the tract the nodes; but the case here Was just re
perihelion till the middle of April 1759. But versed, and the quantity of recession thence
on revising his computation, he reduced that determined agreed most exactly with observa
term to the 4th of April, exceeding that of ob tion.
servation by 12 days only, a discrepancy owing So gleamed the last efforts of a philosopher
probably to the influence of the remote planet who happily united the highest vigour of intel
Uranus, which was not yet discovered. The comet lect with suavity of manners and elegance of
was first seen by a peasant in Saxony on Christ conversation, but whose days were shortened
mas-day, but soon became the admiration of by excessive labour, and the scductions of re
Paris, and procured for Clairaut the enthusiasm fined society, which incessantly courted and ca
of popular applause. This remarkable erratic ressed his presence. Clairaut died on the 17th
star, though visible only for a few months, had May 1765, at the age of 52, deeply regretted by
journeyed five years within the orbit of Saturn, a very numerous circle of friends, and leaving
though it never stretched its excursion to twice imperishable monuments of genius.I

I A tribute of warm respect is paid to the memory of Clairaut by the celebrated but unfortunate Bailly, who thus elo
quently pleads the cause of abstract science :—
“ Le ortrait de M. Clairaut seroit celui du veritable Géometre. Un Géometre est un homme qui entreprend dc
trouver a vérité; st cette recherche est toujours pénible, dans les sciences comme dans la morale. Profondeur de vue, jus
tesse de jugement, imagination vive, voila les qualités du Géometre: profondeur de vue, pour appercevoir toutes les con
sequences 'un principe, cette immense postérité d‘un mC-me pere; justesse de 'ugement, pour distinguer entr'elles les
traits de famille, et pour remonter de ces consequences isolées su principe dont elles dependent. Mais ce qui donne cette
profondeur, ce qui exerce ce 'ugement, c‘est l'imagination; non celle qui se joue a la surface des choses, qui les anime de
ses couleurs, qui y répand l'éclat, la vie, et le mouvemont, mais une imagination qui 't au-dedans des corps, comme celle-ci
au-dehors. Elle se peint leur constitution intime; elle la change et la dépouille volonté; elle fait, pour ainsi dire,
l'anatomie des choses, et ne leur laisse que les organes des efl'ets u‘elle veut expli uer. L’une accumule pour embellir,
l'autre divise pour connoitre. L‘imagination, ui pénetre sinsi a nature, vaut bien cclle qui tente de la purer; moins
brillsnte que l’enchanteresse qui nous amuse, elle s autant de puissance et plus de fidélité- Quand l‘imsginstion a tout
montré, les difiicultés et les moyens, le Géometre peut aller en avsnt; ct s‘il est parti d'un principe incontestable, ui
reads an solution certsine, on lui reconnoit un esprit sage; ce principe le plus sirnp e, ofi're-t-il ls vole la plus courts, i a
l'élégance de son art; et enfin il en a le genie, s'il atteint une vérité grande, utile, et long-terns séparée des véritéo
connues!
“ Aucune de ces quslités n'a msnqué s M. Clairaut; les preuves sont de l‘histoire de la Géométrie, les succes senls
sont de notre ressort. L'Astronomie lui doit des pr es difliciles; nous le jugeons ici par ce qui intéresse les hommes, at
sur ce qu‘il a firit d‘utile. La théoric de la lune rest impartiiite dans les mains de Newton, le cours des cometes calculé,
leur retour prédit, en rendant compte des causes qui 1e retardent ou qui 1e récipitent: voila ce qui restoit a fsire depuis
Newton, depuis Halley; et voila ce que M. Clairaut a fait. Cela étoit di cilc, puisque deux grands hommes y ont été
arrétés; cela étoit utile, parceque la connoissance des mouvemens de la lune amenera la perfection de la geographic et de la
navigation, parceque la prediction du retour des cumetes csractérisera notre siecle et fera sa gloire. Le principal mérite
668 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

- But the Theory of Comets still remained incom their orbits, derived only from observations
plete. Those excursive bodies, in traversing our made near the perihelion. Newton gave an
system, often sufl'er such derangement from the elegant method of discovering those paths, by a
influence of the proximate planets, that the most geometrical construction grounded on the para
select'observations are insufficient to determine bolic theory, and embracing three distinct ob
servations. But this solution-is liable to much
with any sort of precision their elliptical orbits.
The famous comet of 1759 was calculated by Eu uncertainty in its application, and Boscovich
ler and Lexell to perform its revolution in aspacehas shown how in most'cases it merges in a
between 44-9 and 5l9years, while Pingré assigned .porismatic or indefinite result. Mathematicians
it the period of 1281 years. In some cases the have therefore employed the resources of and:
observations have indicated an hyperbolic orbit. lysis in the resolution of this problem. Euler,
Conti, followingethe method of Gauss, found besides the three consecutive obscrVations, adopt~
the comet of 1811 to revolve in 3056-8 years; ed a fourth one more remote, and thus obtained
but by a second computation he reduced the an accuratebut very tedious and involved process.
time to 2301 years. The profound and expe Lambert derived a different mode of solution from
rienced calculator Bessel lately gave the comet somegeneral properties which he discovered ofthe
of 1807 a period of 1958'2 years, which he next Conic Sections in 1761. He employed calculation
brought down to 1483'3. The attraction how combined with a graphical process, and sought
ever of the Earth would increase this to 1713'5 to abridge the labour, by help of a table of the
years, while the influence of Jupiter would re descents of comets, or the motions which they
duce it again to 154.31 years. Although the would peribrm if their parabolic paths collapsed
process of calculation be now greatly improved, into straight lines. Thomas Simpson, the only
the return of a new comet cannot be safely pre person in our island who at this time appeared
dicted. Our expectations can acquire confidence to emulate the Continental mathematicians, like
only From a comparison with former appear wise produced ingenious disquisitions on the
ances. - -' 1' ‘ ‘ r Comets, and framed similar tables. Hennert,‘
Though the comets suffer such derangement Tempelhofl“, and Sejour, afterwards pursued the
from the action of the larger planets, they have same subject, which has since been discussed
no sensible influence on our system. They with great ability by Lagrange, Laplace, and
must therefore be extremely small, consisting Legendre. Other methods for discovering the
of a dark nucleus, invested with a cloudy or orbits of comets have been more recently Pro
hazy excrescence, and generally provided with posed by Delambre, Olbers, and Gauss; the last
very long sweeping tails. They have never of which may be considered as themost elegant
disturbed our tides; though, having sometimes and complete. But all these analytical modes
approached within the third part of the dis of solution are still very tedious and compli"
tance of the Moon, they would consequently cated; insomuch that the humbler procedure
with the same mass exert twentysseVen times by the way of Trial and Error, or what is called
greater deranging force. But their passage was False Position, is found in practice to be on the
then so rapid as not to allow the accumulation whole the shortest and most satisfacto .'~ "1';
of impulse required to heave the wide expanse
of ocean. While the sublimer geometry thus gradually
Comets are distinguished by the elements of disclosed the various rwoudite anomalieswhiclr
I I ,- a _, _ I 1'] Hi 1 r-‘; -a
4;] v--
de M. Clairnut fut le talent des applications : malgré son énie, il n’étoit point rebute des du'tails; il pensoit qu‘une ve'rité
de pratique étoit preferable a celles qui restent ensevelies ans vingt pages d‘anslyse; aussi n’a-t-il fait que des chases utiles
Son nom a été connu, porté partout, et, sera répété dans ice ages. Si nous avons usé le loner, c‘est que l'Asu-onomie
lui doit de la reconnoissance, c‘est que nous scmmes au moment oh la poste’ritt.< commence pour lui. La vérité peut élevet
une voix franche et libre, et nous ne sommes que son 0 one." (Hirtolrr dc I‘Axtronomic Modems, tome iii. pp. 197, 193-) '
l The most accessible work thqthaa recently, appears on this very difficult subject is the Easy on Comets, which gained
the first of Dr Fellowss‘Prizes in the University of Edinburgh, and which reflects such credit on its youthful author,
David Milne, radvocate. L-a ".1 '1' ' 1; ..'- -'.| ,1 C > I‘ . l.| r ‘.| -
A
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. . '. 669
affect the planetary motions, and yet maintain approximations. His investigation was a model
the balanced harmony of the universe, a genius of analytical researm; yet, though capablo'of
of the first order arose, and placed himself at extensive application, it did not descend into all
once on the summit beside the chief mathema the practical details. c |'-‘1- 'l I 1 w r - H
ticians of the age. In 1759 Lagrange,:when The Lunar Theory still presented difficulties
only 28 years old,.gave a new extension to the which it required the utmost efforts of genius
Integral Calculus, under a form which has ob to abridge and partially remove. In, 1768
tained the appellation of the Calculus of Varia D’Alembert simplified the evolution of the dis—'
time, and applied this with singular-address to turbing forces, by projecting orthographically the
the rigorous solution of the very difficult pro moon’s orbit on the plane of the ecliptic. Euler,
blems. of the propagation of sound, and the in conjunction with his son Albert, now gate
vibration of a musical chord. His early pro the completest solution of the general problem
gress-washailed by Euler, and encouraged by that had yet appeared; but having discovered:
D’Alembert. No mathematician has ever dis no indication of a secular equation affecting the
played a completer command of the Calculus Lunar motions, they were inclined to doubt its
than Lagrange, who rivals Euler himself in existence. This arduous discussion was repeat
clearness, elegance, and fertility of invention, ed in 1772, on which occasion Lagrange shared
and eminently surpasses that great master of the prize with the Eulers. Two years after
analysis in the justness and expansion of his phi wards he resumed the subject, and closely exa-l
losophical views. . amt. . mined the different conditions annexed to the pro-'
- Thenexteffort of: Lagrange obtained him th . gramme. There are five elements of a'planet's
prize offered by the Academy of Sciences at motion liable to the influence of Disturbing
Paris in 1764', for his Discourse on the Libra Forces: 1. The Great Axis of the primary ellipse;
tion of the Moon, iuwhich he most satisfac 2. The Eccentricity of the orbit; 3. TheYInoli
torily explained, from the theory of Attraction, nation of its plane; 4. The position of its Nodes 5.
the cause of the Moon’s presenting always near and, 5. The direction of its line of Apsides.v
ly the same face towards the Earth. He arrived In 1776 Lagrange demonstrated that the greatt
directly at the same general equations as D’Alem axis, on which depends the period of revolution,
bert, by a happy combination of the dynamical has no term involving the lapse of time, and'
principle of that philosopher with the property therefore cannot be affected by any Secular Equas
of virtual velocities, which was the germ of his tions, which constantly increase or diminish;
capital work on Analytical Mechanics. This But with regard to the mean motions of Jupiter
subject he again resumed in 1780, and discussed and Saturn, Lagrange and Euler came to oppo
it ..in,.the-.fullest and most accurate manner, site conclusions, the one exhibiting a continual:
succeeded in completing the integration acceleration, and the other a like retardation.
of the, chief equations. Laplace, who has attained still higher celo~
~ The theory of Jupiter’s Satellites is not only brity, now appeared on the scene. Displaying
anv objeotqinteresting in speculative science, but the same. faculty of I invention, he possessed
of great importance in the practice of astrono~ nearly equal. skill in the management of the
mical observation for finding the longitude. Calculus, withoutreaching, however, the clear
Baillyhaflilying merely the formula: of Clairaut, ness, simplicity, and elegance of his illustrious:
oblfllflfid‘mdmperfect solution of their periodic. rival. But he ranged over a wider field of dis
_ V the genius of Lagrange _e_m- 7 covery, and exerted greater and more persever
motions. MIn 1766
braced this subject in its full extent, by intro ing industry, and pressed forward with a loftier
,i‘ntpvhis equations not only the attractive feeling of ambition. "MM, '
force of the Sun, but the mutual attractions of In 1778 Laplace, following the steps of La
themselves. He neglected no term grange, adopted a new mode of investigation,
which mi t sensibly affect the results, and ad and pushed his calculations farther. Instructed
'oMU' va . .- —l r _
vanced With caution and address by successive by the successive advances of his predecessor, he
 70‘ PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

proved in 1775 that the mean motions of Jupiter parated the terms of the equation which exhibit
and Saturn have no secular equations, but per the secular deviations, from those which repre
form all their changes within certain long periods, sent the periodical changes.
which hence reconciles the discordant conclu The soaring rivals appear alternately to sur
sions of Euler and Lagrange. Having found pass each other. Laplace, continuing his re
that the variation of eccentricity of Jupiter’s orbit searches, at last discovered, that the secular
must cause a corresponding alteration in the mo equation of the Moon affecting her mean motion
tion of the Satellites, \Laplace transferred the and that of her perigee and of her nodes in the
same idea to the perturbations of our Moon, and ratio of 4, l2, and 8, is produced by the slow
thus discovered the true theory of her secular variation of the solar attraction occasioned by
equation, or rather of that vast cycle in which the changing eccentricity of the Earth’s orbit
the lunar revolutions are alternately accelerated resulting from the influence of the larger planets,
and retarded. This very slow but gradual though they cannot alter the great axis which
diminution of the moon’s periodic motion, which determines the mean periodic revolution. La
the intermediate observations of the Arabian grange then showed that the same results were
Astronomers, between Hipparchus and Bradley, deducible from his general formula. In 1785
have incontestibly established, was at one time Laplace resumed his investigation of the motions
referred to the resistance from an ethereal fluid of Jupiter and Saturn; and suspecting that Euler
imagined to occupy the celestial spaces. La and Lagrange had not carried their approxima
place at first conceived that the retardation might tion sufficiently far, he pushed his calculations
be explained on the hypothesis-of a progressive from the second to the fourth powers of the ec
transmission of the power of Attraction,and com centricities of their orbits, and proved that those
puted that it would require 8000 times the cele planets can have no secular equations. But,
rity of Light, which travels 200,000 miles in having remarked that their mean periods are
a second, to produce this effect. But his sub commensurable and very nearly as 2 to 5, he
sequent inquiries having shown that Gravity found their reciprocal acceleration and retarda
must dart its influence more than 50 million tion to follow the same ratio. The cycle began
times faster than Light, we may therefore safely in 1560, and comprehends 929 years; so that at
consider it as quite instantaneous. This conclu the epoch of 1750 Saturn had his period short
sion is highly important in a philosophical view, ened 48' 44", while that of Jupiter was lengthen
since it sets for ever at rest the various specula ed by 19’ 28". In 1788 he discovered two curi
tive attempts to explain the cause of Attraction ous laws that connect the periods of Jupiter’s
by the agency of certain mechanical intermedia, Satellites, and gave a complete theory of their
and demonstrates it to be a primordial and ul motions, which served as the basis of Delambre’s
timate principle ordained by the Wisdom of the excellent Tables.
Supreme Architect.l After an interval ofseveral years, during which
In the meanwhile Lagrange had in uccessive Lagrange had totally suspended his mathemati
dissertations investigated the secular variations cal studies, he returned to his early pursuits with
all the freshness of youthful invention, and all
of the planets by a new and direct process, which
he conducted with incomparable address and the vigour of matured and improved intellect. In
elegance. Nor did he confine his researches 1808 he gave a most general solution of the pro
merely to theory, but applied theformula to the blem of Disturbing Forces, and by a wonderful
motions of the five planets then known. In a effort of sagacity he reduced hi equations into a.
subsequent investigation he most skilfully se form of the utmost simplicity and elegance.‘I

' It is rather singular that Laplace should on several occasions betray a disposition towards materialism, while his inves
tigations point evi e ntly to an op osite inference.
'_ Since all observations are liab e to incidental inaccuracies, it requires great address to balance the opposite errors- The
ordinary way is to .take the arithmetical mean; but this mode confounds equally the remote and the approximate indica
tions. Cotes, in hlS Extimatc qf the Error: q/‘Obmah'on, proposed an ingenious and more accurate mode of investigation,
 DISSERTATION FOURTH.
The eighteenth century was equally distin
guished by the progress of Practical Astronomy.
Observatories were greatly multiplied and wide
ly dispersed over the surface of the globe, the
art of making observations was brought to high
er perfection, and instruments of more delicate
construction were successively introduced. Be—
sides the great problems of the figure of the
Earth and the nutation of her axis, we may enu
merate four capital improvements: The mea
sure of celestial refraction—the determination of
the parallaxes, and consequently the mean dis
tances of the Moon and Sun—the discovery of
new planets and satellites—and the enlarged
survey of the heavens, comprising the groups
and various modifications of the fixed stars.
1. Celestial Refraction. A ray of light passing
obliquely from a rarer into a denser medium, is
bent or refracted towards the perpendicular.
The light emitted by the heavenly bodies, when
it enters our atmosphere and descends to the
surface through a succession of condensing strata,
must evidently describe an incurved path ;' and
the particles which reach the eye and produce
vision, pursuing the direction of the terminal
tangent, will give to a star an apparent eleva—
tion. The portion of the trajectory traced in ap
proaching the surface of the Earth may be con
sidered as an arc of a circle having its radius
about six times greater. The quantity of refrac
tion is hence nearly proportional to the tangent
of the altitude.
Hawksbee had in 1710 found by a nice ex
periment, that the refractive power of air com
pared with that of water is in the ratio of its
density; and this law was ascertained by Biot
and Arago about a century afterwards to be gene
ral in our atmosphere. Hence refraction of that
medium increased with the elevation of the baro
meter or the depression of the thermometer.
671
The efl'ect of cold was early remarked by the
Dutch Arctic voyagers; but Bouguer first ac
curately observed the diminished agency of Bt
tenuated air during his sojourn on the summits
of the Andes. Yet without demonstration Brad
ley gave a simple rule for computing the celes
tial refraction, and Mayer adopted another near
ly similar. Thomas Simpson, in a very ingeni
ous dissertation, derived a formula which is sub
stantially the same. The subject of refraction
has likewise been discussed by Lambert, Kramp,
Fontana, and more recently by Laplace, Gauss,
Bessel, Young, and Ivory. The formula of La
place is complicatcd and inelegant, while Ivory’s
method seems clear and simple.
2. The Lunar and Solar Parallaxes. The
nearer celestial bodies are seen from the surface
of the Earth in a position somewhat different
than if viewed from the centre. This deviation,
termed parallax, is obviously greatest at the ho
rizon, and diminishes constantly in approaching
to the zenith. To ascertain parallax with any
precision, it is therefore required to institute
observations at distant stations. It was chiefly
for this purpose that La Caille selected the Cape
of Good Hope, where be determined the mean
parallax of the moon to be 57’ 39". But the
parallax of the sun, being so small a quantity,
is much more difficult to find. Kepler had taken
it for a minute, Halley reckoned it at 25", but
subsequent astronomers had generally reduced
the estimate to 10 seconds. To determine this
element with accuracy, Halley proposed a very
ingenious method from the next transit of Ve
nus, by measuring the acceleration and retar
dation of the time of her passage over the disc
of the sun as viewed from remote points on
the surface of the globe. He could not expect
his life to be prolonged till that event, but he
warmly exhorted his successors to prepare them

which, reduced to its simplest form, consisted in projecting the several data on a plane, and assi ing their common centre
of gravity for the true result. Euler disposed the observations into conditional equations with indeterminate co-efiicients,
which be traced out by successive eliminations. Mayer adopted the same plan. and employed it most extensively in the
construction of his valuableTablcs. But this procedure being very laborious.I Legendre proposed to abridge it by the method
of the lean aquaru, which had likewise occurred to Gauss, being nerally used by him in the reduction of observations. It
was a fine application of the Doctrine of Chances. Various ebraical investigations of the principle have been given;
but they are commonly very intricate and sbstruse.
Mathematicians, in threading the labyrinths of analysis, seem to have Overlooked a most simple and luminous demon
stration furnished by the Ancient Geometry. From an elegant reposition of the Loci Plani, it follows as a corollary, that
the sum of the uares of the distances of any number of pomts 0111 their centre of gravity is a minimum ,- which therefore
merges in the so ution of Cotes.
_672 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
.selves for observing it on the 5th of June 1761‘. the parallax to be only 8-575”, and consequent
Astronomers were accordingly dispatched by the ly the mean distance of the sun 95,158,440
several maritime powers of Europe to all the English miles.
stations that were considered as the most eligi ‘3. Discovery of New Planets and Sateflites. It
ble and accessible. Owing to various accidents, was an inveterate opinion, derived from the
however, the results did not answer the expecta ancient Pythagoreans, that the number of the
tions raised. The stations had not been always great celestial bodies must of necessity be six,
the best chosen; some of the most expert observ the first perfect number, or one which contains
ers did not reach their proper destination, other all its subdivisions. When Galileo directed his
_were obstructed in their operations by the state tube to the heavens and detected some of the
of the weather, and many difliculties generally satellites of Jupiter, this notion retarded the
occurred which had not been provided for. assent of the learned tohis discovery; but after
From a comparison of the collected observa Saturn was found to be accompanied likewise ‘

tions, Pingré deduced a parallax of 10%”, while by satellites, speculative philosophers sought to
Short made it only 8%”. Such a discrepancy was extend the catalogue of revolving stars to 28,
mortifying, and astronomers looked forward with the next perfect number. In this expectation,
impatience to the succeeding transit of Venus, however, they were disappointed, and the Solar
which was fortunately to happen within the space System received no further accession for the
of eight years, though such an occurrence would space of a century. The discovery of a New
not take place again till the 8th of December Planet was reserved for our own times.
1874. In the meanwhile Dr M. Stewart reviv Herschel, a musician residing at Bath, though
ed an idea of Machin, who, from a rude com a native of Hanover, which he had left in early
putation grounded on the motion of the Moon’s youth, devoted his leisure to the construction
Nodes, estimated the Solar parallax at 8". He and improvement of reflecting telescopes, with
preferred however the change of the apogee, or which he continued ardently to survey the
of the direction of the principal axis, which is af heavens. His zeal and assiduity had already
fected in some degree by the sun’s distance. By drawn the notice of astronomers, when he an
the application of the Greek Geometry alone, nounced to Dr Maskelyne, that, on the night of
Stewart had with profound ingenuity achieved the 13th of March 1781, he observed a shifting
the solution of a problem which so long bafiied star, which from its smallness-he to be a
the address of the great masters of the modern Comet, though it was distinguished neither bya
calculus ; but in pursuing his deductions, the nebulosity nor a tail. The motion of the star,
passion for purity and elegance of demon however, was so slow as to require distant ob
stration led him to hazard so many simplifica servations to ascertain its path. It was for
tions, as to render the conclusion, amidst a several months presumed to be a Comet; but the
balance of errors, very doubtful and precarious. hypothesis of a parabolic orbit led to very dis;
He reduced the parallax to 6-9”, which from its cordant results. The president Saron, an expert
smallness excited considerable surprise. and obliging calculator, was the first who con
.~ The uncertainty regarding the sun’s real ceived it to he a Planet, having inferred from the
distance was finally removed by the skilful few observations communicated to him, that it
and numerous observations of the Transit of the described a circle with a radius of about twelve
3d of June 1769. The several results differed times the meandistance of the Earth from the
scarcely the quarter of a second, and their con Sun. Lexell removed all doubt, and before“
currence fixed the parallax at 8'6”. This like the close of the year he computed the elements
wise agrees with the theoretical calculations of of the New Planet with considerable accuracy,
Laplace from the Lunar anomalies. But Bessel, making the great axis of its orbit 19 times greater
having with immense labour combined and care than that of the earth, and the period of its re
fully recompnted the original observations, has volution 84 years. Bradley, mistaking it for a
recently detected a small correction, which makes fixed star, had observed it on the 3d December
 . DISSERTATION FOURTH. 1 673
1753'; and it' was again seen‘by Mayor on attained greater accuracy, at .soine expense,
28d September 1756. e '. . however, of simplicity. Taking the number 4- to
- Herschel proposed, out of gratitude to his express the interval of Mercury, be multiplied
Royal Patron,'to call the planet he had found the terms of the binary progression by 8. The
by the barbarous appellation of Georgiana Sidus ; distances of the planets from the Sun are hence
but the classical name of Uranus, which Bode denoted by the series 4, '7, 10, 16, 28, 52, 100,
afterwards applied, is almost universallyadopted. 196, 820.‘ which numbers are convertible into
Animated by this happy omen, be prosecuted his English miles by multiplying by 9}- millions.
astronomical observations with unwearied zeal The dark or deficient planet, corresponding to
and ardour, and continued during the remainder 28 or the distance of 266 millions of miles, is
of a leng life to enrich science with a succes now supplied by the dicovery of four very small
sion of splendid discoveries. But Herschél also stars, which have been fancifully conjectured
detected the satellites that accompany his planet, to be only fragments dissevered from the prin
amounting to six, which revolve in a plane cipal, while other portions, still unobserved,
nearly perpendicular to its orbit, and contrary are whirling through space. The detection of
to the order of the signs. Both these primary and those singular planets distinguishes the com
secondary bodies obey, in the relation of their mencement of the nineteenth century. Piazzi
motions and distances, the great law of Kepler. discovered Ceres at Palermo on the 1st of
The same conformity obtains in therevolutions January 1801, Olbers at Bremen found Pallas
of the satellites of Saturn, which be increased on the 28th of March 1802, and his countrymen
to seven; and thus every step in the progress of Harding addedJ mm on the 2d of September 1804,
astronomy gives additional solidity to the grand and Vesta on the 29th of March 1807. These
system of attraction. ' » asla‘oides, as they have been called by Herschel,
' Some German philosophers, indulging their differ from other planets not only by their di
curious fancy, have traced among the distances minutive size, but by the remarkable inclination
of the planets an analogy, which, though not of their orbits to the plane of the ecliptic, which,
strictly accurate, yet approximates so near the however, they intersect nearly in the same nodes,
truth, that if not really founded in nature, it may This wonderful extension of the Solar System
at least assist the memory. Kepler, whose was chiefly due to the zeal and industry of the
ardent imagination inflamed all his speculations, German and other confederated Astronomers,
believed that the harmony of our system wanted who, at the instance of the spirited Baron Zach,
a planet between Mars and Jupiter. A similar had divided the heavens into difl'erent sections,
notion was entertained by the ingenious Lam and occupied themselves in surveying their
bert, who further supposed it might be-dark and several allotments. The catalogue of fixed
invisible. Reckoning from Mercury, the first of stars was thus prodigiously augmented, and
planets, and assuming-as the unit of measures many peculiarities in their character and con
its'interval from the sun, the intervals of the figuration detected. In the meanwhile Herschel,
rest will be expressed by the binary progres with the superior aid of his powerful reflecting
sion 2, 4, 8, 16, Ste. ; and consequently the telescopes, observed the numerous clusters of
distances of the series of planets from the sun nebulosities, and distinguished many of the
may be represented by the numbers 1, 2, changing and double stars, which, though suns
3, 5, 9, 1"], 88,65, 8w. While 3 denotes the of other systems, yet appear connected, and may
distance of the Earth, and 1'7 and 33 indicate probably circulate about their common centre
the distances of Jupiter and Saturn, the remote of gravity. Assuming that the instrument he
Uranus has come'to occupy the place marked used could enable him to' pcnetrate 4-97 times
by 66. But a planet at the distance 9, between farther than'Sirius, be reckoned 116,000 stars to
5 and 1'1, the distances of Mars and Jupiter, was pass in a quarter of an hour over the field of
still wanting to complete the regular sequence. view, which subtended an angle of only 15'. If
Bode slightly modified these proportions, and we compute from such a narrow zone, the whole
mss. xv. 4e
674 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.
celestial vault must display, within the range of ence of those disturbing forces which are incesb
telescopic vision, the stupendous number of more
than five billions of fixed stars. Imagination is
bewildered in the immensity of such prospects.
But a sober retrospect of the progress of astro
nomy would aid our conception of the structure
and harmonious adjustment of the universe.
“ To generate a circular description, it is
requisite that the body should have the precise
celerity due to a fall through half that radius.
But, projected with inferior celerity, it would,
about the same axis, trace elliptical orbits more
or less compressed; the foci mutually retiring
towards the extremities, while the conjugate
diameter contracts. When the primary im
pulsion becomes extinct, the elongated ellipse
merges in a straight line. On the other hand,
if the projectile motion should exceed the limit
of circular velocity, a new series of curves will
arise. But when the acceleration is directly as
the distance, on passing the limit of celerity, the
foci will first unite in the centre, and the axis
suddenly turning at right angles, the foci will
now gradually dispart in this transverse position.
As the velocity of impulsion is successively aug
mented, the ellipse will assume all the degrees
of oblateness, till it finally vanishes in two pa
rallel lines.
“ If the centripetal force be inversely as the
square of the distance, the moment the primary
impulsion transcends the limit due to a circular
trajectory, the orbit would suddenly change into
an equilateral hyperbola; the farther focus,
which had come to coalesce with the attractive
one, now flying to the opposite side beyond the
diameter. When the celerity of projection re
ceives a farther increase, the incurvation at the
vertex will be proportionally diminished. With
an extreme impulsion, the body would shoot ofl'
in a straight line perpendicular to the axis.
“ It thus appears, that a circular revolution,
which the ancients so fondly contemplated as the
perfection of the celestial movements, is incom
patible with the stability of the universe. The
most absolute precision of impulse would have
been necessary, and the very slightest subsequent
addition of celerity, from the incidental influ
1 Element: qf Natural Philorophy, pp. 123-125.
santly in operation, would at once have trans
formed the circle into a hyperbola, and have
carried the planet away for ever into the bound
less expanse of heaven. In viewing the grand
phenomena of nature, our admiration is drawn
to those conservatory principles which, in short
er or longer periods, correct every occasional de
viation from the general balance of the system.
“ It is curious, however, to remark how very
nearly the planetary orbits approximate to cir
cles. In that of our earth, the two axes differ
only by the 7086th part. In the trajectory of
Mars, this difi'erence amounts to the 231st part.
It was accordingly the greater eccentricity of
that orbit which led Kepler to detect its ellipti
cal form. The group of small kindred planets
lately discovered revolve in curves still more
elongated, the diameters of those of Juno and
Pallas being nearly in the ratio of 30 to 29.
These singular bodies might seem to rank be
tween the ordinary planets and the comets,
which wander in ellipses of extreme elongation,
scarcely distinguished from parabolas, during a
great part of their visible track. In another
circumstance, too, the analogy obtains; for
while the larger planets deviate not more than
2 or 3 degrees from the plane of the ecliptic,
Pallas crosses it at an angle of 35°, and the
paths of the comets have every possible inclina
tion. It remains to be discovered, whether di
versified bodies, travelling in the celestial spaces,
may not fill up more completely that prolonged
gradation of existence, which appears so con
spicuous in other parts of nature. Supposing
the projection of the planets to be the result of
some more general law, those which had an ex
cess of impulsion would totally escape our range
of observation, being swept away in hyperbolas
into boundless space, there perhaps to form
other stellar systems.”1
The ingenious Lambert produced some curi
ous speculations respecting the celestial bodies.
He presumed that the various planetary systems
are all connected, and revolve about a common
centre, which Galileo had conjectured to be si~'
tuate in Orion or Sirius. The planets, therefore,
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 675
do not strictly describe ellipses, but a series of obliquity of this ecliptic in ancient times, by
convoluted epicycloids. He showed that comets, elevating the sun more in summer, and depress
in passing the nearest planets, might have their
ing him in winter, must have proportionally in
orbits changed into parabolas or even hyperbo creased the diversity of the seasons. But still
las, and hence journeying from system to sys— the mean temperature of the earth has conti
tem, would perform the tour of the universe. nued for ages exactly the same; for the momen
Those erratic bodies he peopled with a race of tum of rotation at first impressed remaining ne
contemplative astronomers, who, enjoying such cessarily invariable, the smallest rise of heat,
peculiar advantages, could survey the whole ex expanding the revolving mass, must have retard
tent of the starry frame. ed its motion, and consequently lengthened
Lambert remarks, that, between the 16th and omewhat the day. Any decrease of heat, on
17th centuries of our era, we have been visit the contrary, would accelerate the terrestrial ro
ed by 40 comets that have not appeared again. tation. Now, the length of day has certainly
These must, from their brilliancy, have reached not altered a single second of time since Hip
the earth’s orbit, and perhaps come within the parchus observed eclipses 3000 years ago; and
verge of Venus and Mercury. But the very it therefore follows, that during this long period
elongated cometary paths might descend in va the mean temperature of the earth has not va
rious directions without interfering with the ried the fraction of a degree. The constant ac
planets. Calculating on the principle of chances, cession of heat from the sun must hence be con
he found that no feWer than 500,000 comets sumed by some process yet unexplored. Unless
might have the aphelia of their ellipses situate this heat were again to resume the form of light,
in the orbit of Saturn. But if we extend this it could not be darted from the upper atmo
computation to the orbit of Uranus, we may sphere through the boundless void. Since the
reckon up two millions of comets, as probably the waters of the ocean are colder in proportion to
number of those erratic attendants of our system. their depth, might we not suppose the bottom
Mr Milne carries the estimate still higher. As to be frozen, and all the surplus heat to be ab
suming a thousand years for the average period sorbed in melting the subaqueous ice?
of the revolutions of the comets, it would re Astronomical considerations likewise eluci
quire to multiply by ten the 140 which have date the internal structure of our globe. The
been observed within the earth’s orbit during mean density of the mass is about double that of
the last hundred years, giving 1400 for the its exterior crust. But if the general. materials
whole of such near visitors. But Uranus being were the same, and the law of compression sub
twenty times more distant, the product of the cube sisted in any degree, the resulting condensation
of this, or 8000 into 1400, exhibits 11,200,000 would be inconceivably'greatcr. Air compress
as the approximate number of all the comets ed into the fiftieth part of its volume was lately
which range within the known extent of our found in France to have its elasticity fifty times
system. augmented ; and bad it continued to contract at
The periodical change of the inclination of this rate, it would from its own incumbent weight
the ecliptic is at last established, though the have acquired the density of water at the depth
quantity of variation and the length of its cycle of 84 miles. But water itself would have its
have not been absolutely determined. Schubert, density doubled at the depth of 98 miles, and
in his treatise of Practical Astronomy, makes it even attain the density of quicksilver at a depth
to fluctuate between 18° and 29°, altering in the of 362 miles. In descending therefore towards
space of 65,000 years from 27° 45’ to 20° 43'; the the centre, through the space ofabout 41000 miles,
maximum having occurred at the remote period the condensation of ordinary materials would
of 36,300 years. But Delambre and Piazzi, surpass the utmost powers of conception. “ It
whose judgment and scientific attainments rank seems therefore to follow conclusively, that our
much higher, have reduced this aberration with planet must have a very widely cavernous struc
in the moderate limits of 1° 20’. The greater ture, and that we tread on a crust or shell,
676 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS.

whose thickness bears a very small proportion milar conclusion, from an hypothesis respecting
to the diameter of its sphere. But since an ab the ultimate molecules of the atmosphere. But
solute void is inadmissible, the vast subterra a different consideration will bring us within
nean cavity. must be filled with some very diffu much narrower limits. If we assume the de
sive medium, of astonishing elasticity or inter pression of the absolute zero to be 750 centesi
nal repulsion among its molecules. The only mal degrees, and adopt the formula already
fluid we know possessing that character is LIGHT stated for the relation of the density and tem
itself, which when embodied constitutes Ele perature of air, it will follow that the tenuity
mental Heat or Fare. The great concavity may of the highest stratum of the atmosphere cannot
thus be filled with the purest ethereal essence,— exceed 50x750 or 37,500 times, which corre
Ligkt in its most concentrated state, shining sponds to an altitude of about 51* miles. This
with intense refulgence and overpowering splen boundary nearly coincides with the approxima
dour.”l . tion of Kepler, and likewise agrees sufiiciently
It was the firm opinion of the ancients that with the estimated range of the Aurora Borealis.
our atmosphere rises as high as the Moon, the It thus appears from concurring probabilities,
wholespace below being doomed to change, decay, that our atmosphere extends not above 50 miles,
and mortality; and this notion still tinctures the the higher regions perhaps being occupied by
language of poetry. But Kepler first reduced hydrogen gas transfused with phosphorescent
the extent of atmosphere within moderate limits. matter.
Astronomers having observed that twilight com The perfection of astronomical instruments
monly closes after the sun has sunk 18 degrees has afforded the prospect of being able to deter
below the horizon, it was hence easy to com mine the Annual Parallax, and consequently the
pute that the highest portion of air which from distance of the fixed stars; but the quantity of
the west reflects the departing ray must have an deviation is so small as to have hitherto eluded
altitude of about 44 miles. This conclusion, the closest observation. It cannot amount to a
however, seems invalidated by the remark of single second in the most conspicuous and pro
Lambert, that twilight does not absolutely cease, bably the nearest of the stars. These luminous
but is succeeded during the night by a series of bodies must therefore be more distant at least
decreasing crepuscles, formed by a double, a two hundred thousand times than the measure of
triple, or even a quadruple reflection. These the diameter of the earth. The light emitted
secondary lights may therefore be produced by from such neighbouring suns, though it flies
the repeated gleaming from the .sky at much with enormous rapidity, must yet travel more
lower elevations. than six thousand years before it approaches the
A wider limitation of the atmosphere is de confines of our system. .
rived from a rigid principle. It is evident that But scattered over the immensity of space,
the particles of air, as they expand from the there may exist bodies which, by their magni
axis of rotation, will augment their centrifugal tude and predominant attraction, retain or re
tendencies, while their attraction to the centre call the rays of light, and are lost in solitude
will diminish in a duplicate ratio. At a certain and darkness. Had the celerity of the luminous
distance, therefore, thoe antagonist forces will particles not exceeded four hundred miles in a
produce a mutual equilibrium. This balance second, we should never have enjoyed the cheer
must occur in the equatorial region at the height ing beams of the Sun. They would have been
of 6'6 semidiameters, or about 26,000 miles, arrested in their journey, and drawn back to
when the centrifugal force is increased, and the their source, before they reached the orbit of
Mercury. But a star similar to our Sun, and
The of
power lategravitation
Dr Wollaston arrivedto atabout
is reduced nearly a si
having a diameter 63 times greater, would en
tirely overpower the impetus of light.

I Element! of Natural Philosophy, pp. 449-453.

"‘
‘\\__
 DISSERTATION FOURTH. 677
Many of the smaller stars are found to have by the unwcaried assiduity of Struve at Dorpat,
proper motions, some of them to an extent of and of Inghirami at Florence. The Double
several degrees. Mayer attempted to class the Stars assume every hue, but generally the con
shifting stars according to their places in the trasted or complementary colours; a circum
heavens, and remarked that, while those situate stance which seems to betray the influence of
in two opposite quarters appeared nearly sta ocular deception. Their proper motions result
tionary, such as had a lateral position varied the probably from a circulation around their com
most. He therefore inferred that our Sun and mon centre of gravity. The Multiple Stars may
the whole train of his attendants are carried possibly derive their peculiar aberrations in
forward in the line joining those opposite points. certain cases from the revolution about huge
Herschel seized this ingenious idea, and com invisible Suns. All these mutable Stars are
bining his own observations, he concluded that extremely remote, descending so low as the
the translation of the planetary system is di twentieth degree of magnitude, and can there
rected to the constellation of Hercules. But fore be distinguished only by the penetration of
the critical examination of Bessel has proved the most powerful telescopes. Imagination is
that no such regular transfer would reconcile utterly bewildered by the shadowy visions which
the various discrepancies of the shifting stars.
I The Double and Multiple Stars have lately flicker along the horizon of Illimitable Space.
But each successive observation reveals more
engaged the attention of observers. Their ca clearly the extension of that exquisite harmony
talogue has been prodigiously augmented by the which the great law of attraction maintains
ardour of South and the younger Herschel, and through the countless systems of Worlds.

END 0! VOLUME FIRST

\I

‘0

3.
 INDEX
TO

THE DISSERTATIONS.

P .
Air, discovery of the elasticity of It?!
A.
P's» See also Pneumatics.
Anaaarrou of light, discovery of, by Dr Bradley 669 Alchemists, views of, regarding heat 640
Afl‘ords another proof of the earth's motion in its Algebra, probably invented in Hindustan 440
orbit 57 l First introduced into Europe by Leonardo ibid.
Abstraction, the faculty of, essential to the geometer The Arabic notation, aprevious acquisition from
and the metaphysician, as well as the poet 6 the East ibid.
Academies, or philosophical societies, first establishment Introduced by Gerbert 441
of, in Italy, England, and France 499 First book printed on algebra ibid.
Acoustics, explanation of the theory of vibrations 612 Account of the algebraical system of Diophantus 59l
Principles on which music is founded ibid. Resolution of equations higher than the second
Different degrees of sensibility possessed by the or degree, and extension of the rule by Cardan ibid.
gans of seeing and hearing ibid. Merit of Cardan's discoveries 442
Addison, Joseph, his opinion of the works of Hobbes 4‘) He gave his algebraic rules a poetical dress ibid.
His censure of the French writers of his age 55 Properties of algebraic equations discovered very
His reputation as a philosopher has suil'ered by the slowly ibid.
beauty and clearness of his style 83 Contributions to the science by Recorde, Bom
Value of his essays in widening the circle of men belli, Vieta, Girard, Harriot, and others 4424!
tal cultivation l60, lGl See also these heads, and 591-2
His papers on the pleasures of imagination chiefly Causes why the properties of equations were dis
entitle him to a place amongst metaphysicians 161 covered so slowly 443
Reasons for his being thought superficial ibid. Grand step taken by Descartes in applying alge
Quotation from, concerning ideas, with Dr Blair‘s braical analysis to define the nature and inves
remarks thereon, Note R It 272 tigate the properties of curve lines 444
Precision of his views relative to colours 273 Analysis of the work in which that discovery is an
His definition of “ fine writing" 162 nounced ibid.
Merits of his style and writings in general ibid_ Advantages resulting from the introduction of al
Argument of. for the immortality of the soul ibid. gebra into geometry ibid.
Quotation from, on the care with which nature dis It denotes both quantity and the operations on quan
seminates her blessings 163 tity by means of conventional symbols 445
Epinus, his theory of the principle up which depend Remarks on the excellence of this ibid.
the phenomena of electricity and magnetism 627 Difference in practice between the algebraical and
Ages, the middle, intellectual darkness of that period [4 geometrical method of treating quantity 445
Agriculture, extraordinary demand for books relative to Observations on the use of the signs plus and mi
that subject during the reign of James I. 39 mu “6
VOL. 1. 4!
682 INDEX.
Page. Pap
Algebra, extraction of the cube root first discovered by Aristotle, definition of light by 505
the Arabians 583 His views regarding the nature of light 640
Observations on the algebraical signs 593 Arithmetic, early systems of notation 586
Descartes‘ contributions to the science 594 Origin of the denary system generally referred to
Proposal of the Conchoid, by Newton 595 India 587
Advance made in the science by the discoveries of Advantages and gradual extension of this system ibid.
Leibnitz ibid. Decimal fractions introduced by Stevinus ibid.
Discoveries of De Moivre and Stirling 595 Notation of decimals brought to its utmost simpli
Theory of quadratic factors 596 city by Baron Napier ibid.
Account of improvements made in algebra 596-7 Advantages and disadvantages of the duodenary
Applications of the science, and notice of elemen- scale ibid.
tary works on ibid. Perfect, prime, and composite numbers 588
Alhazen's explanation of the reason why objects appear Antiquity of magic squares ibid.
larger near the horizon 505 Different individuals by whom they were construct
His work on optics superior to that of Ptolemy 506 ed ibid.
Solution of a very difficult problem by ibid. Continued fractions much cultivated during the
Merits and defects of his work 507 eighteenth century 589
Allamand, M. his criticism on Locke's argument against Brought to perfection by Euler ibid.
innate idea: 107 Applications of the theory by ditto ibid.
And note T 250 Applied to the solution of numerical equations by
Glbbon's account of 107 Lagrange 500
America, notice of the literature of 203 Tables of the powers and products of numbers
Ampere, elegant experiment of, on the projection of made by Hervert, chancellor of Bavaria ibid.
water through a vertical slit 61] Arnauld, Anthony, the first who struck a blow at the
Analysis, infinitesimal, see Geometry, New. ideal theory 80
Anaxagoras taught that the moon shines by light bor Summary of his doctrine concerning idm ibid.
rowed from the sun 452 lierits of his treatise entitled The Art of Think
Ancillon, M. quotation from, on the doctrines of the ing, or the Port-Royal Logic ibid.
~ French and German schools of philosophy 186 Anecdotes of his infancy and old age 8i
Apollonius, profound researches of, in mathematics 435 Association of Ideas, see Ethics.
Approbation, moral, see Ethics. Astrology exercised an extensive dominion over the
Aquinas, doctrines of 309 human mind 484
Comprehensiveness of his mind 310 During the dark ages taught in universities ibid.
Extensive influence of his ethical system 312 Astronomy, considerable progress made in, by the an
His Augustinianism, Note C 418 cients 451, 48l
Quotation from, on charity, Note G 420 Views of those who first studied the heavens 481 655
On the power of the pope, Note H ibid. Universal]y believed by the ancients that the earth
Arago, M. recent discoveries of, in magnetism 629-30 formed the centre of the universe 482
Arbuthnot, Dr, his share in the work entitled Martina: Introduction of the cpicycle by Apollonius Per
Scriblcrlu 242 gaaus ibid.
Estimate of his talents, Note B B B 285 Application of the epicycles to explain phenomena,
Archimedes, contributions of, to mathematics 435 by Hipparchus ibid.
Discoveries of, in physics I 450 Other epicycles introduced to explain the irregular
The first who applied mathematics to natural phi. motions of the moon and planets ibid.
losophy 451 The system of the heavens became thus extremely
Discovered some of the first principles of hydrostatic: 480 complicated ibid.
Burning mirrors of 506 Advantages which were derived from it 483
Architecture, naval, depends upon the principles of hy The hypotheses of epicycles, and centres of uniform
drostatics 608 motion, accommodated to the state of science ibid.
See H ydrostatics. Dawn of a new era, Copernicus and Tycho 484
Areas, see Geometry. Correction of Ptolemy’s tables by Alphonso, king
Aristotle, causes which operated in undermining the au of Castille ibid.
thority of 16 Purbach and Regiomontanus contributed much to
By whom most powerfully assailed 25 the advancement of the science ibid.
Passage quoted from, on the principles of rhetoric 54 Publication of Copernicus’s great work, Astrono
Remarks on his celebrated comparison of the mind mis Instaurata, containing the discovery of the
in its first state to a sheet of white paper 364 earth's annual and diurnal motion 485
Resemblance of Hume’s principles of association Observation of the heavens by Tycho Brahe 486
to the views of the Stagyrite, Note T 427 See Brahe.
DQfinition of motion by 450 Discoveries of Kepler, see Kepler.
 INDEX. 683
g Page. Pm
Astronomy, discoveries of Galileo, see Galileo. Association of ideas, see Ethics. '
Evidence of the Copernican system developed by Atheism, prevalence of, at Paris in the middle of the
‘ the discoveries of Kepler and Galileo 492 ' eighteenth century "31
Beneficial results of its being established 493 - Influence of, in aggravating the atrocities of the
Descartes‘ theory of the universe, see Descartes. - ' French revolution 182
First complete system of astronomy in which the Atmosphere, eXperiments to ascertain the density of, at
elliptic orbits were introduced, was the Astra ~ different heights ~ 613
nomia Philolaica of Bullialdus 495 Atomic or corpuscular theory superior to any other con
Hypothetical views contained in that worlr ibid. jecture of the ancient philosophers ‘ 7l
Contributions to the science by Horrox, “'ard, Aubrey, anecdotes of, relative to Lord Bacon, Note F 239-40
Riccioli, Hevelius, Hooke, Cassini, and Roe'mer: Augustin, St, quotation from, asserting the freedom of
see these heads. the will, Note M M 267
First establishment of academies 499 Augustin, genius and character of 309
See also Academies. Aurora Borealis dependent on electricity 623
Figure and magnitude of the earth, see Earth. Avarice, see Ethics.
Discovery of universal gravitation by Newton 554
See also Newton.
References of the ancients to weight or gravity 557 B.
Clearer views of Copernicus and Kepler 558
Galileo supposed that gravity was a principle belong Bacon, Roger, claims of, to the respect of posterity - 464
ing to each of the planets individually, but did Pursued the true philosophy amidst ignorance and
not extend from the one to the other ibid. error ‘ 507
Near approximation made to the truth by Hooke 559 Advancement made by, in optics ibid.
Causes ofirregularities‘in the-motion of the moon 560 Probable that he made experiments with lenses,
Newton‘s determination of the shape of the earth 661 and knew their properties ibid.
Discovery of aberration of light by Dr Bradley 669 Inclination of, to the marvellous 508
Newton’s theory of the moon, :1 work of genius al Bacon, Lord, his outline of the various departments of
most superhuman 663 human knowledge imperfect 1.3
Lunar theory first expanded and improved by Ca Objections to his classification of the sciences and
landrini ibid. arts according to a logical division of our facul
Completed by Dr Stewart and “'almesley 664 ties 5, 6
Examination of the subject by Clairaut ibid. His attempt to accomplish this, however, produc
Astronomical discoveries of Mayer 665 tive of great advantages to science 7
See also Mayer. His comprehensiveness of mind ibid.
Calculations and discoveries of Euler regarding the His opinion of Paracelsus ' 18
motions of the planets 665-6 His genius peculiarly adapted to the study of the
Appearance of Halley‘s comet, and calculations of phenomena of mind 82
I Clairaut regarding its retardation
667 His definition of poetry 33
Size and consistence ot' comets, and methods of General comprehensiveness of his hints and reflec
discovering their orbits 668 tions relative to the philosophy of the mind, and
Notice of Lagrange's discourse on the librations of its relation to matter ibid.
the moon 669 Quotation from, on the reciprocal influence of
Researches of Lagrange and Laplace regarding the thought and language 34
planetary motions ibid. Profound reflections of, on grammar ibid.
Laplace's discovery of the moon‘s secular equation 670 His ethical disquisitions generally of a practical
Laplace's complete theory of the motions of Jupi nature 36
ter‘s satellites ibid. His opinion that the faculties of man have declin
Description of celestial refraction, and the solar and ed as the world has grown older, erroneous 'ibid
lunar parallsxes 67] Character of his Essays 33
Discovery of a new planet by Herschel 672 Quotation from, on philosophical jurisprudence ibid.
Discovery of four small planets 673 Quotation from, on “ deep and vulgar laws" ibid.
Number of stars which passed over Herschel's field Paramount importance attached by, to the educa
of view in a quarter of an hour 'ibid. tion of the people 33
Speculations regarding the celestial bodies and the Character of, by Ben Johnson and others, Note F 239-40
constitution of the universe 674 Condorcet‘s estimate of his powers 56
Various estimates of the number of comets within His works little read in France till after the pub.
the lrnown extent of our system 675 lication of D'Alembert‘s preliminary discourse ibid.
Observations on the earth's internal structure ibid. Quotation from, on human reason 53
Observations on the limits of the atmosphere 67B His admiration of the Epicurean physics 71
Observations on double and multiple stars 671 Analysis of his Novum Orgnnon 454
684 INDEX.
Page. Page.
Bacon, Lord, low state of physics in the time of 454 Bacon, Lord, great weight of the experimentmn crucio in
Reflections of, on the causes of vagueness and ste- matters of induction 466
rility in all the physical sciences, quoted ibid. Division and arrangement of the twenty-seven
Causes of error enumerated under four heads 455 classes of facts ‘ 467
l. Idols of the tribe, or those causes of error found Remarks on, and examples given, of the various
ed on human nature in general ibid. imianfia ibid.
2. Idols of the den, or those resulting from indivi Quotation from, on those experiments which most
dual character ' ibid~ immediately tend to improve art by extending
3. ldols of the forum, or those which arise out of science ibid.
the commerce or intercourse of society 456 Remarks on the philosophical instruments then
4. Idols of the theatre, or those deceptions which known ibid.
have taken their rise from the systems or dogmas Sagacious anticipation of facts regarding light after
of the different schools of philosophy ibid. wards discovered, quoted ibid.
Does not charge the physics of antiquity with being General estimate of the genius of Bacon 468
absolutely regardless of experiment ibid Comparison between Bacon and Galileo, quoted
Reduces the periods during which science had been from Hume 469
cultivated, to that of the Greeks, that of the Not made with justness and discrimination ibid.
Romans, and that of the western nations after Qualities in which he excelled Galileo, as well as
the revival of letters ibid. all mankind v 470
Considers the end and object of knowledge to have Views of, regarding the nature of heat 640
been very much mistaken 457 His Novum Organon contains a most comprehen
Reverence for antiquity, and the authority of great sive and rigorous plan of inductive investiga
names, has much retarded improvement ibid. tion \ 470
Another cause is, that men attend more to what is Principles upon which may be founded an answer to
grand and wonderful than what is common 458 the question, How far has this method been car
Exeniplification of the nature of induction ibid. ried into practice 1’ ibid.
Classes all learning relatively to the three intellec Does not give sufficient importance to the instan
tual faculties of memory, reason, and imagination ibid. tie radii 471
Distribution of knowledge under these heads 459 Examples pointing out this defect ibid.
Explanation of the latent process, and the latent Strict method only necessary in certain cases 472
schematism ibid. The instanlta cruci: the experiment most frequently
Method of exemplifying the process of induction appealed to ibid.
relative to the form [or cause of any thing 460 Example in inquiring into the law by which the
Intended that his method should be applied to all magnetic virtue decreases as we recede from the
investigations where experience is the guide ibid. poles ibid.
All facts not ofequal value in the discovery of truth 461 Appears to have placed the ultimate object of phi
Enumeration of twenty-seven different species of losophy too much beyond the reach of man 473
iiicts, with examples of these ibid. In some respects misapprehended the way in which
1. Imtantiaa tolitaria', which are either examples of knowledge becomes applicable to art ibid.
the same quality existing in two bodies other The anticipations of the Novum Organon in some
wise unlike, or of a quality differing in two bo instances realized by chemical theories ibid.
dies which are in other respects alike ibid. Bailli, IM. his estimate of Leibnitz's character, as com
2. Inslantia: migranics, which exhibit some nature or pared with his contemporaries, Note I I 262
property of body passing from one condition to Barlow, Mr, contrivance of, to counteract the local at
another, either from less to greater, or vice vm‘sa ibid. traction of the needle on board of ship 629
3. Inrlarlfid? ostensimt, or facts which show some par Barometer first applied to the measurement of moun
ticular nature in its highest state of power 462 tains by Mariotte 642
4. Imlaniim clandestine, which show some power or Rule of modern practice stated 614
quality just as it is beginning to exist ibid. Barrow, Dr Isaac, his unjust depreciation of Ramus 30
5. Indantia: manipulares, or collective instances of Character of, as a philosopher and writer 45
general facts ibid. Anecdote relative to his sermons ibid.
6. Analogous or parallcl instances, consisting of facts Quotations from, on ethics 46
between which there is a resemblance in some par Notice of his lectures on optics 514
ticulars, though great diversity otherwise exists 463 Baxter, Andrew, merits of his Inquiry into the Na
7. filonodic or singular facts 464 ture of the Human Soul 205
8. Innantia comitalus, or examples of certain qua Boyle, M. the writer who first led to the miupplication
lities which always accompany each other, as of the term Spinozinn 147
flame and heat ibid. Character of his writings 151
9. [Month crucis, with examples from astronomy Opinions of the learned at the time of his appear
and chemistry 465 ance divided between Aristotle and Descartes 152
 INDEX. 685
Page. Page.
Boyle took advantage of this by keeping aloof from Bentham, Jeremy, revolution which his style under
either, and indulging his scepticism 152 went 385
Probable reason why he did not notice his favourite Benefits which his works have derived from the
author Montaigne in his Historical and Critical labours of M. Dumont 386
Dictionary ibid. Berkeley, Dr, refutation of a fallacy contained in a pas
Copied the spirit and tone of the old academic soge quoted from his work on vision, Note M 244
school in composing his dictionary 153 His interview with Malebranche 80
Estimate ofhis character by Vi'arburton, Leibnitz, Character of his genius 163
and Gibbon ibid. Instance of Pope's veneration for ibid.
His critical acumen unrivalled, but his portraits of His great popularity made metaphysical pursuits
persons defective 154 fashionable 164
Causes which contributed to unsettle his opinions ibid. Chief aim of his great worlr upon Vision to draw a
Early fluctuations of, in his religious creed ibid. line between the original and acquired percep
His propensity to treat of indelicate subjects ibid. tions of the eye ibid.
Mischievous tendency of big work 155 His doctrine unknown to the ancients ibid.
Benefits which have resulted to literature from his Merit of the new theory of vision not exclusively
labours ibid. his own 165
His leaning to the system of the Manicheans ap- Did not himself lay claim to complete originality
parent, but not real ibid. in his views 166
Estimate of his genius and acquirements 156 Sense in which he employed the term :uggeslion 167
Lessons of historical scepticism to be learned from ibid. Object which he had in view in denying the exis
Beattie, Dr, quotation from, on Locke's views concem- tence of matter 168
ing innate ideas 117 Value which be attached to his system of idealism,
Merits of, as a writer 222 and the impression it made 168, 169
Beautiful, signification of the word, in Plato‘s worlrs 301 His Theory of Vision contains a great discovery
Benedetto, an Italian, published a work on geometrical in mental philosophy 349
analysis in 1585 436 His speculations not sceptical ibid.
Benevolence, sources of 367 All parties conspired to praise his talents and virtues 350
See also Ethics. Attempt of, to reclaim the natives of North Ame
Inward delight arising from the practice of, over- rica ibid.
looked by Bentham‘s followers 380 \Vas made Bishop of Cloyne through the influence
Benevolent affections, difference between them and of the Queen ibid.
self-love 344 His patriotism with regard to Ireland ibid.
Bentham, Jeremy, quotations from, concerning the law His general principles of Ethics 351
of nature 924! His diction distinguished for exquisite grace and
Quoted on the blind veneration of the modems for beauty ibid.
the wisdom of antiquity 95 His reasonings undoubtedly produced the scepti
Character of Bentham and his followers 377 cism of Hume 352
His first work, entitled A Fragment on Govem- Notice of his Analyst, in which he opposes the
merit, unmatched in acuteness, but too severe ibid. new analysis of Newton 534
His tract upon the Hard Labour Bill laid the Bernier, M-, brief notice of his writings 108
foundation ofjust reasoning on reformatory pu- Bernoulli, James and John, able coadjutors ofLeibnitz
nishment ibid. in illustrating the new analysis 520
The Letters on Usury, a fine specimen of the See also Geometry, New.
exhaustive discussion of amoral or politiealques- Explained some of the most difficult problems of
tion ibid. the infinitesimal analysis 529
Estimate of the value of his writings on the sub- John, judgment pronounced by, relative to the con
ject of Jurisprudence 378 troversy between Newton and Leibnitz 522
Has not reached the most desirable distinction in Solution of problems by 524
Ethical Theory 379 By the introduction of exponential equations he
Preaches the doctrine of utility with the zeal ofa materially improved a branch of the calculus 529
discoverer ibid. \Vurks of, and those of his brother James 530
Confuses moral approbation with the moral qualities ibid. \Vas the first who enunciated in its full generality
His followers have overlooked the inward delight the proposition of the equality of the opposite
which arises from virtuous conduct 380 momenta 535
His true and eminent merit is that of a reformer Account of his prize essay on the laws of the com
of Jurisprudence 384 munication of motion 537
Both he and his followers have treated Ethics too By his principle of virtual velocities be greatly sim
juridically ibid. plified the science ofequilibrium or statics 603
Coincides with the Epicureans in some points ibid. His principle styled the Conservation qfLtvtng Forces ibid.
686 INDEX;
Page. Page
Bernoulli, John, sketch of his life and character 603 Bossuet, in this controversy, relied mainly on the prin
Quotation from his defence of Leibnitz‘s Law qf ciple, that as man must desire his own happiness,
Continuity 133 he desires every thing as a means towards it . 336
Had a conviction of this law previously to commu Bossut, made a most complete set of experiments on
nicating with Leibnitz upon the subject, Note the resistance of water 609
DD 258 Bouguer, Peter, reduced the theory of hydrostatics, as
James, account of his original mode of treating the applied to naval architecture, into a form simple
problem of the centre of oscillation 603 and elegant 608
Sketch of his life and character ibid. Sketch of his life and character ibid.
Daniel, importance of his treatise on Hydrodyna His rule relative to the barometrical measurement
mics 601 of mountains stated 614
Sketch of his life and character ibid. Measurement ofa degree by, in South America 657
Singularly happy in his sober application of ana Boyle, the Honourable Robert, contributions of, to me
lysis 608 taphysical science 139
Clearly established the true theory relative to the 612
I vibrations of a musical chord Improvements made by, on the air-pump 48]
Brahé, Tycho, ranks next to Copernicus as an astrono
Berthoilet, notice of the process of bleaching invented mer of the sixteenth century 4135
by 473 Perfection to which he brought astronomical instru
Bezout, Stephen, notice of his life and writings 596 ments 486
Black, Dr, his discovery of latent heat 644 Improvements made by, in the art of observation ibid.
Blair, Dr, quotation from, containing remarks on Addi His catalogue of stars ibid.
son's statement regarding the secondary qualities Discoveries made by, in reference to the irregula
of bodies, Note R R 272 rities of the moon's motion ibid.
Blair, Dr Robert, attempts of, to improve the achroma Determined atmospherical refraction 487
tic telescope by interposing fluids between the ob His observations on the comet of I570 gave a blow
ject-glasses 635 to the physics of Aristotle ibid.
Bodin, or Bodinus, high character of, as a philosophical Rejected the system of Copernicus, and substituted
politician 27 one of his own ibid
His opinion of Machiavel, Note C 233 Apology for this retrograde movement 488
Absurdity of some of his speculations 28 His belief in the predictions of astrology ibid.
De la RFpubll'que, his most important work ibid. Bradley, Dr, discovery of the aberration of light by, 569
Sorcery imputed to him ibid. Proved that it arose from the progressive motion
Boerhaave, views of, regarding the distribution of heat 642 of light combined with the earth's orbital mo
Boethius, notice of 307 tion 570
Bombelli, an Italian mathematician, discoveries of 442 Bradwardine, archbishop of Canterbury, ethical doc.
Bonnald, M- de, his estimate of the merits of Condillac I77 trines held by 309
Bonnet, Charles, his commentary upon Leibnitz's theo. Brown, Dr Thomas, his Observations on the Zoom?
ry ofa Sufiicient Reason 13! mia of Dr Darwin, the unmatched work of a
Was the first to assert that there is a scale of beings boy in his eighteenth year 394
descending from the deity downwards 134, 149 His work on Causation one of the finest models of
His scheme of necessity similar to that of Spinoza 149 discussion in mental philosophy ibid.
Account of his speculations regarding human nature 170 Brief view of his early life and studies 395
Agreement of his physiological theory concerning His character, moral and intellectual, highly at
the union between soul and body with that of tractive ‘ ' ibid.
Hartley l7] His prose brilliant to excess 396
Coincidence ofsome of his views with those of Hart. The declamatory parts of his lectures excusable in
ley. See Hartley. the first warmth of composition ibid.
Boscovich, extraordinary talents of 202 I-lis poetical talents rose to the rank of an elegant
Notice of his theory of the constitution of the uni accomplishment 397
verse 605 The intellectual part of his philosophy a complete
Outline of the reasoning on which he supported his revolt against the authority of Dr Reid ibid.
theory of the constitution of the universe ibid. Observations on his application of the word feeling ibid.
Account of his life and writings ibid Remarks on his substitution of the term suggestion
Obscured his theory by an infusion of scholastic for that ofusocintion qfidm ibid.
metaphysics 606 Erred in representing his reduction of Mr Hume’s
It may be regarded as a happy extension of the law principles of association to the one principle of
of attraction ibid. contiguity as his own discovery 398
Bossuet, contrast between him and Fenelon 335 He, however, very much enlarged the proof and
His reply to Fenelon concerning man being in the illustration of this law of mind ibid.
fluenced by a disinterested love of God 336 In Ethics he followed Butler 399
 INDEX. T
687
' Page. Paar
Brown, Dr Thomas, mistake committed by him'in re Calandrini, the first who expanded‘and improved the
' presenting the theory which derives the afi'ec Newtonian theory of the moon 663
tions from association as “ a'modification of the Calculus, differential, see Geometry, New.
selfish system" 399 Calvin, John, his disregard of the authority of Aristotle 16
Followed Mr Stewart in considering the formation His argument upon the subject of usury quoted,
of conscience as not referrible to those laws of Note B 233
human nature to which be ascribed every other - Camera obscura, invented by Baptists Porta 508
state of mind ibid. Campanella, compared by Leibnitz to Bacon ' 26
Improper use made of the term suggestion 400 Character of his writings ibid.
Admitted virtuous acts to be universally beneficial 401 Campbell, Dr, comprehensive sense in which he makes
Brucker, estimate of his talents, Note A A A 288 use of the words physics and physiology 9
Buchanan, George, character of his work entitled De Merits of, as a writer 220-222
Jurc Regui‘apud Scale: 31 Canton, Mr, was the first to determine experimentally
Budaeus, character and works of 29 the compressibility of water 601
Bufiier, Father, mistake of, relative to Descartes' theo Sketch of his life and character'as a philosopher ibid.
ry of primary and secondary qualities of bodies 63 Capillary action, completest set of experiments made
Coincidence between his train of thinking and that by Hauksbee on 6l5
of the Scottish metaphysicians who attacked the Experiments and explanation of the principle upon
scepticism of Hume ‘ 215 which it depends, by Brook Taylor, Guyton
Morveau, Dr Jurin, Clairaut, Dr Thomas I
His writings remarkable for clearness of expression 342
Ethical doctrine of ibid. Young, and Laplace 616
Bufi'on, M. discussions of, concerning the faculties of See also these heads.
man and brutes 177-8 Cardan of Milan, a remarkable instance of the union of
Buhle, M. his account of the appearance of Kant's great genius with weakness 441
Critique of Pure Reason 190 See also Algebra.
Remarks of, illustrative of Kant‘s argument for free Carmichael, Professor, of Glasgow, his opinion of the
agency 197 works of Grotius and his folloi rs 88
Merits of his History of M'odern Philosophy 283 Carneades, estimate which Grotius formed ofhis ethics 315
Bullialdus published the first complete system of astro Cartesian philosophy, see Descartes.
nomy in which the elliptic orbits were introduced 495 Casanova, a Venetian, effects produced on whilst in
Fanciful views contained in the work ibid. prison, by a work entitled La Ciré Myniquc dz
Butler, Dr, quotation from, on personal identity 217 Saar film-1'1: de Jesus appellée d‘Agrada, Note R 426
Early promise and education of 343 Cassini defined the motions and calculated the places
His rapid advancement to the see of Durham ibid. of Jupiter's satellites 498
His Analogy of Religion to the course of Nature Discovered four satellites of Saturn, and the rota
the most original and profound work of the kind tion of Jupiter and Mars upon their axes ibid.
in any language ibid. Catoptrics, see Optics.
His ethical principles contained in his Discourses ibid. Causation, remarks on Hume’s theory of 211
Profound, original, and comprehensive truths See also Hume.
taught in these ibid. Malebranche's views relative to 78
Ethical principles of, appear to be devoid of error: 345 Cavalieri, great advancement made by, in mathematics 436
Defects of, pointed out ibid. New and important principle in geometry develop
Omits all inquiry into the nature and origin of the ed by 437
private appetites which appear first in human Led to take his peculiar view of geometrical mag
nature ibid. nitudes by reading a tract of Kepler's ibid.
Shows that there are principles of action indepen Great benefits resulting from his introducing into
dent of self ibid. science the idea of quantities infinitely anal! in
His reasoning concerning the social affections more size and infinitely great in number 438
satisfactory than that on the moral sentiments 346 New and remarkable proposition of 439
Just statement of the nature of conscience 347 Celsius, the most philosophical thermometer first pro
The great defect of his scheme is, that he does not posed by 043
point out the distinguishing quality of all right Cervantes, character of his Don Quinn: as
actions ibid. Cbapelle, M. brief account at 108
His style very defective ibid. Charron, M. the depository of Montaigne‘s philosophi
cal sentiments, and the guardian of his posthu
mous fame "12
C. His anxiety to provide an antidote against the er
rors of his friend 53
Cesar, remarks on his triumph over the nobility 305 His name only rescued from oblivion by his con
Caille, La, measurement of degrees of latitude by 668 nection with Montaigne ibid.
688 moax.
Page. PlBQ'
Chasteiet, Madame du, took a part in the controversy Coleridge, S. T- mistake committed by, relative to the
relative to the force of a moving body 539 Par-ca Naturalia of Aristotle, Note T 427
Notice of her writings 185-6 Collard, M. Royer, taught the philosophy of Dr Reid at
Chemistry, vague notions and theories of the first ex- Paris 388
perimenters in 453 Remarks on his efforts to render speculative philo
Its application to pharmacy has conferred a last- sophy popular in France ibid.
ing benefit on the world 454 Collier, Arthur, notice of his work, in which he denies
Van Helmont and Roger Bacon’s discoveries ibid. the existence of a material world 168
Treatise of Gilbert on the magnet ibid. See also Note S S 274
Chord, musical, the principle regarding the vibrations Collins, Anthony, instance of Locke‘s regard for, With
of, explained 612 remarks on their friendship, Note K K 264
Chrysippus, account of 303 Controversy of, with Dr Clarke 144
Cicero, quotation from, concerning right reason being a His arguments for the doctrine of necessity 148
law universally diffused 86 See also Note M M 265
His remarks on Cato’s stoicism, Note A 417 Remarks on his historical statement relative to the
Circle, see Geometry tenets of the Epicureans and Stoics, Note M M 266
Attempts to ascertain the ratio of the diameter to His notion of liberty precisely that of Hobbes, Note
the circumference 683 MM 268
The incommensurability of, first demonstrated by Anticipated Dr Jonathan Edwards' scheme of ne
Lambert 684 cessity 148
Clairaut laboured indefatigahly to establish the theory Colour of bodies, mistaken notions regarding, the cause
of universal gravitation 57 7 8!. 664-5 of much error in philosophy 64
Calculated the amount of retardation which Hal. Remarks of Dr Reid on 65
ley‘s comet would suffer by the influence of Ju Connection between it and extension and figure ibid.
piter and Saturn 578 Of what service its yarieties are in distinguishing
Gave an analytical investigation of capillary at bodies 66
traction 615 Addison‘s precise statement of the nature of 273
His solution of the problem of the earth's figure 661 Colours, primary, resolvable into red, green, and violet 635
Calculations of the retardation which Halley's co See also Optics.
met would suii'er 661 Comets, just notions entertained by the ancients re
Estimate of his genius and character ibid. garding 452
Clarke, Dr, remarks on his controversy with Leibnitz 139 Account of the appearance of Halley's comet, and
His reasonings regarding the existence of a God 141 calculations of its retardation 667
Derived his demonstration of the existence of a Size and consistence of 668
God from a passage in Newton's Scholium ibid. Methods for discovering the orbits of comets ibid.
Anecdote of, showing the early development of Compass, first importation of, into Europe 624
his reflective powers 142 See Magnetism.
Principal subjects of discussion between him and Condillac, M. opinion of, concerning vision 164
Leibnitz ibid His commentary on Locke differs from the author‘s
Chief glory of, as a metaphysical writer, and cha_ text in regard to the origin of ideas 173
racter of 143 Adopted Gassendi‘s views on that point ibid.
Remarks on his controversy with Anthony Collins 144 Cause of the popularity of his works ibid.
Value of his reasonings against the doctrine of ne Commonly follows Locke as his guide when most
cessity 149 successful in describing mental phenomena 174
Versatility of his genius 327 The most valuable parts of his writings relate to
Sum of his moral doctrines 328 the action and re-action of thought and language
Quotation from Rousseau concerning his argument upon each other ibid.
for the being of a God, Note M 422 Instance of the radical error oi'his system 176
Error into which he fell in employing the term re Great influence of his theories in misleading the
lation, the pivot of his system 329 opinions of his contemporaries l 77
Difi‘erence between perception and emotion ibid. M. de Bonnald‘s estimate of his merits ibid.
Difference between his system and Cudworth’s 331 He, along with Hartley, confused and mutilated
Account of the controversy in which he was en Locke‘s doctrine regarding reflection 363
gaged relative to the force of a moving body 639 See also Hartley.
Cleanthes, repartee of, in reply to Arcesilaus 304 In his Treatise on Sensation, he reproduces the
Clerc, Le, his character of Paracelsus 18 doctrine of Hobbes, with its root, namely, that
His acquaintance with and respect for Locke 106 love and hope are but transformed sensations 364
Cocceii, Samuel de, merits of his commentary on Gro In his works there is no distinction between the
tius‘s work De Jure Belli ct Paci: 92 percipient and the motive part of human na
Cold, admits of reflexion as well as heat 646 ture ibid.
 INDEX. 689
Page. Page.
Condorcet, M. quotation from, respecting religious Cumberland, Bishop, the only professed answerer of
Machiavelism 23 Hobbes 323
His estimate of the comparative merits of Bacon, Notice of his work on the law of nature ibid.
Descartes, and Galileo 56 Fundamental principle of his ethics 324
His opinion that Descartes is entitled to be called His attempt to explain what the moral faculty is ibid.
the father of experimental physics, erroneous ibid. Cuvier, M. animadversion of, on Bonnet's definition of
Conscience, definition of 346 moral liberty, Note M M 268
Formation of, from various elements 405 Cycloid, see Geometry.
See also Ethics.
Continuity, law of, see Leibnitz.
Continuity, law of, in mechanics, first maintained by D.
Galileo 476
Copernicus, results of his discovery of the true theory D‘Alembert, M. his classification of the sciences incor
of the planetary motions 20 rect l
Publication of his Astronomia Instaurala 485 Vagueness of his views relative to the origin of the
Its bad reception at first, and subsequent success ibid. sciences ibid.
His discovery fully established by Kepler and Ga His unsuccessful delineation of an encyclopedical
lileo 488-93 tree 3
Views of, relative to gravitation 55B Quotation from, on his division of human know
Corneille, M. character of his writings, by M. Suard 135 ledge 3-4
Cotes, Roger, published a valuable work upon the new Objections to this 6-6
analysis of Newton 531 His definition of poetry 4
Discoveries of, in mathematics 516 His identification of imagination with abstraction 6
Sketch of his life and character 598 His modesty in propounding his theory 7
Coulomb on the resistance of fluids 610 His encyclopaedical tree only an amplification of
Discovered the true law of magnetic attraction and Bacon’s sketch . 1-8
repulsion 626 Character of his preliminary discourse on the divi
Sketch of his life ibid. sion of the sciences 10
Experiments made by, to ascertain the best spe Quotation from, on the bias of the mind produced
cies of magnets 627 by habits acquired in infancy 64
Courage and prudence not identical 879 His mistaken view of the nature of space and time 142
Observations on 380 Continued researches of, in the department of the
Cowley, Abraham, remarks on his ode entitled Destiny, mathematics 578
Note 0 O 270 He expanded the process of integration relative to
Crawford, Dr, views of, relative to heat 655 partial di ercnccs 600
Crousaz, influence of Locke‘s doctrines upon 106 Notice of his treatise on Dynamics 604
His principles mistaken by Pope and Warburton ibid. Sketch of his life and character ibid.
Gibbon‘s estimate of his talents ibid. He converted dynamics into an absolute analyti
Cube root, the extraction of, first discovered by the cal science 605
Arabians 583 He treated the subject of hydrodynamics with his
See also Algebra. usual originality and depth 608
Cudworth, Dr, quotation from, on moral distinctions 20 Dalgarno, profound remark of, Note D 248
He was the first who successfully combated the phi Notice of his works, Note 13 B B 284
losophical doctrines of Hobbes 43 Darwin, Dr, answer to his Zoonomia, by Dr Thomas
Quotation from, on the perception of external ob Brown 394
jects ibid. Davies, Sir John, quotation from his poem on the Im
Influence of his principles on the theories of morals 44 mortality of the Soul, Note Y 253
Merits and defects of his intellectual system ibid. Defl‘and, Madame du, remarks of, on the origin of our
His doctrines identical with those which were after knowledge _ 72
wards taught by Kant 191 Degerando, M. remarks of, on the Kantian schools of
Facts relative to his unpublished manuscripts 192 philosophy 200-1
Quotations from, on the twofold origin of ideas 194-5 Deity, Descartes' argument for the existence of the 69
His intellectual system directed against the atheis Dr Clarke's and Sir Isaac Newton’s reasonings re
tical opinions of Hobbes 325 - garding the existence of 140-1
Merits of the work lbld. Our idea of, associated with those of infinite space
Analysis of his Treatise concerning Eternal and and endless duration 141
Immutable Morality 326 Impossibility of finding proper language to de
Quotation from, on_ideas not derived from sense ibid. scribc the nature and attributes of I47
Cumberland, Bishop, character of his work Dr Legibul D‘Holbach, Baron, the probable author of the Sydéme
Nature Dilquiaitio Philosophies 46 de la Nature 181
var. r. la
690 INDEX.
Page. I,“

Délambre, measurement of a degree oflatitude by 659 Descartes misunderstood in his doctrines concerning
Sketch of his life and scientific character 658 ideas 109
Deluc, experiments of, on the barometrical measure- See also Note X 251
ment of mountains 614 His assertion of the freedom of the will, Note M M 267
Democritus entertained the true view regarding the Supposition of Coleridge that he anticipated Hobbes
spots on the moon 452 in his discourse on Method erroneous, Note '1‘ 428
Den, idols of the, see Bacon.‘ Application of algebraic analysis to define the nature
Desaguliers contributed much to electrical science 617 and investigate the properties of curve lilies 444
Descartes, estimate of his character by Condorcet 56 Analysis of the work in which the discovery is con
Not entitled to be called the father of experimental tained - ibid.
physics, but of the experimental philosophy of In philosophizing he pursued a course opposite to
the mind 67-8 that recommended by Bacon 468
His clear and precise conception of "ficclion 51 He assigned to experiment a subordinate place in
\Vas not the first who taught the immateriality of his philosophy ibid.
mind ibid. Comparison of his system with that of Bacon 469
The articles of common belief which he proposed The theory of motion indebted to him 478
to subject to severe scrutiny 59 His notion regarding the preservation of the same
His own existence the only thing which appeared quantity of motion in the universe ibid.
to him incontrovertible ibid. Pointed out the nature of centrifugal force ibid.
Substance of his argument for the existence of the The first who attempted to reduce all the pheno
Deity ibid. mena of the universe to the same law 493
Unjustly persecuted as an atheist 60 Account of his theory of cortices 494
The first who saw clearly that our idea of mind is His claim to having discovered the true law of re
not direct, but relative ibid. fraction ill founded 511
His division ofphenomena into two entirely distinct His theory of light, and attack on by Fermnt 512
classes, the first step in the science of mind 61 Discoveries of, in optics 512-13
Contrast which his speculations afford to those of He gave a full explanation of the rainbow, as far
Hobbes and others ibid. as colour was not concerned 513
His remarkable precocity of genius ibid. Way in which be estimated the force of a moving
He spent the years commonly devoted to academi body - 538
cal pursuits as a soldier ibid. The publication of his geometry an epoch in the
His chief glory consists'in having pointed out the history of analytical science 594
true method of studying the mind 62 Account of his mathematical discoveries ibid.
Principal articles of his philosophy ibid. He adopted the imlantaneous propulsion of light as
His claims to the discovery of some lending ideas a fundamental principle in his dioptrics 631
ascribed to later metaphysicians 63 Diderot, M. quotation from, on the formation of ideas 109
Progress ofhis doctrines in England 64 His erroneous estimate of Locke's discoveries re
His application of the word substance to the mind garding ideas 109-11
censured, Note I 242 Quotation from, on liberty and necessity 150
Characteristic merits of his Meditations, Note K 243 A zealous abettor of atheism 181
Coincidences between passages in his works and the Quotation from, showing that he seems to have
Novum Organon, Note L 244 thought differently at times, Note '1‘ T 274
Principle upon which the experimental philosophy Differentials and variations, distinction between 600
of the human mind is founded See also Geometry, New.
The errors into which he fell equal to his merits 68 Diamond, from its retracting powers, determined by
His theory relative to the connection between soul Newton to be inflammable 550
and body ibid. Diophantus of Alexandria, work of 441
His reply to Gassendi relative to extension‘and Account of his system 591
figure, Note N 240 Dioptrics, see Optics.
His theory of the primary and st‘corrdary qualities Dolland, John, sketch of his life 633
of bodies 63 His grand discovery of the achromatic {clumps 634
See also Note N - 245 Dominis, Antonio de, discovery of, respecting the rainbow 510
Reasons why be fixed on the pineal gland, or COIG- I Dryden, John, compared Hobbes to Lucretius in
n'on, as the local habitation of the soul 69 haughtiness 322
His notions on these points now universally rejected ibid. Dufsy detected the vitreous and rcsinous electricities 617
Remarks on his never mentioning the name of Ba Dumont, M. benefits which the works of Bentham have
con in his works 70 received from his editorial labours 386
Erroneously called a Nullibist by Dr Henry More, Dynamics, grounded on the composition of forces 602
Note 0 246 Principle regarding oblique forces first distinctly
His merits as a writer, i'ote P 247 stated by Leonardo da Vincl ibid
 INDEX. 691
Page. Page.
Dynamics re-discovered by Stevinus 602 Earth, Mr Ivory's estimate of the earth‘s ellipticity 661
Expansion of the science by Huygens 603 Analytical investigations to determine the earth‘s
Newton‘s extension of centrifugal forces to curve figure, by Clairaut, Legendre, and Laplace ibid.
lines in general ibid. The demonstration completed by Ivory ' ibid.
Principles of virtual velocities and comewation of liv Discussions regarding the figure of the earth led to
ingforcc: ibid. an examination of the theory of the tides 662
The first original work on the science composed Speculations as to the internal structure of the earth 675
by Euler ibid. Economists, the French, formation and objects of that
James Bernoulli's original mode of treating the pro sect 183
blem of the centre of oscillation ibid. Education of the people, paramount importance attach
Supposed to have led D‘Alembert to the discovery ed to, by Lord Bacon 3B
of the general principle on which be framed his Efl'ects of, used as an argument against man‘s free
treatise of Dynamics 604 agency, Note N N 269
Advantages which the science derived from Mac Edwards, Dr Jonathan, his scheme of necessity antici
laurin's method of expounding forces by co-ordi pated by Anthony Collins 148
nates ibid. The only metaphysician of whom America has yet
Original principle of Segner relative to a moving to boast 203
body which has received combined impulsions ibid. High moral and intellectual character of 340
Dynamics converted into an analytical science by Where he confines himself to created beings, and
D‘Alembert 605 his theory is intelligible, it coincides with that of
Principles on which the science depends ibid. universal benevolence 341
Outline of the reasoning on which Boscovich sup IMakes virtue consist in a love of order ibid.
ported his theory of the constitution of the uni Electricity, observations on, by Gilbert 544
verse ibid. Began to assume a scientific form about the begin
General estimate of that theory 606 ning of the eighteenth century ibid.
Accidental discovery of the conducting and non-con
ducting powers of bodies 544, 617
E. Considerable advances made in the science by
I Hauksbee 617
Earle, Bishop, his description of a sceptic 51 Fundamental facts arranged by Desaguliers ibid.
Earth, figure and magnitude of 501 The two opposite kinds of electricity detected by
No correct information of, derived from anti Dufay ibid.
quity ibid. Invention of the Leyden phial ibid.
Attempt of Eratosthenes of Alexandria to measure Experiments on the rapidity of electrical commu
an arc of the meridian ibid. nication 618
First modern measurement made with any degree Franklin’s explanation of phenomena ibid.
of accuracy, by Snellius of Holland 502 The identity of electricity and lightning proved al
Measurement of an are by Norwood, Fernel, and most simultaneously in France and America 619
Picard ibid. Conductors to buildings suggested by Franklin, but
The first observation, that a pendulum beats slower slowly adopted ibid
at the equator, made by M. Richer 503 Comparative advantages of terminating the con
Explanation of, by Newton and Huygens ibid. ductors with points or knobs 620
Determination of the form of the earth (that of an Estimate of the speed of lightning ibid.
oblate spheroid) by Newton 1361 Observations on conductors ibid.
Errors committed by Cassini and Fontenelle in mea General inefficiency of these protectors ibid.
suring an arc of the meridian 569 Estimate of the loss of life by lightning ibid.
View taken by Maclaurin regarding the figure of 656 Attempts made to prevent the formation of hail
M'easurement ofdegrees of latitude under the equa by erecting thunder-rods 621
tor, and within the arctic circle 657-8 Principle upon which the action of the cladrophorm
Measurement of a degree of latitude by La Caille 658 depends ibid.
Measurement of degrees by Delambre, Mechain, Causes by which the electrical state of bodies is
Biot and Arago, Colonel Mudge, Colonel Colby, modified ibid.
Colonel Lambton 659 Uses of the electrometer 622
Various estimates of the amount of depression at Benumbing power of the torpedo dependent upon
the poles 660 electricity, proved by \Valsh ibid.
Accurate measurement of a perpendicular to the Sparks drawn from the Silurlu electrical ibid.
meridian, made by (‘olonel Brousseaud ibid. This science hasgreatly contributed to the advance
Estimate of the earth's figure by the vibrations of ment of chemistry ibid.
a pendulum ibid. Discovery of galvanism by Galvani 623
Convertible pendulum of Captain Katcr ibid. Volta‘s invention of his pile ibid.
692 1NDEX.
Electricity, voltaic pile only a modification of the elec- Pm P
Ethical philosophy-Reason and passion, difl‘erence ‘8‘
trical battery 623 between the acts resulting from 33]
Identity of electricity and magnetism proved 624 A regard for selfconsidered the first principle which
Theories proposed by lEpinus and Cavendish ibid. prompted men and other animals to activity 342
For Magnetism, see that head. Dawn of a better theory of ethics _ ibid.
Electrometers, uses of 622 Difl‘erence between self-love and the benevolent ail
Elliot, Sir Gilbert, letters of, to Mr Hume concerning fections I 344
his theory of causation 287 Definition of the moral sentiments 346
Emerson, ‘Villiam, account of his life and writings 597 Moral faculty of conscience explained ibid.
Empedocles taught the true theory ofJunar light 452 Avarice not a principle of human nature 366
English language, its superiority over the French as an Analysis of the principle of hoarding ibid.
instrument of thought 229 Analysis of self-love ibid.
Epicurean physics, Bacon‘s admiration of 71 Origin of benevolence 361
Gassendi's partiality for 70 Pity one of the grand sources of benevolence ibid.
Epicureans and Stoics 302 Origin of the sense of justice ibid.
See also Ethical Philosophy. BrEach of the rules ofjustice crime, observation of
Epicurus, character of 303 them duty ibid.
Respect paid to his system by his followers 305 Remarks on the performance oi'duty ibid.
Definition of motion 450 Power of association in regard to remorse 368
Explanation of light 605 In the language ofall mankind, the moral faculty is
Equations, see Algebra. uniformly spoken of as one ibid
Homogeneous, explanation of 629 Sentiment of moral approbation ibid
Erasmus, effect of his writings in accelerating the Re Observations concerning right and wrong, duty and
formation 15 virtue ibid.
Eratosthenes of Alexandria, attempt of, to measure an Conscience constantly tends to act on the will and
arc of' the meridian 501 conduct of the man 369
Ethical philosophy, Bacon’s disquisitions on 35 Comparative merits of various religions 374
Hobbes's ethical principles 42 Essential to ethics that they should contain prin.
Cudworth’s system of ethics 44 ciples recognised by men of every religion ibid.
Little attention paid to, at the era of the Res Remarks on honour, cowardice, and duelling- 375
toration 46 Remarks on the social affections and the malevolent
Quotation from Barrow on ibid. passions 380
Dr Law’s system of ethics 171-2 Definition of humility 3811
Division of the subject 296-7 Observations on the love of praise , 382
Dr Paley‘s views of the moral sense 298 The existence of that passion shows the power of
Ancient ethics, retrospect of 299 disinterested desire ibid.
Ethical philosophers of Greece 300 General reflections on utility and virtue ibid.
Account of Plato's writings 301 The frequent appeal to utility tends to lessen the
Account of Aristotle's works 302 intrinsic pleasure of virtue 383
Epicureans and Stoics, philosophy of ibid. Evils that would result from a slavish adherence
Characters of Epicurus and Zeno 303 to the principle of utility ibid_
System of the Stoics 304 Direct object of ethics 384
Estimate of the practical philosophy of Greece 305 Intimately connected with law ibid.
Literature of Alexandria 306 Remarks on Stewart’s ethical theory 393
Scholastic ethics ' 30'] Principal object of conscience to govern our volun
Jewish and Mahommedan writers 308 tary exertions ihid.
Augustin's system 309 Manner, remarks on, as an index of character and
Doctrines of Aquinas, Scotus, and Bradwardine ibid. disposition . 305
William of Ockham‘s and John Gerson's doctrines 310 Dr Thomas Brown‘s vieWs relative to sympathy and
Estimate of the genius of Aquinas ibid. conscience 399
Notice of the Mystics 311 Defect of the term association 401
Temptations and errors of the scholastic age 312 Defect of the term suggestion ibid.
Nominalists and Realists ibid. Relation between virtue and utility ibid.
Extensive influence of Aquinas's system 312-13 Beneficial tendency an essential quality of virtue 402
General estimate of scholastic ethics 313 Conscience an essential part of human nature ibid.
Spanish writers on this subject 314 The laws of God founded on the principle of pro
See also Note L. 422 moting the happiness of his creatures ibid.
Grotius‘s views of Carneades’s principles and argu Man incapable of solving the question why evil ex.
ments 316 ists under the government of a good and bene
Hobbes‘s principles, see Hobbes. Volcnt Being ibid
 INDEX. 693
i Page Page.

Ethical philosophy-Virtue must be loved for its own Euler, contributions of, to the science of dynamics 608
sake before progress can be made in it 403 Theory of, regarding the principle of magnetism 626
There are primary pleasures, pains, and even appe- Attempt of, to destroy the coloured margin of a fo
tites, in human nature 405 cal image 633
Number of underived principles not determined ibid. Calculations and discoveries of, regarding the plane
The theory that supposes the smallest number of tary motions 665-6
ultimate principles to be preferred ibid. Exhaustions of the ancients, see Geometry.
Three conditions which it must be subject to ibid. Eye, structure of, first analysed by Kepler 509
The philosophical world divided into two sects; the
partisans of the selfish principle, and the advo
cates of benevolence ibid. F_
Analogy derived from the material world relative
to secondary desires or pleasures 406 Feeling, observations on Dr T. Brown's application of
The latter as real, and in some instances as inde- the term 397
structible, as primary ones ibid. Féne'lon, the beauty of his writing prejudicial to his re
Their origin ibid, putation as a philosopher 82
Analysis and definition of conscience 407 Characteristic EXCEUBBOE 0f 83
Operation of this power in reference to vice ibid. His Adventures of Telemachus, and Dialogues of
Anger, properly regulated, becomes a sense ofjustice ibid. the Dead ibid.
Formation of magmmimity ibid. On commerce, and the necessity of permanent laws ibid
Conscience the result of all the moral sentiments 408 His political views developed, chieily in his Direction
Private and social i'celings become blended with pour la Conscience d‘un Ros“ ibid.
conscience 409 Quotation from, on liberty of conscience ibid.
Coincidence of morality with individual interest ibid. Contest between him and Bossuet on the pure love
The formation of conscience from various elements of God 335
contributes to give it the appearance of simplicity Amiable and exalted character of ibid.
and independence ibid. Causes oi'his being distrusted by Louis XIV. ibid.
Difference between the passions and conscience 4l0 His generous defence of Madame Guyon 336
Conscience rarely contemplates the distant welfare His banishment from court, and condemnation by
of sentient beings; the elements of which it is a hull of Pope Innocent XII. ibid.
composed do ibid. Fergusson, Dr, remarks of, on the history of language 176
Operation of conscience in reference to religious His encomium on Dr Reid‘s works 219
systems 41 1 Fermat, his method of drawing tangents to curves 445
Review of Scotch ethical philosophy ibid. Views of, regarding refraction , 512
The Scotch moralists avoided the selfish system ibid. Fernel, measurement of an arc of the meridian by 502
Dr '1‘. Brown revolted against the Scotch system ibid. Fichte, speculations of, on the meaning of the pronoun I 200
Ethical philosophy of Germany; Kant 412 Filangieri, the Chevalier de 237
See also Kant. Florentine academicians the first to employ a dense
Observations on the two systems of ethics; that fluid instead of air in constructing thermometers 640
which considers conscience as supreme, and that Fluxions, discovery of, by Newton 5l9
of the partisans of underived principles 413 See also Geometry, New.
The relation of conscience to will 414 Fontenclle, M. noted maxim of 23
Conscience composed of emotions and desires, which Reasons for classing him with his early contempo
contemplate dispositions dependent on the will ibid. raries 156
Etymology, value of Leibnitz's speculations on l36 Account of his early productions 151
See also Note I I 262 His History of the Academy of Sciences, and
Euclid collected the elementary truths of geometry 435 Eloges of the Academicians, the basis of his fame 158
Laid the foundation of optics and catoptrics 504 Unrivallcd powers of, as a writer of eloges ibid.
His work, as a book of instruction in geometry, un Effects of these two works on the improvement of
fit for the present day 584 youth 159
Euler, supremacy of, as a mathematical analyst 578 Aspircd to be the philosopher of the Parisian circles ibid
The real founder of the theory of continued fraclionl 589 His character "30
Various applications of the theory, made by ibid. Voltaire's eulogy of ibid.
His extension of the properties of the angular sec Forum, Idols of, see Bacon, Lord.
tions 596 Fractions, decimal, introduced into Europe by Regio
His invention of a method to determine particular montanus 435
integrals 599 See also Algebra and Arithmetic.
Euler, his explication of the principles of partial differ Continued, Euler the real founder of
ences 600 France, progress of, in literature and philosophy during
He composed the first original work on dynamics 603 the seventeenth century 49
694 INDEX.

Gallois, ‘Abbé, Fontenelle’s apology for his opposition PIn.

France-Addison's censure of the French writers of his
day 55 to the new geometrical analysis 534
Sterility of invention in the metaphysical writers Galvani, account of his discovery of galvanism 623
of, between the time of Descartes and Condillac 172 lilodes of constructing a galvanic battery ibid.
Disposition of the French philosophers of the Claims of the Germans to this discovery ibid.
eighteenth century to push their theories to ex Gases, methods of determining the relative densities of 611
tremes 180-81 Gassendi, contrast between him and Descartes 70
Literature of the eighteenth century divided into Diligently studied the worlrs of Bacon ibid.
two epochs, Note U U 277 His partiality for the Epicurean physics 71
The writers of, on the philosophy of mind excel in His argument against Descartes now considered
painting manners, and observing varieties ofin as frivolous ibid.
tellectual character 184 His claims to the discovery of the doctrine concern
French and German schools of philosophy con ing the origin of our knowledge considered 72
trasted “36.7 Advantages he possessed over Descartes in re
Franklin, Benjamin, his theory of electrical phenome nouncing the doctrine of innate idea: 73
na described 618 His merits as a philosopher and writer ibid.
Estimate of his talents ibid. Memorial of his orthodoxy as a RomanyCatholic di
Proved the identity of electricity with lightning 619 vine quoted, Note R 248
Frannhofer improved achromatic glasses 635 Notices of some of his most distinguished follow
Discovered that the coloured spaces of the spectrum ers 107, l08
are subdivided by numerous lines 636 illustration of his doctrine of ideas by the authors
Superiority of the flint-glass produced under his in of the Port-Royal Logic 109
spection ibid. Possessed great learning and profound understand
ing 495
Explained the connection between the laws of mo
G. tion and the motion of the earth ibid.
First observed the transit of a planet over the sun‘s
Gadolin of Aho, consequences of his introducing the disc ibid.
term rpmI/ic heat into science 645 Gauss, curious discovery of, in geometry 585
Galiani, M. l’Ahbé, his views regarding free agency 197 His discussion of the general theory of quadratic
Galileo, his application of the law qfcontinuity confined factors or impossible roots 596
to physics, Note D D 258 Gay, Mr, account of his dissertation concerning virtue 170
Comparison between him and Bacon, by Hume 469 Suggested to Hartley the idea of association 364
Points in which Bacon excelled all other men 470 Genovesi, notice of his writings 202
Revolution which he efl‘ected in science 474 Gentilis, Albericus, merits of, as the precursor of Gro
Analysis of his treatise Della Scicnza Mechanics 475 tius 25-6
Gave not only the theory of the lever, but also that An apologist for Machiavelli, Note C 933
of the inclined plane and screw ibid. Geometry, the inventive and elegant genius of the
Discovered that heavy and light bodies descend with Greelrs beautifully displayed in 435 &. 580-8l
equal velocity in vacuo 476 Contributions to the science by Euclid, Archime
That the great and the small vibrations of the same des, and Apollonius 435
pendulum are performed in the same time ibid. Geometrical analysis one of the most beautiful in
And that the acceleration of falling bodies is uni ventions in the mathematics ibid.
form ibid. Advanced by the works of Regiomontanus ibid.
Determined the path described by a projectile to Introduction of trigonometry and decimal frac
be a parabola ibid. tions ibid.
Estimate of his genius 477 \Verner‘s contributions to the science 436
His discoveries in mechanics contributed to prove Benedetto, Maurolycus, and Cavalieri ibid.
the truth of the Copernican system ibid. See also these heads.
Construction of the telescope 490 Explanations of the exhaustions of the ancients ibid.
Discovers two of Jupiter‘s satellites 49] The idea of quantities infinitely great and small
Observations and discoveries on the other planets ibid. first introduced into the science by Kepler 438
These called down the censure of the church, be Generation of solids by means of ibid.
ing supposed to he adverse to Scripture 492 Kepler's view of the composition of circles ibid~
Brought before the Inquisition, and made to recant ibid. Observations on lines and areas ibid.
His discoveries, With those of Kepler, established Purpose served by the doctrine of quantities infi
the Copernican system ibid. nitely small in size and infinitely great in number 439
Results of this 493 Of the cycloid; difficulty in determining who first
Generalization of the property of the lever by 635 discovered its area ibid.
His views regarding gravitation 559 Discovery claimed by Torricelli and Roberval ibid.
 INDEX. '695
Page. Page.
Geometry-Properties of' the cycloid 439 Geometry, New-Calculus first made publicly known by
Valuable results of the introduction of algebra 444 Leibnitz 530
Analysis of Descartes‘ Geometric ibid. \Vriters by whom it was explained and improved 531-2
Fermat's method of drawing tangents to curves 445 Its firm establishment in Europe 532
Difference between the geometrical and algebraic English mathematicians fell behind the French in
method of treating quantity ibid. the integrations of diiferential or fluxional equa
High value set on the geometrical construction of tions 533
problems by the Greeks 583 Opponents of the new method ibid.
Attempts to ascertain the relation of the diameter Contributions to the science by Cotes, Taylor.
to the circumference ibid. Bradley, Maclaurin, and others 676, 598-9
lncommensurability of the circle first demonstrat The Italian mathematicians contributed to the ad
ed by Lambert 584 vancement of the higher calculus 599
Best elementary works on ibid. Euler's method of determining particular integrals ibid.
Elementary plane rests on the combined properties Extension of the modern calculus by that of partial
of the straight line and the circle ibid. differences ibid.
Instruments required in solving the common pro Application of it by Euler and D‘Alembert 600
blems 585 Calculus of variations, the last great accession to
Best manner of treating lines and curves of the the higher analysis ibid.
second order ibid. Distinction between differentials and variations ibid.
Improvement, made in trigonometry during the On the integration of differential equations ibid.
- last century ibid. Modifications of the theory of the infinitesimal
Account of Descartes‘ discovenes 594 calculus ibid.
Geometry| New, state of the sciences when Newton arose 518 The method of prime and ultimate ratios preferred
The problem of the quadrature of the circle solved by Newton in the Principia 60]
by Newton ibid. Improved by Robins and Lauder ibid.
Account of Wallis's Arithmetic of Infinites ibid. Method of derivative functions ibid.
Discovery of Fluxions by Newton 519 \Vorks on prime and ultimate ratios 602
Revealed to various philosophers before being pub. Gerbert, a monk of the Low Countries, first introduced
licly made known ibid. into Europe the Arabic notation 441
Newton the first, and Leibnitz the second, inven German philosophy contrasted with that of France 186-7
tor of the new infinitesimal analysis 520 Censure of the terms employed by the philoso
Controversy relative to the discovery 521 phers ofGermany 219-20
Feelings displayed on both sides ibid. Language, value of, in philosophical discussions 295
Problems proposed by the parties for solution 622 Ethical philosophy of, see Ethics.
Produced much rancour amongst philosophers 523-4 Gerson, John, doctrines held by 310
Steps by which the mathematical sciences were Gibbon, Edward, his estimate of the talents of Crousaz,
prepared for the new analysis 525 and account of his own studies in l775 l06
This analysis made its first appearance in the me Propensity of, to be indecent in his writings 154
thod of exhaustions ibid. Gilbert, notice of his treatise on the magnet 454, 625
Advanced a step in Cavalieri's method ofindivisibles ibid. Made an enumeration of the bodies which can be
Descartes’ application of algebra to the geometry rendered electrical by friction 544
of curves ibid. Discoveries made by, in magnetism 625
Method of Cavalieri improved and extended by Girard, Albert, a Flemish mathematician, made disco
'l‘orricelli, Barrow, and others ibid. veries in algebra 4-13
Lastly appeared Newton and Leibnitz, who made Analysis of his character, and notice of his disco
their discoveries separately 526 veries 592
Rejection of the higher powers of the differences of Glanvill, Joseph, character of his work entitled Scepn':
the variable quantities by Leibnitz, liable to ob Sderlft'fica 42
jection ibid. His illustration of Descartes‘ doctrines 64
The two problems into which the analysis, thus God, see Deity.
constituted, is divided 526-3 Goniometry, the name under which Euler's Arithmetic
Manner in which Newton proceeded 526 of Series is cultivated in Germany 597
The fluxionary and differential calculus, two mo Government, monarchical, improved in modern times 24
difications of one general method 527 Grace, controversy of Malebranche Qgarding 74
The introduction of the analysis greatly enlarged Grammar, Bacon’s profound reflections on 34
the domain of the mathematical sciences ibid. Gravitation, discovery of, by Newton 554
Problems of maxima and minima, to which it was See also Newton.
extended ibid. Gray, Mr, his estimate of the merits ofRousseau‘s Emile [34
Is peculiarly adapted to physical researches 528 Gray and \Vheeler, their discovery of the conducting
Problem of integration explained 528-9 and non-conducting powers of bodies 544, 617
 696 INDEX.
Page. P‘
Greece, remarks concerning the ancient philosophy of 9 Halley, physics greatly indebted to 542
Gregory, Dr John, remarks of, concerning the union be Voyage to St Helena, with additions to the cata
tween mind and matter 224 logue of stars ibid.
Gregory, James, a profound and inventive geometer; He was the first to prove evaporation sufficient to
account of his work Optics Promote 5l3 maintain the flow of springs and rivers 543
Gregory, David, sketch of his life, works, and character 58! Voyages of, to the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans ibid.
Grimaldi, a Jesuit, his discovery of the diffraction or His account of the winds peculiar to the tropics ibid
inflection of light 514 Sketch of his life, works, and character 58!
Grimm, Baron de, his remarks on a maxim of Fonte Demonstrated that at equal heights in the atmo
nelle 23 sphere the density of the air diminishes in a con
Observations of, on liberty and necessity 150 tinued proportion 613
See also Note P P 270 His hypothesis explanatory of magnetism 625
} An abettor of atheism lBl Account of his voyage to find the longitude at sea
Grotius, influence of his work De Jurc Belli at Pad: 38, 84 by the variation of the compass 626
Period when the writings of, began to be generally Discovery of, regarding comets 667
studied 46 Harpe, La, his eulogy of Condillac 116
His opinion of Raimond de Sebonde's principles (:2 His definition of rig/lactic» ibid.
Scope and character of his treatise De Jure Balli et Harrington, merits of his Oceans ' 47
mm as, so Harriot, Thomas, improvements by, in Algebra 443
Undertaken at the request of his learned friend Observed the spots on the sun scarcely a month
Peireskins 85 later than Galileo ibid.
Gave rise to a professorship at Heidelberg, for Hartley, Dr, doctrine of, concerning the origin of our
teaching the law of nature and nations ibid knowledge 1 [5
Difficulty of ascertaining the precise object aimed Causes which led him to produce his Theory of Hu
at in the systems formed upon his principles ibid. man Nature 170
Arrangement of his views under heads 86 Coincidence between his speculations and those of
His fundamental principle ibid. Charles Bonnet 170-1
In theory he was aware of the distinction between Dr Priestley's opinion of his merits [71
natural and municipal laws 9| His Observations on Man distinguished by the
Merits of Samuel de Cocceii‘s commentary on his union of originality with modesty 362
great work 92 Disfigured by the afi‘ectation of mathematical forms ibid.
His History of the Netherlands, Note B 4" State of physics at the time of its appearance ibid.
His treatise on the Laws of \Var and Peace con The author stopped short of materialism 363
tains the best account of the general principles He, along with Condillac and Bonnet, mutilated
of morals prevalent in Christendom after the Locke‘s doctrine regarding reflection ibid.
close of the schools 316 Agreed with Condillac in referring all the intellec
Remarks of, concerning the ethical principles of tual operations to the association of ideas ibid.
Cameades 316 Coincidence with Hobbes in part of his doctrine ibid.
Guardian, the, quotation from a paper in 64 His principal fault rash generalization ibid.
Gnericke, Otto, invention of the air-pump by 480 Superior to Condillac 364
Guyton-Morveau, unsuccessful attempt of, to ground Derived the idea of association from Mr Gay ibid.
the theory of electric attraction on the prin Views of, respecting the love of money 365
ciple of capillary action 615 Estimate of his talents, and merits and defects of
Guyon, Madame, notice of her writings 335 his work ibid.
\Vhen falsely charged with crime, and imprisoned, Views of, concerning gratitude, veneration, and
her cause was espoused by Féne'lon 336 love 369
His system regarding disinterestedness superior to
systems prior to Butler and Hutcheson 370
H. Value of that part relating to the rule of life ibid.
Hauksbee, the best experimenter of his time 617
Habits, Malebranche on the formation of 77 Heat, effects of, on the organic world 639
Hadley, Mr, the first who got a reflecting telescope Doctrine of, now advanced to the rank ofa science ibid.
made for his private use 632 Bacon’s and Aristotle‘s opinion of its nature 640
Gave a new impuhe to astronomy by the inven Views of the alchemists ibid.
tion of the quadrant of reflexion ibid. Invention of the thermometer by Sanctorio _ ibid.
Hail, attempts made to prevent the formation of, by The air thermometer of Drebbel ibid
erecting thunder-rods 621 Methods of graduating the tube of thermometers ibid.
Hakewill, Dr George, on the decline of intellectual Newton's and Reaumur‘s modes 641
power in modern times, Note F 240 Fahrenheit's thermometer 642
 INDEX. 697
Pm. . . . Pm.
Huh-Boerhaave's views as to the distribution of heat 642 Hobbes-His remark upon the comparative utihty of
Vague speculations of \Volfius ibid. reading and thinking 45
Dr Martine the first judicious writer on heat ibid. His principles traced by Cudworth to the remains
Construction of the thermometer proposed by Celsius 643 of the ancient sceptics ibid.
Discovery ofthc congelation of quicksilver ibid. Obsolete as a writer on the law of nations 90
Discovery of latent heat by Dr Black 644 His doctrine regarding the origin of our knowledge
Leslie's observations on the increase and diminution coincided with that of Gassendi 114
of temperature by the chemical unitm of bodies ibid. Servility of his political principles 144
Experiments of “'ilcke and Lavoisier 645 Quotation from, on necessity, Note M M 268
The introduction of the term specific heat ibid. Account of his early studies, and works in general 317
Determination of the absolute zero ibid. Causes to which he owed his influence ibid.
Philosophical views of Dr Crawford ibid. Arrogance and dogmatism of his character 318
Experiments and views of Scheele 646 His style a permanent foundation of his fame ibid.
Invention of the pyrometer 647 His system moral, religious, and philosophical, de
A thermometer to measure the higher degrees of pended upon his political principles 319
heat still a desiderstum ibid. Debasing character of his ethical system ibid.
Description of metallic and register thermometers ibid. He does not distinguish between thought and feeling 320
Invention of the differential thermometer 648 Errors which have crept into moral philosophy from
The instrument first intended to serve as an hy this original confusion 321
grometer, but modified so as to form a photometer 649 No trace of the moral sentiments to be found in his
Various applications of the hygrometer 650 writings 322
This thermometer employed to ascertain the mode He represents a deliberate regard to personal ad
of the propagation of heat amongst bodies 651 vantage as the sole motive of human action ibid.
Prodigious elasticity of heat ibid. Ilis low estimate of human nature agreeable to the
Reflection and radiation of 652 court of Charles II. ibid.
Description of the pyroscope 663 Compared by Dryden to Lucretius in haughtinem ibid.
Invention and description of the refrigerator ibid. Antagonists who rose up against him 323
Change produced in the mechanical arts by the ap Honour, observations on the law of 376
plication of best 654 Hooke, Robert, laid claim to Huygens‘s discovery of the
Invention of Papin's Digester ibid. application of the pendulum to clocks 479
Gradual improvement of the steam-engine ibid. First applied spiral springs to watches ibid
Helmont, Van, contributions of, to chemistry ibid. Opposition of, to the optical discoveries of Newton 551
Helvetius, remarks on his extension to metaphysical Made a near approach to the truth relative to uni
subjects of Leibnitz‘s law qfcontinuily 135 versal gravitation 659
Quotations from his worlr Dc PElpn't concerning the Homer, Francis, extract from a letter of his, relative to
origin of ideas 136 Machiavelli 235-6
His theory of the inferiority of the souls of brutcs 180 Estimate of his character 387
His observations on modifications ofgenius 185 Horror: calculated the transit of Mercury in 1631, and
Henry \'II. the laws of, eulogised by Lord Bacon 37 accurately foretold the time 495
Herschel, Dr, discovered that the hottest part of the He was amongst the first who appreciated the dis.
spectrum lies beyond the red ray 636 coveries of Kepler ibid.
Discovery ofa new planet by 672 Died very young, but left behind him matter which
Instance of the power of his telescope 673 Newton adopted ibid.
Hervert, Chancellor of Bavaria, notice of his tables of Hume, David, his estimate of Machiavelli 24
the powers and products of numbers 590 On the improvements made in modern times on
Hevelius of Dantzic opposed the application of the te monarchical government ibid
lescope to astronomical instruments 497 On the statutes of Henry VII. 37-8
Hipparchus, contributions of, to the science of astro On the influence of the civil war of 1640 40
nomy 482 Anticipated by Malebranche in his reasoning on
Hobbes, philosophical principles of 40 cause and effect 75
Arrogant confidence of his character, Note H 241 Appearance of his Treatise of Human Nature 206
Estimate of human nature involved in his funda Objects of the work 207
mental doctrine 41 The execution did not correspond with the design ibid.
His ethical interwoven with his political system 42 l'lfi‘ects produced on the literature of his country
Addison's opinion of his writings ibid. by the publication of the Treatise 208
Their extensive influence 43 His division of the objects of knowledge ibid.
His antagonists; Cudworth ibid. Admitted only the existence of imprnn'om and
Coincidence between his followers and the amino idea: 209
mians 44 His aim was to establish universal scepticism ibid.
10L. 1. 41
698 INDEX.
Page Page
Hume carried his sceptical mode of reasoning further Hutcheson was the first who entertained just notions
than any modern philosopher except Boyle ibid. of the formation of the secondary desires 348
His refutation of the attempts to demonstrate self Had a steadier view than Butler of the nature of
evident truths 210 conscience, which he called a moral sense ibid.
Benefits which have resulted from his reasonings ibid. Errors into which he fell 349
Examination of certain conclusions contained in his Huygens, discoveries of, regarding motion 479
theory of causation 2“ The first who explained the relation between the
His distinction between the sensitive and cogitative length of a pendulum and the time of its least
parts of our nature 212 vibrations ibid.
His demonstration that our belief in the permanen Applied the pendulum to regulate the motion of
cy of the laws of nature is not founded upon any clocks 479, 581
process of reasoning ibid. His solution of a problem relative to the oscillation
Extract concerning the course of nature and the ofa pendulum _ 479
succession of our ideas ibid. His discovery of the ring of Saturn, and one of the
His conclusion regarding causation did not afiect the satellites of that planet 496
doctrines it was brought forward to subvert 213 Astronomy indebted to him for an exact measure
Different opinions regarding the laws of nature ibid. ment of time ibid.
His reformation of the philosophical vacabulary ibid. Micrometer discovered by ibid.
His remarks on cause and efi'ect quoted ibid. Other adaptations of the telescope to astronomical
Letter of, containing an account of his Theory of purposes suggested by 497
Causation, Note C C C 233 His theory of light 514
Light in which his scepticism was viewed by Sir Explained by it the double refraction of Iceland
Gilbert Elliot and others 215 5P" 5%
His answer to the arguments of the former ibid, Sketch of his life and character 58!
Instance of his sincerity in the search after truth 216 Greatly improved dynamics 602
Opinion of his essays entertained by Butler . 217 Hydraulics, see ilydrostatics.
His notion that only the images of external things Hydrodynamics, fundamental principles of 607
are perceived by the mind 219 Important treatise on, by Daniel Bernoulli ibid.
His treatise unfavourable to the progress of meta Subject discussed by D'Alembert and Euler 608
physical science 221 The chief difficulties of the theory discussed by
Virtuous private character of, represented in Mac Lagrange ibid.
kenzie‘s story of La Roche 352 The theory of the motion of fluids has not arrived
General scope of his Treatise of Human Nature 353 at more precise conclusions than those assigned
Anticipated in some of his doctrines, Note Q 425 to it by Newton ibid.
Absurdity of universal scepticism 354 Theoretical and practical treatise of Bossut 609
Considered his Inquiry concerning the Principles Experiments of Smeaton ibid.
of Morals as the best of his writings ibid_ Method of investigating the resistance of fluids ibid.
His style distinguished by elegant perspicuity ibid_ Experiments of Robins, Borda, Button, and Cou
Did not imitate Voltaire, as Dr Johnson asserted ibid. lomb, on the velocities of moving bodies 610
The Inquiry affords the finest specimen of his style 355 Observations on the flow of water and air through
Chief merit of the work ibid. Pipes ibid.
Distinguishes justice from other parts of morality ibid. Ampél'e" experiment on the m"~".le‘-‘li'~’n 0‘" water
Treats vice with too much indulgence ibid. ‘hrough a venical 51“; 611
In his Inquiry he failed to bring domestic fidelity Hygrometers inventiou and descriptiw 0f 649
prominently forward 356 Various applications of the instrument 6504
It, is also disfigured by parado‘ ibid_ Hydrostatics, some of the first principles of, discovered
His general doctrine stated 351 by Archimedes 480
His Inquiry entitled to rank with the greatest ethi- Discwery 0f Stevmus ibid
cal treatise, in our language ibim The pressure of the atmosphere and the thermome
Account of his last illness, by Dr Cullen, Note P 424 I" dismvered by T‘m’icem ibid
Humuity, remarks concerning 331 Discovery by the same, of the principles of hydrau
Hutcheson, Dr Francis, the father of metaphysical phi- “cs ibid
losophy in Scotland 204, 349 Discovery of the air-pump by Otto Guericke ibid.
Chief Object of his writing, 205 Improvements made on the air-pump by Boyle 481
Tried his strength by writing letters to Dr Clarke 348 Prindplei °f 608
Coincided with Butler in maintaining that there are Elam-7"“? work °f Euler "Po" ibid
disinterested affections, and a distinct moral fa- The theory reduced into ‘1 “imple form by Bouguer ibid
culty, in human nature ' 348 ouuine of this theory 809
Superior in style to Butler, but inferior in origi- capillary "mm, See lhai- head
nality and philosophical courage ibid. Hypotheses, the true use of 101
 INDEX. 699
Page. Page
I, Jurisprudence, third and distinct idea of 91
Abstract code of laws unphilosophical in design 83
Iceland crystal, double refraction of 614 Reasons why the Roman law ought to be fixed on
Ideal theory, by whom first assailed 80 as the groundwork of our speculations ibid.
Berkeley's theory of idealism 165 Estimate of the value of Bentham's writings on 378
The object of Dr Reid to refute it 218 Justice, circumstances which distinguish it from other
Idealist, meaning of the term as employed in philosophy 190 virtues 87
Ideas, M. Allamand‘s criticism on Locke's argument The rules of, not enumerated by the ancient philo
against innate ideas 10'] sophers ibid.
See also Note T. 250 Sense of, see Ethics.
Arnauld's doctrines 30
v Cudworth's views 194.5

Diderot‘s erroneous estimate of Locke‘s discove K.

ries 109-1 1
Gassendi’s views, see Gassendi Kames, Lord, merits of' his Elements of Criticism 221
Hume‘s doctrine 209 Kant, the leading idea of his philosophy analogous to
Helvetius‘s views 136 what is expressed by Cudworth 43
Kant’s opinions, Note X X 279 Appearance of the Critique of Pure Reason, and
Ireibnitz’s views 123 idea annexed to the title 189
Locke‘s views 109 Success of the work 190
Shaflesbury's opinions 118 Madame de StaEl‘s account of it ibid.
Voltaire‘s views, Note X 251 Identity of Kant's doctrine with that of Cud
Remarks concerning, Note Q 247 worth 191, l94-5
Identity, personal, Dr Butler on 2|7 His remarks on Hume's theory of causation 193
Imagination, D'Alembert‘s identification of, with ab Hume's theory gave a new direction to his inqui
straction, incorrect 6 ries into speculative philosophy [94
The province of, narrow when compared with that His claims to originality not well founded ibid.
of observation and reason 79 Remarks on general ideas not derived from expe
Addison‘s papers on the pleasures of 161 rience, Note X X 219
Pleasures of, in most cases originate in association 368 His argument for free will 196
India, metaphysical and ethical remains of 203 View of his principle called practical reason 197
Influx, definition of the word, Note A A 254 The impression which his great work made in Ger
Instinct, signification of the term 388 many accounted fur by Reinhold 198
Paley's view of 226 Decline of his system 199
Integration, problem of 528 Schools which have emanated from it 200
Intellectual system of Cudworth 44 Opponents of his system 201
Italy, notice of the metaphysical writers of the eigh Evil which has arisen from his writings, Note A A A 283
teenth century belonging to 202 His ethical system framed to protect principles
Imaginative and reasoning powers exhibited by the placed upon an insecure foundation 412
natives of 203 The performance of duty the chief end of man in
Ivory, Mr, his estimate of the earth's ellipticity 66l his system ihid.
Completed the demonstration of the earth's figure ibid. Explanation of what is implied by practical reason 413
Kater, Captain, pendulum of 660
J. Keplcr, an account of his tract on stereometry 438
He introduced into geometry the idea of quanti
Jaquelot, M. quotation from, illustrative of Leibnitz’s ties infinitely great and small ibid.
theory of pre-established harmony I24 Generation of solids by means of lbid.
Johnson, Dr, his opinion of Rochel'oucauld’s maxims 64 Conceived circles to be composed of an infinite num
.lonson, Ben, his eulogiuln on Lord Bacon's forensic elo ber of triangles ibid.
quence, Note I" 239 The laws of, discovered at the expense of great la
His connection with Bacon ibid. bour and ingenuity 463
Jupiter, planet of, see Astronomy. Change which astronomy underwent in his hands 488
Jurisprudence, philosophical, Bacon on 36 Early studies of ibid.
Natural, system of Grotius 86 Observed that the orbits of the planets are in planes
Originof the law of nature and the law of nations 89 passing through the sun ibid.
Opinions of different philosophers concerning 90 Discovered the most favourable time for observing
Alliance established between the law of nature and the planets, the ellipticity of the planetary orbits,
the law of nations productive of good ibid. and that in any two planets the squares of tho
 700 moss,
Page. Pm
times of the revolution are as the cubes of their Law, Roman, reasons why it ought to be fixed on as a
mean distances from the sun 489 work in framing a code of laws 93
Kepler‘s discoveries at first not duly appreciated 490 Law of nature and of nations, see J urisprudence,
Exploded the idea of Copernicus, that the earth had Natural.
a third motion ibid. Leibnitz, his estimate of the merits of Descartes,
Perceived the inertia of body, and considered all Hobbes, Bacon,and Campanella 26
motion as naturally rectilineal ibid. His objections to Malebranche‘s principles relative
Was the first to analyse the structure of the eye 509 to cause and effect 78
Views regarding gravitation 558 His high veneration for the Roman law 92
King, Archbishop, account of his work on the Origin of His misapprehension of Locke's doctrine concern
Evil [70 ing the origin of knowledge 113
Knowledge, human, division of the objects of, by Ba- The school of which he was the founder strongly
con and by Locke 1-3, 8 discriminated from that of Locke 122
Causes which combined to accelerate its progress His comprehensive correspondence led to a more
after the revival of letters 16-19 extensive literary commerce amongst nations 123
Its difl'usion has improved the scienceof government 24 Coincidence between him and Cudworth concem
ing innate ideas ibid.
Doctrines which he directed the force of his genius
L.
to establish 124
Lagrange, his application of continued fractions to the l’re-established harmony, summary of the theory ibid.
solution of numerical equations 590 Objections to this doctrine 125
His invention of the calculus of variations the last Contrast between the visionary speculations of,
great accession to the higher analysis 600 and the doctrines of Locke 126
Sketched the method of derivative functions 601 His theory of pre-established harmony led to the
Discussed the chief difliculties which encumber the scheme of optimism ibid.
theory of hydrodynamics 608 Character of his work entitled Thcodicwa 126-1
Brilliant calculations of, regarding the lunar and Difference between his optimism and that of Plato 126
planetary motions 669 His scheme of optimism leads to the annihilation of
Gave a general solution of the problem of disturbing all moral distinctions X27
forces 670 Zealously propagated the dogma of necessity, but
Lambert, character of, as a philosopher 189 opposed materialism 128
First demonstrated the incommensurability of the Uniformly speaks of the soul as a machine purely
circle 584 spiritual ibid.
Notice of his treatise entitled Photometric 638 Injurious influence of his doctrine of fatalism 129
Lambton, Colonel, his measurement of a degree of lati Circumstances which gave occasion to his Theodicrca ibid.
tude in India 659 “'e are indebted to this work for the reasonings of
Landon, John, account of his life, writings, and contribu Dr Clarke against fatalism ibid.
tions to mathematics 601 His account of the principle of the suflicient rea
Language, improvement of, tends to accelerate the ad son , 130
vancement of science and learning 39 His theory of monads explained ibid.
Speculations of Rousseau and others regarding the See also Note C C 255
origin and history of 174-7 Vagueness of his idea of a suflicient reason 131
Inadequacy of the words of ordinary language for Commentary of Charles Bonnet upon ibid.
the purposes of philosophy 294 His principle of a sufficient reason legitimately
Laplace on the advantages of learned societies 47 adopted by mathematicians ibid.
Citation from, concerning cause and effect, with This principle, when applied to the phenomena of
remarks thereon 286 the material universe, identical with the maxim,
His calculation of probabilities 224 that every change implies the operation of a cause ibid.
His analysis of capillary attraction 616 Motives which induced him to substitute the word
His discovery of the moon‘s secular equation 670 reason for cause l32
Gave :1 complete theory of the motions of Jupiter's Objections urged against a sufficient reason may be
satellites ibid. extended to his law of continuity ibid.
Law, Dr, account of his notes to his translation of Arch Vagueness of the language in which his theory
bishop King‘s work on the Origin of Evil 170 is enunciated, favourable to its popularity with
Account of his ethical works l71-2 a certain class of thinkers ibid.
Law, Roman, the study of, contributed to accelerate hu John Bernoulli's defence of 1.13
man improvement on the revival of letters 14 Opposition of Maclaurin and Robins to ibid.
Veneration in which it was held by Leibnitz and Extension of his principle to mind as well as to
others , 92 matter, and the consequences 134
 INDEX. 701
lnibn't Ch l ' ' Fuel PM!“
' f_ “r 8“ 3mm“ mm“! "9°" “"5 Pfin- Leonardo, a merchant of Pisa, first introduced algebra
ciple I 134 into Europe 440
The metaphysical argument in proof of the law of Leonardo (la Vinci first distinctly stated the principle
continuity unsatisfactory, Note D 1) 257 of the effects of oblique force 602
Remarks on the states of rest and motion of bodies, Letters, the period from which the revival of, may be
_N°_t° D D ibid. dated ,5
Citation from, :especting the history of the law of The Reformation a natural consequence of ibid.
Cipzzligsugyalbccfe D I 258 Effects of, on the advancement of physical, and
, ocernmg the exwtence of the soul also of metaphysical, moral, and political sci
ai‘ter death, Note E E 259 ‘ _e"¢e 16-20
His mind, in reasoning upon metaphysical subjects, L‘Hopn'al’ Chancel!” de, Charade? °f ‘26
misled by the bias it early received from game- Published a work of merit on the new analysis 530
trial studies ibid_ Leviathan, anecdote relative to Hobbes‘s worlt so en
Extension of his principle by Helvetius 135 titlEd, Note H 2,“
Remarks on his thoughts regarding the etymologt Leyden jar, inventionand description of 613
ca] study of languages 136 Liberty and necessity, see Necessity.
See also Note I I 262 Lines, see Geometry.
Remarks on his assertion, that all proper names Light’ Arist‘mem dEfinh'i‘m Of, 505
were at first appellatives, Note F F 260 .899 “15° Optics
versatility and power of his genius 137 Polarization of, discovered by Malus 636
[nuance of his credumy 138 Light-houses, principles of optics applied to the im
See also Note G G 261 Prove!"em of ibid
Vnlne of his speculation, in accelerating the ML Lightning identified with electricity, see that head.
vnncemem of knowledge ibii Locke, John, his division of the objects of human
Estimate of his character by Bailli, Note I I 262 knOWIedge 8
Great variety of subjects upon which he wrote ibm Identity of his division with that generally adopted
Remarks on no controversy with Dr Clarke 139 by the ancient Philosophers of Greece 9
Hi! notions regarding space and time “2 Less decided than Descartes respecting the essen
Smnll progress of his tenets in France 186 tial distinction between mind and matter 57
Contrast between the form of his writings and the Citation fmm’ °n the "defies 0f "mm 76
character of his mind 337 Warburton’s opinion of his system of philosophy 80
Favourite and oflenq'epeated maxim of ibid_ The publication of his Essay on Human Understand
His ethical principles contained in a preface to a ing a new era in the history or philosophy ")0
collection of documents on law ibid_ Some account of his early studies and pursuits 101
Citations from, on ethics 337 Circumstances which occasioned his undertaking his
See also note N 422 great worlr 102
Approximated to the truth on the whiecg of disim Merits of the several books of the Essay ibid.
{crested affection 333 Causes of the partial inconsistencies which may be
Egregious fallacy contained in a statement of 338-9 detefled in the work 103
Account of the correspondence between him and Desirous that his work should be judged as a whole,
Newton relative to geometry 520 and not by isolated passages ibid.
He was the second inventor of the new infinitesi- Had diligenfly “lulled we metaPhYSical writlni-YS
mal analysis, and ignorant of its being previously of “1°” “h” Precede‘! him ibid'
discovered by Newton ibid. Peculiar character of his style of composition l04
Rapid spread of his geometry on the Continent ibid. Reception which his work met with ibid
Greatly advanced by the Bernoullis ibid. Alarm which it excited at Oxford ibid.
An account of the controversy relative to the new Step8 there taken to prevent its being read l05
calculus 521 Warmly received in the University of Cambridge ibid.
His rejection of the higher powers of the differ. And in the Scottish Universities ibid.
ences of the variable quantities objectionable 526 see also Note S 249
Explanation of the principle of»: sufi'icient reason 536 Its success on some parts of the Continent 106
Sometimes carried his principle too far 531 The merits ofhis Essay first appreciated in Switzer
Statement of the law of continuity ibid. land l06
Not the first to discover this law, although the first Influence of, on Crousaz ibid.
to regard it as a principle in philosophy ibid. Diffusion of his principles in France ")8
His error consisted in pushing the metaphysical Found their way into the French drama, Note U 250
principles of science into extreme cases ibid. His constant appeal to reason, an antidote against
His demonstration of the force of moving bodies 539 the errors involved in some of his conclusions 108
Comparison between him and Newton 67! Has been mistaken by many of his successors, on
695 two fundamental points : 1. On the origin of
Notice of his algebraical discoveries
702 - mnnx.
, . Pucc- Pap
our ideas: and, 2. On the power of moral per- M_
ception, and the immutability of moral distinc
tions 109 Machiavelli, moral and intellectual character of 22
Locke-Diderot‘s limited view of his doctrine regard- Principles or, II bid 110'"! in his Prince ibid
ing the formation of ideas 110 Practical effects of his precepts ibid.
Quotations from, concerning ideas resulting from Real intentions of, in writing his Prince, Note C 234
sensation, and those from reflection 110-12 Hi! mums have been subsequently termed 23
The use which he makes of the term reflection not N0 friend to the priesthood ibid
peculiar to himself, Note Y 253 Hume's estimate of his character 24
Does not uniformly employ the word reflection in Surpassed all his contemporaries in genius 25
the same sense 111 Letters of 2354;
Passage of his works from which apparently the mis- Machiavelism, religious, bad effects of, on philosophy
understanding amongst his followers has arisen 112 and morals 23
Uniformly represents sensation and reflection as Liachin, John, mathematical talents of 584
distinct sources of knowledge 113 Mackenzie, Henry, has afl‘ectingly delineated Hume's
Misinterpretation of his doctrine sanctioned by character in the story of La Roche 352
Leibnitz ibid. Maclaurin, his steady opposition to Leibnitz's law of
Zeal displayed by, against innate ideas, accounts continuity I33
for the mistakes committed by his followers 115 Contributed to the advancement of science by ex
Mistaken view of his argument on the origin of pounding Newton‘s Principia 576
our ideas served as a groundwork for the whole His method of expounding forces by co-ordinates
metaphysical philosophy of the French Eneyclo- advanced the science of dynamics 604
pédie 116 His view of the figure of the earth 656
Sense in which his reasonings concerning innate Magnet, Gilbert‘s Treatise on the 454
ideas have commonly been understood 111 Magnetism, phenomena and origin of 624
Quotation from, containing a disavowal of the con- Importation of the compass into Europe 625
clusion which some of his commentators drew First notice of its variation ibid.
from his reasonings ibid, Account of the discoveries made by Dr Gilbert ibid.
Lord Shaitesbury’s attack on him 118 Halley‘s hypothesis ibid.
Remarks on his tracts respecting Education, and the vafifltion 0f the compass proposcd by Halley =18 8
Conduct of the Understanding 119 method of finding the longitude at sea 626
Letter of, to Sir Isaac Newton ibid, Experiments to determine the relation of the in
Defects of his intellectual character 120-21 tensity of the magnetic force to the distance of
Probable reasons why some of the maxims in his its action ibid.
tract on Education are severe 121 T1118 law discovered by Coulomb ibid.
Rash assertion of, regarding the intercourse carried Nature of the principle itself still a mystery ibid. _
on between mind and matter 125 Thenries of various philosophers ibid.
Principal individuals by whom attacks were made Generally supposed to be a fluid ibid.
on his Essay during his lifetime, Note Z 253 The magnetic virtue resides near the surface 627
Contrast which his doctrines presented to the vision. Coulomb‘s experiments to ascertain the substances
ary speculations of Leibnitz 126 most susceptible of magnetism ibid.
Injustice done to, by Leibnitz, Note 13 B 255 Account of the variation of the needle at different
Remarks of, concerning the scale of beings 136 PIECE! ibid
I—lis argument in favour of free will 143 Changes to which it is liable 628
Quotation from a letter of his to Anthony Collins, The dip of the needle less changeable than its de
Note K K 264 clination ibid.
Effects of his writings in promoting the cause of At every place it depends nearly on the latitude ibid.
education, Note N N ' 269 Direction of the needle affected by local attraction
Quotation from, on the perception of colour and on board of a ship ibid.
figure 166 Invention of Barlow to prevent this 629
Logarithms, invention of, by Napier of Merchiston 441 Two principles on which magnetic phenomena may
See also Napier. be explained ibid.
Louis XIV-, character of the court of 53 Discoveries of Arago and other philosophers 630
Lowth, Dr, his opinion of the common English transla- Malebranche, Father, quotation from, on the secondary
tion of the Bible 18 qualities of bodies 63
His opinion of Hooker‘s style 39 Also on the sensations produced by objects, and the
Lucretius, notice of his philosophy 186 judgment thereupon formed 64-5
Luther, Martin, his contempt for Aristotle 16 Assertion of, that mistaken judgments relative to
Remarkable credulity of, Note E 238 objects of sense result from original sin 65
Mosheim on his theological system 2] Cause which led him to study philosophy 74
 INDEX. 703
Pleu Page.
Malebranche, character of his work, The Search after ways round, and through a large one always of
Truth 74 the shape of the aperture 508
Imagination the chief characteristic of his genius ibid. Supposed that light acquired colour by refraction
His disposition to blend theology and metaphysics in passing through the water drop of the rainbow 509
the cause of his being now neglected 74-5 Mayer framed a standard body of lunar tables 579 h 665
Controversies on grace in which he was engaged 74 Changed the sextant intoa circle, and produced the
His boldness and freedom of inquiry when treating repeating circle 633
of subjects purely philosophical 75 'Mechain, measurement of a degree of latitude by 659
Sagacity of, displayed in his observations concern Sketch of his life and scientific character ibid
ing sorcery ‘ ibid. Mechanics, small progress made in the science before
His powers of observation and discrimination ibid. the end of the sixteenth century 474
Excellence of his strictures on men and manners 76 Guido Ubaldi the first who went beyond Archi
Citation from, illustrative of this ibid. medes ibid.
Estimate of his character 77 Stevinus the first who determined the force neces
Developed the fundamental principle of Hartley ibid. sary to sustain a body on a plane inclined at any
Remarks on the formation of habits ibid angle to the horizon ibid.
Views of, relative to cause and effect 78 Discoveries of, relative to a chain laid on an inclin
Objections of Leibnitz to his principles 78-9 ed plane ibid.
Reasons which led him to conclude that we see Revolution effected in the science by Galileo 475
all things in God 79 He was the first who discovered the principle of vir
Coincidence between his speculations and those of tual velocities ibid
some Hindu philosophers ibid. Analysis of his treatise Della Scienza Mechanioa ibid.
Resemblance of, to Berkeley, and interview with 79, 80 Discoveries of Torricelli, Descartes, and Huygens;
\Varburton's opinion of his talents 80 see those heads.
Advancement which he made towards the true the The principle of virtual velocities enunciated 535
ory of vision 168 The science advanced by Varignon‘s Projcl d‘um;
Anecdote ot', evincing his belief in the Cartesian Nouvclle .lléumique 635-6
system regarding the soul 18l The Principle Malhemafico of Newton marks an era
Quotation from, on the love of universal order 339 in the history of human knowledge 536
Remarks on the passage 340 Improvements in mechanics by Leibnitz ibid.
\Vas the first who adhered to the principle that vir Manner in which the force of a moving body was
tue consists in pure intentions ibid. estimated by Descartes and Leibnitz 638
Value of his observations relative to a religious so The scientific world divided into two parties ibid.
ciety and an established church ibid. Account of the controversy which ensued 639
Malus, M. his discovery of the polarization of light 638 Termination of the controversy 640
llant'redi, sketch of his life and scientific character 599 Principles relative to the force of moving bodies ibid.
Manner, an index of character and disposition 395 Both sides partly in the right 54]
Marie, a French Capuchin, gave the first notions of The controversy as to the' via viva ibid.
photometry 637 The question whether the quantity of the via viva
Mariotte the first who proposed to apply the barometer remains always the same 542
to measure the heights of mountains 54?. Enumeration of the problems solved in the times
Experiments and conclusions of (HS of Newton and Leibnitz ibid.
llfartin, Dr, the first judicious writer on heat 642 Contributions to science by Halley 5124
Maseres, Baron, services rendered to science by 593 Medicine, the study of, calculated to develope the powers
Mascheroni of Bergamo, mathematical talents of 585 of the understanding l01
Materialists of the last century 57 Melanchthon, his sanction of the doctrines of the peripa
Fallacy of their reasoning exposed 58 tetic school It;
Mathematics, ancient works on, preserved in religious Citation from, on moral distinctions 20
establishments during the dark ages 434 Metaphysical, misapplication of the term 228
Language ot‘, must always consist of two parts 445 Influence of metaphysical studies ibid.
See Geometry and Algebra. Metaphysicians in all ages have made the nature and
Maupcrtuis the first mathematician of eminence who essence of the soul a subject of discussion 57
taught the Newtonian philosophy in France 577 Those of the last century belong either to the
Maurolycus of Messina, contributions of, to mathemap class of Gassendi or that of Descartes IN
tics 436 Metaphysics, little advance made in, before the sever»
Distinguished for his skill in optics 508 teenth century 20
Formed a right judgment of the defects of short Progress of, during the eighteenth century 227
aighted and long-sighted eyes ibid. Change in the meaning of the word since the pub
Explained why light admitted through a small hole lication of Locke's Essay ibid.
of any shape, and received upon a plane, was al Benefits resulting from the study of 22d
704 lNDEX.
Pm- Pm
Metaphysics-The term affords a specimen of all the N,
faults which the name of a science can combine 294
Micrometer, discovery of, by Huygens 496 Napier, Baron, of Merchiston, invention of logarithms 447
Microscope, invention of, by Galileo 510 Displayed depth and originality of mind ibid.
Mill, Mr, in treating of benevolence, has overlooked the Ingenious supposition on which he proceeded ibid.
inward delight which springs from virtuous conduct 380 Unrivalled merit of the inventor 448
Derives his theory of government from the fact Talents of, as a geometrieian ibid.
that every man pursues his interest 385 Brought the notation of decimals to its utmost sim
Remarlrs on his Essay on Education ibid. plicity 587
Mind and matter, phenomena of, entirely different 10 Nature, the word used by philosophers for the name of
Remarks on the relation subsisting between 124-5 Gvd 279
Bacon‘s reflections on the philosophy of mind 32-4 Necessity, zeal of Leibnitz for the doctrine of 128
Its advancement accelerated by the improvement Locke's opinion 143
of language 39 Anthony Collins's views 143
Mistaken application of the word substance to, See also Note M M 265
Note I 242.3 Schemes of, connected with atheism in modern
Morvre, Abraham de, account of his life and discoveries 595 philosophy, Note M M 266
Moliere, M. his proposed translation of Lucretius 107 Opinion of Hobbes concerning, Note M M 268
Monads, Leibnitz‘s account of 130 Definition of the terms liberty and necessity, Note
See also Note C C 255 MM ibid.
Montaigne, M. merits of, as a writer on the philosophy Remarks on the argument for, drawn from the di
nf mind 49 vine prescience, Note N N 70
Possessed little scientific knowledge 50 The Baron de Grimm and M. Diderot upon 150
Predisposed to scepticism ibid. See also Note P 1’ 270
Carefully educated by his father ibid. Nerves, Quesnai‘s views regarding the vibrations of 171
Character of his scepticism 51 Newton, Sir Isaac, remarks on some queries of 69
Radical fault of his understanding ibid. His discoveries were first publicly taught in Scot
His Apology for Raimond de Sebondc ibid. land, Note S 249
He died a Christian 51 Letter of, to John Locke 118
His opinion of Sebonde‘s Theologia Nataralis 52 Exhibited in his Principia and Optic: an exemplifi
Poetical description of, by Voltaire b3 cation of the logic of Bacon and Locke 139
Reasons why the name of, should be united with Effects of his discoveries 140
that of La Rochel'oucauld 55 Contributions of, to metaphysics ibid.
Effects of his maxims on the higher orders 56 Method by which be ascertained the nature of the
Mange, Gaspard, account of his life and writings 585 rainbow 472
Moon, gravitation and revolution of 560 State of the sciences when he appeared 518
Theory of, by Newton, :1 work of genius almost Problem of the quadrature of the circle ibid.
superhuman ‘ 663 The binomial theorem ibid.
Montesquieu, M. de, the main object of his work on The principle offiuxions 519
The Spirit of Laws 94 Did not publish his discovery till forty years after
His claim to the idea of connecting jurisprudence it had been made ibid.
with history and philosophy ibid. Newton the first and Leibnitz the second inventor 520
His speculations directed to the practical conclu- Controversy regarding the discovery 52L2
sion pointed out by Bacon 95 Solution of problems proposed by the friends of
His Spirit of Laws gave the first blow to the study Leibnitz 521-3
of natural jurisprudence ibid. Manner in which he proceeded respecting the cal
Quotation from, respecting natural religion, Note culus 526
UU 277 Manner in which be integrated fluxionary equations 529
Moral philosophy, little advance made in, prior to the Works 0f, 011 the new analysis 530
seventeenth century 20 Account of his tract upon the quadrature of curves 531
Philosopher, difficulties he labours under 294 His partiality for the synthetical method ibid.
More, Sir Thomas, character of, Note A 232 Merits of his book of Fluxions ibid.
Dr Henry, his assertion that Descartes was a Nul- Discoveries contained in his Principia Mathematics 536
libist, Note 0 248 Commencement of his optical researches 546
Mosheim on the theological system of Luther 21 Experiments on the decomposition of light 545.6 61. 631
Motion, see Mechanics. Discovered that light was not changed by the colour
Mudge, Colonel, measurement of a degree of latitude of the body reflecting it 547
by 659 Explained the phenomenon of the rainbow ibid.
Music, principles upon which it is founded 612 Experiments to ascertain the cause ofthe permanent
Mystics, account of the 311 colours of bodies ibid
 INDEX. 705
' Page Page.
Newton-Discovery ofcoloured rings by two object-glassesMB 0,
Measurement of the thickness of the plates of air
through which the light was transmitted ibid. Observatories, astronomical, the establishment of 500
Discovery of fits of easy transmission and easy re- Ockham, William of, doctrines held by 310-42
flection 549 Quotations from, on moral evil, Note F 419
Explanation of refraction ibid. Oerstedt of Copenhagen, improved Canton's experiment
Newtonian theory oflight preferable to that of Huy- as to the compressibility of water 607
gens 550 Experiment proving the identity of electricity with
Discovered, by means of light, important facts rela- magnetism 624
tive to the constitution of bodies ibid. Optics; Euclid‘s two propositions which laid the foun
Determined the inflammable nature of several bo- dation of optics proper and catoptrics 504
dies, as the diamond, by their powers of refrac- The principles of that philosopher as to the magni
gion ibid. tude of bodies, and the place of any point of an
These discoveries opposed by Hooke, Father Par- object seen by reflection ibid.
(1195‘ and other; 551 Recovered work of Ptolemy, its most valuable part
Succeeded in constructing a telescope 552-3 that 0n refraction ibid.
His conclusions relative to the inflection of light 653 Alhazen, an Arabian writer, explained why the
Views contained in his third book of Optics or Que- heavenly bodies appear larger when near the ho
ries ibid. rizon 505
Enumeration of the most remarkable of these 653-4 Aristotle's definition of light ibid.
His optical work; 554 More correct notions of Epicurus ibid.
His discovery of gravitation ibid. Burning mirrors of Archimedes \- 506
First ascertained that the principle applied to the “’ork of Alhazen superior to that of Ptolemy ibid.
moon 555 Commentary on the work by Vitello 507
He discovered that the laws of Kepler completely Advancement made in optics by Roger Bacon ibid.
proved the principle 556 Probably knew the properties of lenses 508
Conditions on which the law of gravity depends 557 Invention of spectacles ibid.
Demonstrated as truth what was formerly merely Maurolycus distinguished for his skill in optics ibid.
a conjecture 559 Considerable steps made by Baptists Ports ibid.
Causes ofthc irregularity of the moon‘s motion 660 Invention of the camera obscura ibid.
Determined the mean quantity of the retrograda- Structure of the eye first analysed by Kepler 609
tion of the line of the moon‘s nodes ibid. Discoveries relative to the rainbow ibid.
Ascertnined that the earth must be an oblate sphe. Dioptrics of Kepler 510
mid 56l The true law of refraction discovered by Snellius 611
Procession of the equinoxeg 562 Descartes‘ and Fermat's theories Of light. 512
His philosophy has received repeated improve- Discoveries of Descartes relative to refraction 512-18
ments, all confirming its truth 563 James Gregory's work, Optics Promote 613
His explanation of the tides 663-4 Dr Barrow‘s Lectures 514
Showed, by the comet of 1680, that the orbits of Discovery of the diffraction of light ibid.
these bodies agree with the principle of gravity 565 Huygens' theory of light ibid.
Slow progress made by his doctrines 566 His explanation of the double refraction of Ice
First taught in the universities of St Andrews and land crystal 515
Edinburgh 661 Commencement of Newton‘s researches 545
Progress of his philosophy in France ibid. Means which led to the discovery of the different
His speculations on the nature of gravity 56B refrangibility of the rays of light ibid.
Did not consider it as a property of matter ibid. EXperiments by which he decomposed light 646
Comparison between him and Leibnitz 571 Importance of the science 630
Progress of his philosophy in England and France 576-7 Chief properties of light, reflection and refraction 631
His mode of graduating the thermometer 641 Discoveries of Snellius, Descartes, Bradley, New
His theory of the moon 663 ton, Hadley, Gregory, Mayer, Borda, Euler,
Nieuwentyt, opposition to the geometry of Newton 533 and Dolland 631-34
Nitsch, F. A., his account of Kant's views regarding Attempts made by Dr Blair to improve the achro
free will 196 matic telescope 636
Nizolius, Marius, his revolt against the authority of Varieties of colour generated by three primary
Aristotle 25 ones ibid.
Nollet, John Anthony,'sketch of his life and character 618 Discoveries of Fraunhofer 638
Nominalists and Realism 312 Experiments to ascertain the heating powers of
Norwood, measurement of an arc of the meridian by 602 the rays of light ibid.
Notation, Arabic. an acquisition from the East “0 Discovery of Herschel, that the point of greatest
Nullibiam, doctrine of, Note 0 ' 246 heat lies beyond the red ray ibid,
ma. 1. 4 u
 706 INDEX.
v Page. ‘ Page
Optics-Principles of the science applied by the French Perception and emotion, difference between 329
to the improvement of light-houses 636 Pergzeus, Apollonius, contributions of, to astronomy 482
First notions of photometry given by Marie 637 Peripatetic school of philosophy, Melanchthon‘s sanc
Discovery of the polarization of light by Mains 688 tion of its doctrines l6
Orbit, see Astronomy. Photometry, first notions of 637
Oscillation, centre of, account of James Bernoulli‘s ori Advanced by Bouguer 638
ginal mode of treating the problem respecting 603 Lambert's systematic treatise on ibid.
Osymandias, circle of 500 Physics, different meanings attached to the word 9-l0
Should be confined to the phenomena of matter l0
Ancient physics; first attempts to unravel the mys
P. teries of nature necessarily feeble 449
The definition of motion, the first attempt to ex
Paley, Dr, quotation from, concerning the merits of plain phenomena 450
Tucker's writings ll4 Definition of motion by Aristotle and Epicurus ibid.
He disputed the existence of a moral faculty 225 Crude views of the ancients relative to the rise
His view of instinct 226 and fall of bodies ibid.
Attached himself to the opinions of Bishop Law ibid. Branch of mechanics in which the ancients made
His views relative to a moral sense 298 important discoveries ibid.
Entitled to be ranked amongst the brightest orna Discoveries of Archimedes ibid.
ments of the English church in the eighteenth Eflorts made by the ancients in astronomy 45!
century 372 Their progress impeded by the want of accurate
Did not owe his system to Hume ibid. instruments ibid.
The frame of his mind fitted him for business ra The true system of natural philosophy not known
ther than philosophy ibid. to the ancients 452
Character of his genius ibid. Notions of Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Democritus.
Practical bent of his nature 373 Plutarch, and the Chaldeans ibid.
His style near perfection in its kind ibid. Notions entertained by the ancients on comets ibid.
His Evidences formed out of Butler's Analogy The system of ancient physics as a whole full of
and Lardner‘s Credibility of the Gospel His error ibid.
tory ibid. Sense in which Dr Campbell employs the word 0
Remarks on his ltdoral and Political Philosophy ibid. Modern physics; notions and theories of the first
His Natural Theology shows a knowledge of ana experimenters in chemistry 453
tomy which places him amongst the first physio Analysis of Bacon‘s Novum Org-anon, see Bacon.
logists ibid. Astronomy, Mechanics, Optics, Dynamics, Hydro
Peculiarities of his mind shown in his mode of treat statics, Hydrodynamics, Pneumatics, Acoustics,
ing of happiness and virtue 374 Magnetism, Electricity, and Heat ; see these
His error in defining virtue ibid. heads.
Erroneous views contained in his chapter on honour ibid. Physiology, sense in which Dr Campbell employs the
He was occasionally a lax moralist 375 word 9
Remarks on his political and ecclesiastical views 376 Picard, Abbé, measurement of an arc of the meridian by 502
Pallavicino, Cardinal, his History of the Council of Planets, see Astronomy.
Trent, Note I 421 Pity one of the sources of benevolence _ 367
Papin, invention of his digester 654 Plato, account of his system of optimism 126-7
Paracelsus, character of, by Le Clerc and Bacon 18 Philosophy of 300-1
His application of chemistry to pharmacy confer Playfair, Professor, remarks on his assertion that Gali
red : lasting benefit on the world 454 leo was the first who maintained the law of con
Parallax, lunar and solar, description and amount of 671-2 tinuity, Note D D 258
Pascal, the reputation of, rests chiefly on the Provin Plenum, Lerbnitz‘s theory of a, see Leibnitz.
cial Letters 81 Plutarch, the notion of centrifugal force implied in his
Merits of that work 82 statement, that the moon‘s motion prevents that
Character of his fragment entitled Thoughts on body from falling to the earth, as the motion of
Religion ibid. a stone whirled round keeps it from falling to
Patriciate, Roman, character of 304 the ground 452
Patricius, Franciscus, works of 25 Pneumatics, invention of the air-pump 480
' Pelitarius, a French mathematician, discoveries of 442 Experiments on the passage of air through pipes 6l0
Pendulum, discoveries of Galileo and others respecting Method of determining the relative density of any
the 476-9 gas 61 1
Its vibrating slower at the equator, and explanation Observations on the escape of air and vapour
r through an aperture ibid
by Newton and Huygens 003

5
 monx. 707
Page. Pm
Pneumatics-Experiments on the density of the air at Quesnai, M. observations of, concerning the vibrations
difi'erent heights 7 613 of the nerves 171
Explanation of Bouguer's rule relative to the baro- Quicksilver, first discovery of the congelation of 643
metrical measurement of mountains 614
Experiments of Dcluc and others ibid.
Polarization of light, discovery of, by Malus 638 R.
Idea of, may be traced to Newton‘s Optics ibid.
Poetry, definition of, by D’Alembert 4 Rainbow, method by which its nature was ascertained 472
By Bacon, see Bacon. Speculations of Maurolycus respecting it 509
Political science, little advance made in, prior to the Discovery of Antonio de Dominis ibid.
seventeenth century 20 Ramsden simplified the quadrant and sextant by his di
Economy, inadequacy of the term to express the viding engine 633
nature of the science 294 Ramus, talents and accomplishments of, as awriter 30
Pope of Rome, Aquinas on the power of, Note H 420 Raynal on the effects produced by the discovery of Ame
Pope, Alekander, mistake of, concerning the dogma of rica, and the passage to India by the Cape of
necessity 128 Good Hope 19
His censure of Newton and Clarke relative to their Raynouard, M. remarks of. concerning language 176
reasoning on the existence of a deity 140, 146 Realists, see Ethics.
Spinozism and Pantheism, with which he charged Reason, sufficient, of Leibnitz, see Leibnitz.
Clarke, brought against himself 14'] Extension of the term to the moral faculties 831
His veneration for Berkeley 163 Recorde, Robert, introduced into algebra the sign of
Porto, Baptists, made a considerable step in optical dis- equality now in use 442
covery 503 Sketch of his life 592
Invented the camera obscura ibii- Reflection, clear perception of, by Descartes 57
Popularity of his work Magia Nulumlil 509 The last faculty of the mind which unfolds itself 58
Praise, the love of 882 Locke's views regarding ideas resulting from 110-12
Its existence proves the power ofdisinterested desire ibid. Use which Locke makes of the term, Note Y 263
Price, Richard, notice of his work on the Principal Definition of, by La Harpe 116
Questions in Morals 361 Reformation, the Protestant, a consequence of the re
Considered the understanding as an independent vival of letters 15
source of simple ideas 362 Refraction, discovery of the true law of, by Snellius 511
Does not explain the independence of the con- See also Optics.
science over the will ibid. Regiomontanus advanced mathematics by his works 436
Priestley, Dr, his views respecting the soul 57-8 Introduced trigonometry and decimal fractions ibid.
Prior, Mathew, passage from his Alma as to the seat of Contributed to the progress of astronomy 484
the soul 69 Refrangibility of light, observations on 032
Prince, Machiavelli's, a favourite with sovereigns 23 Reid, Dr, ambiguity of a passage in his Inquiry, rela
Printing, benefits resulting from the invention of 17 , tive to colour 66
Revolution in the republic of letters 18 Sense in which he used the word suggestion 167
Probabilities, calculation of 223 Great object of his Inquiry into the Human Mind 218
Ptolemy, the epicycles necessary in the ancient system Rested his chief merit on this ibid.
of astronomy 482 Dr Adam Ferguson's encomium on his works 219
Language in which he speaks of them 483 Merits of his Essays on the Intellectual and on the
His recovered work on optics 604 Active Powers of Man 222
Merits of the work ibid. Unfortunate in his choice of the terms common sense
Improvements made by, in arithmetic 587 and instinct 387
Pufi‘endortf the most noted follower of Grotius 88 Reinhold, M. his opinion of Knnt’s principle called
Pump, air, invention of, by Otto Guericke 480 practical reason 198
Improvements made on, by Robert Boyle 481 His reasons why Kant's Critique of Pure Reason
Punishment, reformatory, see Bentham. made so great an impression in Germany ibid.
Purbach contributed to advance astronomy 484 Remorse, see Ethics.
Pyrometer, invention of 646 Rhetoric, Aristotle on the principles of 54
Pyroscope, description of 653 Riccioli, an useful astronomical writer, but without much
originality 495
An enemy of the Copernican system ibid.
Q_ Probable cause of his opposition 495
Right and wrong, see Ethics.
Quantities, infinitely great and small, the idea of, first Roberval, originality and mathematical genius of 439
introduced into geometry by Kepler 438 Claimed the discovery of the area of the cycloid ibid.
708 INDEX.
Page. Page.
Ruberval improved the method of quadrature: 439 Scotland, authors belonging to, who wrote on metaphy
Robins, Benjamin, sketch of his life, writings, and con- sics prior to the union of the crowns, Note B B B 284
tributions to mathematics 60l Merits of the works of Scottish metaphysicians 220
Method which he employed to determine the im- Their contributions to philosophy 222
pulse of balls 610 Most popular objection made to them 224
His remarks on Leibnitz's law of continuity 133 Scotus, account of his doctrines 309
Rochei'oucauld, La, influence of his writings 54 He acquiesced in the Augustinian doctrine, Note D 4l8
Voltaire's and Johnson’s opinion of ibid. Scriblerus, Martinus, the authors of 242
Manner in which be polished his writings ibid. Sebonde, Raimond de, Montaigne's apology for 51
Thetendency ofhismaxims unfavourabletomoralityibid. Principles of his Theologia NMnmli: 52
Excellent private character of 55 Grotius‘s and Turnebus's opinions of ibid.
Narrow sphere in which he studied mankind ibid. Segner, professor at GUttingen, original principle ex
His Writings tended to vitiate the tone of French pounded by 604
philosophy ibid. Gave a solution of the property of capillary attrac
Reasons why the name of, should be united with tion 615
that of Montaigne ibid. Self, 10ve of, the desire ofa man‘s own happiness 844
Effects of his maxims on the higher order: 56 Significations assigned to, by Hartley. Note \V 429
Roemer, Olaus, discovered that light takes a certain Seneca, philosophical remarks of, regarding comets 452
time to travel to the earth 498 Sensation and reflection, Locke concerning ideas which
Rnlle, objections of, to the differential calculus 534 result from {10.12
Rome, the church of, we are indebted to, for much of Sense, common, signification of the term 387
what we now enjoy 14 Shaitesbury, Lord, his attack upon Locke concerning the
Its most objectionable tenet opposing revelation to theory of innate ideas ils
reason 21 No essential difference between his sentiments and
Romilly, Sir Samuel, character of 378 those of Locke ibid.
Rousseau, M. concerning the origin and history of ham England indebted to him for the Habeas Corpus act 332
gunge 174 Fluctuations in public opinion regarding the me
Estimate of the merits of Emile 184 rits of the Characteristics ibid.
Roy, General, experiments of, on the barometrical mea- This work applauded by Leibnitz and Le Clerc ibid.
surement of mountains 614 Merits and defects of, as a writer 332.3
Rutherford, Dr, construction of the simplest and most Character of the Moralists 333
commodious register thermometer 647 His Inquiry concerning Virtue ibid
Original ethical views of which he gave some inti
mations 334
His demonstration of the utility of virtue to the
8. individual ibid.
Shenstone, judicious reflections of “9
Sage, M- 16, remarks of. on gravitation 135 - Signs, or written characters, remarks relative to 66-7
Sandor“) 0f Paduar his invention or the ihemome'rel' 640 Silurus Electricus, vivid electrical sparks drawn from 622
Sanderson, Nicml", “mum “his life and writing! 597 Simpson solved several questions of physical astronomy '
Sanscrit language, an account of 204 with much mam”; 578
Saturn, planet of, see Astronomy. Simson, Dr Robert, attainments of, in mathematics 682
Suard. M- his character of Comeille 135 Sketch of his life and character ibid.
Sceptic, description of, by Bishop Earle 51 Sismondi, M. Simonde de, his opinion of Machiavelli’s
Scheele, experiments of, on heat 646 views in writing the Prince, Note C 234
Schelling, notice ofhis system of philosophy 200—1 Smith, Dr Adam, superiority of his theoretical history
Schlegel, Frederick, remarks on his writings 2“ of philosophy to that of D'Alembert and others 3
Scholium, Sir Isaac Newton's, remarks on a passage in. Remark of his respecting the ancient Greek phi
relative to the existence of a Deity 140 losophy 9
Schoolmen, ethical philosophy of the, see Ethics. Citation from, on the Law of Nminus 91
Sciences, classification of', by Bacon and D‘Alembert 143 Also on French metaphysical writers 172
Classification of, by Locke 8 His dissertation on language 175-6
Scotland, reasons why no great writer appeared there Immediate and irrevocable change effected by his
in the age of Locke 10.3 work on the ‘Vealth of Nations 358
Manner in which the youth of, were formerly edu- Merits of his work entitled Theory of the M'oral
cated, Note S 249 Sentiments ibid.
Rise and progress of the metaphysical philosophy Character of his style ibid.
of, and writers on that subject; Hutcheson. Bax- Was the first who drew the attention of philoso
ter, Hume, Reid, Campbell, Kames, and Beattie. pliers to the workings of sympathy 359
a" "1959 helds- Merits and defects of his theory of sympathy 360-6]
 INDEX. 709
Page. Page.
Smith, John, of Cambridge, on the immortality of the Stereometry, notice of a tract on, by Kepler 438
8001 58 Stevinus, or Stevin, an engineer of the Low Countries 474
Passages from, illustrative of the Cartesian philoso- Discovered that the pressure of fluids is according
phy of mind 61 to their depth ‘ 480
Snellius of Holland the first who measured with any \Vas the first who introduced the practice of deci
degree of accuracy an arc of the meridian 502 mal fractions 587
Discovered the true law of refraction 511, 631 Reduced statics and hydrostatics to their simplest
Explanation of the law 511 principles 592
Societies, learned, advantages to be derived from 48 ' Stewart, Dugald, his parentage and early studies 386
Society, Royal, establishment and influence of 47 Purity and elevated morality of his lectures ibid.
Socrates, his peculiar method of reasoning 17 His great merits as a lecturer 387
Answer given by, to those who maintained that the Embraced the philosophy of Dr Reid ibidv
superiority of the soul of man to that of a brute Amidst excellences of the highest order, his writ
arises from superior organization l80 ings afi'ord room for criticism 388
A teacher of virtue rather than a searcher after truth 300 Multiplies his illustrations to excess 389
Solids, see Geometry. Possessed a peculiar susceptibility and purity of taste ibid.
Sorcery, sagacity displayed by Malebranche in his ob Singular felicity of his style ibid.
servations concerning 75 His works pervaded by philosophical benevolence ibid.
Soto, Dominic, .1 Spaniard, the first writer who condemn He modestly concealed his reforms of Reid‘s doc
ed the African slave trade 314 trines 390
Soul, the nature and essence of 57 Quotations from, on the associations of ideas ibid.
Presumption of its immortality afi'orded by study Remarks on his opinions as to the moral sense, and
ing the analogy of the laws of nature 58 the origin of the affections ibid.
Argument of Addison for the immortality of 162 Estimate of the merits of his Elements 392
Futility of“ the attempts to assimilate to each other In essays ofthis kind he excelled most other writers ibid,
the faculties of men and those of brutes 179-81 His abstinence from metaphysical speculation did
Space and time, Clarke‘s, Leibnitz's, and D'Alembert‘s not arise from inability to grapple with its most
views regarding the nature of 142 nbstruse questions iillds
Kant‘s notions respecting ‘ 195 ‘Merits of his Outlines of Moral Philosophy ibid.
See also Note Y Y 280 His Ethical Theory contains much original specu
Spain, writers on ethics belonging to 314 lation, though studiously concealed ibid.
Spectacles, invention of 508 He blended the inquiry into the nature of moral
Spinoza, account of his origin 144 sentiments, with the power which discriminates
Fontenelle's opinion of his system of philosophy 145 between moral and immoral feeling 393
His doctrines, in their practical tendency, the same His Dissertation on the History of Philosophy the
as atheism ibid. most profusely ornamented of his compositions ibid.
Points on which he has been misunderstood ibid. Philosophic serenity of the last years of his life 394
Coincidence of his principles of government with Stewart, Dr Matthew, sketch of his life and character 582
those of Hobbes 146 Possessed uncommon powers of invention as a ma
Tendency of his speculations to degrade human na thematician ibid.
ture ibid. Completed the Newtonian theory of the moon 664
Account of his private life and character, Note L L 264 Stirling. account of his life and writings 595
Sprat, Dr, his estimate of Bacon‘s genius, Note F 241 Stoics and Epicurean: 30?.
Staél, M'adame cle, her remarks on the literary life of Notice of the most celebrated 303
Voltaire, and the French philosophy of the eigh Evils which resulted from their attempts to stretch
teenth century, l'ote U U 277 their system beyond the limits of nature 304
Her account of Kant‘s Critique of Pure Reason l90 Substance, mistaken application of the word, Note I 242
Mistakes of, respecting the philosophy of Locke Suggestion, as employed by Drs Reid and Berkeley 167
and Leibnitz ibid. And by Dr Thomas Brown 400
Her account of l~‘ichte‘s system of philosophy re Sydenham, Dr, praise bestowed by Locke upon his work
lative to the pronoun I 200 on the History and Cure of Acute Diseases l0]
Stair, Lord, quotation from, regretting the reception Sympathy, Adam Smith's theory regarding this moral
which the doctrines of Spinoza and Hobbcs had sentiment 359-110
met with l05
Notice of his Physiologic New Es-pcrimcnlnlin, Note
13 B B 285 T.
Statics, principles on which the science depends 605
Stophilius, or Stit‘els, notice of his mathematical attain 'l‘artalea, discovery of, in algebra 441
ments 442 Taylor, Brook, account of a new branch which he added
Account of his life and inventions 591 to the analysis of variable quantity 632
710 INDEX.
Page.
Tucker, Abraham, borrowed from Hartley in relation F in
Taylor, Brook, more remarkable for the ingenuity and
depth than for the perspicuity of his writings 532 to the intellect, and concealed his offence by
Celebrity of the theorem known by his name ibid. changing the technical terms 37l
Sketch of his life and character 598 Slid unaware: into selfishness 372
The only mathematician after Newton who could The neglect of his writings shows a want of taste
enter the lists with the Bernoullis 699 for metaphysics ibid.
His experiments on capillary attraction 615 Turgot, M., meaning attached by, to the word physics 9
Telescope, the discovery of, contributed to advance the
sciences 19
An account of the construction of, by Galileo 490 U.
Advantages arising from its application to astrono
mical instruments 497 Ubaldi, Guido, an Italian, the first who surpassed Ar
An account of its discovery 510 chimedesin mechanical science 474
Law on which its construction depends discovered Usury, argument of Calvin respecting, Note B 233
by Snellius 631 Bentham's tract on, see Bentham. ,
Theatre, idols of, see Bacon, Lord. Utility, the principle of, proclaimed by Mr Bentham
Thermometer, the invention of, laid the foundation of with the zeal of a discoverer 379
many discoveries relative to heat 54-1 Fully discussed in Hume's works, Note V 429
Sanctorio, the inventor 640 See also Ethics.
Air thermometer, invention of ibid.
Description of metallic and register thermometers 647
Invention of the differential thermometer ibid. V.
Used to ascertain the mode of the propagation of
heat amongst difi'erent bodies 651 Variations and differentials, distinction between 600
Thomas, M. his Eloge d: Descartes, Note K _ _ 243 See also Geometry, New.
See also Note P 247 Vauvenargues, the Marquis de, notice of his life and
Tides, explanation of, by Newton 563 writings 184
Discussions respecting the earth’s figure led to an Vega, mathematical talents of 584
examination of the theory of 662 Velocities, virtual and actual, the principle of, man.
Theory of, stated 662-3 ciated 535
Time, views of philosophers regarding the nature of 142 Vieta, a learned mathematician, the first who employ.
Tooke, Home, his etymological riddles deduced from ed letters to denote known as well as unknown
false principles 61 quantities 442
Torelli, sketch of his life and character 581 Discoveries of, and improvements made by, in tri
Torpedo, its benumbing power dependent on electri gonometry 442-3
city 622 Virtue, see Ethics.
Torricelli, claim of, to the discovery of the area of the Vision, observations on the new theory of 65
cycloid 439 Refutation of a fallacy contained in Dr Berkeley‘s
Discovered a remarkable property of the centre of work on, Note M 2“
gravity, and a principle connected with the equi Chief aim of Berkeley's work 164
librium of bodies 477 M isapprehensions of the ancients on this subject ibid.
Discovery of the first principle of hydraulics, of the Voltaire's explanation of 165
pressure of the atmosphere, and the thermometer 480 Progress made by philosophers previously to Berke
Transubstantiation, Gibbon's argument against the doc ley’s time 167
trine of 154 Vives, Ludovicus, character of ‘ 15
Tree, Encyclopediacal, of D'Alembert 3 The ancients and modems compared by 30
Trent, council of, remarks on the debates which took Viviani. a disciple of Galileo, success of, in supplying
place in the first assembly of, Note I 421 a lost book of Apollonius 580
Tribe, idols of, see Bacon, Lord Volta, Alexander, sketch of his life 621
Trigonometry originated among the Arabians, and was His invention of the pile known by his name, a new
introduced into Europe by Regiomontanus 435 epoch in physical science 6‘23
Improvement made in, during the last century 585 Voltaire, M. his estimate of Montaigne's talents 53
Truth, remarks concerning the progress of 120 The first who assigned La Rochefoucauld his proper
Tucker, Abraham, Dr Paley‘s opinion of the merits of station amongst the French classics 54
his writings 114 Quotation from, respecting innate ideas, Note X 251
Character of his mind 370 Clearly understood Berkeley's theory of vision 165
Somewhat resembled Montaigne 371 Madame de Sta'e'l's division of his literary life into
Wrote more to please himself than the public ibid. two epochs, Note U U 277
His superiority consists in mixed, not in pure phi Quotations showing that he advocated liberty at one
losophy ibid. time and fatalism at another 278
 INDEX. 711
Page. Page.

Voltaire took a part “in the controversy respecting the Wheeler and Gray, their accidental discovery of the
force of a moving body 540 conducting and non-conducting powers of bodies 544
Proved instrumental in establishing the Newtonian 'Wilclre of Stockholm, his experiments on the distribu
philosophy in France 577 tion of heat 645
Vortices of Descartes 494 W‘ilkins, Dr, treatises of, on an universal language and
See also Descartes a real character, of small value 46
Will, free, Locke's argument in favour of 143
St Augustin's and Descartes’s assertion of the liber
ty of, Note M M 267
W.
Knnt's and Gnliani's arguments for 196-7
VVillich, A. F. M. his account of Kant‘s philosophy 191
Wallis, account oi‘ his Arithmetic of Infinites 518 Wolfius, the disciple of Leibnitz, merits of, as a philo
Was the first who founded a system of statics on the 188
sopher and writer
quality of the opposite momenta 536 Futile attempts of, to introduce the philosophy be
Account of his life and writings taught into France ibid
‘Valrnesley completed the Newtonian theory of the Vague speculations of, regarding heat 642
moon 664 Writing, fine, Addison's definition of “32
Sketch of his life ibid.
Walsh proved that the benumbing power ofthe torpedo
depended on electricity 622 Y.
“'ar, civil, of 1640, influence of, on the intellectual cha
racter of the country 48 Young, Dr Thomas, gave a complete solution of the
\Vsrburton, Dr, his opinion of Malebranche's talents 80 principle of capillary attraction 616
Instance of his hostility to Dr Clarke 146 Character of, as a philosopher ibid.
Ward, Bishop, astronomical system of 495
\Varing, Edward, account of his life and writings 596
W'ater, compressibility of, first determined by Canton 607 Z.
Oerstedt's improvement of his method ibid.
‘Vedgewood, Mr, his contrivance of a pyrometer 647 Zeno, character and philosophy of 303
Werner, contributions of, to mathematics 436 See also Ethical Philosophy.
 GENERAL INDEX.

THIS Index is intended not merely to facilitate reference to the Articles and Treatises contained in the
Excrcaorszms, but to serve the far more important purpose of bringing into view, and directing the inquirer to
the varied information scattered through them, but not indicated by their heads or titles—a requisite which the
plan of general treatises and systems adopted in this ENCYCLOPEDIA renders particularly desirable. In this way
much information upon various topics not so indicated will be found in these Treatises; and it is obviously of
great importance, that those making inquiries regarding such topics, should be enabled to turn at once to the
places in which that information may be found. For instance, a reader desirous of learning as much as possible
about Scotland and Scottish affairs, will not only find, under the head SCOTLAND, a general view of the history
and statistics of the country, but be referred by the Index to many other parts of the work (such as BRITAIN,
FISHERIES, Roms, &c.), where a great variety of additional particulars are furnished. Again, as the sciences
are discussed in the ENCYCLOPEDIA under their general names, the principal details embraced by them are given
under such heads as ANATOMY, Cnsmsrar, ENTOMOLOGY, Msrarnrsrcs, METEOROLOGY, &c. By consulting the
Index, therefore, the student will be saved the trouble of looking through a long treatise in search of information
upon particular points; and those, again, who are in quest of information which they might not think was to be
found under such heads, may, in the same way, be enabled unexpectedly to extend their knowledge. Those
indexes which have already been given at the end of the Preliminary Dissertations, and of the articles on the na
tural history of animals and some other sciences, are here embodied under one Alphabet.

It is necessary to observe, that, with the proper character of an Index, that of a Table of Contents is not here
combined. For example, under the head SCOTLAND in the Index, no reference whatever is made to the contents
of the article so headed in the ENCYCLOPEDIA ; it being presumed that a person in quest of knowledge about Scot
land will commence by turning over the pages of that article, and so ascertaining its contents. But the particulars
there given enter the Index under the various heads of AGRICULTURE, BANKS, COAL, Fisi-isniss, Iaon, LIBRARIES,
RAILROADS, and so forth.

The name of every subject to which an article is devoted in the Escrotomzma, is printed in capital letters in
the Index; and the first reference is to the volume and page where the article occurs. The immediately subsequent
references are, as generally as possible, arranged according to the fulness of the information to which they point;
and hence the probability is increased, that, by turning to the places first indicated, the reader will find the in
formation he desires. On subjects undistinguished by capital letters in the Index, no separate articles occur in the
Escrcwriama.
When an article in the Index contains many references to countries and towns, the names of the latter are
alphabetically arranged, in the manner exemplified under the heads AGRICULTURE, ARMY, CANALS, kc. The
adoption of this plan will save time and trouble to persons consulting the Index. In many chemical articles,_such
as Oxides, Sulphurets, &c., a similar arrangement is followed. References to maps are always given last. I

Many French names have La, La, Dc. Des, or Du, prefixed to them; as Le Clerc, La Ilarpe, La Place,
De Moivre, Du Halde, Des Cartes. Sometimes both words are thrown into one; as Laplace, Lagrange. It is
 11

a question whether, in such cases, the initial letter of the prefix, or that of the distinctive word, ought to determine
the position of the name in the Index. Except where both words are usually joined, no general rule has been
strictly adhered to in the body of the work; for the most part, however, the prefix has been disregarded—so that
Du Halde, for example,.appears under the letter II, and Le Clerc under the letter C. In compiling the Index,
the following principle has been adopted :—Where a name is commonly printed as two words (Le Clerc, for in
stance), the latter determines its place in the Index; while in such cases as Laplace, Descartes, &c., the fopmer is
followed. It may be well, however, for the reader to look at both places when any doubt is entertained.
Many individuals are better known by their titles than by their surnames; thus, Henry Home is currently re
ferred to as Lord Ramos, and Sir Thomas “'entworth as the Earl of Strafi'ord. To avoid confusion, it is customary
in Biographical Dictionaries to adopt the surname as the word regulating the position of the article; and from this
sound practice there is, in the present Index, almost no deviation that the compiler‘s knowledge enabled him to
avoid. As, however, some readers must be presumed to be ignorant of the surnames of men whose titles are their
ordinary designations, titles also are generally inserted, with merely a reference to the surnames. To make
inquiry secure, both ought to be consulted.

The only additional remark which seems called for is, that in proper names in which the diphtbong a: or as
occurs, the diphthong is retained, instead of being supplanted by the letter 0, as is now sometimes the case. The
reader will therefore turn to Etna, not Etna; and to Eolus, not Eolus.

R. C.
 GENERAL INDEX.

A—ABA ABA—ABE ABE—ABI ABI—ABR

A, the first letter of the alphabet, II. 1. Anarzrr (Firminl, II. II. Abela (Ltonardl, II. fill. Al-ingzdon (Lord), on royal mrogatirc,
AA, several rivers so named, II. 2. Anavo, in botany, II. 1‘2. ADELAIID, Peter, II. 23. X\ III. M9. '
Auws, a town in Germany, II. 2. Ann. a term among clothiers II. 1'). ABEL-KERAMIN', II. 23. Anwnm'rx'rz, in law, II. 31.
Aarnoao, a Danish see, II. 2—city, ib. Anna. II. 12. Aan-Bh:nor.an, II. ‘23. .\BII‘O\'IA\'!I, an American tribe, II. 37.
AILEN, in Wirtcmberg, II. 3. Alumni, a Bavarian town, II. 12. AimL-Mlzaun, II. '23. Aanun, a ~<cditioue Levite, II. 37.
AALSMEEII, a town in Holland. II. 3. Ammo". f-IIIIIIGF), II. 1‘2. ABEL'SA'I‘TIM, II. ‘23. Amsuu, brother of Joab, II. 37.
AALTEN, a town in Holland, II. 3. AREAS, Mabomet's uncle. II. 1‘2 -— Annuaw. a see.‘ of heretics, II. ‘21. Amrnarioa, II. 37.
Ann, :1. Dutch liquid measure, II. 3. (Sehahl,kings of Persia, II. 12; XVII. AIIELLA, a town of C‘ampania, II. ‘25. ABLA, a town in Spain, II. 37.
Amunor. a town in Norway, II. 3. ‘ZIM— Mirza, XXI. 67. AMI-;LLINL'M, a tonn In Italy, II. ‘25. Anucn, a river in Germany, II. 37.
AAR, rivers and island so named, II. 3. Anuass'wns, a race of ealiphs, II. 1?. Arman, a French town, II. ‘25. ARLACQL'IIATION, in gardening. II. 37.
Aaaassm, a town of Pisidia, II. 3. - Arum-mom, a town of Naples, II. 12. ARIN—EZRA (Abraham), rabbi, II. ‘23. Anue'rarloa', In gardening. II. 87.
AARAU, in Switzerland, II. 3. l Anarf, title of, II. 1'2. AIIIZNIIIIIM, in Hesse Darmstadt, II. 25. Anmxocmo, a riwr of Spain, II. 38.
Aaanvno, in Switzerland, II. 3. lAnnnnAcszx, in Germany, II. 12. Anny-Mmum, rabbi, II. 25. AnLATlvE, in grannnar, II. 38 ; X. 643.
Mannxncno, a Dutch toxm, II. 3. Anassq, II. 1‘). Anrzxqnmm, in Bavaria, II. 25. Annu', in Tartary, II. 38.
Amman, II. 3—manufactures of, XXI. .Innnvxut, in France, II. III. Aurwarisao, in Bavaria, II. 25. AIIIJ; ('I‘hmnas), II. 39.
41i—education in. 50. ABBEY, II. 13. Anna VON, in Glamorganshire. II. 25. Anrrcrl, Roman soldiers, II. 3%.
AAIHIUUB, in Denmark, II. 3. AIIBIJI‘BOYI.E, an Irish tonal, II. 13. Alli-Janitormcx, II. ‘25. Sec Arbroath. Antonina, in antiquity, II. J“.
Amos, II. 8, 4. Annm'nomt, in Cumberland. II. 13. .tnmcoxwn', II. 26. See Conway. ABLITAS, a town of Spain, II. 119.
AIME.“ (Franciql, II. 4. Austin: Gnu-r0, in Italy, II. 13. Alnrt‘l'hmllic (I)? .Iobn)on cerebral (lib AaLoen, a river of Germany. II. 39.
Anna'ancnn, a Sa'ios town, II. 4. Armor, II. 13. cage, XVII. ISI, ISD, 493. Ablurnts, or dilucnts. See Diluentn.
Anna, a town in Palestine, II. 4. -—- (Good. Archbishop of Canton Ammcnoamt (the "on. Alexander), II. Anit'rioa, II. 39,
Amman», a town in Norway, II. 4. lmt' , II. II. 2‘6. Annex. father in-law of Saul. II. 3*.
.\.\\‘I. river, II. I. (Robert), II. 15. ~----—— (General), his operations in In Anxona, German mountains, II. 39.
Aaa'ram’, a town in Denmark. II. 4. -——-((‘-.l, chosen Speaker ofthe Home dia, V. 462. Ano, a (it; in Finland, II. 38; IV. 830.
A n, a. Hebrew and Syriac mon th, II. 4. of Commons, V. SIS—his resignation, (Fir Ralph), II. QG—his expedi
. Anoann, the inside of a ship, II. 80.
An \, II. 5. 543. tion to Ilolland, V. 489. fill—bud to Anocao, a town in Africa. II. a».
Abalnlé Arab=, II. 225 ; IX. 37 . Annors-Ttnonu-zr, II. 16. Egypt, V. 504; VIII. I‘li‘; X. 1‘20— A ROI), a town in Hungary. II. 3:).
Aisaca-txrat. a Sicilian town, II. 5. Annorsnrnf, II. 16. hi-z death and character, V. 505. Ammo, in Abyssinia. II. 39.
AHAFINAIIE, II. 5. Alllmlfiffil'll, seat of Sir Walter St‘OIl, .‘\I"t'I'tIftl‘C canal, XVI. 7. Anourxoa', in Roman law, II. 89.
Aha: iseus, in architecture, III. 464. XIX. 512. Anrnvncx (01.1»). II. 27——nnlvcr;-‘lty, AIKILLA, an IIIICItIII garment, II. 30.
Annex, a sea term, II. 6. Anson-LANGLEY, II. 16. XXI. 515; XIX. 719, I'M—library, Amw, town in ancient Britain. II. 3'1.
Aneor, an am lent cap of state, II. 5. Abbott, Lord 'I‘enterden, on average. XIII. 3M. Anon“, Meaopotamlan river, II. 39.
Anut'rontl. II. 5. IV. Bill-'3. (Nlzw ), “QT—dredging machine Anonuuam, ll. 39.
Anaers, in architecture, II. 5; III. 4H Ammm'u'rmw, II. Ill—arithmetical, at, Anonrlox, II. 8'); XIV. wit—penal laws
VIII. 195. lDT—college library,
—cupboard, II. 5—aritlunetieal in III. SIR—eliamt'terq ot‘. VI. 323-411 against, III. 193--.=ant-tiom-d by Aria
XIII. {I'll—canal to Inverury, XVI.
strument, lb, ancient eodiees, VIII. 33. See SteOO 7 —- Mal'irzehal College, XXI. 517; tutle, III. 528—practiscd by the New
Ananoox, II. 9 ; XX. 155. graphy. XIX. 766 —a~lvocates, XIX. 760. Hollanders, IV. flan—puniatmn'nt or’
ABADIB, In mythology, II. 9. Aaam-zvu'roa-Q, college in Rome, II. ‘20. Ammnusvsnmc, II. 29, cattle of, 324— attempts to procure, IV. 4'33.
Anna, a town of I'IIUCIS, II. 9. Anna, St, promontory, II. ‘20. tinheriea of, IX. Gill—Unified fort In, Anon'rlVE vzuxm, ll. 40.
Anar'r, a sea term, II. 9. Altar-ram. II. ‘20. IX. 756. Alma-duek’n, bird, XVI. .560.
Anaou'rorrnq, in Russia, II. 9. Anenoaar, or Abeedarian, II. 20. Anrnnoun, a town in Fifcshire, II. 30. Allow; III, a town In Egypt, II. IO-Jmttle
Anussnn, in heraldry, II. 9. ABCIIASIIIN, in Asiatic Russia, II. 20. Aunronn, in Yorkshire, II. 30. or, V. 4%; VIII. 4819, 401. 492; X.
Anna (Khan), Mogul emperor, II. 9. AnmLLA, Mahomct’s father, II. ‘20. AIII.RGA\I'N.\V, II. LID-canal to Breck 1‘2"); XVI. 86.
Ananaa'sx, in Siberia. II. 9. Abdallah, a Wallaby chief, III. 343-6. nuek, XVI. 1). .\IRUL'I.I“IID.\, Arabian historian, II. 40.
AnualtaA'rmx, in law, II. 9. calipb, II. 531; III. 343. ABERNE'I‘III' (IIIV. John), II. 30. Anocrmz, a town in Egypt, II. M.
Anuiana, II. 9. AIIDALIATII‘, traveller, II. 20. a town in I’crtbshirc, II. 31. Anna, a Polish coin, II. 4 I.
.\IIALUS,ISIHII1.I. II. 9. Anoamunrx. ealiph, II. 21. Anrnaarrox or 1.10m. II. III, III. 774 Am: \nanm. (Iaaae), rabbi, II. 41.
Ariana, a PIIIT‘IIII'IIIII river, II. fl. .\BI)AI.ONY.\II‘S of Si'lon, II. 22. MIIQPOVI'I‘FOI‘ I. Tull); III. 74 I.~.\ll'< mls ' .\HILACADAIIRA, II. II.
Annma. See Ady. AimALs, oriental RaintB, II. 21!. anothcr pl'ool'of the tILI‘tlI'S motion in Amunau. II. 41; XII. 567—legcndary
.IIIAMLLA, a town in Spain, II. 9. .\lnI1’l-Alyz, III. 34 I. its orbit, I. 571. tales ('onecrninc. XVII. 359.
Ana no, a tonn in Italy, II. 10. ABDERA, a tonn in Thrace, II. 2‘2. ' -~ spherical, XVII. C'lD—OI' paral ——~ (III n Chailal, rabbi, II. 4|.
Ananrzs, an ancient people, II. IO. Annnaanna, II. ‘32. lax, BIO—chromatic, ib.-ot' lenses, (leQt'E). Portuguese Jew, II. 4i.
ABAN'I'IAS,“ n'une ot' Enlrra, II. 10. Alnlt'rzthnnm III., reign OI, xx. 496. XVI. SSS—ot'mirrors, 39:). (.\'iel:ola~). a Jesuit, II. 42.
AIIANI', a tonn in Ilungary, II. 10. Anvmr, II. ‘12. Annarsrwn'u, Ii. :15; VI. 187. * (Mr), bi. mode of curing the
Amrrn'roa', in surgery. II. 10. ABDIAS of Babylon, II. ‘32. Amara, II. 35. polarity of stl cl watch-balanCes, VI.
Aft/IRAN, a town in Spain, II. 10. ABDH‘ATIUN, II. ~2‘2: VII. 733. Abethell (Mr), on ship-building, XX. 239. Will. '
Anuuu, an ancient shoe, II. 10. Alainllnliplhhin ;UL‘LIUIIIII'III observations, ' ABETTUII, in law, II. 3.3. Annuumrr», nook“, II. 4‘2.
Armani. hills' in Palestine, II. 10. II. 691'. Anrx, a country of Africa, II. 35. Aunuunxm n. in Hungary, II. 4').
Antnm. II. 10; VIII. 207. Abdnlmuun n. II. 571'». ! Amaraxen, in law, II. 36. AIH‘III'IIIQ, fob, XII. UN.
An,\n1'ierl.nxon,In anatomy, II. 10. Anuunnx, in anatomy. II. '22—regions Arman, king of Edessn. II. 3R, Abram-Ina. norms, XI. 221.
l
AIIAS, II. 10. 0f the, I'M—muscles of the, 793. 794. 'AnoiLLus (John), II. 36. SW PrcgiL-r' Annav'rm, a In“ a of Portugal, II. ~12.
Anne“, in Georgia, II. 10. I
—Se0 Entomology, IchIhyuloqy, 8L0. Juli“. Arnuax. II. 12'.
.\II.\<$I. a P01“>I'III coin, II. II. Abdominal viscera. dist-as. a of, in the do lAmu) (Bahr ell. river, II. 36, 239. l Autumnal, II. I2.
ABA‘IQI‘Q, a I'hrygian town, II. II. mestic animals, XXI. 623. 'AnuoA. a tuna in Spain, II. 36. ' .\Iil1.\l‘.\l, {I kind of I'III clay. II. 4‘2.
Artur/ta, a toun in Spain, II. II. Aluluminales, tibbes, II. ital—their fins Animus, or Abii, II. 31;. Annavasxu, in Calbma), II. -t‘.'.
AII.\'I‘AIII'.\'TI‘M, in law, II. II. and pehis. III. 17. IS. IAmatnan, a JL'\\I‘~II lush-print, II. ABIIAXA-i, an antique ~tonc. II. 42.
.\n.\'rr., II. II. Anoox, an Iias't India IslfllhI, II. 22. 'Anlu'L. a tonn in Portugal, II. JG. -~——— an insert, IX. 1‘30.
.\|z\'r'|:r.str\'1'. in commerce, II. II. Anncvrlos, in logic, II. L‘L‘. IAMR. at J\‘\\I.‘Il month, II. Till. | Animist. a sea term. II. 42.
I
Ann runner, in heraldry, II. II. .\nnU("ron, in anatomy, II. 23. 'Amrx, the tintne. Sue Fir. AblilllbMlINT. in literature, II. 4').
Aim-H, II. II : IX. 786. .\Iultll.\It‘1Ut:tl, RIIlIZIII III. .Anlot \T,t'll1l In“ term, II. Till. Anal“, a tonn in France, II. 43.
.11: won, a building at Rhodes, II. II. Annru-oon, a toan in India, II. 23. lAmnr, a mu of -\£llUII,II.31i. Minot-anon. II. 4'3,
Ann'on, in law, II. I I. Amman. a town in Spain, II. 22. lAblkif'IIAN, a lake in Siberia, II 36. Amwaau, a kind of muslin. II. 43.
AIIA'I‘O'I, near Menu-bis“, II. II. .\ul3t., son of Adam and Die, II. ‘23. ;Anmzun‘n, kin: of (;crrir, II. 36. Anno'ro-at'n, a than in Africa, II. 43.
l
Alt/\T‘KAJA, a Siberian tmm. II. II. -———- (\lrlJm the tin-plant, XXI. 130. son of Gideon. II. 237. .\1.t:rcL\-.r,a town in Spain, II. 43.
.\t~.\ L‘J van, in Hungary; II. II. (Thomas), II. M. iAIIINCDON, a toan in Berkshire. II. 37. Anarh-lutn'a, in Hungary, II. 1'3.
2 INDEX.
ABR—ACA
Asaus, in botany, II. 48.
Asanzzo, a province of Naples, II. 43.
AssALox, son of David, 11. 44. Academy of Secrets, XIV. 284, Note 2.
Ansczss, II. 44; XVII. 127‘-surglcal
treatment of, XX. 838—-in the lower
animals, XXI. 616.
Assclss, II. 44.
Asscosss, II. 44.
Aasnsssns, II. 44.
Assisrau'rsn, II. 44.
Asstn'rmux. See Wormwood.
Assonurs, II. 44. Sec Despotism.
Aasonvrxos, II. 44.
Assonsnn'r, II. 44.
xsnzcmzs, II. 44.
vessels of the human body, 11.
RIB—discovery of the, XVII. 728. See
Lymphatics.
vessels in plants, III. 54, 68.
substances. Sulphuric acid, VII.
63. Whinstone, 66. Oatmeal, ib.
Assosr'rxox, function of, II. 45—by
roots of plants, III. 88, 89—lacteal, Acanthopoda, insects, IX. 150.
xvu. 581, 632—lymphatic,582, 652. Acanthoptera, insects, IX. 179.
Aasosr'rtons of the earth, II. 45.
Assosus, island, II. 45.
Assrmm in Church history, II. 45.
Assrzaosu'r medicines, II. 45.
Asst-issues, II. 45-the young least ca Acsxrnns, in architecture, II. 80.
pable of, III. 167. Remarkable in
stances of, ib.
Assrisss'rs, a sect of heretics, II. 46. ACAPAX, on the Euxine sea. II. 80.
Ass'rnsc'r, II. 46.
Ass'rsscrios, faculty of, II. 46; XIV. Acasu, a tpwn of Paraguay, II. 80.
622; XVII. 433—essential to the geo ACABAUNA, fish, II. 81.
meter and metaphysician, I. 6.
Aasuanun (reductio ad), II. 46.
Ansra'rnl, in mythology, II. 46.
As'rnsons, in Hesse-Cassel, II. 46.
As'ruutls, II. 46
Ann and Canon, islands, II. 47.
Ass-Anson, on the Red Sea, 11. 47.
Asussxn, caliph, 11. 47; III. 842—the
Alcoran arranged by, II. 891.
Anncco, a weight used in Pegu, II. 47.
Anucaow, a village in Russia, II. 47.
Abu-el-Mansur, caliphs, VIII. 478.
Annxsso, II. 47,
Asnxon, a Turkish town, II. 47.
Anunsnos, a Turkish town, II. 47.
Ancnswo, a Russian town, II. 47.
ADULPIAGIUU (Gregory), II. 47.
Asunrusn, historian, II. 47 ; V. 705.
Annual“, Arabian historian, II. 40.
Abulfera, lake, XX. 516.
Abul-Hassan, his dials, VII. 759.
Asmu, II. 47.
Ancunsu'r Nunssa, II. 47.
Asusnurru, a heathen deity, II. 48.
Anus, river, now the Humber, II. 48.
Asnsun (Ebn Aljaptu), sultan, IL 48.
Annals, a town of Egypt, II. 48.
Asusnxsot, a town of Nubia, II. 48.
Ann-runs, an Arabian poet, II. 48.
Abutement, equilibrium of, XIV. 895
-construction of, 399.
Asc'rxmn, in botany, II. 48.
Asuzow, a town in Russia, II. 48.
Abydenus on the deluge, VII. 698.
Asrnos, on the Hellespont, II. 48.
ABYDUI, or Abydos, in Egypt, 11. 48—
antiquities at, VIII. 54 B—Tablet of,
ib. X1. 854.
Ann, II. 48.
Asrss, II. 48.
Asrssmu, II. 49—Bruce's travels in, V
606—heights of mountains of, XVII.
505.
Abyssinian alphabet, II. 549—months,
VI. 661—people, II. 225, 281.
A04. Phoenician town, II. 64.
AcacALo'rt, bird, II. 64.
Acscu, II. 64, 65; XVII. 784—Juice
of, XII. 26.
Acscuxs, heretics, II. 65.
Acacws, persons so named, 11. 65.
A040, II. 65.
Acsnrutc sect of philosophers, II. 65;
XVII. 431; XVIII. 15.
Acsnnuss, II. 65—first establishment
of, in Italy, England, and France, I.
499—their influence in promoting the
fine arts, III. 656-»Danish, VII. 780
ACA—ACC
-of painting, XVI. 714-16-28-25-27
28.
Royal Irish, VIII. 246.
in ancient Athens, IV. 126.
, French. See French.
Acams, a name of Nova Scotia, II. 80.
Acauu, a Greek measure, 11. 80.
Aczenitus, insect, IX. 222.
Acajutla, XI. 19.
Acalephm, zoophytes, XXI. 1013_their Accnssrxva case, II. 91
structure, XVII. 722.
Acalephes, zoophytcs, XXI. 1017.
Acnun'rxs, a name of Cyprus, II. 80.
Acnns, son of Theseus, II. 80.
Answers, II. 80.
Acss-rns, II. 80.
Acanthaceaa, in botany, V. 124.
Acanthocephala, zoophytes, XXI. 997.
Acanthocinus, insect, IX. 180.
Acanthomera, insects, IX. 146.
Acanthophis, serpent, XX. 154.
Acsnrnor'rzsrou, II. 80; XII. 166.
Acanthopus, insect, IX. 234.
Acahthoscelis, insect, IX. 119.
Acanthurus, fish, XII. 190.
, Egyptian town, VIII. 545.
ACAPALA, a town in New Spain, II. 80.
Acsrnnco, II. 80; XIV. 814.
Acastuma, in Greece, II. 81.
ACARON, a town of Palestine, II. 81.
Acarus, genus of arachnides, III. 868.
Acssrus, in classic history, II. 81.
ACA‘I‘ALEC'I'IC verses, II. 81.
Acs'rauzrsr, II. 81.
Acsrssr, II. 81.
Aosrnassu, II. 81.
Acu'nls'rns, hymn, II. 81.
Annex, ancient boat, II. 81.
Acsuus, in botany, II. 81.
Acbar. IV. 731; X1. 410.
Aces (Saint), II. 81.
ACCALIA, Roman festivals, II, 81.
Accnx'nss, in law, II. 81.
Accsrrrnx, II. 81.
Accsnas an Cusun, II. 81.
ACCELERATION, II. 81—of falling bodies, Acnuucs, a town in Lydia, II. 98.
ib.—of the fixed stars, planets, and Achard (Mr), on the force of adhesion,
moon, 83—aceelerated motions, VIII.
867—accclerating forces, 670.
Accssnsx'ras, II. 83.
Acczsnonss, gladiators, II. 83.
ACCENSI, II. 88.
ACCENBION, II. 83.
Accsx'r, II. 83—Greek accents, XVII.
405.
Accentor, bird, XVI. 576.
Accsr'rancn, in commerce, II. 86.
Accsrrss, II. 86.
ACCZP'I'ILA‘I‘ION, II. 86.
Accession, in law, 11. 86.
Accsssoar, II. 86—nerves, ib.
Accluom (Douato), II. 86.
Accmrmr, II. 86, 87.
Accmzsrax. eti'ects, II. 87—colours, ib. Acnss, a river of Baden, II. 95.
—point, ib.
Accirxrzn, hawk, II. 87. See Hawk.
Acctrtrsas, II. 87.
Acctsxns, II. 87.
Accws (Lucius), Latin poet, II. 87.
, poet of the 16th century, 1187 Acanusu Paws, II. 96.
ACCLAIATION, II. 87.
Accuvrrr, II. 88.
Accou, II. 88.
Accouns. in chivalry, II. 88.
Accons’s, II. 89.
AccoL'rl (Benedict and Francis), II. 89. Acmuzs, II. 96; character of, XVIII. ,
Accoxnonsrxou, II. 89.
Accourasusu'r, in music, II. 89 ; XV. AcmLusu (Alon), II. 96—his anatomi
644—in painting, &c., 11. 89.
Accoxrucs, II. 89.
Acconrusnuss'r, II. 89.
Accoan, in painting, II. 89.
Accosso (Francis), lawyer, II. 89.
(Mnriangelo), critic, II. 90.
Acconxr, II. 90.
Account-current, IV. 190.
ACC—ACH
Account-sale, IV. 782.
Accous'rsn'r, II. 90.
AcconuTAKT-GsrlllAL, II. 90.
ACCIRTION, II. 90.
Accaocns, in heraldry, II. 90.
ACCUIA‘I‘ION, II. 90.
Accnsi'ros, II. 90.
Accounts-non, II. 90.
Accnsssn, II. 91.
Accusattou, II. 91.
X. 642.
Ace, II. 91.
Acsunns, II. 91; IV. 710.
Acsxrs'rux, rock crystal, 11. 91.
Acephala, mollusca, XV. 865—structure ACICAII'I‘HBIA, II. 105.
of, XVII. 719.
Acsrasu, II. 91.
Acsraszocs, II. 91.
ACEPIIALUB, II. 92.
Acnqusss, a town of Naples, II. 92.
Acnquaan, a town of Modem, II. 92.
Acsom, an Italian city, II. 92.
A023, the maple tree. See Maple.
Acsas, town in Spain, II. 92.
Acsaa, II. 92.
Acsssszs, a town of Naples, II. 92.
Acsanu, fish, II. 92; XII. 169.
Acerineze, in botany, V. 102.
Acsano, a town of Italy, II. 92.
Acssss, II. 92.
Acsscanr, II. 92.
Acssmss, a river in India, II. 92.
Acssws, bishop, II. 92.
Acs'rssvwu, II. 92, 767, 789.
Acs'raar, II. 92.
Acetic acid, VI. 427.
ether, VI. 440.
Acs'ross, sorrel, II. 93.
Acs'rosuu, II. 92.
Aaron, II. 92.
Actress, vinegar. See Vinegar.
Acnau, a town of Rhodes, 11. 92.
Acnauss, II. 92—army of the Achzean Acunss, a Roman weapon, II. 106.
league, III. 588.
Acnazstrszs, II. 93.
Actusus, II. 98.
Acnsrsurs, river, II. 93.
Acnsul, II. 93.
Acunns, king of Scotland, II. 93.
Acnsuuc'ru, II. 98.
Acuss, II. 93.
Acnsus, II. 93.
II. I5l—on the influence of electri
city on putrefaction and fermentation,
VIII. 638—011 capillary attraction,
XII. 45—his pyrometcr, XVIII. 749
—his experiments on the elastic force
of steam, XX. 583.
(C. F.).on bibliography, IV. 682. Acorn-n, II. 107.
Acharius (Dr) V. 79.
Acnar, in law, 11. 93.
Acns'rss, II. 98.
Achatina, in conchology, XV. 346.
Acnazxs, a town of Galilee, II. 93.
Acnssx, in Sumatra, II. 98.
Aonnons, II. 95.
Achenium, in botany, V. 48.
Acnnmuu. (Gottfried), II. 95.
Ace": (Luke 6'), II. 95.
Acassn, a city of Baden, II. 96.
Acnssns, star, H. 96.
Acnnos, II. 96.
Acasssnr, an ancient measure, II. 96.
Acnus, II. 96.
Acmcowu, II. 96.
Achill Island, XIV. 888.
Acntttazs, II. 96.
Acnrtnstn, a poem of Statius, II. 96.
I49—Tendo Achillis, II. 96.
cal discoveries, 693.
Acmo'rrs, a drug, II. 96.
Acntsorosros, II. 96.
Achirus. fish, XII. 221.
Achius, in zoology, XIV. 142.
Acnls'r, an Arabian author, II. 96.
Acnusr 1., 11., 111., emperors, II. 96, Aceunssossrs, a town in Italy, ll
97; XXI. 412, 413.
ACH—ACQ
Achmet Geduc, Turkish general, II. 97.
Pacha, IV. 772.
Acnxs'rscasz'r, in the Crimea. 11.97.
Acauns, a town in Egypt, 11.97.
Acnoxsr, a town in Sligo, II. 97.
Acaos, II. 97.
Acnaons'rtc, II. 79—telcscopi58. ib-;
XVI. 862—construction of a triple
achromatic object-glass, XXI. 158.
Acn'rsuslo, German measure, 11. 105.
Acn'rrsxs, a Russian city, 11. 105.
Acars, a Russian town, 11. 105.
Acazis, a town of Galilee, II. 98.
Act, II. 105.
Acrcnus, II. 105.
ACIDALIU! (Valens), critic, II. 105.
ACIDALUI, II. 105.
Acxnxrr, II. 105.
Acworou, II. 105.
Actns,11. 105; VI. 425—vegetable, 450
—mineral, XV. I 67-their alimentary
qualities, VIII. 24—their specific gra
vity, XII. 26.
Acid ethers, VI. 439—poisons, XIV. 503;
XVIII. 176.
Acxncm, 11.105.
Acrnnu'rsn, 11. 105.
Acxnuwus, II. 105.
Acrnms asssux, II. 105.
rmous, II. 105.
Acltws GLAIRIO (Marcus), II. 106.
Acilius, insect, IX. I35.
Acisonsxnsms, II. 106.
Acluos, in botany, II. 106.
Acums or Acuu, II. 106, 749.
Acipenser, fish, XII. 230.
Acts, river, II. 106—its source, 20‘.’
-—-——, in mythology, II. 106.
Ackerblsd on Coptic, X1. 815.
Acxsaiusx (John C. 6.). 11.106.
Acsxowuznoxssr. II. 106.
ACLO'A, in botany, 11. 106.
Aclysia, genus of Arachnides, II. 369.
Acus, II. 106.
Acusus, II. 106.
Acmite, specific gravity of, XII. 26.
AcmnA, II. 106.
ACNUA, II. 106.
A00, a town of Peru, 11. 106.
Acosusrs, 11. 106. '
Acow'rni, 11. 106.
Acoluthus on Coptic, XI. 813.
Acolutbe (Mr), on a flight of ants st
Breslau, III. 243.
AcoLrruu, 11. 107.
Acosnsu'rcs (Nicetas). II. 107.
Aconcagua river, V1. 523.
Aconcsoss, a plant, 11. 107.
Acorn-run, II. 107.
Acorn“, serpent, 11. 107; XX. 123
Acos'rxms, a Greek dart, II. 107.
Acon'rws of Gen, II. 107.
(James), II. 107.
Acoss, II. 107.
Aconus, II. 107.
Acorn (Christopher), VII. 888.
(Joseph (1'), II. 107.
(Uriel), II. 108.
Acos'rax, island, 11. 109.
Acotyledones, in botany, V- 90. 133
Acotylalons, III. 72
Acotyledonous plants, V. 58.
A‘Court (Sir William), V. 552.
Acouuu'rtct, II. 109.
Acousrtc, II. 109—disciples, ib.—duds
ib.—-vessels, ib.
Acoustics, II. 109—theory of vibra
tionl. I. 612—principlcs on which
music is founded, ib.—different de
grees of sensibility possessed by the
organs of seeing and hearing, ib.-echo.
VIII. 396—propagation of sound in
the air, XX. 482—results of various
experiments on the velocity of saund.
ib.—speaking trumpet, XXI. 390-—
Hearing trumpet, 898. See Bebe.
Hearing, Music, Sound, Trumpet
Acos, a town in France, II. 124.
I24
\
 INDEX.
ACQ—AOT ACT—ADD
Acqunu, a town in Italy, 11. 125. 170-1—efi‘cct of the monopoly of the
Aconssr, in law, II. 125. London theatres on, 17 9.
Acont, a province and town in Italy, 11. Acroanx TABULB, II. 133. ‘ ,.
125. Actresses, their first introduction on the
Aconisi'rron, II. 125. English stage, VIII. I71—their cha
Acquisitiveness, XVII. 468. " racter in reign of Charles II. 172.
4
3
ADD—ADJ l ADJ-ADV
ficial, ib.—Quotation from, concern Anaursn'r, II. l53—Adjutant-Gencral,
ing ideas, with Dr Blair’s remarks ib.; III. 618.
thereon, 272—precision of his views ,bird, XVI. 619.
relative to colours, 273—his definition Amoroawx, II. 153.
of “ fine writing,” 162—mcrits of his Ants-soos, II. 153.
style and writings, ib.—his argument Ansson'ion, II. 153.

Acqurrrsscs, II. 125. ACTUAL, II. 133. L ,. . for the immortality of the soul, ib. Adler, on Coptic, XI. 315.
Acns, II. 125. Acrnaaua navns, II. 133. ‘ —on the care with which Nature Antocn'rios, II. 153.
Aeriea, insects, IX. 241. Acrossius, a Greek surgeon, II. 133— disseminates her blessings, 163—on Amnsnsssss, 11. 158.
Acasoas, or Agrigentum; which see. XX. 825. dreams, III. 307, note ,- VIII. 188, 191 Admetus, IX. 312.
Acaasu, II. 125. , officer so entitled, II. 133. -on beauty, IV. 485-his connexion Anmmcus, II. 153.
Acne, a town in Palestine, II. 125; Acrnn's, II. 133. ' with Budgell, V. 638—his dialogue, Anxmicnts'roa, II. 153.
XVI. 744'—taken by Saladin VIII., Acres, II. 133. VIII. 2—on pleasure from descrip Anxixlsrss'rion, II. 153.
482—retaken by the Crusaders, ib.; Actynolite, mineral, XV. 154; XII. 26. tions of distress, VIII. 54—absurdities Anmnxsraaros, II. 153.
XVI. 757—det'ence of, against the Aculeata, insects,
Acuasrrss, IX. 227.
II. 133. l - ~. - .~ in his “ Cato" from the preservation Amunaaius SAL, II. 153.
Mamlouks, 759—Bonaparte’s siege of, _of the unity of place, VIII. 161—cha Amussn, II. 153 ; XVI. 51—prornotion
V. 489; VIII. 490; X. 112; XVI. Acntsns, II. 133. 4. . meter of that play, I'M—his want of to the rank of, V. 447—Turkish, XXI.
759—taken by Mchemet Ali, XXI. 64. Acnuzl, II. 133. 1: poetic genius, XX. I70—his poetry, 422.
, or lack, in Hindustan, II. 126. Acunsa, II. 133. XVIII. 172—his quarrel with Pope, Anuxssvrr, High Court of, II. 156—
, land-measure, II. 126. Aculeu, lake, VI. 524. XVIII. 403—on wit, XXI. 905. Scotch court of, XIX. 757 ; XIV. 248.
Acaz-ricn'r, II. 126. Accxnu, II. 133. (Thos.) on navigation, XV. 749 office, London, XIII. 543.
Acninsu, II. 127. Acorn (Christopher d'), a Spanish Jo Anmrsxsxr, II. 147. w»l signals, XXI. 137.
ACBIDOPHAGI, or locusbeaten, IL 127. suit, 11. 133. Annrnou, in law, distilling, and he Bay, II. 1 59—Inlet, ib.—Islands,
Acaisws, II. 128. Acnrnxc'russ, II. 133. raldry, II. I47—in algebra, 428, 432 ib.; IV. 212.
Acrita, IX. 94. Aces, II. 133. —in arithmetic, III. 543—0t' vulgar Anuourrion, II. 159. " '
Acnrras, II. 128. Acorn, II. 134—angle, &e., ib.—har fractions, III. 558—01‘ decimals, 560, Armour, an Austrian tovm, II. 159.
Acsouu'rtc, II. 128. monics, II. 122. 562, 563—of estate, degree, and place, Annars, II. 159.
Acsonu'rici, II. 128. Acn'ruroa, II. 134. I]. 147. Annocn, II. 159.
Acaoarlc lectures of Aristotle, II. 128. An, 11. 134. Ad bestias—hominem— Annasss, II. 147. Adolecera, insects, IX. 140.
Acaossrss, rope-dancers, II. 128. ludos—metalla—valorem, ib. Annncns'r nuscnss, II. 147. Anossscsncs, II. 159; XIV. 206, 498.
ACIOBA'I‘ICA, II. 128. Anson, II. 134. Anna, an Egyptian weight, II. 147. ADOLLAI, II. 159.
Acrocera, insects, IX. 270. Ansoxo, II. 134. Ann, a kingdom in Africa, 11. 147. Adolphus Frederick, king of Sweden,
ACBOCEBAUNIA, II. 128. Adalia, XIX. 652. Adela, insect, IX. 253. XXI. 26.
Acsocnzaisxns, II. 128. Assumes, II. 134. Adelaide ( Port), settlement at, XXI. 722. Adolphus (Gustavu). See Gustavus.
Acrochordus, serpent, XX. 146. Anus, II. 134-his original state, XXI. Ansuoss, a town in Sweden, II. 148. Anon, an African state, II. 159.
Acrocinus, insect, IX. 179. 211. Adelinm, insect, IX. 166. Anon, a village in Hungary, 11. 159.
Acaocoaisrans, II. 128. (Dr Alex.), II. 135—an error Annual, bishop of Sherburn, II. 148. Anon“, II. 159.
Acrological hieroglyphics, XI. 362. of his about codicils, VI. 709—Dr AnsLnAU, a circle in Prussia, II. 148. Anosu, feasts in honour of Venus, II.
Acaoauos, in anatomy, II. 128. Stuart's attack on his Latin Grammar, Adelon, his classification of animal func 159.
Acsouosocsnnu'rlctm, II. 138. XX. 781. tions, XVII. 590. Anomnss, II. 159.
Acaos, a physician, II. 128—African (Melchior), II. 137. Anssrnum, II. 148. ADosus, II. 159; XV. 664.
kingdom, ib. »~r- (Robert), II. 137—1115 architec ADELSCALC, II. 148. Annals", II. 160.
ACRONICAL, II. 128. tural works, III. 430. Ansnsnmu, II. 148. Anor'rum, a sect of heretics, II. 160.
Acsorous of Athens, II. 128; IV. 120. Anan's Apple, Bridge,and Peak, 11. 138. AnsLso, II. 148. Anon-ton, II. 160.
See Athens. Ansuss'r, II. 138. See Diamond. Ansnnno (John C.) II. 148—on the af Anorrtvs, II. 161.
Acaorou'ra (Geo.), II. 128. Adamantine spar, in mineralogy, XV. finities of language, X111. 72, ct seq. Acorn-ion, II. 161.
AcnosrxasJI. 129 ; V. 235—Acrospired, 155. Ansxrrios, II. 150. Anosss, II. 162.
II. 129. Anuuc mars, II. 138. Ansn,an Arabian city, II. 150; III. 341. Adorium, insect, IX. 184.
Acaosric, II. 129. Ann“ P051054, 11. 138. ADEKANTIIERA, II. 150. Anosccu'rion, II. 162.
Acnosricnnsl, II. 129. Amuurss, II. 138. Ansssu, a circle in Prussia, II. 150. Anossss, in heraldry, II. 162.
Aclos'roums, II. 129. Anluss, a township in Massachusetts, II. Anssscso, II. 150. Adouan, Arabian tribe, III. 330.
Acaorsnsn'ric, II. 129. 139. Ansxoosarur, II. 150. Anous, river, II. 162~navigation of,
Acsorsau, in architecture, II. 129; III. (Daniel), V. 474. Ansnolnss, II. 150. XVI. 7.
464. (John), an American statesman, Anssosoor, II. 150. Anovu, an Abyssinian town, II. 162, 55.
Acsornnuon, II. 129. II. 139. Ansxos, II. 150. Anoxa, in botany, II. 162.
Acrydium, insect, IX. 193. . (Mr), on pericarditis, XVII. 483. Aprons, II. 150. Anna, a seaport in Spain, 11. 162.
Act, II. 129—ot'I‘aitb, ib.—in the dra ADAMSIIIDE, II. 140. Adephaga, insects, IX. 111. Anascuns, in botany, II. 162.
ma, ib. Anusson (Patrick), II. 140. Annrusou, II. 150. Anssxxssscn, II. 162.
Ac'rs or Psasnxss'r, II. 130—torm of Abuses, II. 141. Ansrs, fat, 11. 150. Annnr'r'rims, II. 162.
passing, IV. 640—defectively framed Ann“, 11. 141. Ansrrs, II. 150. Anus-rm, II. 162.
in England, XIII. 169. ADAsson' (Michael), II. 141—his bota Ansnsnss. See Adirbeitsan, II. 152. Anna-0s, 11.162; VII. 474.
Acrs or run Aros'rLss, II. 130. nical labours, V. 90—0n conchology, Ansnno, a Sicilian city, II. 151. Anaszso, II. 162.
Acrs or PILA'I‘E, II. 131. XV. 331. Anss, or Hades, II. 151. ADIIA, a city of Italy, II. 162.
ACTA Consistorii— Diurna—Populi — Anansonu, II. 143. Anssssxsauns, II. 151. Ansun, or Hadrian, Roman Emperor.
Senatus, II. 130. A043, a Hebrew month, II. 143. Anritu'rlon, II. 151. II. 162. See Hadrian.
Acne, II. 131. Ansncs, 11. 143. Anna, 11. 151. , Popes so named. 11. 163-4.
Acres, II. 131. Ansucos, II. 143. Adhorbal. XVI. 305. (Cardinal). II. 165; XX. 501.
Acrmon, II. 131. Anaaus, II. 143. Annnslox, II. 151. Ansuuu (Joanni Battista), II. 165.
Acnsn games, II. 131. Anarus, II. 143. Adhesivencss, phrenological faculty of, Ansunxsrs, a sect of heretics, II. 165.
Actiar, bay of, IV. 661. ADCOBDABILEH Dunn, II. 144. XVII. 462. Anaunorts, a city in Turkey, 11. 165.
Acrixu, II. Nil—structure ot', XVII. Ancnsscss'rss, II. 144. AnuiL, II. 152. Anaunom, or Adriaticum Mare, 11. 165.
722. Anna, river, II. 144. Anunrnl, II. 152. AnslrALnA, a Neapolitan city, II. 165.
Actiniadzn, zeopbytcs, XXI. 1022. Annsrnsou, II. 144. Anurnoaisrs, II. 152. Apnoea-non, in Roman antiquities, II‘.
Actinolite, XV. 154—specific gravity of, About, 11. 144. Adio (Alex.), his sympiesometer, IV. 165.
XII. 26. Annsx'rssroass, II. 144. 394. Ansinsnu, II. 165.
Actinometer, XXI. 241. Annlcs, II. 144. (Alex. J.), on expansion of stone, Ansraic'rion, II. 165.
Ac'rio, in Roman antiquities, II. 131. Annic'ri, II. 144. XI. 188—his pyrometer, XVIII. 748. AnnLA, a mountain in Rhmtia, II. 166.
Acrios, II. 131—in coinmcrce,&c.,132. Annicrion, II. 144. (John). his hygrometcr, XII. 124 . Ann“, or Adulis, Egyptian town, 11.
in mechanics, II. 132—always Annie-rm in max, II. 144. (11.),his anemometer, XVII. 539. 166, 50. 51.
equal and opposite to ieaction, XVII. Addington (Henry), V. 455—his ad Amos, river, II. 152; XII. 485; X111. ADULT, II. 166.
569. Sec Dynamics. ministration, V. 497—his alteration 469. Ancsrsssrlon, II. 166—ot' coin, ib.-m’
Acrioiusr, II. 132. of the sinking fund, X. 245. Anirocsar, 11. 152. . food, XIV. 506.
ACTIUI, 11.132—cra of, VI. 660—battlc Anntsox (Lancelot), II. 144 Ann-psi: tissue of the human body, II. Anctrsaiss, in the civil law, 11. 166.
of, XIX. 399. (Joseph), 11. l44—his opinion 152, 715; XVII. 597. Anon-sat, II. 166-its punishment in
Acrins, II. 132. of the works of Hobbes, I. 42—bit! ADIIBEITSAN, a province of Persia, II. China, VI. 558.
Acrlvs, II. 132—verbs, ib. censure ot' the French writers of his 152. Anvsnenn ditch, II. 165—guard, ib.
Acrivn-r, II. I32—love of, VIII. 55. age, 55—his reputation as a philoso Ann, 11. 152. Anvsnr, in the calendar, 11. 165.
Aaron, a village in Middlescx, II. 132. pher has suffered by the beauty and Anuzzo, a Corsican town, II. 152. An vssrasn INSPICIBNDUI, II. 165.
Acros, in fabulous history, II. 133. clearness of his style, 83—valuc of his Ansscrlvns, II. 152; X. 667—compari Anvnn'rcas BAY, II. 165.
Actora, insect, IX. 288. essays in widening the circle of men son of, 669, 684. Anvssrnssss, II. 166.
- 4. ‘_‘_ —-_ Across, II. 133—their rank in Greece, tal cultivation. l60-1-his papers on Anionsnxssr, II. 152. Anvsans, II. 166; X. 669, 684.
VIII. 148, 152—in Rome, Ib‘Z—thcir the pleasures of imagination, 161— AnJcnicrrlon, in Scottish law, I]. 152. Anvsasaau, II. 166.
“ fate in England during the Civil Wars, Rcrsons for his being thought super Ansoscr, II. 152. Anvsass'rlvs, 11. 166.
 4 INDEX
ADV—ZEPI AEP I—AFF AFF—AGE AGE—AGR
Anvnnsrron, II. 166. dcnsers, 651—0“ magnetism, XIII Affiliation, XIV. 494. AGELNOTH, archbishop of Canterbury,
AI)\'1~.‘I$TI§H.\III.\'T,II. 166. 689, 706, 773—his artificial magnets, Arms ITY. a relation contracted by mar II. 243.
Anvocarrzs, II. 167-8—English, VII. 757. riage, II. 210. Acmu. II. 243.
430—Scotch, VIII. 419; XIX. 760:, rEqcmnuux, II. 176. , chemical. VI. 856—vital or or Amzuontuss, II. 243.
IV. 408—thcir library in Edinburgh, IIJIA, in chronology, II. 17 6. Sec Era. ganic, XVII. 137, 593, 595, 652. Ar. HS, in France, II. 243.
VIII. 411); X111. 31m. IEIIARIUX, 11.176. of langimecs, XIII. 70; XVII. Aom‘na, II. 243.
AnvoCA'rL' (Lord), in Scotland, II. 168; FERAIUUS, II. 176. 3-54, at "71.,- XV. 599. Ag. nciosi, fish, XII. 202.
XII. 724. Ann, the ancient name of Egypt, II. Arrmxa'noa', II. 210. Aorxmxn, II. 2-43,
ADVOCA'I‘IOX, a process in Scottish law, 176. AFFIRMATIVR, II. 210. AGENOIQ, in France, II. 243. -
II. 168. ABRIANS. heretics, II. 176. Arrix. II. 210. Acrxonu, II. 244.
Anvowmz, II. 168. films (Flow, 11. 176. Arrt..\'rtr-.=,_II. 210. AGENT, II. 244.
Avvowsox, II. 169; VIII. 789. AI-LRNIZN, a Swiss town, II. 176. Arronnsrmc, II. 210. Acrx'rrzs in users, II. 244.
ADY, a kind of palu‘i-trcc, II. 169. AEKOGIIAPIII, II. 176. AI‘I'RAY. 11. 210. A0211, II. 244—A;rcr Picenus, ib.
Abra/mu, II. 169. AEROLITL‘, II. 176. See Mcte'oric Stones. Atrium-Ten, in heraldry, II. 210. Aorqtacr, II. 244; XX. 527; XXI.
Anrxuxos, II. 169. ASROMANCY, II. 176; VIII. 58. Arri'sioy, II. 210. 195-6.
Anr'rcn, II. 169. Annomzrrr, II. 176. Ai'g‘nns‘, their war with the Mahmttas, AcoA, in Guinea, II. 244.
Anzn, II. 169. Aer-on, river, VI. 137. X I. 412. Acorn, an ancient fortification, II. 24 4.
At, or if], diphthong, II. 169. Annosaurum, II. 176. ArculwmrAs, II. 210. AootltnUUS, a province of Norway, 11.
Emma, 11. 169. .\EI&O.\'A1‘-’I‘I(‘8, II. 177. See Balloon. Ara moat, a Neapolitan town, II. 219. 244.
Illinois. 11. 169. Arnoein'ulcml, II. 176. .-\I‘lt.-\NICS (Lucius), a Latin poet, II. Aeneas-uranrn, in Norway, 11. 244.
zEnen-n, II. 170. .tiznscuo'r, a city in the Netherlands, II. 219. .\GGI.1"I‘INA.\'T8, II. 244.
lECHMOLOTAIICIIA, II. 170. 196. AFRICA, II. 219—America probably in .'\GGRE(|‘ATIO.\‘, II. 245.
11-1013,“. Nil—insect, IX. 259. .Ihnfomovs, II. 196. part peopled from, 634—ants in, III, Acne-n, an Irish town, II. 215.
J'Tullli‘llLA, II. 170. .Ilniroo, rust of copper, II. 196. 24 I—(‘lapiwrton’s discoveries in. VI. Aounm, II. 24-3—battle of, XII. 378.
.‘l'lmus, Roman umgistratc, II. 170. .I-ZiwscA'roul-m, ancient strolling beggars, 72Il—r-omplctions of the natives (1?, Acii.1'r\',II. 245.
.‘EDILITIUM IZDK‘TUM, II. 170. II. 196. VII. [SIG—cotton manufacture in, 406 Aorxcocar, a village of the French ."- -
.Ilmrvrs, 11.170. AEIIZEELB, a town of West Flanders, II. -—love of dancing in, (illi—trade with then-lands, II. 215—battlc of, ib.; VI I.
Al.

;liuanrs. islands, II. 170. 1116. England, VIII. 779, FRI—inwcts of'. 7133; X. 22.
.iEtiaoaOPIL/l, II. 170. Annzrw, in Hanover, II. 196. IX. 99-ancient circumnaviyration~v of“, Agincmu't on the history of art, XV!.
Atoms am, 11. 170. Ala umrium, 11. 196—315 per ct libram, X. BSD-unexplored regiom in. 402-— 70.3.
jEImL'R, king of Attica, II. 170; IV. 143. ib. Ianc'uaszes of, X111. 9‘); XVII. 4-2?— .4010, in commerce, II. 245.
;IIgialia, insects, IX. 154. JTIsalnn, insect, IX. 162. rariation ot' the needle in, XIII. 7114, Amosruwnnvn, II. 245.
on
JEGIAS, II. 170. JICSCIIIXES, an Athenian philosopher, II. 736, 738—heichts of mountaim ot', Aois, king of Sparta, II. 245; IV. I v)‘.
.Emna, a town of Istria, II. 170. 196. XVII. 505, bio—volcanoes of, 012— rt seq. ,- XX. 627.
JEOILors, II. 170. , orator, II. 196—his oratory, parchcd winds, 64I—animals. 551— Acisrurxr, in law, 11. 246.
.Eciuuaos, an island near Carthage, II. X! X. 216. ('om‘r'c of 1‘l\'cl‘¢, XIX. 2-32—serpcnt‘; Amsron, II. 2-16.
171. .Iiechinite, specific gravity of, XII. 26, 01', XX. 133, l3.',---lm'c-tr.'irle, 363— AGITATION, 11. 2-16.
jilmxa, II. I‘M—coins of, XIV. 469. Alwhrion, VI. 169. timber. XXI. 295—map of, II. Plates AGITATOII, II. 246.
Alon-ETA (Paulusl, surg~ on, II. 171. .Escux'Lus, II. 196; XX. 448—his im 3 and 4. See Nicer, &c.. Acr..u.-\. II. 246.
.Ilumnann, secretary of Charlemagne, prm'cmcnts ofthc Greek drama. VIII. African Association, II. 221. Aelnope, insect, IX. 244.
II. 171. lH—eti‘ccts of the performance of his African Company. VI]. 1442. AoLAn, an Austrian city, II. 246.
.‘Cmran, II. 17].. tragedy the Ilium-aides, “ti—charac Armour INSTITUTION, II. 239; XX. Aglaura, worm. XI. 220.
.Iiciriitta, II. 171. ter of his works, Uri—Stanley's edi 337. Aglia, insect, IX. 246.
lists, in ancient mythology, II. 171. tion of them, XX. 562. Africanm (Julius), historian, II. 240. Aouosnr (John), II. 247.
JEGISTIICS, II. 172. fiisctiLAPius, II. 197—11114 surgical skill, lScipiol. Sec Scipio. Agiossa, insects, IX. 252.
.Eown, II. 172. XX. 820. ArsL/lonns, II. 240. AGMEN, II. 247.
1E00hOLlCM, II. 172. {Ikhnin insect, IX. 210. Arr, a sea term, II. 240. Amnonilccham, II 654.
.I'lgoccra. insects, IX. 2-H. Aisor, the Phrygian, II. 197—his Fables, Arrnmuarn, II. 240. AoxA'rn, in law, II. 247.
.‘l-lr.oromn.\t, II. 172. XXI. 443. Ar'rnnxoos, II. 240. AGNEL, old French coin, II. 217.
dicosroranos, river, II. 172—hattlc of. (Clodius), Roman actor, II. 198. A rwns'ran, copper-work in Sweden, II. Acscs (St), a village in Cornwall, II. 247.
IV. 160. 1E51hiOlog)’, comparative, III. 21. 240. ACNE“ (Maria Gactanal, II. 247; IX.
filorr'ruccn, II. 172. JI'latii, X. 473. Aficlius, botanist. V. 79, 31. 638.
JEGYI’TILLA, II. 172. Als'rinATIo CAPITIS, II. 198. Ana. II. 240. Acne, a river of Naples, II. 248.
Adorr'rvs, 11. 172. JI'II‘TIVAL, II. 198. .-\_e~uleer, in Morocco, XV. 508. AGNOII'I‘JE, heretics, II. 248.
Amman-rm, II. 172. Ak'rnania—zI-lsr(mains—112st“tunr, II. .\c..\n£s. a kingdom in Africa, II. 240. Aaron“, II. 248.
filtrate, II. 172. 198. Arumu'ra, II. 240. Aoxonz, a Neapolitan city, II. 248.
Jinn Carnouau, II. 172 XII. 576; JERYMNIUM, II. 198. Agalmatolite. specific gravity of, XII. 26. Aoxns Drr, II. 248.
XIX. 406‘. Aura, II. 198; 1V.113. Agamre, reptiles. XIX. I43. Acoon, II. 248.
Jinan ((L‘laudius), II. 172—his Natural 115m ALIA, the ancient name of Elba, II. AGAMIJMNON, II. 249 —character of, Anon, II. 248.
History, XIV. 75—Gesner‘s edition of 198. XVIII. 150. Aooauuna, II. 249.
his works, X. 492. [Ethclmnrm II. 365, Agamian'l, reptiles, XIX. 142. Aooxilma, II. 249.
Eiius Galina, his expedition into Arabia, zIl'rliELsTAN. See Athelatan. Agamous plants. V. 53. Acoruus CIRCUS, II. 249.
111. 341. .‘I'Irniin, II. 198; IV. 884, 389. AGAX,Iil$II1(l, II. 240. Acosxsxu, II. 249.
AELTERE, a Flemish town, II. 172. {Thurman II. 199. Aomnrrrt. II. 240. AGONIS'I'ABCIIA, II. 249.
-iibi'nt's, an Egyptian deity, II. 172. ii'l'rmoma, II. 199. See Ethiopia. AoANirrmm, II. 240. Aoomsrici, II. 249.
AGAPE, lOVG-IIQ'JSI, II. ‘24".
.1511. a German liquid Illt'ltsurti, II. 172. rl-ltlu-ioscopc. VI. 761; VII. 7-32; XIV. Aeouwu, II. 249.
.I-lmuni (I'aulus), II. 172; VI. 193. 740; XVII. 537—ita importance, VI. AGAI’E'I‘SI, II. 240. Agonuni, insect, IX. I28.
.I-luonoucn, II. 173. 763. AGAIII) (Arthur). antiqnnry, II. 240. AGOSOTIIETA, II. 249.
31310052, II. 173. .-'I'Itian, Roman general, XIX. 422. AGAIIIO MINERAL, II. 240. Aoosrcurz-z, II. 249.
-I'INEA8,II.173—0113171010?HQXYIII. 149. AETIANS, heretics, II. 199. Agarieoideze, reproductive organs of, V. Agora, in ancient Athens. IV. 116.
Sylvius (l'opcl. Sec Plus 11. .‘I'Irtnns, or eagle-stone. II. 199. 57. Aconcms, II. 249.
.llnzaronm, II. 173. .Iiriowor, II. 199; XIV. 022. Agarista, insects, IX. 243. Auonasoucs, II. 248.
AWE"), Virgil's. II. 173. See Virgil. An'rlon, Greek painter, II. 199. A0130, an island of Sweden. II. 241. Aoouno. an Austrian town, II. 249.
Acnczcs, Arabian tribes, III. 380. Ari-nus, the Arian, II. 199. Agassiz, on the ECIIIIIIIICS, XXI. 1006— Agustino de Musis, IX. 45.
115x014, island, II. 173. , physician. II. 199—-on the medi Agoutis, one of the mammalia, XIV. I 41.
his classification of them, 1009..
(ENIGMA, II. 173. cal qualities of the magnet, XIV. 2— AoA'rn, II. 241—its distinction from cal Arrows, a people of Abyssinia, II. 63.
JENIGMATOGBAPIIY. II. 173. on surgery, XX. 824. ecdony, V. 7 86—speciflc grovity of, Anna, a province of I-Iindostan, II. 249
.Ilmrnowows, II. 175. , governor of Gaul, II. 199. XII. 26. —mausoicnm of, XI. 403..
1151108, mount, XII. 341. .Iirxa, II. 199; XV. 701—exp0rtation AcA'rnA (St), an Austrian town, II. 242. Ache, mysteries celebrated at, XV. 66R.
IEOLIIB Insular, II. 173. of snow from, VII. b9—gcological phe (Santa), II. 242. Amux. in Croatia. II. 250.
.Iiolian harp, XV. 6.13. nomena on, VII. Uri—eruptions of, Ann-rm“, 11.242. AGRAMONT, a Spanish town. II. 250.
.Eouc dialect, II. 173; XVII. 404, 408 XVII. 513. Agathidium. insect, IX. 1145. AonAnun: LAWS, Roman, 11. 250; VI.
~digamma, II. 173—-verl=c, I74. ;‘Brounena, II. 208. Agathis, inScc't. 1X. 22?. 691; XIX. 371, 391—Jcwish, XV. .566.
1EOLIPII.B, in hydraulics. II. 174. ;Eroua. II. 208. AoA'rno. a Greek poet, II. 242. Agrnulium, in ancient Athens, IV. I IS.
2201.19, or .‘EOLIA, II. 174. Ann; (Domitiua), Roman orator. II. 209. Anarnocus. II. 242; XXI. ISL-bin wars AonEDA, a Spanish town, II. 250.
.I-IoLns, god of the winds, 11. 174. AFFA, an African weight, II. 209. with the Ctirtlingiiiiaiis, VI. 187-9. Acma, a town in Hungary, II. 250.
11-20“, II. 174. Arrncnox, II. 209—4-ultivation of the Amthodmmon. Egyptiandcity, VIII.551. AGRICULA (Cnzcus Julius), II. 250~hi<
550111, a kind ot'exercisc, II. 174. domestic atl’ect-ions, III. 261—-cfi'ccts AGATIITBN'A, Sicilian tonn, II. 242. conquests in Britain, V. 299; XI X.
Emacs (F. U. T.), 11. 174—his theory of custom on, VII. 5.78. Agharus, his alleged meseiuge to Josue, 40-3. 406. 695.
of the principle upon which depend Arrsaizns, II. 209. XII. 561. (George), 11 German physician,
the phenomena of electricity and mag Arnzrrcoso, II. 209. Anon, a French city. II. 242. II. 251.
netism, I. 627—on electricity, VIII. AFFIAXCE, II. 209. l_~\m:. II. 242-ot' the antenlilnviana. Ill. ‘ ---—— (.Iohnl, {mm/Hr of tho Antino
571-2—thc inventor of electrical con AFFIDAVIT, II. 210. i 240‘, minus, II. 251; III. 2'11.
 INDEX.
'AGR3 - AGR—AIL AIM—ALA ALA—ALB
Acumen-nan,11.251—extmordinaryde ’Spnin, blS—Staf‘i’ordshirc, 559—Stir Aimé's artificial magnets, XIII. 768. Arisronmtirr. II. 373.
ninnd for books relative to, in the reign Iingshirc, 736~Sutfolk, 789—Sussex, Am, a department in France, II. 367. ALASIODE, II. 873.
of James I., I. SfJ—iniplenicnts and XXI. 9~Sutherland, II—Sweden, 31 Am“, II. 367. Alumnus, II. 37-‘3.
machinery of, II. “265, {NO—culture of -Switzerlnnd, 48—‘1‘ennessee, 18'2— Ainslie (Dr), on the Japanese. XII. 651, ALAN (Cardinal William). II. 373.
the willow, IV. 429—cstnhlishmentot' Isle of Tin-met, I90—Tippcrary. 314— 516. ALAND, archipcl-tgo of. II. 1373—1". 330.
the Board of, V. 479—ngriculturnl TUscuny, (ZIB—Tyrone, {IO—United AINSWORTII, in Lancashire. II. 366. Alangieze, in botany, V. 109. _
di>tre85 of 1621, V. 554; of 1823, .557 States, 463; II. (BM—Virginia, XXI. (Drs Henry and Robert), II. 866. Alani, X. 478; XIX. {IS—their irrup
——dciicient crops of 1826, V. 568—its 658—\\'ntci'forti. 8 I I—Westmenth, 862 A13, II. 367. See Atmosphere. tion into Spain, XX. 49?. ‘
importance to colonies, VI. (IQ—effects -\Vcxt"ord, 867—Worcestershire, 939 Air-lrlzt-Idcr of fishes, XII. 153, 161 ; Alantin, VI. 476.
of the cotton manufacture on, VII. —Wic.ltlow, XXI. 880—1810 of Wight, XVII. 717; XVIII. 98. Ann DEL Itrr, II. 7'3.
“II—improved by the Crusades, VII. 882—\Vigtonshire, SBII—W’urtemberg, AIR-GUN, II. 367; XVIII. 75. Aux“, II. 37}.
49 I—conncxion betWccn its state and 945—Yorkshirc, 962--3-4.—-See the Am-amumr, II. 367. Aunnm. II. 374.
the extent of taxes, VIII. 767—1node geographical articles generally. Air-pump, XVIII. 79—Cavnllo on the, ALABIZS, II. 374.
of destroying the weevil, IX. 175— AGBIGAN,ii412\tiI.I, II. 356. VI. 253—invention of, XVIII. 7'.‘ ; Auuuc, II. 374~his invasion of the
castrntion and fattening (vi-animals, AGBIGENTL'M, II. 866; XV. 702—40111 IV. 357—ot' rnarino steam-engines, Roman empire, XIX. tin.
IX. I‘ll—fattening of fowls, 723-is n ple of Jupiter at, III. 439—taken by XX. (“.97. ALARM, II. 374—f0r steam-boilers. XX.
healthful occupation, XIV. 5lO-ori the Romanfl, VI. 190—1), the Cartha Ala-simr'rs, II. 367. 682. ‘
gin nt', XVII. MRI—employment of ca ginians, 192; VII. 185. Air-thermometer, IV. 392; XXI. 286-— Alarm-clocks, Vt. 131')
pital in, XVIII. 282—distinction be Agrion, insect, IX. 210. theory of, 241. ALASCANI, II. 374.
tween agricultural and manufacturing AGBIUNIA, II. 357. AIR-TRUNK, II. 368. ALAsco (John), II. 374.
Industry, 293—stcmn-npparatus for AGBIOPIIAGI, II. 357. AIR-VESSELF, II. 368. ALAssw, II. 374. _
cooking the food of cattle and horses, Agrioyus, fish, XII. 174. Air-volcnntw<, XVII. 515. Aussozu, II. 374. "
XX. 609-l0—subsoil-1-longhing. XX. AGRIPPA (Cornelius), II. 857. Amnn, II. 368. ALA‘I‘AMAHA, II. 37-1.
731—taxcs on rent, XXI. 103; on (Herod), II. 357; XII. 673; Airtiric, XIII. 50. Alziuda, bird, XVI. 579.
produce, IIQ—tithes, 113—timber, XIX. 401. Anna, II. 368. ALAUTA. I'IVU', II. 9-7 .
XXI. 292—turnipfly, 602.—See Corn (Marcus Vipsnnius), II. 358. , river, navigation of, XVI. 7. ALAVA, in Spain, I]. 374.
Iaws, Cottage Sptcm, Dairy, Drain .kcnlrmau. II. 358; XIX. 403. Ammo ot'horses, II. 368. ALAY, II. 376.
Ing, Irrigation, Veterinary Science, Colonia Uhiorutn, II. 368. Airmosfl, skirmish at, V. 353. Alnyol‘, II. 37.3.
\Yheut, Sim—Agriculture in Afgha Aontrmxuns, II. 358. Alas, II. 368. Al Aziz. VIII. 478.
nistan, II. 217—Ahcrtiecnshire, ‘19 Agrocinus, insect, IX. 179. Amt, or Acry, II. 368. ALB, II. 875.
--Ah_vssinin, Ill—Antrim, III. 275 Xenon, II. 359. (Professor), on hydrodynamics, ALBA, II. 375.
—.\I‘I';Ig()71, 373-Arg31cshire, 483— Agromyzn, insects, IX. 291. XII. 8—on optics, XVI. 374, I33, ALBA LONGA, II. 375; XIX. 363.
Arniagh, 572~-A.<i;i, GHQ—Austria and Aunosrooan'nm, II. 358. 503—his sphere-cylindrical specta Annex-rs, Spanish town, II. 375.
Hungary, IV. 2‘23, 230, 2'32—A_vr AGBOL'ND, II. 35-6. 0108, 393. ALBAIII'I‘JBI, II. 375.
shire, 259—Banti'sl-ire, Sii—Bctlt'ord Aonrrsu, II. 358. Alsxli, in France, II. 368. ALBAIDA. II. 375.
shire, SIG—Bengal, 563, {MiG—Berk AUUADA, river, II. 358. Aitiology, XVII. 488. ALBAN, II. 379—St Alban, lb.
shire, SSO—Iicrwickshire. SOS—Brazil, Anus-BELL“, II. 358. Aitkcn (James), incendiary, V. 4‘25. ALBAnzxszs, II. 375.
V. ‘206—Brcconshire, 225—Bucking AGUDA, river, II. 358. .kitkin (JJ, his method of applying n Albani, II. 375—VI. 2.
hamshire, 634—Bucnos Ayrcs, 645— Act's, II. Boil—anomalous
forms of, rcniontoir t0 the dead heat H'TIPPII‘IPIII (Francis), II. 376; XVI. 720.
Cucrmarthenshire, V. 77I—Caernar XVII. 486. of a clock, VI. ITS—his improved ALBANIA, II. BIG—language of, XIII. 90.
vonshire. 773—Cuithncss, 7SI—Carn Acne-CAKE, II. 358. dial-Work, 779. in Asia, II. BBQ.
brirlgcshirc, VI. 33 —— Cardiganshire, AGUIISSL'AU (Ilmry Francis (l'), II. 858. Atroczv, river, II. 369. .\II';IIII!II'I>' in Greccc. X. 738.
137—Carinthia, IIQ—Carlow, 143 AGUILAB, II. 36". ' Arron (Wm), 11. Rent—his “ Hortm AI.12A.\'U,(II§', II. 380.
Cavan, 256—Chcshire, 510—Chili, 530 Accumnenr, II. 360. Kewcnsis," VIII. 22L . painter, XVI. 720.
-—-Chinn, 579--Clackmannnnshire, 7‘20 Autrxnnon (Franck), II. 360. Arcs Loccrws, II. 369. Allums (St), II. 360; XI. 285—battlcnf,
—(‘lare, 726—Cork, VII. 33l—Corn AOUIEIIA (Joacph Sat-Ill (I0), II. 360. Ant, II. 369. VIII. 7.3.3---carly printing at, XVIII.
wall, 367 — Cumberland, 536 — Den AGL'II, II. 360. .\IX-LA-CIIAPEI.LE, II. TIM—treaty of, 55-4
I»i;:hshirc, “IN—Denmark, 726—De Amman, II. 366. V. 383. .ILn/ist's Moss. II. 2160.
vonshire, 746—Domgnl, VIII. 11ft— AnmAnt'nA, II. 360. Atxn'r'riz, river, II. 369. ALBANY, II. 880: XVI. I96.
Dorsctshire, 120—I)own, I33—Dub Aoi'ri. II. 360. Aizoiticic, in botany, V. 11?. -——-— (Dukes of). rcqt'nts of Scotland,
Iin, 235—Dumhartonshire, 259 -Dum Aorsum, II. 360. AJAccw, in Corsica, II. 363. XIX. 711. I‘M—Earl of, 714.
fricsshire, ‘.'61—I)nrlmtn, 290—Edin Aura-rm, II. 360. AJALON, II. 863. ALBAIIAZIN, II. 360.
burghshirc, 430—1511;:lnnd, 76~I~ Es AIIAII, king of Israel, II. 360. AJAX, in Africa, II. 363. Amman, II. 3R0.
sex, IX. 369—1-‘crmnnngh, 517—Fite, Ahanta, II I. 2-H. AJAX, II. 363. Amumvn orrs, II. ‘H’i.
5H —- Flanders, XVI. 1422 —- Forfur Aluscrnus, II. 361; IX. 371; XVII. Auzzo, II. 363. ALnA'rmsi, mtronc..itr, II. 380 III.
shire, IX. 745—Frnncc, X. ITII—GuL 27.9. Ammo, II. 364. 734.
way, Mfr—Germany. 484, Mil—Gla AIIAIJH, II. 861. AJurrn, II. 36'i—tcmplcs at, XI. 40?. ALBATEIIIIA, II. 391.
morgrmshire, 53I —- Gloucestcrshire, Aluz, king of Judah, II. 361. AJt'rAcn. II. 369. Aunt-rt zqm, II. P-RI.
SSS—(ircecc, 72S—Ilziritiingtonshirc, Arum an, II. 362. Akdnln, VIII. 396. Ahlntrusn, XVI. 632.
XI. IUIl—IInmpshire, Wit-Iinnm'cr, AIIL'AD, II. 362. Animator. (Mark), II. 369—011 sympa Animus, II. 3'51.
I37—Ilcrci'urtl~llirc, 273—Ilcl‘ti‘m'ri .'\IIIJ.\II, II. 362. thy, VIII. {Jr—on laughtcr, XIII. I‘ll, Aunz, II. 381.
shire, {tilt—Hindustan, 379—Ilunt AHI'I‘IIHI'IIEL, II. 36?. l‘23—hi< poetry, XVIII. 173. ALBI'J‘X, II. 351.
ingtlonshire, 758—lreland, XII. 406— Aruou. II. 362. Akerhlml on Iiieroglyphim, XI. 366. Ammunuz, II. 2381~Duko of. See
Italy, 4.88, ~t70—Japnn, SID—Kincar AIIIIIUIHbut, II. (104. .‘tRi:r.\|.-..\', in Russia, II. 37". Monk.
dineshire, 722—Kinros-s-shire, 730— AIIOLIIIAII. II. 363. Alunti-z'rw'nr'r, II. 370; VII. 4 7‘). Aumxocu, II. 381.
KirkcudhrightshireJ35—Xilrlnre.7I2 Anmvun. II. 363. Axu'run, or Sevnstopol, II. 370; \‘11. Aunzns'no, II. 381.
—-Rilkenny, 715—].nnnrkshire, XIII. .\III‘I.L, II. 363. 473. Aunnmm (Julius). II. 381.
50—Laplaud, I07-—I.ciccstcrshirc, ‘29" Ancw, a French town, I]. 363. AKIHA, ralmin. II. 370. Albert. emperor of Austria, XXI. 43.
-—I.citrim, 223—Limcrick, {HQ—Lin A5131. 1! Sn'cdish town, II. 363. Aliirl, inqcct, IX. [63. , Mnrgmve of Brandenburg. II.
colnshirc, SSW—Lombardy. 470, 480-. A1, a toun in Jutlca. II. 363. AKISSAR. II. 370. 2H].
the vicinity of London, MIG—London , in Zooloz'y, XIV. 142. 73. note Altos“, 11.371. of Mccklenburg, king of Swr'lcn,
dcrryJDI—Longt'ord, 556—].011tli,575 its stomach, III. {lb—intestines, 37~ AL. II. 371. XXI. I3.
mllntlagnscnr, XIII. MIG—Malta, XI V. blumh t'SSc'tl, 3f», ALA. II. 371. -—— of Saxony. on agronautics. II.
(SI—Isle of Man, film—Heath, XIV. 846 AICIIM'AD'I‘, it German town. 11- 363 .\LABA. II. 371. 178.
-—.\Ic.\ico, 7:99—Monaghan, XV. 390 Aln, II. 364. ALABAMA. II. 371~cnnaln in. XVI. ‘36 ALP-HITI (Leon Battistu), II. 380; III.
Mm‘.n_v,49 i-—.\'avnrrc, 7H—New Smith AID-IIE-CAMI', II. 364. —r:\ilro:uls, XXI. 474—stnte-lmn'h 4‘25.
\Vales, XXI. 716—Ncw York, XVI. Aims, bibliflj', II. 364. 06179. on medical jurisprmicncc, XIV
195 ~ Norfolk, 244 ; XI. 764 —-N0!‘ Ammu, II. 364. .\I.AIIAIV'H\. II. 3171. 49].
thumbcrhunl. XVI. 2-34—-Norwa_v, 265 Amnnxnum. II. 364. ALAnAsTrn (William). II. 37]. , a toun in IIunsary, II. 381.
—.\'m‘:\ Scotin, 2ti7—(I7'It-s'wa, 32‘!— AIGLL, II. 664. . mint-ml, l I. {IL—its specific gra Alhertini, Imittllifiti, V. 80.
Ohio, SIN—Orkney. MI—(Ixtiurtlqhirc. .\lorl:s-Prn~i;<, II. 364. x'ity. XII. 26. ALBERT?! MAGNUI, II. 381; XIII. 29!;
686—Pembmkcshirc, XVII. 183-— -\IGI.'|I.LON, II. 364. ALAILMITIIIT.“ IIIIYDIIOIDIT, II. 37?. XIV. 76—011 sal'mnmonlac, II. 660—
I’crthshire, 290—I’olmnl, XVII I. 212—~ Aim-Wis, in heraldry, II. 364. ALADINISTS, II. 372. on alchcmy, VI. 343.
Portugal, INF—Prussia, GEN—Queen’s .\It‘.UBANDR‘4. II. 364. ArAmcnuussAn. II. 37?. Arnnnrus, gold coin, II. 381.
County, 787—Radnorehirc, XIX. I l- AIRMAN (William), II. 364. ALAm'Ln, II. 372. l -\|.BI.HI!I. II. 381.
Renfrcwshire, I‘M—Rome, 434-—II~:1~: All. \NA, II. 2364. Al Attckin, VIII. 47R. ' Arm, French town. II. 381.
common, 479—R0q-shire, 494. 497, Ailanto tree. XVII. 787. Alngiw‘, XVII. 237. Annmrwnw, II. 382; XII. 293.
Roxhurghshire, SIQ—Ituqsin, 569, 577» .-\|I.|:, in law. II. 364. .'\I..\I.\ ((flurtierl, II. 372. .‘IIHTIEOIS, II. 3R1.
,ing.
~RlltIIIIItIiIIIH', Dim—Shropshire, 6;“.3 Anmsnrn'. ll. 36."). A1. in. II. Ailiin on birds. XVI. 546.
—Sav9y, 649—8ar-linia, (ISO-Sammy, AILMIZR, II. 36". ALAJon, 11.372. Aumu. II. 282.
(NO—Scotland, 7.52 ; x1. IIH—SQ‘II‘II‘IC AlLIIEI', II. 34.5. ALAMAGAN'. islunrl, II. 372. Alhininn amen: aniznnh, XIV. 86.
PIIII'I." XX. 85—SPVIIIL‘. “HI—Siberia, AIL-u, II. 367». AI.A.\I~\NI>IIS (Linifl. ll. 971i. Arman", 11.3w.
825-61igo, BrHomeraotnbire, 476-— Ailurns, in zoology. XIV. 160. Anni/mm (Lewis). II. 373. ALBIYUVANIW, Latin poet. II. 11M.
6 INDEX.
ALB-ALC ALC—ALE ALE—ALF ALF —Al.l
Ansnws, II. 384—1118 anatomical la ous quality, XIV. 507—Alcohol-ther ALnrro. II. 399—Snladin's siege of, VIII. lotion of BoethiusJV. 7 30—bit Domes
bOurs, 701. 703-on the muscles, 798. mometer, XXI. 237. 48l—plagueo in. XVII. 778. day Book, VIII. 100—his ships. XX.
Autos, II. 884; V. 298. ALCOIAI, or the Koran, II. 888. See ALE! (Alexander), II. 401. 214—not the founder of the University
Albion printing-press, XVIII. 570. Koran. Annsnnl. in Norfolk. II. 401. of Oxford. XXI. 492.
Albione, worm. X1. 226. ALCOIANIITS. II. 891. Anrssaunau. II. 401. (Prince). VIII. 7 07.
Annrsso. II. 884. Ancovl, in architecture, II. 891. Mar. 11. 401. Alfric. VIII. 708.
Arms, II. 884. Accor. a Spanish city. 11. 891. ALEUBOIIANCY, II. 401. Algae. in botany, V. 88, I88—their classi
ALBISOLA, II. 884. ALconzos, II. 392—his learning, XIII. Alcuteres, fish. XII. 229. fication still uncertain, III. 181—re
Albite. XV. 152—its sp. gr. XII. 26. 292. Anne's-us Isnanns, II. 401; XIX. 690. productive organs of. V. 56.
Annnassn-Waann. II. 384. Alcynoe. zoophyte, XXI. 1019. Alexander, hieroglyphicul characters of, ALGAIOLA, in Corsica, II. 420.
Anaooannos. II. 384. ALCYOIIIUM, one of the molluscn, XV. X1. 825. Algnmatolitc, in mineralogy, XV. 168.
Alboin. Lombard chief, XII. 465 ; XIII. 870; II. 892—Stagnum. ib. Auxasnn 'rn: Gnu'r. II. 407 ; XIII. ALOAROTII, II. 420.
465. Ancromos (Peter). II. 892. 624—1vas a poor judge of merit in ALGABO‘I'TI (Count). II. 420.
Araosax. II. 884. Annnonooon, II. 892. painting. III. 281—educated by Aris Anoanvs, in Portugal. II. 420.
Annono, II. 384. Anna; del Rio. II. 392. totle, III. 491—his army, 688—era of. Algnzcl. in zoology, XIV. 162.
ALnonno, Danish town, II. 384. ALDEBABAN, II. 392. VI. 660—Egypt under, VIII. 469— ALoznnA. II. 420—invention of. 1. 440;
ALBBICIUS, II. 385. Alder trees. XVII. 784, 790—speciflc anecdote of, IX. 677—bit geographical XIV. Bib—first introduced into Eu
Albucasis, his surgical skill. XX. 828, gravity of wood. XII. 26. discoveries, X. 390—his expedition to rope by Leonardo. I. 440; XIV. 816
827. ALDERIIOLI. island, II. 893. India, XI. 409; III. 696—his military -lntroduced by Gerbert, I. 441—first
ALBUIIA, II. 384—battle of, V. 530. Annnnun, II. 898. exploits and conquests, XIII. 680 at book printed on. ib.—system of Dio
Annurnna, II. 384. Annsasnr. II. 393—cattle, 324. “(1.; XI. 47 4—his death and character, phantus, Mil—resolution of equations
Albugineous fibre, XVII. 608. Annnlur (St). II. 898. XIII. 689—hls will, (HI—burial, 642 higher than the second degree, and
Anson. II. 885. Annronr. II. 393. -monarchy founded by, XV. 881—his extension of the rule by Cardsn, ib.-
Albumen (animal), VI. 498; XVII. 620. Annnnn, II. 898. invasion of Persia, XVII. 260—Tyre merit of Cardnn's discoveries, 442—
622—1“ use in clarifying, VI. 727 ALnnrcn (Robert and Henry). II. 394. taken by. XXI. 487. he gave his algebraic rules a poetical
its qualities as an aliment. VIII. 19— Aldrisi, VIII. 431. , king of Eplrus, IX. 812. dress, ib.—properties ofalgebraic equa.
of eggs, VIII. 466—nlbuminous secre ALDBOVANDUB (Ulysses), II. 895—01: ab Alemndro, II. 407. tions discovered very slowly, ib.—con
tions, XVII. 649. animals, XIV. 77—on ornithology. (Noel), II. 407. tributions to the science by Recorde.
(vegetable). VI. 478; V._ 51—4)!‘ XVI. 546. of I’hcrmn, XXI. l96~8. Bombelll, Vieta, Girard, Harri 0t, and
needs, 111. 75; XXI. 667, 668. ALDSTON-MOOI, II. 395-lend-mines of. VI. (Pope), II. 408; XXI. 412. others, 442-8. See also these heads.
Arnocornqon, Spanish town, II. 385. VII. 687 VII. (Pope). VI. 622. and 691-2—causes why the properties
Anaurm, II. 885. Aldunate (Colonel). VI " 648. , bishop of Lincoln. II. 408. of equations were discovered so slowly.
Alburnum of trees, II. 386 ; III. 88; V. Aldus, his Greek Bible, IV. 614—his edi . emperor of Russia, reign of, 448—spp1ication of algebraical analy
33. tions of the Greek classics, 626-his XIX. 567. sis by Descartes, to define the nature
Alburnus, angling for, III. 147. correction of the press. XVIII. 658. Savanna, II. 408-— rcign of. and investigate the properties of curve
Ann. in France, II. 385. Ann, II. 896—brewing of. V. 230—its XIX. 410. lines. 444—analysis of the work in
Alcn. bird, XVI. 630. difference from beer. 252-Irish trade (SM, bishop of Rome. II. 408. which that discoveryis announced, lb.
Alcabala, Spanish tux. XX. 522. in. XII. 406—Scotch manufacture of, I., king of Scotland, XIX. 705. -—-ndvnntnges resulting from the intro
Alcaqardo-Sal. II. 386, 658. XIX. 769. II.. king of Scotland, II. 408; duction of algebra into geometry, ib.
Moreno, 11. 885. ALE-CONNIE, II. 896. XIX. 707. —dcnotcs both quantity and the ope
Ancucs. II. 886. ALBA, II. 396. III., king of Scotland, II. 408; rations on quantity by means of con
Ancun. II. 886. ALEANDEI (Jerome), II. 396. XIX. 707. Ventionnl symbols, 445—cxccllence of
Alcala. Greek Bible, IV. 614. ALnc'ro. II. 396. of Trallis, XX. 825; XXI. 343. this, ib.—-difl'crence in practice between
do Guadclra, II. 386—de Henn Alector, bird. XVI. 605. (Sir William), II. 408; IV. 403. the algebraical and geometrical me
res, lb. Anoroau. II. 896. Alexandra, queen of the Jews, XII. 671. thod of treating quantity, 445—obscr
ALCALA-REAL, II. 886. ALECTOIOMANTIA, II. 396. ALEXANDIETTA, II. 408. vations on the use of the signs plus
Alcall. See Alkali. ALBE, a. sea term, II. 897. ALI-:xuinnu. II. 409, 230—acadcmy of. and minus. MIG—extraction of the cube
Alcnrnel, culiph of Egypt, vm. 483. Amour-re, Portuguese town, II. 397. (Hi—cultivation of science at, under root first discovered by the Arabians,
ALCAIO, n Sicilian city, II. 886. Aunos Cnlros. II. 897. the Ptolemies, 688; X. 425—anato 683—obscrvations on the algebraical
Alcan, VII. 284. Alemnn (Matteo). his romance, XIX. 852. micnl school of. II. USS—astronomical signs, 593—Descartes's contributions
ALCANIZ, a Spanish town, II. 886. ALEXANIA, II. 897. school. III. 729—era of, VI. 658-— to, 594; VI. 181—proposal of the Con
Ancsmu. II. 886. Alemnnui. XIX. 412. dcstruction oftho temple of Scrapis in. choid. by Newton. I. 695—advance
Anus-rum, in Spain, II. 886—in Bra Arsnnnaa. II. 397. VII. 279—cmbellishcd by Ptolemy So made in, by the discoveries of Lei!»
zil, XIV. 241—knights of, II. 386. Annxannr (Jean 1c Bond (1'). II. 897 tcr, VIII. 470-1ibrary of. XIII. 286; nits, ib.—-discoverics of De Moivre and
Ancanaz. a Spanish city, II. 386. his classification of the sciences incor XIV. 315; VIII. 477—Phnros of. XX. Stirling. 696—theory of quadratic fac
ALOAIIAI. do Sal. II. 886. 658. rect. I. l—vagucncss of his views rela 15—surgeons o'f, 822—battlo of, in tors, 696—account of improvements
in Barbary, II. 886. tive to their origin, ib.—his unsuccess 1801, V. 605; VIII. 493—bombnrd made in algebra, 696—7—applicntiona
ALcIcorrn, a Spanish town, II. 386. ful delineation of an encycloprulical ment of. 498-commerce, ancient, VII. of, and notice of elementary works on,
ALCAVALA, Spanish tax, II. 887. tree, 3‘—quotation from, on his divi 166 ; X1. 387 ; and modern, VIII. 524 ib.—valunblc results of the introduc
Ancazan de St Juan, II. 887. sion of human knowledge. 3-4—objec -othcr ancient cities of that name, 11. tion of. 444—0f sine: and cosinea.
Loguer, II. 887. tions to this, 6-6—his definition of 148. XIV. 82 3—annuitics treated algebrai
Alcodo, bird. XVI. 692. poetry 4—his identification of imagina in Louisiana, XIII. 373. cally, III. 220. See Equntions,Nogn
Alcetns, king of Epirus, IX. 812. tion with abstraction, 6—his modesty in Maryland, XIV. 274. tivc Sign. Series, 8w.
, Greek antiquary, XII. 291. in proponnding his theory. 7—his cn in Russia, II. 418. ALGENIB, II. 502.
Alchemists, VI. 342-7—their fallcicl re cyclopaedical tree only an amplifica Ausxaunnuu. II. 414—manuscript, ib. ALOBIIBAO. Spanish city. II. 602.
specting dew, VII. 749—in Persia, tion of Bacon's sketch, 7-8—charactcr ALEXANDRINE, II. 414. ALOIIERI. Sardinian city. I]. 602.
XVII. 254. of his preliminary discourse on the ALBXAKDIOW, in Russia, II. 414. Amunnu. II. 602.
Ancnnxr, II. 387; VI. 841, et seq.; division of the sciences, 10—qnotation ALEXANDIOWBIJD Russia, II. 414. Aaornmr. II. 602.
XVII. 425. 430. from, on the bins of the mind produced Alexei, emperor of Russia, XIX. 640. Anolrss. II. 503. 285; IV. 860—Admi
Amour (Andrew). II. 887. by habits acquired in infancy, 64—his ALEXICACUB, II. 414 rnl Blake's negotiation with. 678
ALCIIIADss, II. 387; IV. 1.57. n. 2, 158, mistaken view of the nature of space ALEXIN, in Russia. II. 414. Christian slavery at, 366—Lord Ex
ct nq.-his death and character, 161, and time, 142—mnthemntical re Ansxwnunucs, II. 414. mouth'l attack on. V. 542—Mr
n. I—conduct ofSocrates towards him, searches of, 578-cxpanded the pro Auzxm. II. 414. Bruce's residence at, BOG—weights and
XX. 441—1118 respect for that phi cess of integration relative to partial ALBXITEBIAL. II. 414. measures of. XXI. 851.
losopher, 444. dlyfercnccs. GOO—on dynamics, 604 ; Alcxius Comncnus, VII. 286. ALOOA buy. 11. 511.
“muons, II. 387. VIII. 387; XIV. 853—sketch of his Slrategopulus. VII. 287. ALGOL, star. II. 611.
Alciopa, worm. X1. 220. life and character, I. 604—convcrtcd ALEYN (Charlcsl, II. 414. Atoonqoms. II. 511. 619.
Ancrna. Spanish town, II. 387. dynamics into an absolute analytical ALFAQUSS, II. 414. Anoos. II. 512.
ALCIAII. II. 387, 579. science. 605—trcated the subject of ALI‘ARABIUS, an eastern philosopher, II. Anooar'rnu. II. 612.
Menu, Greek poet, II. 888. hydrodynamics with his usual origi 415. Anon/1211., II. 512.
MCIAIIAI verse, II. 388. nality and depth, 608—on achromatic ALFAIO. a Spanish town, II. 416. Algyra. reptiles, XIX. 141.
Amnnss. II. 888. glasses, II. 104—his connection with Atrnoncn. II. 416. Al I-Iakem. VIII. 478.
Ancoana. in Portugal, II. 388. Diderot, VIII. 14—0n double employ ALFEIIGAN, astronomer, II. 415; III. ALBAIA. Spanish city, II. 512.
Awocx (John). II. 888. ment in music. 122—on the resolution 734. Aunnnsa, II. 612.
Atools'ru, II. 388. of forces, 358—on the earth's figure, ALrn'r. II. 415. Auuum. II. 518; III. 785; X. 428.
Anconon. II. 388; VI. 437—prescut in IX. 551—on imitative music, XV. 641. Anrunu, (Victor), II. 416—his tragedies. chews how objects appear larger near
all ardent spirits. VIII. 44~its ten Assume, II. 899. VIII. 167. the horixon, I. 606—his work on op
dency to stop distillation, 49—how to ALEIBBO'I‘II, II. 899. Alfonso.—Sco Alphonso. tics. 506-7 ; XIII. 329; XVI. 850“
inflame it by electricity, 626—its va Ansucou, in France, II. 899. Alford, II. 418—buttle of, V. 327—cunal. solution of a very diflicult problem by.
pour not likely to supersede steam as Annuo (Julius). II. 899. XVI. 8. I. 506.
a moving power, IX. 482—modc of Ansu'rno, in Portugal. II. 899. Alfragsn. astronomer, II. 415; III. 734. ALI", a Sicilian city. II. 514. '
freezing it, ib.—its sp. gr. XII. 26. 34— Alcochara, insect. IX. 138 Autumn the Great. II. 418; VIII. 702-j Auwuacas, island. 11. 514.
its use in lamps, XIII. 41—its poison Alcpocephalus, fish, XII. 200. academy founded by, II. 67—his trnns- 1 Au, pupil of Mahomet, II. 514 ; XIV
 INDE X.
ALI—ALL ALL—ALM ALM— ALT ALT—AMA
26—reign of. III. 842-tomb of, in ALLBXAIID, II. 523. ALMONEB, II. 536. ALTIA. Spanish town, 11. 567.
Meshed Ali, XIV. 596. ALLEIANXIC, II. 528. Al Monstaser, VIII. 478. AL'rnuxn. 11. 567.
Ali Bahauder, IV. 781. Asasxoun, French town, II. 528. Anuoaau, in Hindustan, II. 536. Alten, in Finmark. XIII. 112.
Bey. II. 515; VIII. 485—travel Allen, bog of, XXI. 818. ALICIAVIDES, Arab tribe. II. 586. Annals, or Altona, II. 567.
ler under that name, VIII. 557. , Lough, XIII. 222. Anus, II. 537—a1ms-box, ib. Anrauszao, II. 567.
Paeha, history and character of. (John). 11. 523. Aimsgiving, duty of, VI. 328—enjoined ALTINBIUCII, II. 567.
II. 377. (Dr John), his proposal for mov by Mahomet, XIV. 38—objcctions to, Amnuanao, 11. 567.
Anus, in law, 11. 515. ing vessels by ejecting water from the XVIII. 865. Aa'rsaaslu. 11. 568.
Anal, in law, 11. 515. stern. XX. 687. Auwcnsrsas. II. 537. Avrmnnacn, 11. 568.
Aucsxrn, 11. 515—battle near. V. 534. (Thomas) II. 528. ALMUCIUM, II. 537. AL'rnxnacnnu. II. 568.
Aucasrsanas. II. 515. Antsunoar, II. 528. Aumoom, 11. 587. ALTENOT'I‘INO, in Bavaria, II. 568.
Aucsrs, II. 516; XV. 702. Annie-ram, II. 523. Annuurcsa, Spanish city, II. 537. ALTIIIAN’I‘O, in medicine, 11. 568—in
Alicudi, island, XIII. 870. Aura, river, II. 524. Amuos, II. 537. dyeing. VIII. 302.
Amen, II. 516—Lord Grenville‘s alien Annaacoon, II. 524. ALzuosa, II. 537. Ana-earner, II. 568.
bill, V. 467. ALLaaiou, in heraldry, II. 524. Amnncx. II. 587. Announcer, II. 568.
ALIENATIOII, II. 516—mental; see Men ALLssrar (Richard). II. 524. ALOA, II. 538. Anraaaa'rr, 11. 568.
tal Diseases. ALLIVAID, in Dauphiny. II. 524. Aloes poisonous to some animals, III. Annals-non, 11. 568.
Alima hyalina. VII. 502. ALLnvzuar, II. 524. 166-sp. gr. of. XII. 26. Anrnaru'nvs, II. 568.
Aliment, its efi'ects on the mind, VIII. ALLEY (William), 11. 524. ALoouus, heretics, II. 538. Amman-sass, II. 568.
448—and on health, XIV. 508—of . in gardening, &c., II. 525. ALooo'raornu, II. 538. Aaroroaonxwannn, II. 568.
plants and animals. III. 166—aliments Anna (Edward), II. 525. Alomya, insects, IX. 223. Althorp. library at, XIII. 800.
distinguished from medicines and ALL-HALLOW, II. 516. Alonso, king of Portugal. XVIII. 468. Altica. insects, IX. 184.
poisons, ib. See Dietetics, Food, Nu Anus, river, II. 526. Alontium or Aiuntium, II. 577. Atrium-av. 11. 568.
trition. Ailiaeeous plants, X1. 671. ALoor, II. 588. Artist, 11. 568.
Amusaraan PUEII, II. 516. Ataisnez, II. 526. Amazon, 11. 538. An'rislcsa, 11. 568.
ALIIBN'I‘AIY DUCT, II. 516. ALmsa, II. 526. Alosa, fish. XII. 215. ALTINO (Henry). II. 568.
ALIPILARIUS, II. 516. ALLmn'i, II. 526. ALos'r, city, 11. 539. (James). II. 569.
Aur'raawx, II. 516. Anion-ion. II. 526. Alouattes, in zoology, XIV. 94. Avrrrnns, 11. 570.
Auqmnn' mar, 11. 516. Alligator, XIX. 186. Alouchi. specific gravity of. XII. 26. AL'ralaca, 11. 570.
Auouo'r rsa'r. II. 516. Allioni on botany, V. 82. Alpaca, animal, XIV. 157 ; IV. 747. Avrxoas, II. 570.
Alismacese, in botany. V. 136. Aurora, star, 11. 527. An Aasasa, Sultan, II. 588. ALTO-BAND, II. 570.
Alismoidem, in botany, V. 136. ALLI‘I'EIA'I'ION, II. 527. ALPHA, II. 589. Aaron. 11. 570-in Illinois, XII. 248.
Alison (Archibald), his theory ofbeauty, Anal: (Peter). II. 528. , ALrnnn'r, II. 539 — Hebrew, XVII. Alto-Relievo. See Relievo.
IV. 487; XXI. 90—on the pleasure ALLOA, in Clackmannanshire, II. 528— 864—Phmnician, 866—Arabic, 371— Aaro-Rirmxo, in music, 11. 570.
arising from the study of antiquity, ferry at, V1. 720—-collieries, 72l— Ethiopic. 875—Egyptian, 377—Sans Aurora. 11. 570.
IV. 492—on associations peculiar to ' manufactures and trade, ib. crit, 884—Bengalese, 385—Greek. 896 Avroar. II. 570.
individuals, 494—on the beauty of ALLocA'riou, II. 528. -Gothic, 418—t‘or the blind, IV. 697 An'rasas'ran‘r, in Saxony, II. 571.
Greek architecture, 496. Allochroite, in mineralogy. XV. 159. —finger, 699; VII. 650—origiu of al Australians. in Cheshire, II. 571.
(Dr. W. P.) on single vision. Auocurxo, II. 528. phabetic writing, XVII. 862—propos AL'rsoL, in Hungary. 11. 571.
XIII. 842—his classification of animal ALLODIUI, II. 528. ed universal alphabets, V. 321. Ana-"nun, in Germany, 11. 571.
functions, XVII. 591—ou instinctive Allonville. great oak oi', XXI. 293. ALPIIIINIX, II. 551. AL'rzso, German town. 11. 571.
motions, 678. Allophane, specific gravity of, XII. 26. Ann"!!! (Mikipher). II. 551. Alucita, insects, IX. 252.
Ausoa'ris, II. 516. ALLos. in France, II. 529. ALrnossm, surgical instrument, II. 551. Anna, 11. 571—in mineralogy, XV. 139
Auras, II. 516. ALLOY, II. 529. ALruoxso 1.. king of Portugal, II. 552. —sometimes used by bakers. IV. 297
Alizarin, VIII. 306. ALL-SAINTS, II. 516—Bay,ib.; XIX. 628. —king of Arragon. XX. 496. —-prevents dry rot. V111. 232—its use
Annuals. II. 515. ALL-SoULs, II. 517. 111., IV., V., and VI., kings of in dyeing, V111. 296. 301. 303, 317
ALIADARII, II. 516. Allspice, XVII. 744. Portugal, 11. 558, 554. —its specific gravity, XII. 26.
Anxaans'r, II. 516. ALLS’I‘AD'I‘, in Saxe-Weimar. II. 529. 111., king of Asturias, II. 555. Alumina, V1. 898—salts of. 447—a mor
Aususs, II. 516; VI. 436-vegetable. ALLUIIIOI, 11. 529. X., king of Leon. 11. 556—03 dant in dyeing. VIII. 803.
460—Sir H. Davy’s decomposition of, ALLUSION, II. 529. tronomy cultivated by. 111. 736. Alumine, specific gravity of. X11. 26.
by means of galvanism, VII. 639— Alluvium, V11. 702; II. 529. V., king of Arragon and Naples, Aluminite, II. 575.
manui'aeture of, at Newcastle, XVI. Almacantars or Almucantars, II. 587. II. 557. Aluminum, VI. 898.
152—alkaline bases, V1. 392—alkaline Amuns. Portuguese town, II. 529. Alpidium, one of the mollusca, XV. 87. Alumstone. in mineralogy, XV. 140.
poisons. XIV. 502; XVIII. 176. ALIADIN de Azoguc, II. 529. ALPINI (Prospero), II. 557. Alunite, specific gravity of, XII. 26.
Aaxsuus'rna. II. 516. Auunis, II. 529. ALPII'I‘B, II. 558. Atmrrwn. or Aloutium, II. 577.
Assassins, II. 516. Annual", II. 529; III. 738, 734. ALPI, II. 558; IX. 406; XXI. 46, 530, Anunn, II. 563.
Al Ksar, in Morocco. XV. 505. Aunoas, 11. 529. 531. 588—botany of the. V. 76—111m Alurnus. insect. IX. 182.
ALLA, or Allah, II. 517. Auuoao, a Spanish fortress, II. 529. nibal’s passage of the, VI. 196; XI. I84 ALVA n: Tosxss, II. 577.
Anuoiu, Italian town, II. 517. (Diego de). II. 529; XVII 296. —Bonaparte‘s passages, X. 105, 118 (F. A. of Toledo. Duke 00,11.
Arman“), in Hindostan, 11. 517-in the younger, 11. 530. road of the Simplon, XX. 856—Splu 577—his proceedings in the Nether
scriptions at, XII. 291. Ausuoas, Spanish town, II. 581. gen road. XX. 547—Noric, Carlnthian, lands, X1. 513, etseq.
Amuse, II. 518. ALIAION, II. 531 —his patronage of and Julian Alps. XII. 252. ALVA". vvood. II. 579.
Allamand (Monsieur), his criticism on science.11. 692; ofastronomy, III. 734; (Lower. Higher. and Maritime), Alvarado, in Mexico, XIV. 816.
Locke’s argument against innate ideas, and of medicine. XX. 825. departments of France. 11. 563. ALvsars on Luau. 11. 579.
I. 107.250—Gibbon’s account of. 107. ALXANACI, II. 581—old almanacks, III. ALPUJAIIAO, in Spain, 11. 568. Anus: (Francis). 11. 579—510 travels
Allan (Thomas). his improvement in 541. 542. Amman, 11. 563. in Abyssinia, 52.
stereotyping. XVIII. 565. (Nautical). II. 582; XIV. 279— Anomrou. II. 568. de Toledo (Don Jose), XIV. 787.
(David). II. 518. its use in finding longitude, XIII. 560. Amazons, historian. 11. 568. Ans/lawns. 11. 580.
. river, II. 518. Anus“. Spanish city, 11. 533. Anassroan, II. 568. ALVIIBADI, Portuguese town. 11. 580.
Anasxcnzs, II. 518. Aursusos (Caiiph), II. 583. A‘LUACI, 11. 568-cana1 of, XVI. 6. Anson, II. 580.
Alianite, in mineralogy, XV. lilo—spe Almanzor. a Moorish general in Spain. Anszu, Danish island, 11. 564. ALVBOLUO, II. 580.
cific gravity of, xn. 26. XX. 496. ALSIILD, 11. 564. ALVIII, in Croatia. 11. 580.
Allantoic acid. V1. 431. Auuasz, Spanish town, II. 583. Auuna in Bukharia. II. 564. Anvus, in anatomy. II. 580.
Anuarols, 11. 518. ALIAIIC, II. 533. Ansnsns. in Sweden, 11. 564. Auuum, Mahometan sect, 11. 580.
ALLA'rws (Leo). 11. 518. Aunzsa, Spanish town. II. 583. ALSIIIA'I‘, II. 564. Alyattes. king of Lydia. XIII. 607.
Aurel-Us, II. 519; V. 801. Auuzsaaou. Spanish town, II. 533. Anso-Kuanl, in Hungary. II. 564. Annual, 11. 580.
Allecnla. insect, IX. 166. Anus. Egyptian dancing-girls, II. 533. Ansor (Anthony and Vincent), II. 564. Alyson, insect, IX. 280.
Allegany Indians. 11. 619. Autumn, II. 534. Auranono, in Norway, 11. 565. Au'rsacns, II. 581.
mountains, II. 519. 614; XXI. ALII-IIDA, 11. 534; V. 529. ALs'rsn, in Denmark, 11. 565. ALIINAU. in Bavaria, II. 581.
451, 658—their geology, II. 614. Animus, 11. 534. Aux-sows (John Henry). II. 565. Ann, in Germany, 11. 581.
river, II. 519. , Amino. II. 534. Aurora (Charles), II. 565. Anna. a Spanish town, 11. 581.
Anson-s, 11. 519. Animals, 11. 534. Alston-Moor. See Aldston-Moor. Ann, 11. 581.
Amazons, II. 519. Auuaau, Spanish city, 11. 534. ALT, in music. 11. 565. Axnva. 11. 581.
Allegevvis. II. 622. ALXBYDA (Don Francis). 11. 534. ALTAI Mountains, 11. 565; XX. 826— Amack, or Amak, II. 582.
Announce. II. 519. Almicantars, III. 755. mines in the, XIX. 587. Amada, temple of. III. 415.
Aanseoar, 11. 520 --fondness of the Aimiggim or Almuggim. II. 537. Altaie or Mongolian race of man. See Amadan. See Ramadan.
orientais for. XVII. 87 7—French alle Auussa, II. 534. Mongolian. Alsnsxson. in India, 11. 581.
gorical romance, XVIII. 164. Ausonsnss, dynasty. II. 534. AL'rnsox'r, Italian town, 11. 566. Aminscs V., V111., and IX.. counts of
Anson! (Antonio). painter, 11. 521. See Auscsacav. in Yorkshire, 11. 585. Atrssscas, Neapolitan city, 11. 566. Savoy, II. 581-2.
Corregio. Amman, II. 535-ovulum in the. III. 99 ALTAI. II. 566; 111.407. Anubis, in Curdlstan. II. 582.
Amazon, in music. 11. 522. -culture of the almond-tree, XI. 6421. ALTAl-TIIAKE, 11. 567. Ausoow, II. 582.
ALLEIN (Joseph and Richard). II. 522. river in Edinburghshire, V111. Annual, in Pomerania, II. 567. Alunovvar. 11. 582.
ALLrLcua. 11. 528. 429. Ann-boar, 11. 567. Alum, a sea-term, II. 582.
b
8 INDEX.
AMA—AMB
AIAI, island, 11. 582.
All/1L, Swedish town, II. 582.
AMALAILIC, II. 582.
AMALASON'I‘IIA, II. 583.
Amalden, quicksilver mine of, XV. 257.
Annual: and Amalekites, II. 583.
AlALI-‘I, II. 584; XV. 699—story of the
discovery of a copy of the Pandects at,
V1. 718. ' AIBBY, II. 603.
Axancnl, II. 585; VI. 418-for elec
trical machines, VIII. 576.
Axawasurlon, II. 585—extraction of
silver by, V. 8.
AMALTHBA, II. 585.
AXALTIIIBIIS, II. 585.
Amalthea, in botany, V. 49.
AMAXA (Sixtinus), II. 585.
Alsace, II. 585.
Axasn (M. A. G., Sieur dc St), II. 585.
(Saint), French cities. 11. 586.
AMANTEA, Neapolitan town, II. 586.
Amantons (51.), his telegraph, XXI. 138.
AXANUS, mountain in Syria, 11. 586.
Amaaaxrs, a Swedish order of knight Aux-nor de la Houssai (Nicholas), II. 604. Annuas'r (Nicholas), II. 655.
hood, II. 586.
Amaranthaceae, in botany, V. 125.
Auaaouaa, island, 11. 586.
Amarygmus, insect, IX. 166.
Amaryllideaa, in botany, V. 183.
Anasu, II. 586.
Annals, II. 586; VIII. 467-8; XI. 324. Amenoph, VIII. 463.
Amathusia, insect, IX. 242 Amenophion, or Memnonium, at Thebes
Amativencss, faculty of, XVII. 461, 689.
Anaroan xuscnu, II. 587. Amenophis III., his encouragement of
Ana'rnics, Neapolitan city, II. 587.
Asis'r'ra Foa, island, II. 587.
Auauaosls, II. 587—in the domestic
animals, XXI. 636.
Anszun, king of Judah, II. 587.
Axazoa, river, II. 587; V. 198; XIX.
253; III. 675—vegetation of, V. 201
-—Acuna’s exploratory voyage on the,
II. 133—navigation of the, 614; XVI.
28—Condamine’s voyage on the, V11.
199—its connection with the Orinoco,
XVI. 537—tides in the, XXI. 282.
Asuzoma, II. 587—climate of, 612.
Axszosun Hasrr, II. 590.
Axazoxs, female warriors, II. 587.
Axaacn'r, II. 500.
Aussavama, II. 590.
Axnsssanoa, II. 590.
Ambassis, fish, XII. 168.
Ambato, XVIII. 798.
Ann, surgical instrument, II. 590.
AMBER, II. 590 ; XV. I72—electricity of,
VIII. 565—specific gravity of, XI]. 26.
Anasao, II. 592.
Anssacals, II. 592; XIV. 185; XII.
512—speciiic gravity of, 26.
Austin, in France, 11. 594.
Aussr'rnwar, II. 594.
AMBIANI, now Amicns, II. 594.
Ausmsx'rss, II. 594.
Axmss'r, II. 594.
Auaizsuz, French town, II. 594.
Auslosaz ovss, II. 594.
Ansiosrur. Hrrsanou, II. 594.
Ausionons, II. 594.
Amur, II. 594.
Asmrnon, II. 595.
Alarrns, II. 595.
Assets, 11. 595; XI. 591.
Ambleside, in Westmoreland, II. 595.
AMBLETEUBI, French town, 11. 595.
Anssroou, II. 595.
Amblygonite, specific gravity of, XII. 26.
AxsLi'ors, II. 595.
Amblyteres, insects, IX. 157.
Also, or Ambon, II. 595.
Ansonrrsunss, in Madagascar, II. 595.
Auscxss, French town, 11. 595.
(Francis and George d’), II. 595.
Alumni}, in Madagascar, II. 596,
Anson“, island, II. 596—serpents of,
XX. 137.
Anasscu, in Epirus, II. 599.
AMBIBADA, II. 600.
Ambreic acid, VI. 430.
Axsassansr, II. 600.
Alaaonss, II. 600.
Ansnoss, of Alexandria, II. 600.
(St) II. 600; VII. 280—said to
AME—AME AME—AMO AMO—AMY
have first introduced anti p‘ional sing XVII. 428, fls—Amefimn variety of “0!, II. 665; VIII. 692.
ing, III. 255. human species, XVII. 555, 697, 698. Ampelidese, in botany, V. 103.
(Isaac), II. 602. See Cherokees, Esquimaux, 8:0. Ampelis, bird, XVI. 570.
Auaaosu, II. 603. War, V. 390, 397, at seq.-Burke’s Axrurrss, or cannel-coal, II. 665.
Ambrosian library at Rome, XIII. 309. opposition to the, fill—compensation Amparo (Mons.), elegant experiment of,
office or rite, II. 603. to the loyalists, 448. on the projection of water through a
Ausaosm, coin, II. 603. Amerieus Vespucius. See v’espucci. vertical slit, I. 611—on electro-mag
Ausnosins Aurelianus, II. 603. Ansasron'r, a Dutch city, II. 654. netism, VIII. 574; XXI. 684—on op—
Axsasuax, in Bucks, II. 654. tics, XVI. 373—his electro-dynamic
Ansnasue, II. 603. Aims (Fisher), II. 654. cylinders, XXI. 685-his revolving
Ansonss'r, II. 603. (William). D.D.. II. 655. battery, ib.—his electripeter, 689.
AMBULATORY, II. 603. Ames’s “ Typographical Antiquities,” Axrnsass, II. 666.
Alsuaswx, II. 604. IV. 623. Anrnuasns, Greek prophet, II. 666
Amanar, II. 604. Anssvar, in Wilts, II. 655. oracle of, XVI. 516.
Ansnscans, or Ambush, II. 604. Ann'rnrsr, II. 655; XV. 157—its speci Altruism, II. 666; XIV. 123; XIX.
Ausr, in the Netherlands, II. 604. fic gravity, XII. 26—circular polariza I25—their teeth, III. 32—structum
Alanaaar, in Hindostan, II. 604. tion in, XVI. 501. of, XVII. 705.
Ausmass, monks, II. 604. AIETBYSTINE, II. 655. Axrnisonoor, II. 667.
Ameilhon on the classification of books, Aimaa, or Amhara, II. 655, 58. Auraraaacnrs. II. 667.
IV. 631, 632. Amharic alphabet, II. 549—language, Amphicoma, insects, IX. 160.
Ameiva, reptiles, XIX. 139. XVII. 376. Anrmcon, II. 667.
Axstasn, island, II. 604. Asians", in India, II. 655. Amphictyon, king of Attica, I V. 142.
AMELIA, II. 604. (General), V. 384. AXPBIC'I'YONS, assembly, 11. 667.
Aurninaouu, II. 667.
AusLor'rs (Denis), II. 605—his French Amia, tlsh, XII. 216. Aurninaros, II. 667.
New Testament, IV. 616. Amianthinite, sp. gr. of, XII. 26. Axrninocmns, bishop of Iconimn in
Anna, 11. 605. Allan-runs, or Asbestus, II. 656 -its the fourth century, II. 667.
Axssn or Anssns, II 605. specific gravity, XII. 26. Auralnocuns, diviner, II. 667.
Amsnns Honoaasns, II. 605. AIICABLB, II. 656—benches, ib.—num Axrnnncn, II. 667.
Aunsnxrsr, II. 605. bers, ib. Amphinome, worm, XI. 219.
Amici's micrometer, XV. Iii—his mieio Axrmox, in mytholog. II. 667.
scopes, 39, 42. Amphipoda, crustacea, VII. 502.
in Egypt, VIII. 538. Allcrns, II. 656. Anrmronss, II. 668.
AnicvLcx, II. 656. Axrnirrn, II. 668.
the military spirit among the Egyp Aincus Cnam, II. 656. Amphiprion, fish, XII. 176.
tians, III. 581. AIIDA, Japanese god, II. 656. Anrmraoasz, ancient ships, II. 668.
Amenophthes, XI. 324. Amidin, VI. 477. AIPBIPBOBTYLE, II. 668; III. 464.
Amcnses, XI. 323. Ainsns, II. 656—cotton-manut'acture Amphisbtena, serpent, XX. 123.
Amcntacem, in botany, V. 130. 01', VII. 417—peace of, V. 506-8; X. Amphisbaenidze, serpents, XX. 123.
Anssrnu, II. 605; V. 40, 49. 121, 126; XV. 729. Astrniscn, II. 668; X. 409.
Axsnans, II. 605. Lamp, XIII. 42. Amphisile, fish, XII. 197.
Amercement, or Amerciament, II. 605. Amman, II. 656. See Hamilcar. Amphistoma, zoophyte, XXI. 996.
Amerhinus, insect, IX. 174. Amucri, II. 657. Anrnrrnssras, II. 668; III. 443.
Aussies, II. 605—1'11'01198 of, III. 616— Amssxrs, II. 657. Aural-rams, in mythology, II. 670——
Indian bibles, IV. 618—botany of, V. Auisns, a city in Pontus, II. 657. worm, XI. 218.
76—Cabot‘s discoveries in, 766—ca Aui'r'rsss LEOEX result, 11. 657. Alrnrraros, II. 670.
noes, VI. 89—discovery of, by Colum Aunwxcu, in Wales, II. 657. Amphiuma, reptiles, XIX. 161
bus, VII. I30, 159; X. 399—eti'ects on All“, II. 657. Aurnons, II. 670.
commerce, of the influx of gold and Amman, in Palestine. XVI. 746. Axrnoaaanm Vixen, II. 670.
silver from, VII. 160—emigration to, (John Conrad), 11. 657. Anrno'rinss, II. 670.
VIII. 686—unoccupied lands in, 687 (Paul), 11.657. Amplcxus, in conchology, XV. 345.
-~insccts of, IX. IOS—fur-trade of, X. or Ammant, II. 657. AMPLIA'I‘ION, II. 670.
260—variation of the needle in, XIII. Asunssus MABCELLINUS, II. 657. Axru'rnns, in astronomy, II. 670; III.
735, 737—languages of, XVII. 423, Ainmuro (Scipio), II. 658. 754—magnetical, II. 670.
555—volcanoes, 512-—cataracts, 525 Ammobates, insects, IX. 234. Axrssnc'ri VALLI, II. 670.
~animals, 551—peopling of, 555— Ammoczetcs, fishes, XII. 237. Ann-mu. II. 670—Park, IV. 517.
course of rivers, XIX. 252—Robert Almocnarsos, II. 658. Ampulex, insect, IX. 229.
son's History of, 301—Popery in, 316 Ammodytes, fishes, XII. 227. Aurntns, II. 671.
~Russian possessions in, 590 —scr Ammomooka, iland, XVIII. 322. Anipullaria, in eonchology, XV. 348.
pants, XX. 133, I37—negro slavery, Annex, II. 658; X1. 319. Anrcaus, in Catalonia, II. 671.
384—steam-navigation to, 691—is the Ammonia, VI. 367—salts of, 445—sac Amputation, XX. 836—now less resort
sugar cane a native of 1 791—timber charatc of, 472—speciflc gravity of, ed to than formerly, 834.
of, XXI. 295. XII. 26—its {oisonous quality, XIV. Auaarnrn, king of Shinar, II. 671.
(North), aurora borealis in, IV. 502, 503. Axaas, in Germany, II. 671.
196—Humboldt's vertical section of, Alumnae, II. 659; VI. 491—sal-am Asian-sin, in Hindostan, II. 671.
402—vvar between the British and moniac, II. 659. Anac-Esx-sL-As, a famous Saracen
French in, V. 383-4—Canadian In Ammonites, people of Palestine, II. 663 leader, II. 671, 410; VIII. 477.
dians, VI. 65 -—remarkable wooden —in conchology, XV. 345; VII. 366. Annual, Danish island, II. 671.
bridge in, 292—temperaturc of, 764; Axuoums, of Alexandria, II. 663 ; Ausnoaruus, religious sect, II. 671.
XVII. 543—British colonies in, VII. XVII. 406, n. 2. Ansrsanau, II. 671—corn-trade of, VII.
124—exports from Britain to. 161— , ancient lithotomist, XX. 822. 363-manufacture of diamonds at,
anticipated drainage of the great lakes Ammophilus, insect, IX. 229. VIII. 6—p0pulation of, XV. 557—
of, VIII. 512, n. 2—mines, XV. 260—— Ammothea, genus ofarachnldes, III. 367. canal of, XVI. 5~bank of, XVII. 45
inland navigation, XVI. 23—birtl<. 352 Ammu river, XVI. 687. -measures used in, XXI. 846—weigbts
-—-plains, XVII. 502~heights ot' moun AMMUNITION, II. 664. used in, 848.
tains of, 505, 556—volcanoes in, 514 Ausns'ri', II. 664. (Island of). II. 672; IV. 217;
—lakcs, 522, 523—climate, 544—In Axsios, II. 664; XVII. 694—in botany, XVIII. 322.
dians, XVIII. 55—map of, II. P1. 22. V. 47—ot' seeds of plants, III. 99. Auunn'r, II. 672.
(South), French scientific expe Anossawu, a kind of poem. II. 664. Amun, Egyptian deity, VIII. 553.
dition to, V. 144; IX. 548—rccogni Anon, a town in Asia, II. 664. Amur, river, II. 665.
tion by Britain of the independence of Amomeze, in botany, V. 132. AIUBA'I‘II I. emperor, II. 672 ; XXI.
the republics of, 560—tradc with Eng Axoxssnao, in Germany, II. 664. 411; VII. 289.
land, VIII. 779, 781—mines, XV. 264 AMONTONS (Guillaume), II. 664—his ba II. emperor, II. 673; XXI. 411 ;
—inland navigation, XVI. 28—birds, rometer, IV. 391, 393-his fire-wheel, VII. 289.
552—plains, XVII. 502—heights of X. 554. III. emperor, XXI. 412.
mountains of, 505, 556—voleanoes in, Axons/Ins, II. 665. IV, emperor, II. 678; XXI. 412.
513—lakcs, 522—equinoxial plants, Axoasscn, in Bavaria, II. 665. Amusement, necessity and importance
546—map of, II. P]. 23. Axosoo, island, II. 665. of, III. 267—natura. desire of, VIII.
American Indians, II. 615 ; VI. 65; Axoax'rns, II. 665. 179.
XVIII. 55—their countenance, XIV. Axos'rizariou, in law, II. 665,. AnwsLL, in Hertfordshire. II. 678.
198, I99, 200—traditions of the De Amos, prophet, II. 665. Amworth, vitrified fort at, IX. 758.
luge among them, VII. 699—two great Amosis, VIII. 463. Amygdalcae, in botany, V. 107.
classes of North American Indians, Allows, river, II. 665. Amygdaloid in Iceland, XII. 148.

AMY—ANA
Anrsicsoos, II. 673.
Amylin, VI. 477.
AIINTA, II. 673.
Amyntas, king of Macedon, XIII. 620.
Anrnron, II. 678.
Auro'r (Jamesl, bishop of Auxerre, and
grand almoner of France, 11. 67 3.
AHYIALDISM, 11. 678.
Autumn (Moses), II. 673.
Amyrideae, in botany, V. 106.
Amyris, in botany, IV. 322.
Ann, 11. 673.
ANABAPTIB‘I‘B, II. 678; XIV. 560—pcr Anss'rosu'rxcs, II. 684.
secution of, in Queen Elizabeth’s reign, Axusroxosrs, II. 684 ; XVII. 639—of
VIII. 757.
Annbas, fish, XII. 190.
Azunasu, II. 680.
Anabates, birds, XVI. 588.
Assns'rnns, II. 680.
Anableps, fish, XII. l89—its eyes, 111. ANATIIEIA, 11. 684.
22.
Axssos, island, 11. 680.
Announcers, or Anabole, II. 680,
Anasossos, II. 680.
Auscinrr'rnsu, II. 680.
Auscsxr'rnnu, II. 680.
ANAOAIPTIC, II. 680.
Anacanthus, fish, XII. 235.
Anacardieze, in botany, V. 106.
Anacardium, in botany, V. 68.
Annceium, in ancient Athens, IV. 118.
Azucnsnns, Scythian, II. 680.
ANACIOII‘I', II. 680.
Arucsnozusu, II. 680.
ANAOLAOTIO Gaseous, II. 680.
ANACLAS'I'ICB, II. 680.
AIACLE‘I‘EBIA, ancient festival, II. 689.
Axscssricml, II. 680.
Anscsmorsur, II. 680.
AuAcLm'rnn, II. 680.
ANACOLLEIA, II. 681.
Anscouns, serpent, II. 681.
Assessor, II. 681—his address to the
Cicada. IX. 202.
Arucnnonrm virus, II. 681.
Armenians, II. 681.
ANACIIOIII, II. 681.
ANADEIA, II. 681.
Azumrsosrs, II. 681 .
ANADIOIUS, in ichthyology, II. 681.
Arunnoxsn: Vssus, II. 681.
Amsnsu, II. 681. ' Assxmmns, philosopher, III. 102; X. Andreani (Paul), aeronaut, II. 188.
Anaemia. XVII. 126.
Anacnosrs. II. 681. ' 4
ANAGOGICAL, II. 681.
Azuooor, or Anagogc, II. 681. ‘v- ~
ANAGRAI, II. 681. 1,3.
Axiosunu'rrs'r, II. 682.
Ansesos, II. 682.
Anahuac, in Texas, XIV. 819.
Anuhuatlels, II. 622.
Anus, II. 682.
Analcime, a mineral, XV. lbO—speciflc
gravity of, XII. 26—doublc refraction
ot‘, XVI. 369. 489. ' Axcuon, III. 103; XX. bit—forging of,
Answers, 11. 682.
ANALEHMA, II. 682.
ANALEI‘SIS, II. 682.
ANALEPTICB, II. 682.
Anasoor, II. 682—evidence of, XIV.
640—rcusoning from, XVII. 442, 464
—Socratcs fond of teaching by, XX.
465.
ANALYSIS, II. 682—Condillnc on. VII.
206, 207—algcbraie, II. 420—ancient
. geometrical, XX. 359. Sec Geome
try, new.
Asuuric, or Analytical, II. 683.
Anus-0A, in Guinea, II. 683.
Annual, II. 683.
Auunisucn, II. 683.
Aiunonrnosis, II. 683; XVII. 284.
Annnns, XI. 660.
ANAKCI‘I'IB, II. 683.
Axum“, a Sadducec, II. 683.
ANANISAI'I‘A, II. 683.
Murmur, 11. 683.
ANAPBSTIO Venues, 11. 683.
Annpcra, insects, IX. 293.
Answers, 11. 683.
Annuals, II. 683.
Annplognnthides, insects, IX. 157.
Announce, II. 888.
INDEX.
ANA—AND AND—AND AND—ANI
Assncur, II. 683. Andalusite, XV. 155-its sp. gr. XII. 26. Andry on animal magnetism, XIV.‘8.
Aruncnr, II. 683. c . Anonun Islands, 111. 110. Anontcnow, in Galicin, III. 126. 48.1
Anarnacus, in zoology, XIV. 182. ANDAN'IB, in music, 111. 111. Animus, Spanish city, III. 126. will
Anarrhichas, fish, XII. 193. Andcer, XX. 547. Annozn, French town, 111. 126 ~
Ansnnoru, II. 683. ANDEGAVI, or Andcgavus, III. 111. Anncno'rns, II. 76;
Ancgada. XVI. 126. XXI. 660. >
Anas, bird, XVI. 638. Axnssrs, in France, III. 111.
Anaspis, insect, IX. 168. Annszu, III. 111. Annuonrrnn, III. 126; XIV. 741 ;
ANAS'I‘ABIO (St), Italian city, II. 683. Annnor. (St), French town, III. 111. XVII. 538; XVIII. 113—for railway~
ANABTABIB, II. 683. ANDIIAD, III. 111. carriages, XIX. 45. carve-$12:
ANAS'I‘ABI us I. and 11., Roman emperors, Annxnsvu, or Inderabin, III. 111. Anemone, culture of, X1. 683. we”
II. 683. Annnnrucn'r, German town, III. 111. Anemoscope, IV. 388 ; XVII. 538. 1"
Bibliothecarius, II. 684. Aunzno (St), Spanish town, 111. 111. Anmron, III. 126. a-.w-iuir1s-~-l8¢
Annnnson (Alon), mathematician, III. Aneurism, XVII. 482, 483-John I'Iun
111; x. 429, 766. ter's operation for the cure of, XX.
arteries, II. 719—01' veins, 723. (Sir Edmund), III. 112. 830—surgical tmtmcnt of, XX. 889.
Anastomus, fish, XII. 212. (Dr James), 111. 112—hls culture Aneyzy, III. 326. '
, bird. XVI. 620. of the bread-fruit, V. 212, 213. Anfrye’s assaying furnace, III. 719, 715.
Auss'raorns, II. 684. (Professor John). on evapora Armin, island, 111. 126. .’
~ Anntase, in mineralogy, XV. 161. tion, IX. 4 30, 431~university founded Ancnu, river, III. 126. ‘
by, X. 540—on hygrometry, XII. 125 Axons, or Angarii, III. If“. 1"
Anatifer, in conchology, XV. 340. —how far the originator of mechanics' Ancsnu, III. 127.'¢4u;,,-_r . ‘ 1t -
ANATOCIBI, II. 684. institutions, XIV. 460. ' Arrears, island, III. .‘ .
Anatolia, or Natolia, XV. 7 37—coast of, (Robert), III. 114. ANGELO,
Anomo'rour,
III. l27—Gnostic
in surgery, III.
doctrine of a
IV. 661. Axons, III. 115; 11. 606-9; XVII. 302;
Azuron! (ennui), II. 684-Dr Barclay XIX. 253; XXI. 592—their geology, hierarchy of, 297—views of the lia
on its nomenclature, IV. 378—study II. 609; VI. 528—their influence on homctsns respecting, XIV. 33.
of, necessary for correct drawing. the climate of South America, 11. 610 Angel-fish, XII. 234w“; 4"»
VIII. 188—London school of, XIII. —vvcre the seats of ancient American Angelica, xr. 615. on!»
517—in relation to medicine, XIV. civilization , 622—their elevation a con Anosmcs, sect of heretics, III. 127. :.
5 l-t—its influence on the advancement jectured cause of the Deluge, VII. , order of knights, III. 127. Mite.
of physiology, 516—physiology found 7 00-01' Bolivia, IV. 743—01“ Chili, VI. Asonrrss, sect of heretics, III. 127.
ed on, XVII. 584—history of, II. 685; 522—of Colombia, VII. 89. Angelo (Michael). See Michael Angelo.
XVII. 728. Sec Surgery. Axnsnsn, a French city, III. 119. (St), Italian town, III. 127.
(courinnrvs). 111. I—its uti Axnonnn, or Andorra, III. 119. ANGELO‘I‘, an ancient English gold coin.
lity, XVII. 584. See Animal King Annovsn, a town in Hampshire, 111. III. 127..“ .489.
dom, Entomology, Ichthyology. Orni 119—canal, XVI. 8. . Angelus (Isaac), III. 125.
thology, dsc. in Massachusetts, XIV. 303, 306. Anon, III. 127—properly regulated,“
’ (pathological), XIV. 517—its im Anon, or Andros, pashalic of, III. 119. comes a sense ofjustice, I. 407.
portance, XVII. 496. Andradn (Antonio d’), his travels in Asia, Ancsnncno, in Prussia, III. 128.
(VBGITAILI), III. 41. Sec 'I'im III. 697. ANGBIJIAIILAIDS-LAPIAII, 111. 128.
ber, and Vegetable Physiology. (Diego do Puyva (1’). III. 119. Ancsnnunns, in Prussia, III. 128. , “w
Axuxsoonss, III. 101; X. 422; XX. Andrnl, on latent disease of gull-bladder Anonnozu, pagan deity, III. 128. _ -.
439, 448—his astronomy, III. 727 ; I. and brain, XVII. 478, 480—on dis Axons. in France, III. 128. 1M -
452-011 the quadrature ot‘ the circle, cases of stomach and liver, 481 ; and ANOIIIBIA, Italian town, 111. I28.
XX. 552. spleen, 482—on worm-diseases, 483 Angiospermm, in botany, V. 128. 1313-31.
Annmndcr. Greek actor, VIII. 150. on sympathetic afl‘cctions of the brain, Axons, III. 128; X. 432—solid, 457.
ANAXAncnus, a Greek philosopher of 484—on softening of the brain, 489 Sec Gonlomctry, X. 610.
the Eleatic sect, III. 102. on pneumonia. 493. Anosns, old German nation, III. 132.
ANAXIDIANDEB, III. 102; X. 422—hi3 ANDIAPODIIIUQ, III. 120. Axons“, island, III. l32—druids in.
astronomy, III. 727. Aunnsronocsrssr, III. 120. VIII. 203. in . ,.'_s 5‘
Axsxnunnsuns, 111. 102. Andre (Pere), on beauty, IV. 485. (Arthur, earl of), III. 197.
(marquis of), on Catholic eman
422—his astronomy, 727. Andrcanot'skie Islands, 11. 404. cipation, V. 575—his government of
, Greek historian, III. 102. Anon!“ (John), 111. 120. Ireland. XII. 389. *
- Annsn, a town in Asia, 111. 103. (St), Hungarian town. III. 120. Aucmno, III. 132—for char, XII. 210.
ANBEIITXEND, III. 103. of Carystus, surgeon. XX. 822. Aucso-cssvrsnrrs, III. 131.
Aswan/mo, Italian town, III. 103. ANDIIAGIIIG, in Hanover, III. 120. Anglo-Norman Gothic architecture, 111.
AKCAS’I'III, in Lincolnshire, III. 103. Axnnnxu us (Publius Faustus), III. 120. 454. . .. I . .
c Asclzus, in France, III. 103. Andrenn, insects, IX. 232. Anglo-Norman language, IX. 39.
Aucss'rons, III. 103. Andrenetze, insects, IX. 232. Amoco-Saxon, III. 15l—writtcn cha
Ancnisss, III. 103. Andrcossy, his description of hydraulic racters, II. 549-4nngunge, IX. 38;
Ancholm Canal, XVI. 8. obelisks at Constantinople, III. 319. XIII. 86; V. 295—institutions, VIII.
Anchomenus, insect, IX. 128. Auburn, Neapolitan town, III. 120, 710—grammar, XIX. 73-vcrsion of
Anchonus. insect. IX. 174. Asonsw (St). 111. 120—order of, 1b.; Scripture, 790—thanes, XXI. 190.
XXI. 244. ‘ Axooss, in Africa, 111. 151.
XII. 443-4—Indian mode of Weighing, Asonsws (St), city. 111. 120; XIX. 763 Axoox, III. 153.
XIV. 429—ln architecture, 111. 109— —university of, XIX. 765 ; XXI. 508 Axoons. a city in Asia, III. 153.
in heraldry, ib. —university-librnry. XIII. 303. Armor, in Abysslnla', III. 158.
Ascnon-onoosn, III. 109. (James Pcttit), III. 122. Asooo, province of Congo, III. 153.
Anchor-scapcment, VI. 769. (Lancelot). III. 123. Ascoonnn, in France, 111. 153.
Anchovy, XII. 216—tishery, XV. 704. (Professor). on thermo-electri Ancounois, in France, 111. 1.53.
ANCIENT, III. 109—demesne, ib. city. XXI. 699. Axons, a city in Terccra, one o! the
ANCIENTY, III. 109. Andres (Abbete), on the history of pope r, Azores, III. 154.
Ancilla, in conchology, XV. 346. XVII. 11. Aston, Neapolitan town. III. 154.
Ancillon (31.), on the doctrines of the Annnu, III. 123. Anguidm, serpents, XX. 122.
French and German schools of philo Asnsiscos, III. 123. Anguilla, fish, XII. 223—ungling for, 111.
sophy, I. 186. Androcmcum, in botany. V. 43. 148.
Ancoiu, in Italy, II. 109; XVII. 3. Announce, son of Mines, III. 128. Aucmsurolnlss, in ichthyology, III
Ascoxts, in architecture, III. 109. Aunsoonus, III. 123. 154, am. 223.
Anconitanus on inscriptions, XII. 292. ANDIOIDII, III. 123. Anguinc Syrcn, XIII. 340.
Axcoun'r (Florcnt Carton d'), III. 109. Auosossru, III. 124. Anderson oven, a fabulous egg, III.
Ancram Muir, battle of, XIX. 731. Annsoaucns, wife of Hector, III. 124. 154; VIII. 208.
Ancnn, French town, III. 109. Ansonns. in astronomy, III. 124-in Angniq, serpent, XX. 123.
Axons Mun-ms, III. 109; XIX. 364. botany, V. 60, 69. Aldus, in Scotland. 111. 184.
Ancrsn, ancient shield, III. 109. Annnon, III. 124. AUGUSTICLAVIA, III. 154.
Aucvsonssrnanou, III. 109. Annnoiu, III. 125. AInALr-Bsnusnno, III. 154.
Ancylodon, fish, XII. 176. Anonorncus 1., Comncnus. III. 125. Asmara-Dunn, III. 154.
Ancrnoosossmu, III. 109. of Cyrrhus. III. 120. AIIIAI/r-KOTHBI, III. 154.
Ancyloscclis, insect, IX. 234. (Livius). X111. 401; VIII. 151 Armour. Danish island, III. 155.
Aucrsosls, in surgery, III. 110. —-his poetry, XVIII. 153. Anhydrite, a mineral, XV. l40—its spo
Ancylns, in conchology, XV. 348. AKDIOPIIAOI. III. 126. ciflc gravity, XII. 26.
AIDAIA'I‘B, III. 110. Aunsos, island, III. 119, 126. Aninnns, his Brcvnrium, VI. 714.
AHDALUIIA, III. 110-Now.ib. AIDIUI, III. 126. Anicctus, XVIII. 362
w INDEX
ANI—ANN
Aniello. See. Massaniello. . Anna's (St) Day, III. 195.
Anus“. Kisonox, III. 155., 7.
Animals—changes on European animals
- naturalized in America, II. 653—difii
culty of defining the term, III. 155-—
whercin difl‘erent from plants, 11. 685 ;
III. 155-8 —substances of which com
posed, 158—harmonious combination
of their organs, 159—variety oforgani
zation among, ib.—classification of,
ib., 169, ct “(1.; II. 705; XVII. 549,
585—c1assiiications of Linnzeus, III.
171; Virey,ib.; Lamarck, I72; Dume
ril, 177; Blainville, 177;Macleay, 178;
and Cuvier, 179—no change of species
produced by time, climate, or other
secondary causes, 1 60 — geographical
distribution of, XVII. 549; III. 161 ;
II. 652—what constitutes a species, III.
Mil—hybrids generally barren, ib.—
doctrine of equivocal generation of,
162; XXI. 992—brain and nervous
system in diflerent classes of, III. 163;
see Brain, &c.—insensibility of many
to pain, I64—cruelty to, 165—senses
of, 165—aliment of, 166; see Food
-—nature of the flesh of difi‘erent, ib.
-—powcr of resisting starvation, 167;
II. 46—hybernation of, III. 167—pair
ing of, l68—obscure case of animal
and vegetable life combined, 186, 191
—electricity of, VIII. 609—eifects of
light on, XIII. 340—efl'ects of electri
city on, VIII. 638—efl'ccts of galvan
ism on, XXI. 681—equilibrium and
motion of, XIV. 380—strength of, 430
—extinct, XV. 225—geological succes
sion of, 238—number of species, XVII.
549—application of physiology to soo
logy, 585—imaginary gradation of ani
ANN—ANT ANT—ANT AN T—ANT
Aurasc'ric, III. 245. . ~I Ax'rinxs, a French town, III. 249. ’3’;
ANNEALING, III. 196—ot‘ metals, XX. Asa-sass, star, III. 245. m _ Antiburghers, XX. 64—schism among
756. Au'rsvsas, in Madagascar, III. 245. them, XIII. 660. i“ 122'}
Assscr, Sardinian city, III. 197. Au'rsanauaosss, III. 245. Asl'rlcaais'r, III. 249. h“ J ’1‘":
Annelida, structure of, XVII. 720. Ant-eater, XIV. 143-4—its teeth, III. 32. Auricaais'rismsis, III. 249. M '
Annelides, worms, XI. 216. Au'rscsnsnr, III. 245. o
Ax'ricnraoxss, III. 249. '_
, mollusca, XV. 349. Au'rscsssoa, III. 245. Ax'ucos'rs, island, III. 249. “uni -
Ansssuzr (Arthur), III. 197. As'racvssoaas, III. 245. ANTIDICOXALIANITEI, III. 249. .A
(Maurice), V. 377. As'rsmacvuzvs, III. 245. Aurlnosox, III. 249. .2
Annett (Peter), his “ History of the Antennae, in architecture, III. 464. Aurinosis, III. 249. . ... .2
Man after God’s own Heart," VI. 317. Aurasusussurvu, III. 246. Antidotes, xx v.500, a uqi; xvm. me,
Ansxvsssaav, III. 197. Antelope, XIV. 162—African, II. 228. 181. I.
Auxoaou, African island, III. 197. ANTELUCAN, III. 247. Ax'rioosos 1.. III. 250.
Armozu, III. 198. Antemonic acid, VI. 385. Gouxras, III. 250; IV. 127.
Assess; Palersc'rns, III. 198. Anrsxcasaa, III. 247. Auricaarnns, III. 250.
Asuousr, French town, III. 198. As'rsmrrl, III. 247. Autumn, island, III. 251. p _ J,
Ausor, French city, III. 1.8. As'rsrvcasxa, in oratory, III. 24 7. (La). in Guatimala, XI. 18.
Annotta, dye-stuff, III. 235; VIII. 320; Au'rsxxcssa, III. 247. An'rioncoasa, III. 251. .0- ,
XI. 23; XII. 27—tree, VII. 706. Antennaa of insects, IX. 7 O—their func Anti-Libanus, XV]. 744. 1 .q..
Annovsa, Spanish town, 111. 198. tions in ants, III. 240—and in bees, AuriLLss, or Caribbee Islands, III. 251
Assusaass'r, in law, III. 198. IV. 522. —-serpents of, XX. 137. ‘
Annuitants, their lives not so select as Aa'rnxoa, III. 247. Auriaoosarrins, III. 251. 49,. 4;!)
is generally supposed. III. 203. Anrnracxssrs, III. 247. Autumn, III. 251. as: n
Auam'rlns, III. 198—tables of. 229— Asrarsscu'ma, III. 247. Antilope, genus of mammalia, XIV. I61.
application of algebra to calculations Ax'rsrxasm, III. 247. ANTIIESSIUI, III. 251. .,.~ 'i': see
of, II. 473—Government’s loss by, V. ANTEPILEP'I‘ICB, III. 247. Asrmsau, in grammar, III. 251. -.
572—borrovving upon, XII. 325—ex ANTEPOSI'I‘ION, III. 247. Auruszrasoas, in rhetoric, III. 251. ,
pectation of life in difi'erent countries, Arv'rnrssnwsuss'rs, III. 247. ANTIIETATBMIO,in rhetoric, III. 251.
XVIII. 420; in England, 424. See Axrnocssa, in Spain, III. 24 7. Antimoniet of potassium, VI. 394—0!
Probability. Axrsaos, III. 247; V11. 549. iron, 406.
Amman, III. 235—in architecture, ANTESIGNANI, Roman soldiers, III. 247. Antinionious acid, VI. 385.
464—in heraldry, XI. 251; P1. 277. Anrss'raal, III. 247. Autumn, III. 251; VI. 384—native,
Asuoaoss, III. 235; IX. 94; II. 706. Au'rss'raruss, in fortification, III. 247. XV. 164—salts of protoxide of, VI.
Axscxcuns, III. 235. Anthelniintic powder, kind of, recom 453—Basil Valentine on, 344—spe
ANNUNCIATIOI, III. 235. mended by Dr Alston, II. 565. cific gravity of, XII. 26—sometimes
Anobium, insect, IX. 146. Ass-nal, III. 247. poisonous, XIV. 502.
Anodonta, in conchology, XV. 344. Anthemius, Roman emperor, XIX. 423. Antimony—blende, a mineral, XV. 170.
Asonnls, II. 235. -— of Trailes, his plan of the Antimony-glance, a mineral, XV. 169.
Asonrrsas, religious sect, III. 235. dome of the church of St Sophia at Antimony-mica, a mineral, XV. 147.
Anointing, XXI. 448. Constantinople, III. 380, 389 —on Antinoe, ruins of, VIII. 544. P.

mals, 587-mutual destruction of, 560, Anolius, reptile, XIX. 145. Archimedes‘s burning-glasses, V. 728. Aa'rnvosu, III. 251.
note—small animals remarkable for Asoansrunns, ancient games, III. 235. Anther, in botany, V. 43, 44 ; III. 95,97. Asrlsosuszvs, heretics, III. 251.
strength and agility, XX. 770. See Asonsusricu. Yeas, III. 235. Aurnssrnoau, an ancient Sicilian fes Au-nsous. III. 252.
Brute, Zoology, Natural History. Asoxsaocs, III. 235—verbs, ib. tival, III. 247. ANTIOCII, III. 252—aqueduct at. 318—
Animal bodies, characteristics of, II. 705 Asoiuur, III. 235. ANTHES'I‘IIIA, Athenian feast, III. 247. Mundane era of, VI. 659—Cicsareau
—-chemical constituents of, VI. 492-— Anemia, in conchology, XV. 343. ANTBEI'I'IBION, the sixth Athenian era of, 660.
more easily dyed than vegetable, VIII. Auoxauus, III. 235. month, III. 247. Aurlocnuzv Sect and Epoch. III. 253.
298—etl‘ects of electricity on, 638. Asouoauousowu, spars, III. 235. Anthia, insects, IX. 115. Auriocnvs of Ascalon, III. 253. r."
_ _ Faovvss, III. 155. Anonacexe, in botany, V. 95. Anthiacum, insect, IX. 233. the Great, his war with the Ho
~—— Food, XVII. 624; VIII. 23; IX. Asoxnsons books, III. 235; IV. 627. Anthicides, insects, IX. 168. mans, XIX. 387; XI. 476. (4..
721—preservation of, 7 29. Anopheles, insects, IX. 259. Anthidium, insect, IX. 234. Epiphanes, XI. 477—bit inva
Msons'risx, XIV. 1. Axoasxu, III. 235. Anthius, fish, XII. 168. sion of Egypt, VIII. 472—his treat
Mechanics, XIV. 524. Anorthite, specific gravity of, XII. 26. Anthobii, insects, IX. 160. ment of the Jews, XII. 569; XIX.
Poisons, XIV. 507, 526. Asossi, III. 235. Anthocephalus, soophyte, XXI. 995. 387. 9a..

Aslusaccass, III. 180—Spallanzani on, Anotia, insects, IX. 203. Asrnoaooios, III. 248. ANTIOPE, III. 253. ..-. .1201 4..
XX. 523—h'mestone and chalk pro Axor'ra, dye-stufi', III. 235; VIII. 320; Aurnoaoor, III. 248. ANTIP£DOBAPTISTI, III. 253; II. 678.
duced by, XXI. 1021. XI. 23; XII. 27—tree, VII. 706. Anthomyia, insects, IX. 284. ANTIPAIOB, island, III. 253.
Asnu'rsn, III. 193. Anous, bird, XVI. 633. Autumn (Saint) III. 248—knights of, Ass-nus (Herod), III. 253; XII. 573.
Asmnrios, III. 193. Ason'r, island, III. 236. ib.—order of, ib.—St Anthony's fire, ib. Ass-inns, III. 254 ; XIII. 640, et seq.
Arms, in heraldry, III. NIB—resin, ib. Axons-1'11. (Lewis), III. 236. Anthophila, insects, IX. 232. ANTIPA‘I‘IIY, III. 254.
' —its specific gravity, XII. 26. . (Abraham), III. 236. Anthophora, insects, IX. 134. Antipaxo, XII. 341. _\_; Amt-2., 1;.
Amusrrs. III. 193. -' Aims, in astronomy, III. 237. Anthophyllite, XV. 149—its specific gra Asrlrausou, III. 255..;- .L. ,2. a.
ANINOA, III. 193. Axssaisls, III. 237. vity, XII. 26. Antiphlogistic regimen, XXI. 613.4115
Auisomera, insects, IX. 261. \ Assnscn, in Bavaria, III. 237. ~ Auruoaissms, in rhetoric, III. 248. Antiphon, geometer, X. 423; XX. 552.
Anisonyx, insect, IX. 160. Assn, French town, III. 237. Anthozoa, soophytss, XXI. 1021. As'nruoruar, III. 255. I- .. .-.
AIJAI, in Hindostan. III. 155. Anssus, archbishop of Canterbury, III. Anthracite, XV. 172; IV. 702 ; VI. Ax'rxrnosr, III. 255. .. .a: 1w,
Ausssoo, in Hindustan, III. 155. 237; I. 309; VIII. 714. . 368—now employed in smelting iron Au'rn-onns. III. 255; X. 409.4.» i r:
Assoc, III. l93—Duke of, XVI. 107. Anser, bird, XVI. 636. . by hot blast, XX. 408. - Aunqnssz, III. 255. ..- a v 4.1.
Auras, liquid measure, III. 193. Axslso, African kingdom, III. 238. Asruasx, III. 248—insect, IX. 267. Antiquarianism, Pinkerton on its plea
Ankerite, a mineral. XV. 142. Auto, Norwegian port, III. 238. Anthrenus, insect, IX. 149. sure and utility, XIV. 465.
Ankerstrom, assassin, V. 464. .. » Axsou (George, Lord), III. 238—his Anthrihus, insect, IX. 17‘). Ass-rennin, III. 255. .0'12- '

AIILAI, in Pomerania, III. 193. ' vvls. voyage round the world, V. 379 ; Axrusorooao'rrns, III. 248. Asrxcusar, III. 255—Scottish Society
Ankle-bone, II. 791—joint, 792. at. XVI. 54—his visit to the Ladrone Anthropoides, birds, XVI. 618. of Antiquarics, VIII. 420.
Anlafi', VIII. 703. .651. Islands, XIII. 10; XVIII. 317—Nar Aurasoroaa'rsls. III. 248. Au'rlqus, III. 255.
Arm, or Annat, III. 194. rative of his Voyage. XIX. 303. Aurnsoroan'au, III. 248. Aim-lemmas, III. 255—acadcmies of,
Anus, or Ana, in Arabia, 111. 194, l) Assrac'rnsa (Easter), III. 288. Alv'rnaorou'rss, III. 248. II. 75—pleasure from the study of,
Comnena, III. 194. .81; fl" (Wester). III. 239. Aurnaoroaoor, III. 248. SeeMan. IV. 492; XIV. 465—Egyptian, VIII.
Altruism, German city, III. 194. Am. 111. 239; IX. 227—m0de of de Axrnsoronsucr. III. 248. 530. See Medals, Athens, Rome, 82c.
Amucmus, island, III. 194. , Us stroying ants, XII. 293. Asrasorouosrua, III. 248. ANTIIABIATAEIANI, a religious sect, III.
Amman, island, in. 194. ‘
.3 oiziisai.‘ (white), or termes, n. 229. Aurnaoronoarmsl. III. 248. 268. . J. ,. _.
Assists, III. 194. ~ Aura, or Ahanta, in Africa, III. 244. Aurasoronoararrss, heretics, III. 248. Aurxscn, III. 268. 4.; .1}, (be anusw
Arman, in Dumfriesshire, III. 194. . . Aurscms, III. 245. Aurasorossosrnous, III. 248. Axrxscoasnrxcs,
q III. 268.4” *4}.
ANNAND (William), III. 195. 4" Army, in architecture, III. 244, 461, 464. Axrusorors'rnr, III. 248. Asrissr-rics, III. 268; IX. 732, st “1.;
Annapolis, a town in Maryland, XIV. 27 3 Antaaopolis. ruins of, VIII. 544. Anrnaororaun, III. 248. See Can XVIII. 743. _: - .1; mun-.1 ,1
—river and town in Nova Scotia, XVI. Au'rsws,giant, III. 245; XIV. 330. nibal. Asrrsnsssomcs, III. 268.I g~tna4hr
284,286. , Egyptian deity, VIII. 553. Anrnsoroscoru. III. 249. Au'rls'rssis, in oratory, III. 268. um?
Arms, queen of Great Britain, III. 195 Anraeoovs, III. 245. Anthroposophy, XIV. 599. Anrxs'rnzxzs, Greek philosopher, III.
-reign of. V. 367—her death and chw Antalcidas, peace of, XX. 527. Asrnsoro'rnrsu, III. 249. See Sacri 268—on mysteries, XV. 673—his ad.
racter, 373—duelling in her reign, Antalia, XIX. 652. lice. miration of Socrates, XX. 415. ‘2»
,VIII. 254—her navy, XVI. 42. As'rsao, in Abyssinia, III. 245. Anthus, bird. XVI. 577. Asrlsrocnsou, in grammar, III. 268.
Boleyn. See Boleyn. Au'rszvscassls, a figure in rhetoric, III. Aurnrroraoas, in rhetoric, III. 249. Anris'rsorus, III. 268. J, 9a..“5’ a:
--—-, empress of Russia, XIX. 546. 245. Ann, 111. 249. ANTI'I‘AC‘I‘E, sect, 111. 269.1: I" he: '
of Cleves, VIII. 749. Antandrns, VI. 187. Aurisaccaws, III. 249. Aurrrnssxs, in rhetoric, III. a.
 INDEX. 11
ANT—APH APH—APO APO—AQU AQU—ARA
Aas'rramxrsarsss, III. 269. and tended by ants, III. 241, 243 Ares-roman, sect, III. 292. slam Aemuowss or Aquiliciana, III. 323.
Asrrrrrs, III. 269. - —Bonnot on the, IV. 770. Aros'roucr, or Apostolics, III. 293. Aqnlaus, colour, III. 323. 9*
Aarivaal. III. 269. - Arnnas'rua, III. 282. Aros'roucuu, III. 293. AQUIIINAIIUI, III. 323.m
Antlers, XIV. 155. ' u " Aphodius, insect, IX. 154. Aros'raorns, III. 293. Aemaas (St Thomas), III. 323—doc
Aux-moi, III.
Aa'rus, III. 269.
269; X. 409. ‘ - - Arnoara, III. 282. Aposura, insects, IX. 248. trines of, I. 309—comprehcnsiveness
Arnoalsn, III. 282. Arorsc'rrrst, or Apotactici, III. 293. of-his mind, 310—extensive influence
Arrows, French town, III. 269. w. . ..'. Arnaacrr, III. 282. Aro'rsicarssws, III. 293. of his ethical system, 312—his Au
MTOI'IIA (Saint), French town, III. 269. Araaomsu, festivals, III. 282. Aro'raacsar, III. 293—police of apo gustinianism, 418—on charity, 420—
Auroauu Wsrzas, III. 269. Arnaonlsiacs, III. 282. thecaries' shops, XIV. 508. on the power of the Pope, ib.—on co
As'roalaxo (Silvio), III. 269. Aphrodita, worm, X1. 221. Apothecaries’ Weight, III. 554—table of, medy, VIII. 158. .. .l. .1». --'~ ,44- .t.
Asroarnss Vssnaa Goes (John), Dutch Araaom'ra, a name of Venus, III. 282. XXI. 850—grain in difl’erent coun Aoumo, Italian town, III. 828.
poet, III. 269. Aphroditopolis, VIII. 545. tries, 849. ll' a“. or Ara Thuribuli, m. 323. wit»
Aarosiaus PIUI, Roman emperor, III. Ara'rnaanonoca'rsz, sect, III. 282. Arorm-zosls, III. 293. .1 Alaszsqus, 111.823; xvr. 706. =11“.
270—reign of, XIX. 408—his account Aphthous thrush, XXI. 622. Aro'roxn, III. 293. Aassu, III. 328—climate of. 680-—
of the Christians, VI. 630—wali of, Apiarize, insects, IX. 232. Aro'raors, III. 293. months, VI. 662—expeditions of Me
III. 272; V. 300; XIX. 408. APIABY, III. 282; IV.'534. Appalachian or Allegany Mountains. hemmed Ali and Ibrahim Pasha
Punosoruus (Marcus Aurelius). Arrows, III. 284. See Allegany. against the Wahabis of, VIII. 499
Roman emperor, III. 270—reign of, Armosnus, III. 284. Arrsas'rns, III. 293. 501—locusts in, IX. 193—horses of,
XIX. 408—Eng1ish translations of his Apion, insect, IX. 172. Arrsasa-r, III. 293—heir, ib. XI. 567; III. 827, 683—inoculation for
Meditations, XV. 444. Ans, Egyptian deity, III. 284; VIII. Arrasrrioas, III. 294. the smallpox in, XII. 283—ancient in
Aaromo (Nicholas), III. 272. 554; XI. 321. Arrsau-oa, III. 308. scriptions in, 291—languagcs of, XIII.
(Port), in Jamaica, XII. 501. , insect, IX. 237. See Bee. Arrsolss, in heraldry, III. 808. 83—mythol0gy, XV. 680—ancient phi
(St), island, III. 273. Apistus, fish, XII. I74. Arrasa, in law, III. 308 ; IX. 33. losophy, XVII. 428—polygumy, XVIII.
Asrouws (Marcus), orator, III. 273. Aplexa, mollusca, XV. 358. Aunts-nos, III. 308. 812—scheichs, XIX. 680—weights and
(Marcus), the triumvir, III. 278; Aplome, specific gravity of, XII. 26. Arrsnas'riva auras, III. 308. measures, XXI. 851, 846.
XIX. 396, 398—his death, 899—bit! Aplysia, molluscn, XV. 361. Arrsazatn, a Swiss canton, III. 308 Aasuas, or Saracens, of the middle ages
war against the Parthians, XVII. 104. APOBATIZIIOII, III. 285. oducation in, XXI. 50. —tho first diseoverers in Africa, II. 220
Primus, XIX. 404. Arocanrrss, III. 285. Appcrt (Mona), on the preservation of -the invention of algebra claimed by
Anrosoxasu, III. 274. Arocors. III. 285. food. IX. 731. them, 42l—their conquest of Algiers,
Aa'rosuunsuas, sect, III. 274. Arocalssaws, III. 285. Arrs'rrrs, III. 308; XVII. 626—efi‘ect 506—t'ond of astrology, 581~2—anato
Ass-ans, in Ireland, III. 274. Arocaus'rics, III. 285. of custom on, VII. 559. my little improved by them, 691—
Aa'rwsar, III. 276—commerce of, VII. Arocsrrua, III. 285; IV. 613; XIX. Arrlau, Roman historian, III. 309. science cultivated by them, 692—their
I59—attacked by the Duke of Anjou, 785—the Apocryphnl New Testament Arrws Cucmus, III. 809—his aque architecture, III. 37 8—astronomy, 734
XVI. 107 —- taken by the Duke of Books, XII. 561. duct, 817. —numeral digits, II. 7, lg—introdue
Parma, 109 ; XI. 519—proccedings Apocynem, in botany, V. 120. Arnsuss, III. 309. See Approbatlon. tion of these into Europe. III. 539, 540
there in 1830, XVI. I87-eiege of its APODECTB, III. 286. Apples, propagation of, XI. 634—cu1 --their chemical knowledge, VI. 34 2—
citadel in 1832, 141; IX. 779; XI. Apoderus, insect, IX. 17?. ture of, 648—ripening of, XXI. 584. their dials, VII. 759—Wero the most
73; XVI. I41. Arenas, III. 286. Apple-tree, structure of its trunk, III. enlightened people during the middle
Antyllus on Surgery, XX. 824. Aromc'ricsn, III. 286. 84—sp. gr. of its wood, XII. 27. ages, VIII. 477—their attention to
Anus", Egyptian deity, III. 276; VIII. Aronr'rsawu, III. 286. Arranar, in Westmoreland, III. 809. geography, X. 396—were ignorant of
553; XI. 322. Aroozs, in astronomy, III. 286. Arrmcsrlosl, III. 809. the compass, 527—their knowledge of
Anus, muscles of the, II. 794. Apogon, fish, XII. 168. Arroaaoms, African kingdom, III. 309. gunpowder, XI. 76—their conquests,
Aavta, III. 277. Apolemia, soophyte, XXI. 1018. Arroaoau, Italian town, 111. 309. III. 686; XI. 430—their study of
AIVILLE (J. B. B. d'), III. 278; II. 286 Arounzs, III. 286. Arrosrrloa, III. 309. mathematics, X. 427; XIV. 815, 316
—on geography, X. 400. Aronuaasua Gauss, III. 286. Arraslssa, III. 309. —their art, XVI. 707—thcir know
Assumes, in Landau, III. 279. AroLuaaataas, heretics, III. 286. Arraauaasioa. III. 310; XIV. 619. ledge of anatomy and physiology,
Anycius Olybrius, a Roman emperor, Aronuasansfiaius Sulpicius), II. 286. APPIEI'I‘ICI, III. 310. XVII. 726; and of surgery, XX. 825,
XIX. 423. Sinosws (Cains Lollius), III. APPIIITICIIIIIP, III. 310. See Saracens, Mahommed.
Anytus, one of the accusers of Socrates, 286. Arraoscntso, in fowling, III. 311. Arabic alphabet, II. 550—translations of
XX. 446, 458, 461. Arouo, III. 286—oracle of, at Delphi, Arraoas'rtou, III. 311—love of, VIII. Aristotle. III. 495—bibles, IV. 616-—
Aodon, an animal, XIV. 183. VII. 689. 449-50; XVII. 463—int1uence of love Mr Carlyle‘s translations of Arabic
Aoatnss, tho muses, III. 280. Bntvxnsaa, statue, III. 267; of, in society, XIII. 184. works, VI. 146—Casiri‘s catalogue of
Aosssis, III. 280. VIII. 182: VIII. Plate 197. Arraoraurioa, III. 811. Arabic M88. 214 —-Edrisi’s Arabic
Aoais'r, III. 280; X. 659. Aroatonosus. architect, III. 287. Arrsovsa, in law, III. 311. work on geography, VIII. 482—nota
Aosis'ru, III. 280. , painter, III. 287 ; XVI. 700.‘ Arraoxnss'rlou, III. 311. tion, XIV. 815—1anguage, XVII. 867 ;
Aorta, anatomy of the, II. 820—distri , grammarian, III. 287. Arruasa, in astronomy, III. 311. its extent, 371 ; genius and character.
bution of its branches, ib.—its anato Apollonicon, XVI. 583. Apricot, ovulum in the, III. 99—culture 372; diti‘iculty, ib.; and utility, 383
mical connections, 7 lB—aortic system, Arotnoums of Perga, III. 287; X. 426 of the, XI. 644. _wrlttcn characters, 370—oratory and
XVII. 638. --his profound researches in mathe Aralss, king of Egypt, III. 311 ; VIII. poetry, 872.
Aos'ra, in Piedmont, III. 280. matics, I. 485; XIV. 815—extended no ‘67. Arabs (Modern), III. 329—in Africa, II.
Armnusu, III. 280. tation proposed by, III. 536—on astro. Araua III. 311—gardening operations 224, 225—in Barbary, IV. 864—111
Araooos, III. 280. nomy, 780 ; IV. 15—on conic sections, in, XI. 689. Egypt, VIII. 520—in Nubia, XVI.
Arsoootcu. nsxoas'rss'rioa, III. 280. VI]. 218, 219—1118 determinate sec Arson, in ship-building, III. 811 ; XX. 295—in Palestine, 748 —in Syria,
Arsa'rasorr, in medicine, III. 280. tion, 741—81mson’s restorations of his 284—in gunnery, III. 312. XXI. 68—their ballad literature, IV.
Arssiraussis, in rhetoric, III. 280. works, XX. 358, 359. Ann, III. 312. 319—thievish propensities of the
Arss'rlsussus, III. 280. Rhodins, III. 290; XVIII. 152. Arr, in France, III. 312. Arabs, VII. 505, n.—slave-trade car
Ars'rnr, III. 280. Tyancnsis, III. 290; XVII. 446. Aptenodytes, birds, XVI. 631. ried on by them, XX. 389.
Apatite, a mineral, XV. 140—crystal Apollonopolis Parva, ruins of, VIII. 542. Aptcral, in architecture, 111. 464. AIAIIOI, sect, III. 346.
lization 0!, VII. 521. APOLLOI, III. 290. Apteryx, bird, XVI. 616. AIABIII, III. 346.
Apatura, insects, IX. 242. Arotuoa, III. 290. Arrasaa, III. 312. Aracaris, bird, XVI. 599.
Ars'rnau, Athenian feast, III. 280. Arotoous, III. 290. ’* Aptinus, insect, IX. 115. Asscnas, III. 846.
Avaoua, III. 280. Arolnos Dans, III. 291. Arro'rs, III. 319. Arachnida, XVII. 587—structure of, 720.
Ape, XIV. 89. Aponeuroses, XVII. 603. Arnasws (Lucius), III. 312; XVII. 413. Arachnidaa poisonous. XIV. 507.
Anna, III. 280 —his style of painting, Aroao (Peter d'), III. 291. Apnre, river, XVI. 537; XXI. 592. Aascnainss, animals, III. 347.
XVI. 702. Aroraar'rle, III. 291. Arrcal $0081, in music, III. 312. Asseasoin Isasassss, III. 370; II.
Ponticus, antiquary, XII. 291. Arorn'rnsox, III. 291. Arrcaos, in music, III. 312. 813.
Apellicon of Tees, III. 494. Apophyge. in architecture, III. 464. Arrssxv, III. 819. Arachnothera, birds, XVI. 589.
ArsLu-rrs, heretics, III. 281. Apophyllite, a mineral, XV. 15l—opti Arraous, III. 812. Arack. See Arrsck.
Arsas, ancient chariot, III. 281. cal properties of, XVI. 369, 491. AQUA. III. 312 —— Extincta— Portia— Aradus, insect, IX. I97.
Arssmaas, III. 281 ; XII. 483; IX. Apophysis, in botany, V. 55. Marina—Regis— Secunda—‘I‘ot'ana, ib. Aanoas'rss, III. 870—barometrics1,
406; XV. 705; XVII. 5; XXI. 481. Apopis, Egyptian deity, VIII. 552. AQUAlsoz, African kingdom, III. 315. XII. 24.
Arssasns, in Slesvvick, III. 281. Arorasxr, III. 291; XVII. 481, 486— Aquapondentc. See Fabricius. ' Armopagus, in Athens, IV. l23-court
Ana-roan, III. 281, 282. in horses, XXI. 633. Aeusrns, African kingdom, III. 815. of, 167; III. 479.
Arsrstosa, or Apetalous, III. 282. Aroaol, or Aporlne, III. 291. Aousauas, III. 315. Ara-ostylodn architecture, III. 372, 464.
Arzx, III. 282. Aporus, insect, IX. 229. Aeusaws, sodiacal sign, III. 815. “801103,”! medicine, III. 372.
Aruzaasis, in grammar, III. 282. Aroslorssls, in rhetoric, III. 291. Aensrta'rs saosavlso,lll.315;IX.46. Alana, III. 872.
Aphanisticus, insect, IX. 139. Arosrnssoisiu, III. 291. Aensnnc-rs, III. 317—Roman, XIX. Aasrs'r (Mount), III. 872—p11grimago
Ann, III. 282. " Aros'rssr, III. 291. 430. see Waterworks. to, 338.
Arusuou, or Aphelion, III. 282. Aron-Ls, III. 291-Acts of the Apostles, Aqueous humour of the eye, II. 799—in Arago (31.), moent discoveries of, in
Aphidli, insects, IX. 204. II. 130. difi’erent animals, III. 22. magnetism, I. 629-80; XIII. 694, 699.
Aphidlphagl, insects, IX. 185. Arosrtss' Cassn, III. 292. Aeous, constellation, III. 323—Ncspo 712, 788, 740—011 chromatics, VI.
Armon, Ksaamssaar, III. 282. Aros'rouc, III. 292. litan city, ib.—bird, XVI. 562. 632, ct sap—on electro-magnetism,
Aphis, insect, IX. 205—sncked, hatched, Arorroucst. Funass, III. 292. Aquilsrinea, in botany, V. 127.
m INDEX.
ARA-ARC
crometer, XV. I9—on optics, XVI.
365, 421, 433, 437, 465, 473, 476, 497,
501—on polarization of light, XVIII.
225, 242-3—his experiments on the
force of steam. XX. 586.
Aaaoos, III. 37 3—Moorish kingdom of,
XX. 495--Christian kingdom of, 500.
Aragonite, in mineralogy, XV. 141.
Aaanun, or Harahum, III. 874.
Assn, lake, III. 374, 697; XVII. 521.
Araliaeeae, in botany, V. 114.
Aramican branch of the Caucasian race
of man, II. 709.
Aaaxosr, French town, 111. 374.
Aramus, bird, XVI. 618.
Aaasna ns Duane, 111. 374.
Aranea, genus of arachnides, III. 359.
Aaamusz, Spanish town, 111. 374.
Aranzi (J. C.), his anatomical discove
ries, II. 696.
Araponga, bird, XVI. 570.
Aaaaar, mountain, III. 374.
Asassr, III. 874.
Aaarma, ancient festival, III. 874.
Aratinga, birds, XVI. 600.
Aaarus, general, III. 374-poet, ib.
Asavcasu, in Chili, III. 875.
Ainucanians, II. 629—their character,
XX. 622; VI. 587—edueation, 536— Archelaus, Athenian genera], IV. 127.
dress, 538—forts of defence against
them, 539—thelr wars with the Spa
niards, ib. 540.
Anausio, III. 375.
Aaaw, Swiss town, III. 375.
Aaaacns king of Media, III. 375, 717;
ARC
Egyptian, XIV. 286, note l—mode of
describing, 298-oblique, 299 ; XX.
375—perspcctive of, XVII. 288—)“
Brunel’s brick arches, XX. 876—Mr
Green's laminated arches, 377—via
duct arches, XXI. 638—how to con
struct the arch of equilibrium, 640—
arch of a circle, X. 488. See Aqueduct,
Bridge, Centre, Skew-Bridge.
Archaeology, III. 256—Spohn’s division
of, XII. 280.
Aacnaws, III. 408; XVII. 594.
Arehagathus, his African expedition, VI. Aacnlvr, or Archive» I11. 475.
188.
, Roman surgeon, XX. 828.
Aacnauen, III. 396.
Ascnslsnor, III. 397—English archbi
shops, VIII. 788.
Aacnsisnoraic, III. 397.
Aacnsuruza, III. 397.
Aacucnannsanus, III. 397.
Aacncnancsnnoa, III. 397.
Ancucnas'rnn, III. 398.
Aacucouu'r, III. 398.
Aacnnsacou, III. 398—English arch
deacons, VIII. 788.
Aacnnavin, III. 898.
Aacnnuss, III. 398.
, king of Cappadocia, VI. 126.
, Greek philosopher, III. 398.
, king of Judea, III. 398; XII.
573.
, Greek sculptor, III. 398.
1., king of Macedon, XIII. 620
ARC—ARE ARE—ARI '
ciples of architectural composition. Alarm (Leonard and Francis), III. 480.
459—glossary of terms, 464—Alison (Peter). III. 481.
on the beauty of Grecian, IV. 496 AIETOLOGI, III. 481.
Coulomb's statieal PIObII'Hl‘ relating Aanvano, Spanish town, 111. 481.
to, VII. 425—improved by the Cru Anszzo, Italian city, III. 481.
sades, 494. See Arch, Building. Car Argali, in zoology, XIV. 165.
pentry, Chimney, Dome. Roof, &c. Argand gas-burners, X. 357.
(Naval). See Shipbuilding. Argand-lamp, XIII. 41—med in light—
Architrave, Ill. 464—Dorit. 438, 450—— houses, XX. 19.
Ionic, 439, 449—Corlnthizm. 441, 448 Argas, genus ofarachnides, III. 868.
—Cnryatic, 441—injoinery. V. 689. ARGBA, or Argoei, III. 481.
Aacnirnicuscs, III. 475. Aacsusz, in France, 111. 481.
A30 sscrs, French town, 111. 481.
Aacmvisr, III. 475. Anossr. III. 481—ln heraldry, X1. 244.
Archivolt, in architecture, III. 464. Ascsx'rac, French town, 111. 481.
Aacnnnrr, or Arcilento. III. 475. Anessras, in France, 111. 481.
Ancuxaasnan, III. 475. Aaossranws, III. 481.
Ascuoss, III. 475; IV. 143, 165. Aacssrsmn, French town, 111. 481.
ABCHONTICI, III. 475. Anoss'rllaa, island, III. 481.
Ascnrniss'r, or Archpresbytl-r, III. 475. Aaoss'risas (L’), in France, III. 481.
Archytas, III. 510; X. 423; XVIII. ll ( Argentina, fish. XII. 212.
—his artificial flying dove. II. 177. l ARGENTINUS, III. 481.
Arcis, battle of. X. 168. 3 Aacssros, French town, 111. 481.
sea Ana‘s, III. 476. Aaeznrex Anson, III. 481—Dei, ib.
Aaco, III. 476. Argemille (Monsieur d'), on conchology,
Arcole, battle of, X. 108; XV. 720. , XV. 331.
Aacox (J. C. E. Le Michnud d’). n 1 Argillaceous substances, phosphorescent
French engineer, III. 476. cti‘ects of electricity on, VIII. 634.
Aacona, town in Rugen, III. 476. Argillite, specific gravity of, XII. 27.
Arcopagus, insect, IX. 187. Anomxa, town in Armenia, III. 482.
Aacos on LA Faou'rnaa,a Spanish town, } Anelscn, III. 482, 478.
111. 476. ! Anoo, III. 492. -,
Aacor, 111. 477—paymeut ot‘ the debts l Argolis, in Greece, X. 723.
of the nabob of, V. 435—Burke's 1 Argonauta, in conchology, XV. 344.
speech on that subject, 715. 36“. '1, g ‘

IV. 542; XVII. 259. —his invitation to Socrates, XX. 441. ARCTIC, III. 477—circlc, ib. Anooxaurs, III. 482. ..
Arbalest or Cross-bow. See Cross-bow. Aacnssa, Spanish town, 111. 398. Regions. See Polar Seas. Aaeos, III. 482. _,
Anna, in Illyria, III. 375. Aacnnas, III. 398. Arctizitc, specific gravity of. XII. 27. Argostoli, in Cephalonla, XII. 341.
AassLA, III. 375—battle of, XIII. 632. Ancnaar, III. 398; XI. 96—1n England, Arctomys, in zoology, XIV. 181. Aacmu, African island, 111. 482.
Aassac, Swiss town, III. 375. XVII. 113; XX. 300. See Bow. Aacrunus, a fixed star, III. 477. Arguments, in rhetoric, XIX. 205, ct
Anarrsn, in law, III. 375. Arches, court of, VII. 433. Arcuata, crustacea, VII. 50]. seq.
Aaniraaar, III. 375—punishment, ib. Aacns'rrrs, III. 408. Arcueil, aqueduct of, III. 820. Axons, river, III. 482.
Arbitration of Exchange, IX. 453. Aacnscs, III. 403; XVII. 594. Ann! (Patrick d’). III. 47 7—on overshot Aaocsssm, in Siberia, III. 482.
Arblay (Madame d’), character of her Aacnncour'rntzs, III. 403. wheels, XII. 84. Aaocs, 111. 482—bird, XVI. 610.
novels, XIX. 346. Aacnlarsa, or Archiatrus, III. 403. Ard (Loch), trout of, III. 144. Aaocs-snsLL, III. 482.
Arboga, canal of, IV. 331. Archidamus, IV. 156. ABDAION, or Ardama, III. 47. Anourxs, III. 482. ,
Arbogastes, VII. 280; XIX. 419. Ancnlnarirza, III. 403. Asnarow, in Russia, III. 477. Argyle (earls, marquises, and dukes 00,
Aauoxs, French town, 111. 375. Ancnwoxu, Spanish city, 111. 408. Ardea, bird, XVI. 618. 1V. 44—earl of, in Charles L's reign.
Anson, III. 87 5. Ancntsaosrsss, III. 408. Annssln, Persian town, III. 477. V. 316, et seq ,- defeated by Montrose
Arbor vitae, XVII. 786. ABCIHGALLL'B, III. 408. Annnnan, Persian province, III. 478. at Inncrlochy, 327-condemnation of
Arboriculture. See Planting. Archigenes, Roman surgeon, XX. 824. Annex, III. 478. the earl of, in Charles II.’s reign, 853 ;
Aanoua, in gardening, III. 875. Aacuiosaonrns, III. 403. Annnssnao, III. 478. his rebellion against James 11., 356.
Arbroath, II. 25 ; IX. 746. Aacmounnanus, III. 403. Aansssn, forest, III. 478. Aacrnnsmss, III. 482—fisheries of, IX.
Aascao, a Swiss town, III. 376. ABCIIIL, dye-stufi‘, III. 403 ; VIII. 309-— Annrrmss, III. 478—eanal of, XVI. 6. 602—vitrified fort in, 7 55—whirlpool
Asaus'run, III. 376. discovery of, 296. Ardent spirits, in chemistry, VI. 437. 01' Coryvreckan, VII. 382.
Aasurnsor (Alexanderl, III. 376. AacniLocuus, III. 403. See Alcohol, Distillation, Brandy, 8w. Argynuis, insect, IX. 241.
(John), M.D., his share in the ARCHILOCIIL'S, Greek poet, III. 403. Annssrss, III. 478. Aacraasrinas, III. 485.
work entitled Martina: Scriblcrus, I. Aacnlxaous, III. 404. AaDBs, French town, III. 478. Argyreyosus, fish,_XII. 186.
242—estimate of his talents, 285—his Aacuinisoairs. III. 404. Annrsnr, Irish town, 111.478. Argyroneta, genus of arachnideo, III.
errors respecting ancient coins, XV. Aacnmsnss, III. 404; X. 425—his Aacors, in the Netherlands, 111. 478. 859.
398. contributions to mathematics, I. 435 ; Aanaaa, African town, 111. 478. Arhizze, in botany, V. 53.
Arbutus, XVII. 786—its leaves used for XIV. 314—discoveries in physics, I. Annass, French town, 111. 478. Asiansaza, Greek festivals, 111. 485.
dyeing black, VIII. 329. 450—the first who applied mathema Aannossax, in Ayrshire, III. 478—har Amateur, daughter of Mines, III. 485.
A30 (Joan of), III. 877. See Joan. tics to natural philosophy, 451—dis~ hour of, IV. 259—eanal to Glasgow, ABIANCOOPAN, in Hindustan, 111. 485.
Are, trisection of an, III. 131—measure covered some of the first principles of X. 551; XVI. 13. Aniaso, Neapolitan city, 111. 485.
ment of terrestrial, IX. 552—meri hydrostatics, 480—extended notation Aansiscn, in Wallachia, III. 478. Anna's, III. 485, 235—opposed by St
dional, XXI. 357, 361, n, 2—-celestial, proposed by, III. 536—his planeta Ann, 111. 478—areas of the conic sec Ambrose, II. 601 —their opinions,
358. rium, 730—his burning glasses, V. tions, VII. 258. See Mensuration, XII. 564.
Area, in eonehology, XV. 843. 727, 731; I. 506—on conic sections, XIV. 561. Aaua'russ, VI. 125.
VII. 218, 219—on hydrodynamics,
Aacans, in architecture, III. 378, 462, Aasno, African town, III. 479. Anus Mos'razws, a Spanish divine of
464. XII. I-his screw-engine, 101—on Areca, sp. gr. of its juice, XII. 27. the 16th century, III. 486.
Arcadia, X. 728. mechanics, XIV. 349, 860—Moor’s Annunsne, German town, 111. 479. Aricia, worm, X1. 220.
Arcadian alphabet, II. pl. XIX. edition of his “Arenarius,” XV. 448 Auras, III. 479. All-ICIXA, III. 486.
Arcadius, Roman emperor, VII. 280:, —on the squaring of the circle, XX. Arenaria, birds, XVI. 624. Aridueus, XIII. 640. ,
XIX. 420. 552, 554—-on statics, 564—his defence Ansruau, ancient gladiators, III. 479. Aalsszo, Neapolitan city, III. 486.
Arcade, in conchology, XV. 848. of Syracuse, XXI. 57—death of, 58. Aamuarun, III. 479. I Aries, constellation, III. 486. '
Archimedes-screw steam-boat propeller,
Arcanson, specific gravity of, XII. 27. Arcnicola, worm, X1. 219. a. .7 Arillus, in botany. III. 73; V. 50.
Aacssiuvs, an ancient Greek philoso XX. 691. Arenicoli, insects, IX. 154. Aannnws, III. 486.
pher, III. 378. ABCIIIPBLAGO, III. 405. Aasssssao, in Westphalia, III. 479. Arineee, in botany, V. 136. ,,
Ancu, III. 378—the Romans skilful Aacmrassarrsa, or Archpriest, III. Aarssscae, in Livonia, III. 479. Ariobarzanes, VI. 126; XVIII. 350.
builders of the, 260—principle of, 405. Aassswann, in Pomerania, III. 479. Aaron, III. 486. _
known to the Greeks, 414; but itsAacnisriuooocs, III. 405. Assn: DE Mn, Spanish town, 111. Amos, musician, 111. 486—horse, ib.-q
properties unknown, 417—inrentionAacnrrscr, III. 405—skilful architects 479. one of the mollnsca, XV. 357.
ot‘ the, ib.—first extensively used by
of the middle ages, 388. Arcoda, insects, IX. 159. ARIOSTO (Ludovico), III. 486; X. 295——
the Romans, ib., 418 —Gothie, by Aacnx'rnc'runs, III. 406—Freneh aca Aaron, III. 479. his poetry, XVIII. 144, 159—Hoole's
whom invented 7 420—Saxon, 454— demy of, II. 7 5—Mexican, 623—Pe Aasoxaraa, III. 370—barometrieal, translation of his Orlando Furioso,
Anglo-Norman, ib.—Pointed, 454, ct ruvian, 624, 627—Chinese, 627 ; VI. XII. 24. X1. 557. ,_ n _.‘ a _
‘soq.--Laneet, 455—Roman triumphal 573--remains of Greek and Roman, Anzoraoos, III. 479; IV. 123, 167. Aarro, Ceylonese town, 111. 488. ,H _ ,‘
arches, 443, 451; XIX. 480—arch of III. 260—its present state in Britain, Ares, Egyptian deity, VIII. 558. ABIBTBUB, son of Apollo, III. 488. '
Titus, III. Mil—definition of, 464—Mr ib. Egyptian, 262, 431; VIII. 530—— ABETEUB, a Greek physician, III. 479; , geometer, X. 424. a I.
Atwood on the, IV. 188—cquilibrium Nubian, XVI. 296—Hindoo, III. 433; II. 688; XX. 828-4. . , - _ ABIB'I‘ANDEB, soothsayer, 111. 488.
~‘~|.I .
of arches, V. 266; XIV. 395—arehcs XI. 408—Grecian, III. 434—Roman, Ass-races, III. 479. . t~71 1" Anisraacnes, Greek philosopher, III.
in brickwork, V. 668; XX. 376—016 448—Italian, 4 5I—Pointed, 453—prin Anna (Guido), musician, 111. 479. 488—on astronomy,_7 30. i ‘ - J01“ _'

‘ ARI-ARI
Aais'rsncnus, grammarian, III. 488.
Antennas the Just, 111. 488; IV. 501.
(.Elius), Greek orator, 111. 489.
, Greek painter, III. 489; XVI.
701, 704.
Aristillus on astronomy, III. 730.
Aais'rirros of Cyrene, philosopher, III.
489; VII. 577.
Aais'ro, stoic philosopher, III. 489.
Aristobulus, XII. 571.
Aus'rocaacr, III. 489; X. 623.
Aristodemus, Greek antiquary, XII. 291.
Aristodicus of Cymc, XX. 457.
Aaisrooirou, III. 489; IV. 148.
Aristolochiem, in botany, V. 128.
Aristonicus, XVII. 230.
AIIO‘I‘OPIIANXS, III. 489—his comedies,
VIII. 149—his ridicule and misrepre
sentation of Socrates, XX. 449.
Anis'ro'rsus, ancient feasts, III. 490.
Aals'ro'ruz, III. 490—causes which ope
rated in undermining the authority
of, I. 16—by whom most powerfully
assailed, 25—on rhetoric, 54 ; III.
514; XIX. 200, ct seq.—remarks on
his comparison of the mind in its first
state to a sheet of white paper, I. 864
—rcsemblance of Hume‘s principles of
association to the views of, 427—his
definition of motion, 450; and of
light, 505—his views regarding the na
ture of light, 640—his anatomical
knowledge, II. 687—his astronomy,
III. 503, 729—1118 physical tenets,
499; IV. 384—possibly derived his
system of logic from India, V. 180—
high estimation of his works in the
middle ages, VII. 495—on dew, 748
-—ou the dramatic unities, VIII. 162,
174—his Natural History, 111. 506,
508; XII. 151; XIV. 74; XVII. 725
-—on comedy, XIII. 121—the prince
of logicians, 459—on mathematics,
III. 499—0n mechanics, XIV. 349—
on metaphysics, III. 499; XIV. 599
—on perception, III. 507; XIV. 604
—on matter, 643—on form, 644—~on
motion, 657—on the soul. III. 506;
XIV. 686~<m tragedy, XV. 446—on
optics, XVI. 348—on ornithology, 545
-—compared with Newton, XVII. 435
~on physiognomy, 575—on plastic
nature, 797—on the air, XVIII. 71-—
cn quality, 773—on quantity, 775—
his Analytics, III. 511 ; XIX. 106
his Topics. XIX. 106—1115 Dialectic, Asmsrlcs, III. 577.
III. 508; VII. 756—his Poetics, III.
517—his Ethics, 518—his Politics. 525 Aanoaxc, III. 577. '
~design of his philosophy. 529—style Asxoar, III. 578.
of his writings, 530—his obscurity. ib. Aanoua, III. 578—Roman, 592—07 the
—his method of discussion, 530—his
originality, 531—Socrates a precursor
of. XX. 468—his influence on medi
cine, 822—4112; opinions in Natural
Theology, XXI. 202—snys little about Aansraono (John), 16.0., 111. 578~his
the tides, 260.
Aalsrorts's rnitosornr, III. 494~Hc~
Iancthun's sanction of, I. 16.
Aaisroxsxrs, III. 531.
Aatruus'rlc, III. 532—early systems of
notation, I. firm—origin of the denary
system gem-rally referred to India.
587—advantages and gradual exten
sion of this system, ib.—decimal frac
tions introduced by Stevinus, ib.
notation of decimals brought to its
utmost simplicity by Baron Napier,
ib.—Advantages and disadvantages of
the duodenary scale, ib.- perfect,
prime, and composite numbers, 588—
antiquity of magic squares. ib.—dif
ferent individuals by whom they were
constructed, ib.—continued fractions
much cultivated during the 18th cen
tury, 589—brought to perfection by
Euler, ib.—applications ot' the theory
by him, ib.—applied to the solution of
numerical equations by Lagrange, 500
—tahles of the powers and products
of numbers made by Hervert. ib.—of
the Greeks, Romans, and Arabians,
II. 5, 6, 7, 21—proportion in, 438—07
sines, 485—alligation, or solution of
INDEX. 13
ARI—ARM ARN—ARS ARS-ARU
questions relating to the mixture of ed States, 111. 616; XXI. 480—of Arsacidzn, Persian dynasty. XVII. 260.
ingredients, 526—binary, IV. 643— Wurtemberg. III. 610; XXI. 947 Aasaxas, in Russia, 111. 630.
Chinese knowledge of, VI. 575—dru continental armies in the eleventh Arsaphes, Egyptian deity, VIII. 558.
idical knowledge of, VIII. 207—Na century, VIII. 712, a.—standing army, Arsbergcr (Prof.), his experiments on
pier’s rods, XV. 693—-arithmetical IX. 23; discussions about, V. 456; ad the force of steam, XX. 585.
board for the blind, IV. 698. See vantages of, XXI. 736—Mr Windham‘s Arschot (Duke of), xvz. 106.
Number, Series, Addition, 8w. act for the improvement of the, V. 520 AIIIIIAL, III. 630.
Aalus. III. 567. ._.I.ord Howick’s bill for religious Arsenic, VI. 382—native, XV. 164—its
All (Noah’s). III. 567; VII. 693. emancipation in the, 521—mi1itia act, alloy with antimony, VI. 386—sa1ts of
of the Covenant, III. 568. 526—roya1 prerogative in relation to white oxide of, 453—specitic gravity
Arkansas, state-bonds of, XXI. 479. the, XVIII. 522—war-horse, X1. 592. of, X11. 27—poisoning with, XIV.
Aaltow, an Irish town, 111. 568. See War. 500; XVIII. 177—antidotes to, 181—
Aaxwaion'r (Sir Richard), III. 568 ; Assam. (William), III. 623. administration of, to horses, XXI.
X. 555—machines in the cotton-ma Aanavn, III. 623. - 625—sulpho-arseniates, VI. 457—sul
nufacture invented by, VII. 400-402; Aansunn (Anthony), III. 623—the pho-arsenites, 458.
XX. 537—importancc of his inven first who assailed the ideal theory, acid, VI. 383; XV. 137.
tions, V. 429. I. 80—summary of his doctrine con pyrites, a mineral, XV. 166.
Aanss, III. 571—cana1 of, XVI. 5. cerning ideas, ib.—merits of his trea Arseniet of potassium, VI. 394; alu
Arm, human, XVII. 700—muscles of the, tise entitled “ The Art of Thinking, minum, 399 ; glucinum, 399; iron,
II. 793—motions of the, 795. or the Port-Royal Logic," ib.—anec 406; nickel, 409; cobalt, 410; lead,
Arm-bone, II. 786. dotes of his infancy and old age, 81. 413; copper, 416; gold, 421.
ABIADA (Spanish). III. 571; VIII. 757; Aansr-Ls-Duc, French town, 111. 623. Aassnws, III. 630.
XVI. 113; XVII. 346; XX. 221. 502 Asian (John), German divine, III. 623. Aasnor, III. 636.
—partly wrecked in Ireland, XII. 365 ; Ann: (Thomas Augustine). III. 623. Arsinol. remains of, VIII. 545.
and on the Shetland Islands, XXI. Arnee, in zoology, XIV. 168. Anson. III. 630; XII. 257; XIV. 495.
987—articles brought up by a diver Arnheim (General), XXI. 17. Asscaa, III. 630.
from sunk ships of the, V111. 64. Annuals, in the Netherlands, III. 623. Aa'rs, or Larta, III. 630.
Armadillo, animal, XIV. 143; V. 641. Aainssws (I-Ienningus), III. 623. AX‘I'ABA, ancient measure, III.'630.
Aansosnnou, III. 571. Arno, XII. 485—vale of, XXI. 432. Artabanus, XVII. 106.
Annex, III. 571—battle ot', XII. 365. Aanosws, rhetorician, III. 624. Artabazes, XVIII. 348.
Aalnuxl, III. 574. Aasotn of Brescia, III. 624. Aaraaszus, III. 631.
Aanaruas, III. 574. Arnold's scapement, VI. 793. Artaxcrxes, founder of the Sassanian dv
Armed neutrality of 1780, V. 415; VII. Aanouns'rs, religious sect, III. 624. nasty, his revolt against the Psi-
723. Aanoums (Gothofredus). III. 624. thians, XVII. 106, 261.
Aansuu, III. 574—conquered by Alp do Villanova, his chemical know Longimanus, XVII. 259.
Anne II. ledge, VI. 344. Mcmnon, XVII. 259.
Armenian alphabet, II. 549—1anguage, Arnolpho, III. 424. Artaxias, III. 574.
XIII. 90—works in that language, II. Arnott’s stove, XX. 741. Arts»! (Peter), naturalist, 111. 631-011
549—bibles, IV. 616. Arnotta. See Anotta. fishes, XII. 152.
Armsniansin Calcutta, V. 791. Aansran'r, in Germany, III. 624. Artcmia salina, VII. 503.
, era of the, VI. 661. Autumn. in Bavaria, III. 624. Aa'rsxinoat's ot‘ Ephesus, III. 631.
Aaxss'risaas, French town, 111. 577. Ann CLPII, bishop of Rochester, III. 624. Aarnnsu, III. 631.
ARIIEIS, French town, 111. 577. Aauwsr (John). 111. 624. Aarsnlswx, promontory, III. 631.
Anniosa, title, 111. 577. Aroa, river, XXI. 591. Arteries, their structure, 11. 716, 820;
Aanlnnasr sphere, III. 577 ; X. 410. Aroidem. in botany, V. 136. XVII. 582, 638 —-anatomica1 con.
ABIILUGTIIUX. Roman feast, III. 577. Aaon Pattosornoavn. III. 624. nections of the arterial system, II. 718
Aasnsuns, 111. 577; XI. 2—Duteh, 520 Aromatic gum-resins, VI. 491. — generally accompanied in their
—deny predestination, XVIII. 515; Axons. an Italian town, 111. 624. course by veins, 722; but not always.
original sin. XXI. 221, ct seq.; and Aaoncuss, Portuguese town, 111. 625. 623—early opinions respecting them.
the imputation of the sins of men to Aaoo, island, III. 625. 787, ct sage-comparative anatomy of
Christ, 227—thcir doctrine of uni Aaooa, Russian town, 111. 625. the, III. 89—their action, XVII. 643
versal redemption, 228—their opinions Aaora, III. 625—Parace1si, ib. —aneurism of the, XX. 839.
concerning justification, 231. Aaosasr, III. 625. Aaruca, hero of the Britons, III. 631;
Aaunuus (James), 111. 577. Aroun, XIX. 618. VIII. 721—Arthur’s Scat, III. 632—
, an ancient German, X. 476. Aaousa, a Greek measure, III. 625. Arthur‘s Oven, VI. 177.
Aanoms, or Harpagius, III. 625. Articerus, insect, IX. 187.
Antonin, III. 577. Aarnsxsn, son of Shem, III. 625. Artichoke, culture of the, XI. 673—Jc
Aarnus (Joseph Conn), 111. 625. rusalem artichoke, 670.
Aarlno, Neapolitan city, 111. 625. Aa'rlctas, in grammar, III. 632; X. 643,
Asqus. Italian town. 121. 625. 685—the thirty-nine. VII. 448.
British life-guards, 620—0! knights, Aaqnn, town in Normandy. III. 625. Articulata, II. 706; XVII. 587. 679—
VI. 606, 614—t‘or divers, VIII. 61. Aaascsn, III. 625—war in 1824, V. 567. thcir organs of smell, III. 21—their
Arms, 111. 578—coats of, ib.; X1. 243 Aaaacs, III. 627; VI. 300; VIII. 44. nervous system, 32—thcir structure,
-ot’ knights, VI. 606, 614. Arragon. See Aragon. I72—charactcristics and classes of
Arragonitc, specific gravity of, XII. 27 the, 179—comparative physiology of
allusion to Barman, V. 720—poetry -rct'racti0n of, XVI. 487. the, XVII. 720.
of. XVIII. 173. Aaauosuss'r. in law, 111. 627. Articulation of bones, II. 746. 756 ;
Aanuvosu, in Walchcren, III. 578. Allan, island, III. 627; V. 751. XVII. 603, 615, ct non—of the spine,
AIXY. III. 579—Achman, 588—Ameri Aaaas, in France, 111. 627. 11. 763; shoulder, elbow, wrist, and
can. 616; XXI. 480—Athenian, III. Aaasv, in law, 111. 628. fingers, 789 ; hip. 791 ; knee, 792; and
585—of Baden, GUI—Austrian, 603; Asaarsas, III. 628. ankle, ib.
IV. 233—Bavarian, III. 610; IV. 461 Arreca-nut of Ceylon. VI. 300. Aarirlcss, III. 632.
-Brazilian, V. 205—British, III. 616 AIIII'I‘ATIOI, III. 628. Aa-riricut, III. 632.
~Burmcse, IV. 245—Carthaginian, Aaasors, III. 628; XVIII. 325. Aarltnnar, III. 632—ticld, Gilli—siege,
III. 589—Chincsc, VI. 575—Danish, Aaass'r. III. 6.‘"—ofjudgmcnt, 630. 687—garrison, 639—exrrcise of, 641-—
III. 609; VII. 729—07 St Domingo, Aaazs'rnsn'r. in law, 111. 630. Park. 643—Train. ib.- Company. ib.
V111. 107—ancient and modern Egyp Aaausaoruau, sect, III. 630. French. 600, 635-6—Spanish, 602
tian, III. 580; VIII. 502—Frcnch, Aaausrnoau, Athenian feast, III. 630. Austrian, 604, 635—Russian, 608—
III. 598; X. 204—07 the Germanic Anus, Roman historian, III. 630. Turkish, 614—British, 621, 632
confederation. III. Gil—ancient and , bird, XVI. 558. casting of cannon, VI. 84-foot-level,
modern Greek, 584, Bib—Hanove Answer, in France. 111. 630. XIII. 257. See Gunnery and Projec
rian, 610—Indian, XI. 463—Macc Arrindy silk-worms, XX. 352. tiles.
donian, III. 586—ot' the middle ages,Arris, in architecture, 111. 465. Aarls'r, III. 643.
595—modern, 596—Ncapolitan, 612 Aaaos, island, III. 630. Aa'rtrususo, in Hanover. III. 643.
--ot‘ the Netherlands, Bil—ancient Arrogance not a usual accompaniment Artocarpezz, in botany, V. 129.
Persian, 582—I'ortuguese, 602—Prus of genius, XXI. 871. Artocarpus, V. 69.
sian. 605—Roman. 589; XIX. 379— Aaaow, III. 630. See Archery. Aarorralrss, Christian sect, III. 643.
Russian, III. 606; XIX. 574—Sar (Lough), XX. 892, 394. Aars(t:sr.rot.).111. 643—applicationof
dinian, 111.612—Saxon, 609-of Sindo, Aaaow-naszas, III. 630. voltaic electricity to the. XXI. 682.
XX. 365—Spanish. 111. 601 ; XX. 523 Arrowancs, IV. 580. Arts (PINE), III. 645.
~Spartun, III. 585—Swedish. 609 Arrowroot, VI. 477. Artzn. VII. 283.
Swiss, XXI. 47—Theban, III. 588— Aaaoro nu. PUII'I'O. III. 630. Arueris, Egyptian deity, VIII. 552 ; XI.
Tutkish,612; XXI. 424—0! the Unit Aasacss, 111. 630; XVII. 99, 260. 820.
l4 INDEX.
ARU-ASI ASI—ASS ASS—AST ASTRONOMY
Arum, efi'ect of cookery on, IX. 735. 667—trade with England, VIII. 779, Assm, African country. 111. 716. by Hipparchus, ib.—other epicyclcs
Arun river navigation, XVI. 8. _ 781—insects of, IX. 102—-languages, Assissi, Italian city, III. 716. introduced to explain the irregular
Aansoxt, town in Sussex, III. 658— XIII. 72, et seq. 90 ; XVII. 379, et seq. Assi'rnnss'r, III. 716. motions of the moon and planets, ib.
Portsmouth canal, XVI. 17. 422—variation of the needle, XIII. Asslzs, III. 716—01‘ bread, IV. 188, 300. —the system of the heavens became
(Thomas), archbishop, III. 658. 734-736—elevated plains, XVII. 501— Assocu'rios, III. 716. thus extremely complicated, ib.-ad
Aansnnnns saunas, III. 659. table-land, 502—heights of mountains, of ideas, XIV. 617, 626; VII. vantages which were derived from it,
Aausricss, or Haruspices, III. 661. 505, 556 —volcanoes, 512—course of 561 ; VIII. 435; XVII. 674—its power 483—the hypothesis of cpicycles, and
Aavsuas Fan-ans, III. 658. rivers, XIX. 252—serpents, XX. 136 in regard to avarice, &c., I. 366-68—in centres of uniform motion,accomm0
Arvicola, in zoology, XIV. 185. —map of, III. Pl. 77. connection with the sense of the bean dated to the state of science, ib.—
Arvicux (Monsieur d’), on Arabian ASIA Mums, III. 702; XXI. 418. tiful, IV. 488, et seq. ,- XXI. 90—Con dawn of a new era, Copernicus and
horses, III. 328. ABIABCIIB, III. 702. dillac on, VII. 204—its influence on Tycho. 484—corrcction of Ptolemy’s
Asvn. Sorrna, 111. 658. Asilici, insects, IX. 268. dreams, VIII. I90—in connection with tables by‘ Alphonso, king of Castile,
Anvinsons, III. 658. Asilus, insect, IX. 269. instinct, XII. 297, et seq—laws of, ib.—Purbach and Regiomontanus con
Anx, III. 662. Aslssas. island, III. 702. XV. 481—Plato on, XVIII. 32. tributed much to the advancement of
Arya-Bhatta, algebraist, II. 425. Asnuus POLLIO, III. 702. Assonssocs, in Hindostan, III. 716. the science, ib.—publication of Coper
Arymbas, I. and I1., kings of Epirus, Asirica, insects, IX. 208. Assoxszm, in law, 111. 716. nicus‘s great work, Astronomia In
IX. 312. Asisio, or Asito, III. 702. Assoruscs, III. 716. ‘ staurata, containing the discovery of
Arytenoid cartilage, II. 805. Ask (Robert), VIII. 747. Assosssr nurxss, III. 716. the earth’s annual and diurnal mo
Amchel, III. 785. Asxss'ros, Irish town, III. 702. Assounn, antiquities at, VIII. 582. tion, 4 85—observations of the heavens
Aszrw, a town in Algiers, III. 662. Asssnns, III. 702. Assn, XIX. 245. by Tycho Brahe, 486; see Brahe—
AaziLLs, an African town, III. 662. Assam, in Yorkshire, III. 702. Asscursl'r, in law, III. 716. discoveries of Kepler; see Kepler—
As, an ancient weight, III. 662—Roman Assam, silver coin, III. 702. Assnxr'rlos, festival, III. 716—in logic, dis'coveries of Galileo; see Galileo
coin. ib.; XIV. 471; XV. 397. Asuozsscs, III. 702. ib.—islands, 1b., 717—capital of Para evidence of the Copernican system de
Ass, king of Judah, III. 662. Asru, or Esna, in Egypt, III. 702. guay, ib.; XVII. 62. veloped by the discoveries of Kepler
Asadaddin, VIII. 479. Asons, Italian town, III. 702. Assmsr'rivz nus, in heraldry, III. and Galileo, 492—beneficial results of
Assrn (Sr), III. 662; IX. 622. A801», Italian town, III. 702. 717. , its being established, 493—Descartes'
Assn-Annos, III. 662. Asorn, III. 702. ' Assurance, XII. 807. See Annuities, theory of the universe ; see Descartes
Asaaora, III. 662. ° Asr, serpent, III. 708. Insurance. —first complete system of astronomy
Asbestinite, specific gravity of, XII. 27. Asparagin, VI. 470. Assvn, in Hindostan, III. 717. in which the elliptic orbits were in
Asbestos, II. 656; XII. 258; XV. 154— Asparagus, culture of, XI. 672. ABSYK-KALESI, in Caria, III. 717. troduced was the Astronomia Philo
spccific gravity of, XII. 27—paper Aspartic acid, VI. 431. Assrau, III. 717—architecture bf, 412 laica of Bullialdus, 495—hypothetical
made from, XVII. 10. Asrssu, III. 703; XX. 437, 439, 448. -Assyrian empire, III. 684—monar views contained in that work, ib.—
Ascalaphus, insect, IX. 212. Asrss'ncox, III. 703. chy, XV. 381. contributions to the science by Hor
AscILos, III. 662—battle of, XVI. 757. Aspects, characters of abbreviations of, As'rass'r, III. 718. rox, Ward, Riccioli, Hevelius, Hooke,
Ascssws, son of JEneas, III. 662. V1. 323. Astacus fluviatilis, VII. 502. Cassini, and Roemer; see these heads
Ascaris. zoophyte, XXI. 997—in horses, Aspen tree, XVII. 784. As'rsron'r, French town, III. 718. —first establishment of academics,
XXI. 627. Asrsa, 111. 703. As'rssns, III. 718. 499 —figure and magnitude of the
Ascssnss'r, in astrology, III. 662. Asrsairous'rn, in botany, III. 703. As'ruu, Persian town, III. 718. earth; see Figure of the Earth—disco
Ascension of Christ. XXI. 229. Asrsaoss, Turkish town, III. 703. ASTABAKAT, Persian town, III. 718. very of universal gravitation by New.
011', III. 662. Asrnsn'rrrzs, lake, III. 703; XVI. 745, As'rsaorn, or Ashtaroth, III. 718. ton, 554 ; see also Newton— refer
Isusn, III. 662. 746; XVII. 522. Astata, insects, IX. 230. ences of the ancients to weight or
Ascn'rzswst, III. 663. AsraAL-rnu, III. 704; VI. 444; XV. Astatic needle, XIII. 771. gravity, 557—clearer views of Coper
Ascsrics, III. 668; XI. 489-495. 172; IV. 654; XVII. 751—specific Astcia, insects. IX. 290. nicus and Kepler, 558—Galileo sup
Asctsrrsssuao, III. 663. gravity of, XII. 27, 33—preservation Asrsu. (Mary), III. 718. posed that gravity was a principle be
Ascn/us (Roger). III. 663-on " Morte d' of timber with, XX. 274—lake of, in Asrua’s Isnazsn, III. 718. longing to each of the planets indivi
Arthur," XIX. 328. Trinidad. XXI. 886. As'rnssaan, in Persia, III. 719. dually, but did not extend from the
Ascassnoar, in Hanover, III. 664. Asphodelinese, in botany, V. 134. Asrznu, or star-stone, III. 718. one to the other, ib.-near approxima
Ascnaastzans, in Prussia, III. 664. Asphodelodians, VI. 189. Asteriadae, zoophytes, XXI. 1012. tion to the truth by Hooke, 559—
Ascia. insects, IX. 278. Asrnossns'u, III. 705. Asterias, structure of, XVII. 722. causes of irregularities in the motion
Ascidia, mollusca, XV. MES—structure Asphyxia from drowning, VIII. 201. Asterina, zoophytes, XXI. 1008. of the moon, 560—Newton’s deter
of, XVII. 720. Aspic, serpent, XX. 154. Annual, III. 718. _ mination of the shape of the earth, 56 1
Ascn, III. 664. Asricns'rs (Martin de), III. 705. As'ranx, sea-term, III. 718. —discovery of the aberration of light
Ascxrsz, sect, III. 664. Aspidophorus, fish, XII. 174. Asteroida, zoophytcs, XXI. 1022. by Bradley, 569—Newton‘s theory of
Ascites in cattle, XXI. 625. Aspirate, II. 547. Asthma, XVII. 480, 490. the moon, a work of genius almost
Ascuzru, festival, III. 664. Aspistes, insect, IX. 264. A811, in Piedmont, III. 718. superhuman, 663—lunar theory first
Ascuzrun, III. 664. Aspredo, fish, XII. 203. Astle on the Origin and Progress of expanded and improved by Calandrini,
Asclepiadcm, in botany, V. 120. Lspro, fish, XII. 168. Writing, II. 546 ;JV. 622. ib. -completed by Dr Stewart and
Ascasrunss, III. 664; XX. 821, 823. Ass, XIV. l53—little used in agricul Astley (Mr), his mode of manufacturing Walmeslcy, 664—examination of the
Asclcpiodorus, Greek painter, XVI. 704. ture, II. 840—Arabian wild, III. 329 sal ammoniac, II. 663. subject by Clairaut, ib.—astronomical
Ascoonrm, heretics, III. 664. —Asiatic, 683—of Hindustan, XI. 383 Astoma, genus of arachnides, III. 369. discoveries of Mayer, 665; see also
Ascou, in Italy, III. 665. —-milk of, VI. 499 ; XV. 76—organs Aaron“, a fabulous people, 111. 719. Mayer—calculations and discoveries of
Ascous, Greek festival, III. 665. of voice, III. 28. Astor (J. J.), X. 264. .7 Euler regarding the motions of the
Ascolino, X. 397. Assafustida, VI. 490—sp. gr. of, XII. 27. As'roaos, Spanish city, III. 719. planets, 665-6—appearancc of Halley’s
Asciur'riru, III. 665. Assn, in music, III. 705. Astoria, XVI. 525—Fort, X. 264. - comet, and calculations of Clairant
Asdrubal, VI. 192, 195—defeatcd by the Asssu, an Asiatic kingdom, III. 705— Asrnsssn, in Persia, III. 719.“ regarding its retardation, 667—size
Romans, 200, 201—his cruelties, 204, tea-plant in, XXI. 130. As'rnscss, III. 719; XIX. 535, 565. and consistence of comets, and me
206—suicide of his wife, 206. Asssnwss, an ancient copper coin, III. Asralss, III. 720. thods of discovering their orbits, 668
Asellius (Gaspar), the lactcals discovered 708; XIV. 470, et seq. ,.,_ Astragal, in architecture, III. 465. -—n0tice of Lagrange’s discourse on
Assaao, Sicilian city, III. 709. v,’ as Ann“; Loxsscv, III. 720. the librations of the moon, 669—re‘
by, 11. 698, 728; XVII. 728.
Asfce, XIX. 609. Asssnos, III. 709. - Astragalus, or heel-bone, II. 791, 792. searches of Lagrange and Laplace re
Ash timber, XVII. 780, 783; XXI. 294— AGASGII, III. 709. Astrapmus, insect, IX. 137. garding the planetary motions, ib.—
used in coachmaking, VII. 6—specific Assassination common in Zante, XII. Astrapia, birds, XVI. 588. 2 .," Laplace's disc0very of the moon’s se
gravity of, XII. 27—trccs, XVII. 783, 342; and in Java, 532. Astrodermus, fish, XII. 187. 1"“ cular equation, 670—Laplace's com
789 —mountain-ash, 784. Assscar, in law, III. 709. Animations, 111. 720. M plete theory of the motions of Jupi
Asa-Wroussnsr, III. 669. Asssv, III. 709. Ass-nouns, III. 720. 1"! ter‘s satellites, ib.—-dcscription ot' ce
Asnsxrzs, in Africa. III. 665. Asssvnzo, III. 709—touch-necdle, XXI. As'raonann, III. 720. lestial refraction, and the solar and
Asnsovns, in Derbyshire, III. 669. 340. As'raotoor, III. 720; IV. 370; VIII. lunar parallaxes, 671—discovery of a
Asnnua'ron, III. 670. Assellota, crustacea, VII. 503. 58—its extensive dominion over the new planet by Herschel, 672—disco
(Lord). See Dunning. Asssavs (John), painter, III. 715. human mind, I. 484—taught in uni very of four small planets, 67 8—num
Asnsv-nn-u-Zoncn, in Leicestcrshire, Assxsnr, III. 715. versities, ib.—introduced into alma ber of stars which passed over Her
III. 670—cunal, XVI. 8. Assax, III. 715. g e nacs, II. 532—Babylonians addicted schel's field of view in a quarter of an
Asnzs, 111. 670. Assnxoa, III. 715. a to IV. 27l—in Persia, XVII. 254. hour, ib.—speculations regarding the
Asnroan. in Kent, III. 670. Assasasm, in Germany, III. 715. As'raos'oxr, III. 37l—history of, ib.— celestial bodies and the constitution
Ashkoko, an animal, XIV. 151. Assess, Danish town, III. 716. Theoretical, 754; IV. I—Physical, 48 of the universe, (SH—various esti
Asuua. III. 670—wa11s, V. 674. Asssn (John), 111. 716. —Practical, 61—considerable progress mates of the number of comets within
Asnanniso, III. 670. Assassoa, III. 716. made in, by the ancients, I. 451. 481 the known extent of our system, 675
Ashmed, IV. 280. Assn-rs, in law, III. 716. -views (I those who first studied the —observations on the earth’s internal
Asnnsou: (Elias), antiquary, III. 670. Assasros (William). III. 716. < heavens, 481, 655 —universally be structure, ib.; on tit: limits of the at
Asasnrr, Persian city, III. 671. Assinssss, 111.716. i-r.~~ lieved by the ancients that the earth mosphere, 676; on double and mul
ASHTON-UNDEl-LINBJD Lancashirc, III. Asslns'ro, III. 716. .- -r formed the centre of the universe, 482 tiple stars, 677—Aristotle on, III.
671—canal, XVI. 8. AIBIONATIOII,171 law, III. 716. —introductiou of the epicycle by Ap 502—catalogues of the stars, VI. 238
As“, III. 671—prevalcnce of castes in, Assimu'nou, 111. 716—in physiology, pollonius Pergasus, ib.—application -Chinese knowledge of, 575—Indian,
VI. 220—unoccupied land in, VIII. XVII. 581, 618. of the epicycles to explain phenomena, VII. 681—kuowledge ot' the Druids in.

AST—ATH
VIII. 205; of the Chaldaaans, XVII. Arena-res, in Lancashire, IV. 129—
426; of the Brahmins, 427; of the
Egyptians, 429, 430—method of the Atherura, in zoology, XIV. 139.
least squares, XVIII. 686—-astrono Athias, his Hebrew Bible, IV. 614.
mical determination of the periodical Arnua'rls, IV. 130.
forces which act on the sea 'or on a A'rnLoxs, an Irish town,IV. 180 ; XXI.
lake, XXI. 271. See Aberration, Ac
celeration, Comets, Dialling, Jupiter,
Venus, Sun, Moon, &c.
Astronomical instruments, IV. 61, 101 Athor, Egyptian deity, VIII. 558.
—Borda’s repeating circle, 798—00. Aruos, IV. 180; X. 722~ancient ma
vendish’s method of dividing, VI. 264.
See Quadrant, Telescope, 8w.
tables, IV. 62.
Society of London, 111. 758.
Asrauo (John), physician, IV. 111.
Astur, bird, XVI. 568.
As'rnaiasJV. Ill—Moorish kingdom of, Ararns (Richard), IV. 180.
XX. 494—Christian kingdom of, 500. ATLANTIC Ocean, IV. ISO—currents
As'rrsons, king of the Medea, IV. 112;
V11. 577. l‘ . across the, XX. 691.
As'rrazux, IV. 112. I2 . -
As'rraoin, IV. 112.
Asrtuu, IV. 112—Asylums for lunatics,
XIV. 586. .
Asnlsrar, IV. 112.
Astmo'rs, IV. 112; VII. 244.
Asrnns'ron, in grammar, IV. 112.
Atacama, desert of, VI. 527-.
Aranas'ris, IV. 180.
Atauiphus, XX. 492.
Are, goddess of mischief, IV. 112.
Atelos, in soology, XIV. 98.
Atellan fables, VIII. 152.
ATIIPO GIUI'I‘O, in music, IV. 112.
Arsaoa'ris, IV. 112.
Aru'rs, Italian town, IV. 118.
Ateuchus, insect, IX. 153.
Am, or Aeth, IV. 113.
Athalia, insects, IX. 217.
Athanaric, VII. 279.
Arnszusus Cane, IV. 118.
A'rnuusius (St), IV. 118—his opinion
of apparitions, III. 297.
Arnsiu'ri, IV. 118. . '\
Athapescow, river, VI. 68.
Atheism, XIV. 698; XVII. 797—pre
valent at Paris in the middle of the
18th century, I. 181—influence of, in
aggravating the atrocities of the
French Revolution, 182—immorality
of, XV. 479.
A'I'IIRII‘I‘I, IV. 113—4ect of, called Hy
lozoists, XII. 185.
Aruzunc, IV. 113.
ATHILI‘I'AN, king of England, IV. 113
—-reign of, VIII. 708.
Arusnneu, IV. 118.
Arnsaams, grammarian, IV. 114.
Arassaooaas, philosopher, IV. 114.
Athenians, their good taste and love of
the beautiful, III. 265—their charac
ter, IV. 162—their attachment to
the theatre, VIII. Mil—circumstances
unfhvourable to the production of
whimsical characters among them,
151—thcir invasion of Syracuse, XXI.
55.
A'rnsuononus, Stoic, IV. 114.
Arena“, Irish town, IV. 114.
Arum", IV. 114—Academy of, II. 65
-—choragic monument of Lysicrates,
III. 416, 436, 442; of Thrasyllus.
436—Stuart and Revett's Antiquities
of, 480—the Parthenon, 485—Propy
lmum, 486—army of, 585—captured
by Xerxes, IV. 151—rebuilt and for
tified, ib.-p1ague at, Nib—captured
by the Spartans, 160 -cruelties ot'
the Thirty Tyrants at, V1. 785—dials
on the Tower of the Winds, VII. 758
-dials of Phadrus, ib.--tragic writers
of, VIII. 148—comlc writers, 149—
Elgin marbles, 668—punishnmnt of
idleness at, XII. 248—coins ot', XIV.
469—its condition in the time of So
crates, XX. 436.
, in Georgia, X. 470.
Athsrina, fish, XII. 19.2.
Atherix, insect, IX. 266.
Aruaaoua, IV. 129. l
Atherospen'nexe, in botany, V. 180.
Arenas-rose, in Warwiekshire, IV. 129.
6
INDEX.
ATH—ATM
battle of Atherton Moor, V. 825.
863; XIX. 480—taken by the English
in 1690, V. 864.
Arnon, in Perthshire, IV. 130.
nuscripts at, XIII. 288.
Ann, in Xildare, IV. 180; XII. 714.
A'I‘IENZA, a Spanish town, IV. 130.
Atitan, lake, XI. 17.
ATKINS (Sir Robert), IV. 180.
Atkinson’s gig-mill. XXI. 934.
of thc, XVII. 516—steam-navigation
ATLANTIS, IV. 180.
ATLAS, king of Mauritania, IV. 131.
, one of the vertebrae, II. 760—
its motions, 763.
, mountains, IV. 131, 361; XIV.
330, 331; xv. 503.
, book ofmaps, IV. 131.
Aruousrna, IV. 131; XIV. 738.
Aruosrnsss, IV. 182—d'tscovery of its
elasticity, I. 481—expcriments to as
certain its density at difl'ercnt heights,
618—sound transmitted by the, II.
110, 1 15—vclocity of sound, XX.
482—thcory of its navigation, II.
178—diminution of its temperature
at increasing heights, 193, 194—its
composition the same at great heights
as at the earth‘s surface, l95—its re
fringent power, III. 762—0f the sun,
788—moon, IV. 5—Venus, 28; XVIII.
105—Mars, IV. 29; XVIII. 105-—
Jupiter, XVIII. 105—and comets, ib.
—-discovery of its pressure, IV. 886—
gradation of its density, 398—G.
Beccarla on its electricity, 507-—
why warmest at its lowest parts, VI.
750—its capacity for heat at difl’erent
degrees of rarity, 750—circulation of
air between the poles and the equator,
758—air lost by water in the act of
freezing, VII. til—quantity of, neces
sary for respiration, VIII. 59—re
markably dry and salinein Egypt. 514
--electricity ot' the, 614—no muriatic
acid in sea-air, IX. 483—resistance
of the, XI. 42, XVIII. 644—specific
gravity of, XII. 26—rclations of air to
heat, XII. 114—mutua1 repulsion of
its particles, 120—air emitted by ve
getables, 275—magnetic condition of
the, XIII. 742, 758-4nfluence of its
purity and hygrometric state on health,
XIV. 51~1-its colour, 740; XVI. 510;
XVII. 530—4" height, XIV. 719 ;
XVIII. 74, 102 -- its constitution,
XIV. 719—the variations of its local
weight unexplained, 721—ncw theory
proposed, 7 22—how affected by heat
and moisture, 7 21—law ofatmospheric
solution, 7 33 -quantity of moisture
held in the, 736 —its extent, XV. 178
—moon's influence on the, 442—un
usual refraction of the, XVI. 509—e1f
fects of respiration on, XVII. 646-—
mechanical properties of, XVIII. 69—
its necessity to animal life, l21—its
density and weight, XVII. 529; com
position, 580—aqueous vapour in the,
532—0tto Guerickc‘s experiments on
its pressure, XX. 622—eli'ect of its
pressure on the level of the sea, XXI.
285—necessary to germination, 567
changcs on it thereby produced, 568
--food derived by plants from it, 571
m necessary to vegetation, 575 -
changes on it thereby produced, ib.-—
577, 579-, 583, 584—~whcther on the
whole purified or deteriorated by
plants, 578—atmospheric air, in mi
neralogy, XV. 187. Sec Meteorology,
Pneumatics, Projectiles, Acoustics,
Climate, Cloud, Ventilation.
15
ATM—AUG AUC—AUR
Atmospheric steam-engine, XX. 622. whether all treaties are annulled by
ATOM, IV. 138—the simplest extended war, V. 509.
particle consists of four atoms, XX. Auckland (Bishop's), in DurhmltvSee
754. Bishop‘s Auckland. .,
Atomic theory, in chemistry, VI. 352. Avcrxon, IV. 189. , 'J' .
Aromcar. PHILOIOHIY, IV. 139; XIV. AUDI-2,111 France, IV. 189. ‘ "
647—superior to any other conjecture Aunnus, IV. 189.
of the ancient philosophers, I. 71. Aoniross, IV. 189, 190.
Atonement, the, VI. 623. Anon-onion, IV. 190. '
not
Arooi, island, IV. 139. ‘ Auditory nerve, II. 802. ,
Atructocerus, insect. IX. 146. Audlcy (Lord), at the battle of Poitiers,
Atrato, river, II. 651. 652; VII. 90; VI. 604. '
XVI. 787; XXI. 592. Amman, several engravers of that name,
Arazssru, IV. 139. IV. 190, 191—Gerard, 190; IX. 51.
A'raeus, IV. 139. Audubon (J. .I.), his crayon paintings,
A'I'BI, Neapolitan town, IV. 189. VII. 451—on American birds, XVI.
Arainnsns, IV. 139. 558, 595, 632, 684—0n the turtle,
Annual, IV. 189. XIX. 129—on the alligator, 136, 137.
Araornr, IV. 189; XVII. 128. Ausanscn, IV. 191.
Araoros, IV. 139. Anzas'ranr, IV. 191—battle of, X. 143.
Atta, insect, IX. 228. Aufidius (Cornelius), a blind author,
Arracnxns'r, in law, IV. 189. IV. 100. ‘ .Y
-'.' A .\n'flu‘ It.“
ATTACOTTI, IV. 189; V. 296; VI. 2. Access, IV. 191. ,
Attagenus, insect, IX. 149. Augite, xv. 153Lits sp. gr., 1m. 27.
A'r'rusnes, IV. l89—corruption of Anon, IV. 191. .
blood by, VII. 877. Acosauao, IV. 191; IV. 460—ear1y
Attak, an Aleutian island, 11. 404. printing at, XVIII. 548.
Attalus, XVII. 228. 230; XIX. 889. Conrnssios, IV. 191 ; XIX. 90.
Attelabldcs, insects, I X. 172. , treaty of, XIX. 93.
Attelabus, insect, IX. 17 2. A0003, IV. 191, 257. 'j
A'r'rzsrion, IV. 189. Auenar, IV. 191. See Divination.
ATTENUATION, IV. 140. Acocs'r, IV. 191—gardening operations
A'r'rzsauar (Dr Francis), IV. 140—7his in, XI. 690.
trial, 448—his share in answering Answers, island, IV. 191—town in
Bentley’s work on the Epistles of Pha Georgia, X. 470—in Maine, XIV, 44
laris, IV. 57 6—his opinion of Bishop —in Sicily, IV. 191; XV. 701.
Berkeley, IV. 585. Acous'ranrs, Roman priests, IV. 191.
Attic dialect, XVII. 404. Answer/lus, festival, IV. 192.
Os
, in architecture, III. 453, 465. Aoousrams Pazrzcros, IV. 192.
ATTIOA, IV. 142; X. 728—-institntion of Augustan ago of Roman literature,
castes in, VI. 221—namcs of months, XVII. 412. .
654—mines of, XV. 242. Augustan Confession. See Augsburg
ATTICUI (Titus Pomponius), IV. 172. Confession.
Armour, French town, IV. 178. Augustcnberg(Princc), XXI. 28.
ATTILA, IV. 173 ; XI. 783—his wars Aucnsrsssnao, IV. 192.
with the Romans, XIX. 422. Auecs'rnr (St), archb. of Canterbury,
Attiret (Frcrc), VI. 585. IV. 192—Christlanity introduced into
Attitudes of man, II. 795-6; XIV. 194 England by, VIII. 701.
—-of brutes, 195. of Venice, engraver, IX. 45.
A'r'ru-zsosooo u, in Norfolk, IV. 178. Aoocsrisr. (St), bishop of Hippo, 1V.
Arrocs, in Hindostan, IV. 178. 192—on the freedom of the will, I.
Arroauer-a'r-Luv, IV. 178. 267—gcnius and'character of, 309—011
A'r'rosssr-Grssait, IV. 178. apparitions, III. 297—on beauty, IV.
Arraacrios, IV. 178—attractive force 484—on predestination, XVIII. 515
of adhesion, II. 151—chemical, VI. —original sin taught by, XXI. 219.
856—capillary, 110; XII. 38—electric, (St), a town in Florida, IV. 192.
VIII. 575, 577, 586, 592—Imutual, of IX. 627. .
floating bodies, XII. 46—magnetic, , cape, IV. 192. ‘
XIII. 702—of mountains, XIV. 278 ; Aoonsrius, order of, IV. 192.
XV. 588. See Dynamics, Gravitation, Acous'row, in Poland, IV. 192-3.
Tides. Anson-cs Cams, IV. 193; XVI. 320;
Ari-insure, IV. 187. reign of, XIX. 400~mausoleum of,
A'r'ramcrivss, IV. 187. III. 447—register of the revenues and
Ari-noes, Persian river, IV. 187. expenses of the Roman empire bc
Ann, an Aleutian island, IV. 187. queathed to the Senate by, XX. 567.
Arwooo (Gem), IV. 187—on evaporation, , king of Poland, XIX. 543;
IX. 425—his machine for illustrating XXI. 22, 28.
the doctrines of accelerated and re Auk, bird, XVI. 630.
tarded motion, XI V. 450—hls rule for AULA, IV. 198—regia, ib.
areas of curvilinear spaces, XX. 234. Aulacus, insect, IX. 218.
Atychia, insects, IX. 244. Aulastoma, worm, XI. 226.
Atypus, genus of arachnides, III. 858. Actens'rna, IV. 198.
Atys. VII. 474. ' Auldearn, battle of, V. 827.
Aossoss, French town, IV. 188. Auldjo (Mr), his ascent of Mont Blanc,
Avenue, IV. 188. II. 563.
Anna, in France, IV. 189. Antares, IV. 193; VIII. 474.
Aonsnron, French town, IV. 189. Acme, IV. 198.
Assn-nan, French town. IV. 189. Avtsaon, II. 537.
Auaieur, French town, IV. 189. Aulopus, tish, XII. 213.
Anna on Conner. (St), IV. 189. Aulostoma, fish, XII. 197.
Ausossn, in Switzerland, IV. 189. Aotrs, French city, IV. 193.
Acorn (John), IV. 189—his anecdotes Anlus Geliius. See Gellius.
relative to Lord Bacon, I. 239-40. Anussr, IV. 193.
Ananso, in Hanover, IV. 139. Anus, Dutch measure, IV. 108.
Animas, in Wiltshire, IV. 189—Ameri Amman Wnionr, IV. 198.
can penitentiary, XVIII. 583, 587. Anus, French measure, IV. 193.
Aosussox, in France. IV. 189. Aosonavru: (Richard) IV. 193.
Avon, in France, IV. 189. Aunts, in France, IV. 198.
Auchenia, in zoology, XIV. 157. AUBACII, German town, IV. 194.
Auchincass, ruins of, III. 195. Anna, in mythology, IV. 194.
Ancurnassnsa, IV. 189. Auran, XVI. 517.
Accursauucn'rr, IV. 189. Aurantiacem, in botany, V. 101.
Auckland (Lord), his opinion as to AUBAY, French town, IV. 194.
16 INDEX.
AUR—AUX AUX—AXI AXI—BAB BAB—BAC
Avasua, IV. 194. See Chrysalis. Auxiron (Comte (1‘), his experiments AXILLABY, IV. 257. .1 - .7 . .- : 1: Bunions (Gervase), IV. 866. it! '
Auazusxcs (Lucius Domitius), Roman with steam-boats, XX. 687. Aims, African territory, IV. 257. Babington’s conspiracy, XIX. 742.
emperor, IV. 194—reign of, XIX. Auxis, fish, XII. 183. Axinitc, in mineralogy, XV. 158—its Baboons, XIV. 93.
412—his gold coinage, XIV. 477—his Acxo, IV. 239. l 19'? 5'"
pyro-electricity, VIII. 598—its speci Babraham, VI. 84.
expedition against Palmyra, XVI. 775. AUXONNE, French city, IV. 239. fie gravity, XII. 27. Babrius, XXI. 443. . I
Aurelius. See Antoninus Philosophus. Anzout‘s micrometer, XV. 1 l—his pneu Axnvousncr, IV. 257. Bsnorsnss, islands, IV. 266. .
Victor. Sec Victor. matic experiment, XVIII. 72. AXIOM. IV. 257; X111. 444, 453—gco BABYLON. IV. 266—ruins of, III. 412-—
AUBBOLA, IV. 194. Av .11, IV. 240; XVII. Uzi—language 0f, metrical axioms, X. 433, 434. history of, 684—gardens of, X. 319—
Animus, Roman coin, IV. 194; XV. 397. XIII. 80. Ans, in geometry, &c., IV. 257—in Jewish captivity at. XII. 568-Jewish
AURICII, IV. 194. Avanoc'rss, IV. 249. zoology, XIV. I6l—one of the verte_ archate of, 576—taken by Alenmder,
Aurichalcum, XVI. 534. Aval. See Ilahrein. brie, IV. 760. See Rotation, XIX. 490. XIII. 632—paintings at, XVI. 693
Acaieu: of the ear, IV. 194; II. 800. Avaunreurs, IV. 249—in the Alps, II. Axles, friction of, XIV. 412—strength bricks of. XVIII. 537. ~ * -
Auriclcs of the heart, IV. 194; II. 818 ; 560—in Caucasus, VI. 250—not found of, XX. 778—wheel and axle, XIV. Banrnosn,or Chaldseu, IV. 270; X1.
XVII. 637. among the Andes, III. IlS. 636. 472.
Auricola, in couchology, XV. 84 6. AvALLos, IV. 249. Axmssrra, in Devonshirc, IV. 257. Dabylonisns. See Chaldaaaus.
Auricula. culture of, XI. 684, Avarice not a principle of human na Axolotus, reptile, XIX. 161. BABILONICA Tsxra. IV. 271.
AUBIFLAMMA, IV. 194. ture, I. 366—11 vice of the Duke of Axum, II. 51, 281—ruins of, 55, 57. Babyrussa, in zoology, XIV. 149.
Autos, constellation, IV. 194. Marlborough, VI. GSB—Whether in Axnsuu, IV. 257. Baccha, insect, IX. 273. .
AUBILLAC, in France, IV. 194. natc, XII. 303. AY, or A1, French town, IV. 257. Bacon/e, priestesscs, IV. 271. ' .
Acaioi's ISLAID, IV. 194. Avsiao, IV. 249. Ayacucho, battle of, XVII. 299. Bacon/nus.“ ancient feasts, IV. 271.
AUIIISCALI'IL'M, IV. 194. Avsinos, or Aveyron, IV. 249. Arauoxrs, Spanish tmm, IV. 257. Baeehanalians, XV. 665. ‘ -.
Aurochs, in zoology, XIV. I66. AVELGIIEX, IV. 249. Aye-aye, an animal, XIV. 131. Baccmc, IV. 27I—song, ib. . Y..
\ Ansoas, IV. 194. AVELLA, Neapolitan town, IV. 249. AYLEsnUar, in Buckinghamshire, IV. Bsccnws, ancient author, IV. 271.
Australis, IV. 197. Avnuaa'o, Neapolitan town, IV. 249. 258; II. 365—vale of, V. 684. BACCIIUB (Egyptian), IV. 272; XVI.
Island, IV. 194. AVE-MARIA, IV. 250. ArLsnAM. in Norfolk, IV. 258. 654—mysteries of, XV. 668. . Ii»
Anson Boaaams, IV. 194 ; XVII. 542 Avascuns, in Switzerland, IV. 250. Arlaaccns, French city, IV. 258. (Grecian), IV. 272; XV. 665,
—electrieal origin of, I. 623; VIII. Avsxoa, IV. 250. Arons, Spanish town, IV. 258. 668—mysterics of, 665—stntue of.
623— its magnetic influence, XIII. Avssrisr. (John), IV. 250. Ara, town, IV. 258—river, 259. VIII. Pl.194. .'--..- r.
698, 740, 754. Avssrnvcs Moss, in Rome, IV. 250; (Newton-upon), IV. 258. Biccurunas, Greek poet, 1V. 272m»
Anacscsasn, IV. 202. XIX. 424, 426. Arausss, French town, IV. 260. BACCIO, or Baccius (Andrew), IV. 272.
Aurungzebc, III. 690-reign of, XI. 410. Avcnturine, specific gravity of, XII. 27. Ayres (Sir John), VI. 616. (Pro. Bartolomeo‘, IV. 272.
Acscuvvirz, IV. 203. AVENUE, IV. 250. Arasnias, IV. 259—cheese, VII. 591. Bantu, in Germany, IV. 272. en‘s
Ann, IV. 203. Avsswsnns, IV. 250. AYBY of hawks, IV. 260. Bache (Professor), his steam-engine
Aesoa'ua', IV. 203. Avsszosa, Arabian physician. IV. 250 Arscur: (Sir George), IV. 260; V. 343. alarm, XX. 682. .r ;
Acsoxxcu suns, IV. 203. —his surgical skill, XX. 826. Arron, in Berwickshire, IV. 261. Baehelier(Monsieur), on sneaustie paint
AUBOXIL'S (Decimus Magnus), IV. 203. Avsaacs, IV. 251. Azafi, XIX. 609. ing, VIII. 694.
Ausrnx, IV. 203. Avsasss, or Avcsncs, IV. 254. Azauon. a sea-port in Morocco, IV. 261 ; Bacuznosl, IV. 272—taxed in Rome,
Ansssanonsx, IV. 203. Avsasos, now Avcrno, lake, IV. 254; XV. 506. II. 196—degree of bachelor, IV. 272;
Austin, IV. 203. XV. 698; XVII. 523. AZAIIAII, king of Judah, IV. 261. XXI. 487, 498, 504. ,w .7. .. .r
Acsrrnu'rz, a town in Moravia, IV. Avmaaoss, IV. 254; III. 735; XX. 827. AZAZBL, IV. 261; XIX. 674. Bscustoa-nmoa'rs, IV. 272 ; VI. 610.
203—battle of. V. 520; X. 139. Avsaaoisrs, IV. 255. AZEI'I‘AO, Portuguese town, IV. 261. Baehhoti'ner's voltaic battery. XXI.
Austin (Miss), her novels, XIX. 347. Avraacscx Du, IV. 255. AZEBBIJAN, in Persia, IV. 261. 672. '{ .4- '13,, ) asp .' .- .
(St). Sec Augustin. Avzasa, Italian town, IV. 255. Azuw'rn, IV. 261; III. 754—ealcula Bscnun, island. IV. 272. -i- J -; ‘
Ann“: (St), Cornish town, IV. 203. Aversion, XV. 466. tion of azimuths in the trigonometrical Hammer, in Russia, IV. 272. 1...‘
AUB'I‘BALASIA, IV. 203-cmigration to, Avxs, a Carribbee island, IV. 255— survey. XXI. 368. Back (Captain), on the magnetic influ
VIII. 688—map of, IV. Pl. 103. birds, XVII. 586. coursss, IV. 261; XIII. 765. ence of the aurora, XIII. 669, 741,
Australia, animals of, XVII. 551. Avnsnoar (Robert), IV. 255. dial, VII. 776. 742—his arctic expedition of disco
Acsrau, IV. 219-ariny of, III. 603— Avnraos, or Aveiron, IV. 249. and altitude circle, IV. 103, 261. very, XVIII. 222. .0“. .m i. .n
Joseph II.'s plan of exchanging the Avnzzaso, Neapolitan town, IV. 255. Azoca suirs, IV. 261. Bacasa, or Bakker (Jacob), IV. 275.
Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria, V. Avunr, IV. 255. Azmu, IV. 262. Bscxzacuscs, in Bengal, IV. 275.
437—dcsigns of, against France in AVICIINNA, Arabian physician, IV. 255; Azorn, IV. 262—sea of. 659. Bscsoaamox, IV. 272 ..-.<,~,- ..
1791, Mil—mercantile policy of, VII. XIII. 292-on anatomy, XVII. 726— Azoars, islands, IV. 262. Backhinc, V. 768. .-
165 —cotton~|nanufacturc, 419 -sta his surgical skill. XX. 826. AZO'I'E, or nitrogen. See Nitrogen. BACKING the sails, IV. 275.
01"“
tistics, IX. 415—trade with France, Avicula, in conchology, XV. 344, 040 Azotus, in Palestine, XVI. 741. BACBSCIIISAIIAI, in Russia, IV. 275.
X. 189—ratc of interest, XII. 327— Avicularis, in conehology, XV. 34 3. Azriporsra (Martin do). 111. 705. Backwater navigation, XVI. 4. ... s',

Iegislation, XIII. I92 -— coins, XV. AVIOLIANO, Italian town, IV. 255. Azrek (Bahr cl). II. 239. BACON, curing of. II. 339 : VIII. 262.
407, 409 -— heights of mountains of, Avma'ox, in France, IV. 255. Aztecks, II. 622. 623, 63-5. (FRANCIS), Baron of Verulam.
XVII. 506—wars with Prussia, XVIII. Av IGNY, French town, IV. 180. Azuero (Dr), VII. 107. XXI. 605-his philosophy, XVII. 433.
673—penal law, 786—1'cgistration ot’ Anna, in Spain, IV. 256. Azulmic acid, VI. 436. 572-his outline of the various depart
births &c., XIX. IOJ—religion, 315— Avxo, Tyrolese town, IV. 256. Azure, in heraldry, XI. 244. ments of human knowledge imperfect,
war with Sweden, XXI. IS—Austrian Avis, Portuguese town, IV. 256. Azure-spar, in mineralogy, XV. 154. I. Lil—objections to his classification
rule in Switzerland, 43—war with Avrsox (Charles), IV. 256. Azure-stone, specific gravity of, XII. of the sciences and arts according to
Turkey, 413—wcights and measures, Avisse, a blind author, IV. 701. , 27. e a logical division of our faculties, 5, 6
.851, 848, 849—map of, IV. 1’1. 104. Avitus, Iloman emperor, XIX. 423. AZZABA, (J. F. N. de), IV. 264, on the --his attempt to accomplish this, how
Autharis, Lombard king, XIII. 465. AVLONA, in Turkey, IV. 256. vampire. XIV. IOI—on natural his ever. productive of great advantages
Authors, their copyright, VII. 313— Avocet, bird, XVI. 626. tory, XVI. 552. to science, 7—his comprehensiveness
PI‘OPOSld remedies for the inadequacy Avoiannrois wsicn'r, IV. 256, 544— . I of mind, ib.—his opinion of Paraeel
of their rewards, 316. origin of the name, XXI. 849—table sus, Iii—his genius peculiarly adapted,
Aurocnrnosss, IV. 238. of, 850. to the study of the phenomena of
Aurocua'roa, IV. 238. Avon, in Sicily, IV. 256; XV. 702. mind, 32—his definition of poetry, 33
Auto-da-I‘o, II. 129; XII. 289. Avon, river in Warwickshire, its naviga -general comprehensiveness of his
AUTODIDACTL'S. IV. 239. tion, XVI. 8. B, letter of the alphabet, IV. 264. hints and reflections relative to the
Aurooann, IV. 239. , river in Somersetshire, XX. 475. BALL, IV. 265. . philosophy of the mind. and its rela~
Acrouraoromcs, IV. 239. , river in Hampshire, its naviga BAAL-BEIITII, IV. 265. tion to matter, ib.--on the reciprocal
Autolyens on astronomy, IV. 729. tion, XVI. 8. BAAL-PIOB, IV. 265. influence of thought and language, 34
Automatic actions of animals, XII. 297 Avaszscuas, in France, IV. 256. BALL-$8303, IV. 265. .l
‘».s. —prot'ound reflections of, on grammar,
—muscular motions, XVII. 677. Avravanel (Isaac), II. 41. Baasa. IX. 378. ib.-his ethical disqnisi: ions generally
AUTOMAT'HV, IV. 238, 123. AVBTA, Swedish village, IV. 256. Baas'rso, Turkish city, IV. 265. . ot' a practical nature, 35—his opinion
Automolitc, XV. 155—118 specific gra Awa, in Japan, IV. 256. Babbage (Charles), misled by a table in that the faculties of man have de
vity, XII. 27. Awsnn, in law, IV. 256. Morgan's work on Life Assurance, clined as the world has grown older,
Aurosouu, IV. 239. Awssx, Japanese island, IV. 256. III. 201—his work on institutions for erroneous. ib.—-character of his Es
Anrorraos, IV. 239. ’ Awe (Loch), trout of, III. 142. life assurance, ib.-—on magnetism, says, 36—on philosophical jurispru
Autos Sacramentales, VIII. 155. AWL, IV. 256. XIII. 694, 713—his calculating ma dence, ib.—on “ deep and vulgar laws,“
Aurelia, IV. 239. AWIB, Dutch measure, IV. 256. , chine, XIV. 354—bit; mechanical no ib.--pnramount importance attached
Aurelia“. Equinox—Point—Signs, IV. Ax, IV. 256. tation, 444—on hot-blast iron-smelt by, to the education 01' the people, 38
28M 'D" -l . -.....~.-i'. Ax nsnsrs, IV. 256. , ing. XX. 411. —character of, by Ben Johnson and
Auras, in France, IV. 239. ",MwAj Axan, VII. 285. Basra, IV. 265—coufusion of tongues, others, 239-40—Coudorcet's estimate
Anvsaius, wine, IV. 239. , - ] Axaainos, in Somerset, IV. 257. at, VII. 213; XVII. 355. of his powers, 56—his works little
.Auxsaas, in France, IV. 939. -' Axe, river in Somersctshire, XX. 475 BABELIAXDBL, strait of, IV. 265. read in France till after the publica
Auxasis, IV. 239. an: m "3“: .. -Its navigation, XVI. 8. ., Bansuuausnndn Bavaria, IV. 266. tion of D‘Alembert‘s preliminary dis
AUXILIAIY, IV. 239. ' Ive; 1 Axsa, IV. 257. I ._.; .., .. .,.., .H Basra, island, IV. 266." , ' course. ib.-—ou human reason, 58—
VII", IV. 239; X. 659, 692 Axnoms, island. IV. 257. ‘. , sultan. III. 690; XI. 409. his admiration of the Epicurean phy
Auxinurus, fish, XII. 190. Axum, IV. 257. . .. Babiacorn, Mexican town, XIV. 818. sics, 71 -analysis of his .Vovum Orga
 INDE X. 17'
BAG—BAD BAD—BAJ ‘ BAJ—BAL BAL—BAN 0
mm, 454, 470, ct seq.-—-low state of Badia (Senor), his travels in Egypt, BajazidfIV. 465. :u a - -‘- - ‘ ~ BALIIABBY, in Hindostan, IV. 317. "
I Q ~ ‘
physics in the time of, ib.—on the VIII. 557. ' BAJULUS, IV. 292. '1 -' ~ -~ 11341.1, island, IV. 318. "'t’ '
causes of vagueness and sterility in Badiboo. XX. 94. Bakcl, 301294. ' t? - Bauxmmar, in Ireland, IV. 818.’ ‘
all the physical sciences, ib.-—causcs BADILE (Antonio), painter, IV. 278. BAKER (Sir Richard). IV. 292. ' '" Balinger, XX. 217. '1 "
of error enumerated under four heads Badistcr, insect, IX. 128. (Ilcsnr), IV. 293. -;‘1. DALIOL (Sir John de), IV. 318.
called “ Idols," 455-6—does not charge Barnes (Jesse), printer, IV. 278. (Tuonas), IV. 292. WWI-ala (John), XIX. 708..
the ancients with being absolutely re Badku, IV. 302. —— (DAVID L‘asxms), IV. 294. -~ Balistes, fish, XII. 229.
gardless of experiment, Mil—reduces Bamca, in Spain, IV. 278; XX. 491. (Mr), on animalcules, III. 186, Balizc, XI. 551.
the periods during which science had BazTI'LIA, IV. 278. 189. A”, ;,‘ , -,-_. ,. ,1. 1 id: .6126!! BALK, or Bulk, IV. 318.
been cultivated, to that of the Greeks, Baza, Spanish town, IV. 278. (Capt. H. 0.), his experiments Balkan, XXI. 418.
that of the Romans, and that of the (Becerra dc), painter, XVI.722. on the elasticity and strength of tim Ball, printers’, XVIII. 562, 563.
western nations after the revival of Baffin (\Vm.), his voyages of discovery, ber, XXI. 300. ' BALLAD, IV. 319—Spanish, XVIII. 161.
letters, ib.-eonsiders the end and ob X. 757 ; XVIII. 218. BAKERS, IV. 294~diseases of, XIV. 510 Ballano, riv. r, XVI. 783. I
ject of knowledge to have been very BAI‘FIN'S BAY. IV. 278; XVII. 521. -—Roman, X '. 77. BALLAST, IV. 320; XX. 267—iron, 56.
much mistaken, 457~excmplification Barre, town in Cyprus, IV. 278. BAKEWIILL, in Dcrhyshirc, IV. 294— Ballcndcn. See Bcllendcn.
I
of the nature of induction, 458 — BAGDAD, IV. 278 ; VIII. 479—culti chalyheate spring at, VII. 736. BALLENSTED'I‘, IV. 321. .
classes all lcarning‘relativcly to me vation of science at, under Alma (ROBERT), IV. 294—his improve BALLET, IV. 321; VII. 615. -
mory, reason, and imagination, ib. mon, II._531; III. 731—caliphs of, ment of live-stock, II. 263—rccom IIALLINA, Irish town, IV. 321. "-i i ‘
distribution of knowledge under these III. 680. mends breeding in and in, 331. BALLINAHINCII, Irish town, IV. 321—
heads, 459—explanation of the latent Bagc (Robert), his novels, XIX. 345. BAKING, IV. 294—of pottery, XVIII. mineral waters of, VIII. I32, -. -;_i;t.: 7.:
process, and the latent schematism, Bacnuu, in Hindustan, IV. 281. 437, 501. BALLINAKIL, Irish town, w. 321.18..)
' ib.—method of exemplifying the pro IIAGLIVI (George), physician, IV. 281. Baktchi-scrai, VII. 472. BALLINASLOE, IV. 321; XIX. 480. ‘
ceiis of induction relative to the form Bacnur'rr, river, IV. 281. Bum, or Badkn, IV. 302. BALLINGAIIRY, Irish town, IV. 321.
or cause of any thing, 460-intcnderl BAONABA, Ncapolitan city, IV. 281. BALAAX, IV. 303. BALLINBOBE, IV. 321; XIV. 389.
.. V 0
that his method should be applied to Baoxaaea, Italian town, IV. 281. BALACBNA, in Russia, IV. 303. BALLIOL. See Baliol. ' \~-.'-c

all investigations where experience is Bananass, in France, IV. 281. Balacklava, IV. 661 ; VII. 473. BALLIS'I‘A, IV. 321. L‘
the guide, ib.-—~all facts not of equal Baoxunacx, Turkish town, IV. 281. Bananas, king of Babylon, IV. 303. BALLISTEUM, or Ballistrzra, IV. 321.
value in the discovery of truth. 461 BAGNOLAB, French town, IV. 281. Balrena, in zoology, XIV. I85. BALLISTIC Pnsnuum, IV. 821.
enumeration of twenty-seven difi‘crcnt Baoxou, Neapolitan city, IV. 281. BALAGIIAUT Ceded Districts, IV. 303. Balloon, theory of the, II. ISI-buoyant
‘ species'of facts, or instantia', with ex Bacxomaxs, heretics, IV. 281. Balagny, VI. 616. force of, ib.——celerity of ascent of,
, lamples of these, 461-6 —-quotution BAGNOLO, Sardinian city, IV. 281. BALAGUEB, Spanish city, IV. 303. 182 -stability of its suspension at
1' from, on those experiments which Bagous, insect, IX. I74. ' Balaklava, IV. 661 ; VII. 473. given height, 183—-invention of, by
most immediately tend to improve art BAGPIPE, IV. 281. BALAMBANGAN, island, IV. 303. the Montgolfiers, 184~first ascent in
I by extending science, 467—rcmarks Bagrus, fish, XII. 202. BALAMBUAN, town in Java, IV. 303. a, IBG—employed in war, X. 93, n. 2.
-" on the philosophical instruments then Bananas, islands, IV. 282. BALANCE, IV. 303; XIV. 370—statical, Balloon-fish, XII. 228.
known, ih.—-sagacions anticipation of Banan, in Hindostan, IV. 283. IV. 388—clcctrical, VIII. 660—t0r BALLOTINO, IV. 321.
facts regarding light afterwards dis~ Bahia, province, XIX. 627; V. 195 sion, 586; XIII. 688; XIV. 401— Ballston springs, XVI. 183.
covered, quoted, ih.-gencral estimate climate of, V. 200—population, 202 sCoulomb's magnetic, XIII. 724— Ballusters of stairs, III. 403, 465.
of his genius, 468—Humc’s compari —pruductions, 206. Bate’s, XIV. 456—Dr Black‘s, ib.— BALLYBAY, Irish town, IV. 321.
son between him and Galileo, 469 , town, foundation of, V. 190— history of the, XXI. 835—various BALLYCAS'I‘LE, Irish town, IV. 321.
finalitics in which he excelled Ga~ takcn by the Dutch, 19I—commcrce kinds dcscribcd, 837, ct seq.--self-ad' BALLYMATBON, Irish town, IV. 321.
lileo, as well as all mankind, 470— of, 210. justing. 838. Sec Equilibrium, “'cigh BALLYXINA, Irish town, IV. 321.
vicws of, regarding the nature of heat, Baum, IV. 284. ing-machines. BALLYMONEY, Irish village, IV. 321.
640—his confused ideas on aeronau Banmsonx, in \Virtemhcrg, IV. 284. , in watch-work, VI. 767—thcory BALLYMOTE, Irish town, IV. 321.
tics, II. ISO—on the nourishment of Bahr-bilama, VIII. 518. of the, 798—cxpansion-balauce, ib.— DALLYBAGGET, Irish town, IV. 321.
plants and animals, III. 166—his phi Bahr-cl-Abiad, II. 36, 239; VIII. 512; Hardy’s compensation-balance, 799— DALLYSIIANNON, Irish town, IV. 321 ;
losophy compared with Aristotle’s, XVI. 225. banking the balance, ib.~polarily ot' VIII. 114—harbour of, 194.
496-7, 509—trcats Aristotle unjustly, Bahr-el-Azrck, XVI. 227. stecl-balances, 800. BALLYTOBE, Irish town, IV. 321.
514—on the balance of power, IV. Banners, islands, IV. 284. of a constitution, VIII. 407. BALM or GILEAD, IV. 321.
309, 3lI—on bodily deformity, VII. Baunr, town in Hindustan, IV. 284. or Powra, IV. 308; V. 459, Of Mecca, IV. 322.
674, 676—on the compressibility of BABES, Swedish town, IV. 284. 507; XXI. 65—Mr Fox on, V. 447. Balm-tree of Arabia, III. 327.
water, XII. 9—-on law-reform, XIII. Bans, IV. 284; XV. 698, 709. of trade, errors respecting, IX. Bulma (Jacques), ascent of Mont Blanc
189—on insanity, XIV. 579—0n elo BAIIIINGBN, in \Virtcmhcrg, IV. 285. 447. by, 11. 562.
quence, XIX. 212—not free from su BAIKAL, lake, IV. 285; XVII. 521; Balance-pump, XII. 99. BALMEIIINO, in Fife, IV. 324.
perstition. XX. 812. XIX. 586—mineral tallow found at, Balance-thermometer, XXI. 240. Bauuvns (Henry), IV. 324.
(Jens), IV. 276—charactcr of VI. 444. Balaninus, insect, IX. 174. Bauxman SEBVI, IV. 324.
his sculpture, XX. 9. , mountains of, XX. 326. Balanophorezc. in botany, V. 132. BALNIAIIU Fun, IV. 324.
(Sin NICHOLA8), IV. 275. BAIL, in law,‘ IV. 285. Balanus, in cont-hology, XV. 340. BALOGNES, in France, IV. 324.
(110033), IV. 275—h18 claim to Bailey (Mr), of Chillingham, his drill Balard, (Mons.). of Montpcllicr, disco IIALO'I'ADE, IV. 324.
the respect of posterity, I. 454—pur machinc, II. 267. very of bromine by, VI. 361. Balsams, VI. 490; IV. 322.
sued the true philosophy amidst ig Buurr, or Bailie, IV. 285. Balason handkerchicfs, British manu Balsamineze. in botany, V. 103.
norance and error, 507~advanccment BAILII (David), painter, IV. 285. facture of, VII. 408. Balsham (Hugh), XXI. 501.
made by, In optics, ib.; XIII. 329; BAILIWICK, IV. 286. Banasoas, in I-Iindostan, IV. 313. BALSOVEII, or Bulsm er, IV. 324.
XVI. 351—probablc that he made ex Baum-r (Adrian), IV. 286~on pseu Balausta, in botany, V. 49. BALTA, Russian town, IV. 324.
periments with lenses, and knew their donymous books, 627. BALAYAN, in Manilla, IV. 313. BALTIC Sea, IV. 324; IX. 408.
properties, I. 507—his inclination to BAILLBUL, French town, IV. 286. BALBEC, IV. 313—ruins of, III. 444. Burnnoas, Irish town, IV. 332.
the marvellous, 508—on the art of Baillie (Colonel), XI. 423. Balboa (Nunez dc), XVII. 294. , in Maryland, IV. 332; XIV.
flying, II. 177—ignorant of the denary (General), defeated by the Mar Bummer-xx, IV. 315; VIII. 234. 273—attempt of the British on, in
numerals, III. 54l—not the inventor quis of Montrose, V. 327. Balcarce (Gent-ml), IV. 756. 1814, V. 538—Ohio railroad, XIV.
of gunpowder, ib., n. 1; X1. 76—on (Joanna), hcr plays, VIII. 178. Baacaaar. Scotch sea-port, IV. 315. 272—collegc of. ib.
astronomy, III. 7 36—his chemical (Roses/r), IV. 286. Balconies, III. 462. Bar/“scans, Irish town, IV. 332.
and other knowledge, VI. 343. BAILLY (Jean Sylvain). IV. 289—bit;l Bumscea (Ernest Godfrey), IV. 315. IIALUBALAGAN Islands, IV. 332.
BAcos'ruoar (John), IV. 277. estimate of Leibnitz’s character, I. . BALDINUCCI (Philip), IV. 315. Bancs'rna, IV. 332.
BACTIIIA, or Bactriana, IV. 277. 262—-on I-Iindoo astronomy, II. 426 ; BALDOCK, in Hertt‘ordshlre, IV. 315. BALUB'I'BADE, in architecture, IV. 332;
BACTBOPBBATA, IV. 277. III. 726—011 the motions of the fixed (Ralph dc), IV. 315. III. 453.
Baconanms, IV. 275. stars, IV. 45—on animal magnetism, Baldwin, count of Flanders, Constanti BALUZE (Etienne), IV. 332-his collec
BACULE, in fortification, IV. 277. XIV. 15. nople taken by, VII. 486. tion of the capitularies, VI. 124.
Baculitcs, in conchology, XV. 345. BAILMEN’T, IV. 291. , emperor of the East, VII. 287. Banzac (J. L. G. dc), IV. 335.
Banasoz, IV. 277—sicge of, V. 530, Baily (Mr), on life annuities and as I., II., III., and IV., kings of Bun“, IV. 335; VII. 528.
532; IX. 778, n. surances, 111. 200—00 the pendulum, Palestine, XVI. 756. BAKBABBA, African country, IV. 335.
DADAKBIIAN,OI' Buducshan, IV. 277. IX. 572; XVII. 206. \ , archbishop of Canterbury, IV. Bamhcrg, early printing at, XVIII. 548.
BADALONA, in Spain, IV. 277. Bunnawcs (Dr John), IV. 291. 315. Bannoccxo, painter, IV. 836.
HADES, X. 4S9—army of, III. 610— (Mr), on angling, III. 137, et seq. BALE (John), bishop of Ossory, IV. 316. BAMBOO. IV. 336—uscd in the criminal
coins of, XV. 409—weights and mea Bairaetar, XXI. 416. BALBABIC ISLANDS, IV. 316—slingers of administration of China, VI. 555-pa~
sures of, XXI. 852. Bnanurn, in Bavaria, IV. 291. the, XX. 895. per made from, XVII. 9.
, or Baden-Baden, IV. 277. Bunour, Syrian town, IV. 291; VI. 717. Baum (Hendrick Van), IV. 316. Bsuaoaooou, IV. 838.
, Swiss town, IV. 277. Bait-fishing, III. I34—for trout, 141. BsLns (Pctcr), IV. 317. BAMBOUK, African country. IV. 338.
, Austrian town, IV. 278. Burma, IV. 292. BALE! (Walter), IV. 317. Bannono, in Bavaria, IV. 339.
Bannxocu, IV. 278; XII. 334. BAJALUKA, Turkish city, IV. 292. Balfour (Sir James), his “ Practicks,” BAMII'AN, IV. 339.
Banana (Francis), painter, IV. 278. BAJABOTOS, Spanish town, IV. 292. XX. 873. Bun-ton, IV. 339.
Haney-Written. IV. 278. Baaazs'r I., sultan of the Turks, IV. BALsaon, in Stirlingshire, IV. 317. BANAGIIBB, Irish town, IV. 339.
Badger, XIV. 107—its power of resist 284; VII. 289—his reign, XXI. 41). BALraoosn, Persian town, IV. 317. BANALBUPAII, Spanish town, IV. 339.
ing starvation, III. 167. II., sultan, his reign, XXI. 412. BALGUY (John and Thomas). IV. 317. Banana, its culture in Mexico, XIV. 809.
m .INDEX.
BAN~¢:‘
BANA'I‘, in Hungary, IV. 839. , Banks (Thos.), his sculpture, XX. 9.
BAivsunr, in Oxfordshire, IV. 889.
BANCA, island, IV. 839—tin-mines of, BAKN, or Ban, IV. 851.
XV. 251 n.
BANCAPOOB, IV. 839.
Banchus, insect, IX. 225.
Bassoon, Siamese port, IV. 839.
Bancroft on the art of dyeing, VIII. 297,
801, et seq.
Band, in architecture, 111. 465.
BANDA IssAuns, IV. 840.
Oriental, II. 640, 642; V. 660. BANSKA, in Hungary, IV. 852.
BANDALBBB, IV. 84 2.
Bandana handkerchiefs, manufacture 01‘, BAs'I-ar Bar. in the county of Cork,
VII. 408.
Bandelkhand, V. 708.
BANDBLLO, Italian novelist, IV. 342-— Barnes, IV. 852; XI.490-of the dead,
his romances, XIX. 849.
BAxnsa Coxeo. IV. 848.
BANDINI (Angelo Maria), IV. 848—on
political economy, XVIII. 268.
BANDIT'I‘I, IV. 843.
Banners, Irish town, IV. 844.
river navigation, XVI. 2‘2.
BANDOBA, IV. 844.
BAsnoar, IV. 844.
BAxnson, IV. 844.
Buss, IV. 844.
BAI'II'I and Baxrrsnlas, IV. 844.
BANGALORE, IV. 845; V. 462.
BANOIIIB, Irish town, IV. 346. . , in rivers, IV. 857; XIX. 285.
BANGOR, in Wales, IV. 846-in Ireland,
ib.-in Maine, XIV. 44.
BANGUBY, island, IV. 846.
BANIAK, island, IV. 846.
BANIALUCII, in Turkey, IV. 846.
Banian-tree, IX. 536.
BANIANS, Hindoo sect, IV. 846.
Barman (Anthony), IV. 846.
BAms'rss (John), IV. 846.
BANJAIMASSIN, IV. 847; V. 10.
BANK, IV. 847. See Banking. Bank.
of England, XIII. 497; XVII. 27
—its establishment and history, 28—
principles of, 81—Bramah's machine
for numbering and dating its notes,
V. 188—its difficulties in 1796-7. 480,
488»acts of Parliament respecting,in
1826, 565—importation of gold by.
VII. 44—reservc ot' treasure in, 175—
bad effects of secrecy as to amount
of its treasure in 1825 and 1818,
ib.—importance of publicity. ib.—dc
gradation in the value of its paper,
XV. 402—publication of its quarterly
accounts, XX. 568.
of France, X. 198.
Bank-notes, XV. 892, 402; XVII. 20,
81, 41, 48 ; VII. 459—numbering and
dating of, V. 188—supprcssion of small
notes in England, V. 565; VII. 174
—their influence on commerce, VII.
160, 178—efl‘ects of degradation of
value of, XV. 408—steel-engraving of,
IX. 54—printing of, XVIII. 570.
BAsssss, IV. 847—none in Spain, XX.
519.
Bankes (J. W.), his Egyptian disco
veries, VIII. 558—ou hieroglyphics,
XI. 854.
BANKING, IV. 847—Irish. XII. 411—iu
London, XIII. 505—in the United
States, XXI. 474. See Bank, Banks.
Credit, Exchange.
. See Embankment.
Bankiva-cock, XVI. cos.‘
Bankolr, XX. 822.
BArtxnnr'r, IV. 847—old Roman law
against bankrupts, VI. 711.
Banks, XVII. 19, 27—Bnglish, 28—
Scotch, 42; XIX. 770—Irish, XVII.
44—foreign, 45—in the middle ages,
II. 7—numerous failures of, in 1825,
V. 564—in Buenos Ayres, 652—Edin
burgh, VIII. 426—New York, XVI.
I91—8avings-Banks, XIX. 662, 766;
XII. 411; XVIII. 885; XXI. 51.
(Joan), IV. 848.
—-- ,SIs Jossrn), IV. 848-his ob
servations on a spider, III. 855—ca
talogue of his library, IV. 680 ;
VIII. 221—118 botanical labours. V.
70. 84.
BAN—BAR
BAxxs’s IsLAxn, IV. 851.
river navigation, XVI. 22.
Banana, IV. 851.
BANNBBETG, knights, IV. 851; VI. 611.
Bannister (Humphry), his betrayal of
the Duke of Buckingham, XII. 275.
BANNOCKBUIIN, in Stirlingshire, IV. 851
—battle of, XIX. 710.
Banous'rum Room, IV. 851.
BANTAM, town in Java, IV. 852.
IV. 852 ; VII. 830; X. 104.
Banwell, cave of, XV. 228.
IV. 856—hypothetical, solemn, and
lay, ib.—catachumens, or candidates
for, V1. 241—proportion of baptisms
to the population in England, VIII,
BOO—registration of, XIX. 98. Sec
Baptists, Anabaptists.
BAr'rIsuAI. vow, IV. 356—Presents, ib.
BArrIs'r (John Monnoycr), IV. 856.
BAPrIs'I-s, IV. 856; II. 680.
BAPTIITBIIY, IV. 857.
Eur, in courts ofjustice, IV. 857.
, in heraldry, IV. 357; XI. 249.
, in music, IV. 357.
, a Turkish town, III. 269.
, or Barrah, XX. 98.
BAa-Lr:~Dnc, in France, IV. 857.
BAR-SUl-AUBE, in France, IV. 858.
BAR-SUB-SIIINB, in France, IV. 858.
Bans, a festival, IV. 858.
BABABINZIANS, IV. 358.
BABACOA, in Cuba, IV. 858.
BARA-raAncA, IV. 858.
BIIIAIIA'I', IV. 858.
BABAICIIE, IV. 858.
BABALIP'I‘ON, in logic, IV. 858.
Banannors, heretics, IV. 858.
BARLN,111 Hungary, IV. 858.
BABANGI, IV. 858.
BABANWAHR, IV. 858.
Baras, specific gravity of, XII. 27.
BaaA'rnamI, IV. 858.
BABATIEBE (Philip), IV. 858.
BARBACAN, IV. 859.
Barbacenieee, in botany, V. 184.
Barbacou, bird, XVI. 598.
BAanAnoss, island, IV. 859.
BAanAnA, in logic, IV. 860.
BABBAIANO, Austrian town, IV. 860.
BABBABIAN, IV. 860.
BaanAaIsu, IV. 860.
Barbaro on architecture, III. 425.
BARBABOSSA, IV. 860; II. 504 ; XII.
470; XVIII. 190.
BAIIsAIn' S'rA'rss, IV. 860—dynasty of
the Almohedes, II. 584—wars with
Portugal, 552, ct seq.—French trade
with, X. 191—s1avery in, XX. 884.
BAnsAs'rno, Spanish city, IV. 867.
BAnsArzLLI (Bernardino), IV. 867.
Barbatio, VII. 274.
Barbauld (Mrs), on Richardson’s novels,
XIX. 887.
BAans, IV. 867.
Barbel, XII. 198—angling for. III. 147.
Basses, IV. 867—origin of barber’s
pole, III. 808.
BAassnIso (Francis), IV. 867.
, Italian town, IV. 867.
BAassraAc (John), IV. 367.
BAsnIaZIsnx, in France, IV. 867.
Barbican, IV. 359—bird, XVI. 599.
Barbicornis, insect, IX. 242.
Barbicr (111.), on anonymous books, IV.
628.
Human, IV. 867.
Barbon (Nicholas), on political econo
my, XVIII. 266.
Barboteau on ants, III. 289.
Duncan (John), IV. 867; XI. 284-—
I118 poetry! IX. ‘1.
Barb-Sin, XX. 98.
BARBUDA, island. IV. 871.
Barbus, XII. 198—angling for, 111. 147. BAsuecrn, Welsh town, IV. 882.
BaaeA, in Africa. IV. 872.
BAscsLLos, in Portugal, IV. 372.
* BAR" BAR
BARCELONA, IV. 87 2—taken by the Earl BAnuAsAs's (St), Day, IV. 382—Bpistle,
of Peterborough, V. 870. ib.—Gospel, ib.
BABCELUNE'I‘TB, in France, IV. 872. BAIIIusI'I-ss, religious order. IV. 882.
Baacenoa, IV. 872. BABNACLES, IV. 882—Boyce's story con
BARCLAY (ALEXJ, poet, IV. 872. cerning. V. 160, n. 1.
(Jena), IV. 874. BABNABD CAs'rLs, IV. 888; VIII. 291.
(Jens), M.D., IV. 877—on an Banana (Joshua), IV. 888.
cient opinions concerning the soul, (Dr), on the pleasure of con
III. 296. tempinting distress, VIII. 53.
(Roasnr), IV. 877. Baans'r, IV. 883—battle of, VIII. 787.
(WILLIAM), M.D., IV. 873. Baassvstn'r (John d’Olden), IV. 888;
(WILLIAM), LL.D., IV. 874. X1. 521.
BAacocnssAs, or Barcochab, IV. 878; BAINSLBV, in Yorkshire, IV. 888.
XII. 576; XVI. 758. BARNSTAPLE,111 Devonshire, IV. 388.
Dance, IV. 878—ancient German, X. Base, or Baron (Peter), IV. 888.
475—Celtie, XVII. 415. BAIIoccI (Frederick), painter, IV. 383.
BAanAs, IV. 379. Baroche. See Breach.
BAsnssAnIs'rs, heretics, IV. 879. BAaonAn, V. 586.
BABDEWICK, German town, IV. 379. Baaousrsa, IV. 884 —its construction,
Barnes, in Norway, IV. 879. XII. I9—iirst applied to the measure
Enter, German town, IV. 879. ment of mountains by Mariette, I.
Bardylis the Illyrian, XII. 251. 542—rule of modern practice stated,
Barebones’s Parliament, V. 337. 614—height of, in connection with at
BARBILLY, in Hindostan, IV. 879. mospherical refraction, IV. 100—
BAREITII, German town, IV. 880. mountain, 399—portable, 400—me
Barents (William), his voyage of disco thod of computing the depression of
very, XVIII. 217. the mercury in, VI. 119—eti'ect of
Barctticr (Philip). IV. 858. aaueous vapour on barometric mea
BABI‘LEUB, French town, IV. 880. surements, XII. l8l—prognostieation
BAROA, Sardinian city, IV. 880. of rain by its full, 132; XIV. 721;
BARGAIN, IV. 880. XVIII. 78—use of the, in measuring
BAaos. IV. 880, 722; XX. 217. heights, 74 —— register-barometers,
BAaonuorn, or Barmote, IV. 380. XVII. 580—marinc, XX. 58—efl’oct
Barham (Dr), XVI. 208. of barometric changes on ebullition,
BAR], IV. 880; XV. 700. 574.
Baridius, insect, IX. 17 4. BIaousrsIcu. Mancunian-rs, IV.
BAaILLA, IV. 880. 396.
Barium, VI. 895. areometer, XII. 24.
BARK of trees, IV. 880; V. 88; XXI. 576 BARON, IV.402.
—course of sap in, III. 50, 5I—vcsscls (Robert), IV. 408.
of, 52—texturc of, 68—structure and BAaoxs'r, IV. 408; VI. 612.
growth of, 83—structurc of oakobark, BARON! (Leonora), IV. 404. ~ .
85 ; of bark of roots, 87—paper made Baaonws (Cmr), IV. 404.
from, XVII. 8. See Oak-bark. 8113081, IV. 404.
(Peruvian). See Cinchona. BAnsa, IV. 404.
, in navigation, IV. 380. BARBABA, desert of, IV. 404. .- .
Bark-stove, X1. 686, 687. BABIACAN, IV. 404. V., w
Barker (Tho.), 0n salmon-roe as a bait. Barrack-master-gencral, III. 618. ..
III. 142-his work on angling. 149. Baaascsrons, IV. 404. '.
Barker's Mill, XII. 98; XXI. 805—its BAsaAcIrs, IV. 405.
use strongly recommended, 806. Barradas, XIV. 798.
Baaulso, in Essex, IV. 880. BARIIAIIAIIAL, IV. 406.
UABKWAY, in Hertfordshirc, IV. 380. BIBRIA'I‘OI, or Barretor, IV. 406.
Barlaam on scxagesimals, III. 588. BAIIIIA'rnr, IV. 406.
Human (Gaspar). IV. 380. BAIIsAnx, I-‘rench fortress. IV. 406.
BARLET’I‘A, IV. 880; XV. 700. BAIuIAY, island, IV. 406.
Barley, culture and varieties of. II. 282 Bars: (L. F. J. dc la). IV. 406.
--germination and productiveness of, Banana, IV. 406—of guns, XI. 86; XX.
III. 78—brewing from, V. 231—species
of, ib.—constituents of, 282—table of BAansu 804. IsLAIsn CAPE, IV. 406. .IQIJ
\1'!: ' .‘r.
properties ofdilI't-rent kinds of British, BAnsIIn ISLAND, IV. 407. .
288—malting of, 284 —starch of, VI. Barret (Dr), palimpsest discovered by,
47 6—its use in distillation, VIII. 44, IV. 621—his palimpsest edition of St
til—pearl and French, IV. 880. See Matthew. XVI. 764. .
Corn-laws. Barreto (Pedro), VI. 48. W" '1
Baasz'rar, in law, IV. 407. I I
BAaLsr-conn, a measure. IV. 380.
BAIILzr-WA'rrs, IV. 880. Barrett (George). his calculations of an—
Barlocci (Saverio), on the electricity of nuities, III. 200. = 3 . -.
the sun's rays, VIII. 607—-on magv BARBICADE, IV. 407. t": w-~ ‘ “a
netism, XIII. 697—on solar magnet Bananas, in fortification, IV. 407.
ism, XVI. 422. BAIIIIIsIe'roII (John Shuts), IV. 407. v
BAaLow (Francis). painter, IV. 881. (Daines), IV. 407. ‘
(Joel). IV. 881. Barringtoneae, in botany, V. 110. ‘ 8'
(Thomas), bishop, IV. 881. Bannisrzns, IV. 408; VII. 480. 7"“
-— (William), bishop, IV. 880. BAanI'rus. IV. 408. ‘ ’ - -' ""‘i _j
(William), mathematician and Barron’s patent lock. XIII. 405.‘ "mi
divine, IV. 881. BABIOS (John dc), IV. 403; v. 1893}
(Professor), contrivance of. to Barrosa. battle of, V. 529. -' "~
counteract the local attraction of the BAsaow, river, IV. 409—its navigation,
needle on board of ship, I. 629—his XVI. 22.
telescope, IV. 108 —his repeating (Dr IsAAc), IV. 408—his unjust
watch, VI. 7 95—on magnetism, XIII. depreciation of Ramus, I. 80-charac
698, 694, 714, 716, 720, 781, 788, 752, tor of, as a philosopher and writer, 45
760, 765, 772—011 the deflection of —aneedote relative to his sermons, ib.
rails, XIX. 25—his experiments on —quotations from, on ethics, 46—no
the elasticity and strength of timber, tics of his lectures on optics, 514——
XXI. 808. his Scale of Velocities, VIII. 875—
BAIIII, IV. 882. Newton's obligations to, 877—1118 dif
Barmoor, in Derbyshire, intermitting ferential triangle, XIV. 818.
spring at, VII. 786. (Sir John ). his plan for prevent
ing dry rot, xx. 274. "‘7‘
Barn, construction of, II. 271. (John) jun., his account of Ice
Barns, port of, IV. 669. land, XII. 144, 146.
 W'!

INDEX. 19
BAR—BAS BAS —BAT BAT—BAX BAX—BEA
Baasows, tumuli, IV. 409. 1. BASILIPPUI, in Spain, IV. 427. 429; XXI. 236—Egyptian, VIII. 528 Barren (RICHARD), IV. 463—Calsmy's
Barry (Alexander), on the electricity of Basilisc, reptile, XIX. 145. h" —warming of, by steam. XX. 607—01‘ Abridgment and Continuation of his
the air, VIII. 624—on electro-chemi , piece of ordnance, IV. 427. Teflifl. XXI. 135. See Bathing, Bus History of his Life and Times, V. 784 .
cal decomposition, 632. BABILIUB, IV. 427—his code, 426; VI. ton, Carlsbad, 8L0. Bsx'rsa (WILLIAM), IV. 464.
(GIIALD), IV. 410. 717; IX. 474; XIX. 780. Bs'rnuas'r, (Allen, earl of), IV. 448. BAY, IV. 464; X. 407.
(June), IV. 410—his character II., emperor, VII. 282. (RALPH), M.D., IV. 448. , in architecture, III. 465.
as a painter, XVI. 726, 727. Basilovitz (John), XIX. 534. in New Brunswick, XVI. 148. tree, XVII. 786—specific gravity
(Dr Martin), on the ovaries, Basiluzzo,island, XIII. 370. Barnrsus, dancer, IV. 449; VII. 614. ofits wood, XII. 27.
XVII. 687, 692. BASINOSTOKE, in Hampshire, IV. 427— BATILLUB, IV. 449. Baya, bird, XVI. 580.
, in heraldry, IV. 414. canal, XVI. 8; XX. 847. "‘ Banana, in Hindostan, IV. 449. Bsvsan (Peter du Terrail dc), French
BAIBAN'I'I (Francisco), IV. 414. BABXEBVILLB (John), IV. 427 -— his Brus'rn, IV. 449. knight, IV. 464; VI. 605. . p

Barsumas, XVI. 104. types, XVIII. 554. Barsuuson (John). IV. 449. BAYAZID, or Bajazid, IV. 465. If.“
Bsn'us (W. de Salluste du). IV. 415. Burnt, IV. 428. +11, Bar-muss, orrBatties, IV. 449. ' Baybridge Canal, XVI. 8. ' ‘
Bsn'rna, or truck, IV. 415.
BASKET-MAKING, IV. 428. -;\'a°l$ BATON, IV. 437. ’ Barns (Peter), chemist, IV. 465.
BABTPBLD, in Hungary, IV. 415. Bssxs'rs or Esn'ra, IV. 431. ' Batrachia, reptiles, XIX. 150—structi1ro Bayes (Rev. Mr), his papers on proba~
BAH-III, or Bart (John), IV. 415. is Bssxsr-ssn'r, IV. 481. of, XVII. 714. bility, XVIII. 592.
Barthelemi (Mons.), V. 479. " BASMAN, Persian village, IV. 431. Batrachoid reptiles, bones of, III. 13, Bsrsnx, IV. 466—tapestry, XXI. 823.
Bsarnsnsur (John James),a French Bunsen (James and Henry), IV. 431. st sap—heart, 39—lungs, 40. mm, or Bela, W. 460."
'l'q.
writer, IV. 415; XI. 314. Bssox, IV. 432. Barnscnomromscms, IV. 451. Barn: (Peter), IV. 466 ; VII. 205—thc
Bsn'rnsz (Paul Joseph), IV. 418. BASH-A, V. 748—commerce of, XI. 387. Batrachus, fish, XII. 195. first writer who led to the misapplica
Bars, or Batsch,‘IV. 451. f0."
Baa'rnws (Gaspard), IV. 422. " Baa-anusr, IV. 434. tion of the term Spinozism, I. 147—
Bsn'rnomnns (Gaspard), IV. 422; on Bass. in music, IV. 432; XV. 624— Bsrrsz, IV. 451. charncter of his writings, 151—opi
anatomy, II. 698. "t 0‘ Barrsnan, in Hindostan, IV. 451.
double, 613. nious of the learned at the time of his
(Tnoxss), IV. 422; XVII. 728 Bass Rocx, IV. 432; XI. 104. BATTALIA and Bs'rramos, IV. 451. appearance divided between Aristotle
—on the period of human utcro-gcs Bass's STRAITS, New Holland, IV. 432 Battanea, XVI. 745. and Descartes, 152—took advantage
tation, XIV. 491. —discovery of, 205. "
t. Barrss'u, island. IV. 451. of this by keeping aloof from all, and
(Erasmus). on double refrac Bass~bnssoon, XV. 615. Barns, island, IV. 451—inhabitants indulging his scepticism, ib.—probable
.ni
tion, XVI. 359, 453. Bass-drum, XV. 617. of, III. 693; XX. 806—their cannibal reason for the omission of Montaigne
Bartholomew (St), massacre of, X. 3'2. BASS-VIOL, IV. 432. ism, III. 249; XX. SOB—their lan in his Dictionary, ib.— copied the
BAITHOLOIBW'B (81*) DAY, IV. 422. Bassas (Giacomo de Pout), IV. 432. guage, X111. 82. spirit and tone of the old academic
Hospital, XIII. 513. , I" _ BABSANI (Giovanni Battista). IV. 432. Barrscoasn. Hindoo town, IV. 451. school, 153—his character by War
BABTHOLOIITES, IV. 422. ,Q’L Basssxo, Lombard city, IV. 433. Bs'r'rsn, IV. 451; VIII. 252. burton, Leibnitz, and Gibbon, ib.—_
Bala'rOLoccx (Julius), IV. 422. Bassss'rm (James), IV. 433. Bs'r'rim, IV. 452; V. 687. his critical acumen unrivalled, but his
Basrotoxsb (F, cisco), IV. 422F-his Bassassirc, VIII. 478. Batter, in architecture, III. 465. portraits of peritons defective, 154—
style 91* pnw‘IVI. 113. 5 Bass: Tuna, IV. 433; VI. 631; XI. 12._ BATTBBINO, IV. 452—ram, ib. causes which contributed to unsettle
IN ' '.-‘ V. 422. Bassznv, in the Burman empire, IV. 433 BATTERY, 1V. 453_electrical. VIII. his opinions, ib.-early fluctuations
Barton (13 ’ eth). II. as. ,, ’1.“ —treaty of,'XI. 435, 437. 649—galvanic, I. 623; XXI. 665—Am of his religious creed, ib.—his pro
-— (Mr). on the population of the Basss'r, or Basette, IV. 433. pére‘s revolving, 685. pensity to treat of indelicate subjects,
United States, XV. 518. u (Peter), IV. 434. Battles, IV. 449. . ib.—mischievous tendency ofbis work.
Barton's coining-machine, VII. 49. L“, Basset-horn, XV. 614. Barns-rs (Frsndel. painter, IV, 453. 155—benefits which have resulted to
lamp, X111. 43. ' r; BABSE’I'ING, IV. 434. Bs'r'rur, IV. 458.7trial by, IV. 451 ; literature from his labours, ib.—his
Barton~Bridge, aqueduct at, III. 322. Bassoon, IV. 434; XV. 615. ‘ VIII. 252. leaning to the system of the Maui
Bsa'roN-ox-IIUMBBB, IV. 422. Bassoas V. 748—commerce of, XI. 387 22% (Naval), XXI. 755—doscribed. cheans apparent, but not real, ib.—
BABUCH, raornsc! or, IV. 422. Basso-nsusvo, IV. 484. ‘ 761. See Signals, XX. 331. estimate of his genius and acquire
Bsnu'rn, Syrian town, IV. 423.0,“. Bassorin, v1. 478. ' , town in Sussex, IV. 453. ments, 156-lessons of historical scep
Baryta, bird, XVI. 568. an" Bassus, insect, IX. 225. Battles, rules concerning, XXI. 7 42— ticism to be learned from, ib.—on
—, a poison, XIV. 502. BASTABD, IV. 434. Roman. III. 593. _ . anonymous books, IV. 627—his Dic
Baryte, in mineralogy, XV. 142, 143. Bss'mnnr, IV. 486—law of, XVIII. BATrns-sxz, IV. 455. tionary, XV. 500. {w
Barytes, VI. 395—salts of, 446~mcdical 365, 382, 387. Barrnsussrs, IV. 455; III. 465. BAYLV (Lewis), IV. 467.
propertiesvof, VII. 4514-9hosphorcs Basrsauzs, IV. 436. Barron, IV. 455. Bsvousr, IV. 467; XI. 36.
cent eti‘ects of electricity on barytic Bss'rsnmcs ALrEs, IV. 436. Battone (Pompio). painter, XVI. 7'16. Baroness, in France, IV. 467.
substances, VIII. 633—specific gra Bss'ru, in Corsica, IV. 436. BATTOBY, IV. 455. Bazssn, IV. 468—bazaars in London.
vity of, XII. 27. , i BAS'I‘ILI, IV. 436—its destruction, X. 52. Barre, island. IV. 455. XIII. 534. - Us
Baryt0~calcite, sp. gr. of, XII. 27. J Bssrums'ros, islands, IV. 437.’ BATU‘A, IV. 455. Bszss. in France, IV. 468. ‘ma‘fi'
Bsnrrosnu, IV. 428. .‘II 1* .7?! BASTINADO, IV. 437. Bacon, IV. 455. 84111, or Baza, IV. 468. s - Mia
B48 (James Philip 1e), IV. 423. BASTION, IV. 437; IX. 769. BAUDELO'I‘ (Charles Cmsar). IV. 455. Bszszonns, IV. 468. not .
Basalt. XV. 217, 227—specific gravity Bss'rooas, IV. 437. Bananas (Michael), IV. 455. Bszzsso, Italian
Bazonsnons, IV. city,
470. IV. 470.
of, XII. 27—in Ireland, 393—in Van Barton, or Baton, IV. 437. Baudin (Capt.), his voyage of dismy
Diemcn's Land, XXI. 554. , (Robert), IV. 437. to New Holland, IV. 206. - '5"! Bdella, worm, XI. 226.
BASAN, or Bashan, IV. 423. Bss'rvncx (Dr John), IV. 437. Bumms (Dominic), IV. 455. Bdellium, specific gravity of, XII. 27.
Bassnusu', in Hungary, IV. 423. Bat, XIV. 98—hybernation of, III. 167 BAI'DIAND (Michael Anthony), IV. 455. BsIcnr-HEID. IV. 470; XXI. 355-6.
BASAIITSCIIIK, Turkish town, IV. 423. ' —structure of, XVII. 703—surprising BAUDBIN, IV. 773. Bsscou, IV. 470.
Buschkirs, XXI. 86. ~ -~ 10-1 precision of its acts when deprived of Bauer on the spleen, II. 727—on the Beacosson, IV. 470. _4J'.'.
Basc, in architecture, III. 465. r brain, 737 —on the muscles, 738 ; Bsscossru-zu). IV. 470.
I

sight, XX. 524. -~ alt

Bassnow (John Bernard), IV.‘423. ' , Bate, or Bats, coin, IV. 437. XVII. 609—on cerebral globules, 660. Ben, IV. 470—in architecture, III.
Baseggio (G.), on birds, XVI. 551. Barnum, or debateable ground, IV. 437 . (J. J.), on rare books, IV. 625. 442, 465—bead-prooi‘, IV. 470.
Basso, in Switzerland, IV. 425; XXI. Bs'rscono, in Ceylon, IV. 437. Bauereaa. in botany, V. 113. Bun-sou, IV. 470.
49—education in, 50."1 Batalha, church of convent of, III. 423. Bacon, in France, IV. 455. '~ I BBADLE, IV. 470.
Basement. in architecture, III. 458. BATALIN, island, IV. 437. Bsnms (John and Gaspard). IV. 456. llssouzs, IV. 470; XI. 706.
Bascttc, IV. 433. ~' 31 BATANG, IV. 438. Barman Isnnms, IV. 456. BEAK ofa ship, IV. 471.
BASIIAN, IV. 428. ATANIBTB, or Batenites, IV. 440. Bums (Anthony), IV. 456—his mode Bssxnn, in heraldry, IV. 471.
Basnsnuns, a. Mahommedan sect, IV.v :flégvs, IV. 438. of manufacturing sal-ammoniac, II. Beau: (Mary), IV. 471.
425. 33‘ ‘ v1.4,town inJava, IV.438-—arrack 662 —his arseometer, III. 371 -—on —-—— (Mr), on the sperm-whale, XIV.
Bssuswmr Pacha, IV. 425. of, III. 627 —- trade of, 701—Capt. clays, V. 260. 184—his aviary, XVI. 587.
Bum-:1: Isms, IV. 425. Cook’s visit to, VII. 298. , in France, IV. 457. Bun, IV. 471.
BABIGNANA, Sardinian city, IV. 425. Bs'nvonnx INSULA, IV. 489; X1. 509. Banana: or Bauinan, cave, IV. 457. Beams, strength of, VI. 152; XX. 760.
)
BASIL, in joinery, IV. 426. Orrinvu, IV. 439. Baumgartngr (M.), on magnetism, XIII. ct scq.-building up of. VI. 164—beams
, a plant, XI. 676. Bars, (George), IV. 439—1510, 440. 697—on solar magnetism, XVI. 422a I ofa ship, IV. 471; XX. 284, 289.
was Gnsar. IV. 425. Bate’s balance, XIV. 456. Bauschius (J. L.), Academy of Natura: Bran-courses, IV. 471.
BASILAN, island, IV. 426. Bateman (Dr), on the diseases of Lon Curiosi founded by, II. 68. Bsunssrsn, in Dorsetshire, IV. 471.
Basildon House, IV. 586. don, XV. 521. Bautzen, battle of, X. 161. Beamish (Major), on the military charac
BASILEUB, IV. 426. Barsm'rss, IV. 440. Bevan“, IV. 457—army of, III. 610— ter of the French. III. 601.
BASILAN Moxxs, IV. 426. Barns (William), D.D., IV. 440. Joseph II.'s plan of exchanging the BIAII, IV. 471—its internal structure.
Bssxmcs, or Basilicaa, in architecture, Barn, in Somerset, IV. 440—in Maine. Austrian Netherlands for, V. 4377— III. 80—cu1ture of the garden-bean.
IV. 426—ancient Christian, III. 419 XIV. 44. Sec Baths. quicksilver mines in, XV. 258—coins XI. 669.
-—Roman. XIX.’431. (Xsmn'rs or ran), IV.'440. of, 407, 409—commercial league with Bras-coo. boat, IV. 471.
, Greek digest of laws, IV. 426 ; BATIIEBI, IV. 441. Prussia, XVIII. 686—penal code, 735 BEAN-H.003, IV. 471.
VI. 717; IX. 474; XIX. 780. BATIIGATE, Scotch town, IV. 441. —weights and measures, XXI. 852. Bass-n.1, IV. 471.
BABILICATA, a province oi“ the kingdom Bathiergus, in zoology, XIV. 137. Burnt. in Yorkshire, IV. 463. Bear, XIV. 105—its structure. XVII.
of Naples, IV. 427. ,o‘ e Barnum, IV. 442—promotes health. Bsx'rss (Andrew), IV. 464—his theory 7 04—hunting of, in Sweden, XX. 2402
BASILICI, IV. 427. ., L‘ XIV. 508. See Baths. of drealiis,.VIII. 188—041 the soul, I. —shooting, ib.—order of the, IV. 47 1.
Basilicus, VII. 280. ' Barn-X01" IV. 442. 205; XIV. 679—on the immortality Ban. ISLAND, IV. 471. '\'
BASILIDIANB, heretics, IV. 427. BsrasJV. 441—Roman,111. 444; XIX. of the soul, 687. Bear’s Island, XIX. 590.
\
.m INDEX.
BEA—BEG BEG—BEE BEE—BEL BEL
BnAa‘s-sxm, IV. 471. Beckford, Lord Mayor of London, his BBBS'I'INGB, IV. 537; VII. 127. draulics, XVIII. 716. 721-his expe~
BEAM). IV. 471—womcn with. 474. address to George 11].. V. 392. Beet. culture of, X1. 670, 672. riments on the strength of wooden
BrAaIs0,in navigation. IV. 474; X. 407. (Mr). on bounds and hunting, Beet-root sugar, X. 184 -- Prussian, columns, XX. 772—011 water-wheels.
BEADINGS,111 heraldry. IV. 474. XI. 700. et seq.. 742. XVIII. 692. XXI. 802, 808.
Bras'r, IV. 474. See Brute. BncnscnAu (Charles), IV. 510. Brn'rnovxn (Ludwig Von). IV. 587— Bauer. IV. 544—sources of, XIV. 636.
IIBA'I', IV. 474—01“ drum. ib. BECKMANN (John), professor at Glittin education of. XV. 607. daeq. ; XIX. 200, ct sap—of remem
(St). French town. IV. 474. gen. IV. 510—his opinion ofjugglers, Burns, IV. 538. bered ideas, XI V. 630.
BsA'rnas of metals, IV. 474. XII. 627—on ordeal, XVI. 521. Beetles, IX. 59, 107—lheir tenacity of BELIBVBBS, IV. 544.
BEATIPICA’I‘ION, IV. 474. Became. IV. 511. life. 11]. 163. Bram. Bohemian town, IV. 544.
BsA'rmo, IV. 474—beating time, 475. Beclard (Month). on arterial tissue, 11. Bnsv rs. IV. 538. Bnuo. river, IV. 544.
BeA-rrrnnr. IV. 475. 717—on erectile tissue. 725—on the BBFOR'I‘, in France, IV. 538. BrusAaws, general, IV. 544 ; VII. 281 ;
BEA'rox (David). IV. 475; XIX. 727. spleen. 726—0n ligaments. 739—on Bega navigation. XVI. 4. XII. 465.
730, 731—assassinaiion of. III. 121. the fibro-cartilagcs. 748—on the skin, (Connrnms). painter, IV. 538. BELL, IV. 545—Curfcw. VII. 550.
(James). St Mary's College at St 750—0n the villi of the ileum, 816-— Begging. See Mendicity, Aims. Bells. electrical, IV. 547; VIII. 577.
Andrews founded by, XXI. 509. his classification of animal functions, Breanne. IV. 539. 592—musical. VI. 141.
BEATOBUM INSULA, IV. 475. XVII'. 590. Brennan, African country. IV. 539. Bell-founding, IX. 792—at Glasgow. X.
Beatson (Dr). on the cause of the un Becqucrel (Mons.). on pyro-electricity, BEGLEBBEG. or Beglierbey, IV. 539. 558.
fortunate result of Keppel’s engage VIII. 597—011 the influence of heat Begonia, in botany, V. 65. Bell-metal, VI. 416—cannon of, 87.
ment. XXI. 141. on the electric fluid in metals. 599-— Begoniacczc. in botany, V. 126. Bell (Sir Chas.). his anatomical labours.
Boatson’s windmill-sails, XIV. 435. on electricity produced by pressure, Bscuaans. IV. 539. II. 704—on the nerves of sensation
BEATTIE (James). LL.D.. IV. 475—on 600; and by combustion, 607—on Bncnrxrs, IV. 539. and motion, XVII. 676—on voice,
Locke’s views concerning innate ideas, magnetism. XIII. 705. 710—his de' BEIIADAN, Persian town, IV. 539. 683.
I. 117; XIV. 601—his mciits as a composing galvanic cell, XXI. 673— BrnsAmso. IV. 539; XIV. 513. (Dr). of Manchester. VII. 554-5.
writer, I. 222—0n dreams. VIII. 186 on clectro-chemical decomposition, Bennuo'rn, IV. 539. (Henry). his share in introduc
-—on laughter, XIII. 122—on truth. XXI. 679—his galvanic experiments Behmen. Sce Bochmen. ing steam-navigation, X. 549; XX.
XIV. 637, 638—poctry of, XVIII. 173 on dead bodies. 681—on thermo-elec BEEN (Aphara), IV. 539—her novels, 689.
—on second sight. XX. 70. tricity, XXI. 696. XIX. 335. (Capt. Henry). on Luther’s Col
BrAncAmr, IV. 478—eanal of, XVI. 5. BECTASSE, Turkish sect, IV. 511. BEIIIIENDT,111 Prussia, IV. 540. loquia Mcnsalia, II. 677.
Beauchamp (Mons.). his survey of the Ben, IV. 511. Behring. voyages of. II. 402. (Patrick). his reaping-machine.
Black Sea, IV. 658. Beda. See Bede. Bznruso’s ISLAND, IV. 537; II. 404. II. 270.
BBAUroa'r, French toxm. IV. 478. Bedahs of Ceylon, VI. 803. —————— S'raAl'rs, IV. 537—current in. (Thomas). on the teeth. II. 781.
(Thomas). VIII. 733-4. BxncnAxasa, Lords of the. IV. 512. XVIII. 223. (William), on manure. II. 803.
Beaufoy (Colonel). XX. 229—1118 varia BEDDIZOLLE, in Lombardy. IV. 512. Beighton (I-Ienry). his valve-gear of Bell-bird, XVI. 570.
tion transit, XIII. 766—on the resist Bsnnoss (Thomas). M.D., IV. 512— steam—engines. XX. 627. Bell-Rock Lighthouse. XX. Iii—carrier
ance of fluids. XIX. 186. Sir Humphry Davy’s connection with, BEINAsclu (Giovanni Battista). IV. 5 40. pigeons employed at. VI. 177.
-— (Mr). his attempt to procure VII. 637. Being. Aristotle’s notion of, III. 505. BELLA (Stephano dc la). IV. 547.
the repeal of the corporation and test Bnnr: (the Venerable), IV. 512—his BEIBA, IV. 609. BELLAC, in France. IV. 547.
acts. V. 448. learning, XIII. 292. Beirout. IV. 291 ; VI. 717. Belladonna. poisonous quality of, XIV.
Bsanunu (Sebastian de Pontault do). Bsnru. (Dr William). bishop of Kil~ BEI'I‘ EL FAKIII, IV. 540. 506; XVIII. 177.
IV. 478—his expedition against Al more, IV. 516. 619; VI. 255. BEITII, in Benfrewshirc, IV. 540. BnLtAolo. in Lombardy, IV. 547.
giers. II. 506. Bsnroan, IV. 516. BEIZA. or Beizath, IV. 540. BELLA! (William du), IV. 547.
BEAULI', in Inverness-shire. IV. 478. Level. VI. 33. BEJA, Portuguese city. IV. 540. BELLANO, in Lombardy. IV. 548.
BrAmuAacnAis (P. A. C. de). IV. 478. (Duke of), on peace with France BEJAPOUB, in Hindustan. IV. 540. Bellardi on botany, V. 82.
BzArmAms. in Anglesey. IV. 480. in 1800, V. 491. BI-ZKAII. Jewish coin. IV. 502. BELLAaxru (Robert), IV. 548.
Beaumont (Barber). V. 647. Bsnronnsmar, IV. 516. Bears. in Hungary, IV. 541. , Brnusrooa, in India. IV. 548.
(Sn. Jons). IV. 480. Bedlam Hospital. London, XIII. 515. Bzxxna (Balthasar), IV. 541—bit! work BELLEAU (Remi), poet, IV. 548.
(M. do). on the Deluge. VII. BIZDLOB (William), IV. 517. against the doctrine of witchcraft, III. Bantnroass'r (Francis de). IV. 540.
700—on geology. XV. 233. Bedminster. V. 292. 299 ; XXI. 908—~persecuted for it by BELLEOABDB, French fortress. IV. 540.
BEAUMONT AND Fan'rcnrn. IV. 480— Bed-mould, in architecture. III. 465. the clergy, III. 300. n.; 301, n. 1. BELLE-ISLE, French island. IV. 548—
their merits as dramatists, VIII. 169. Bsnxoas, in Hindostan, IV. 517. BEL (Matthias). IV. 542. capture of, by the British. V. 386.
BAUNE, in France. IV. 481. Brnonms. IV. 517—111. 330. ct seq.--oi‘ , or Belus, IV. 542—temple of, . American island, IV. 548.
BrAnraaAu. in France, IV. 481. Palestine, XVI. 748—of Syria, XXI. at Babylon, 266. BILLINDBN (John). IV. 548; XVII.95.
BsAnsonr: (Isaac de), IV. 481. 63. Sec Arabs. Bar. AND Tar DRAGON, IV. 542. Baannaornou. IV. 553.
Beautiful. signification of the word, in BsnaiAcnu. ancient Italian village. IV. Bela. or Bayla, IV. 466. ' Bums Lin-ass, IV. 554—academies
Plato‘s works, I. 301. 517-battle of, XIX. 404. DELAY, IV. 542. of, II. 76.
BEAUTY. IV. 481—elements of. in archi BEDWIN (Great), in Wiltshire, IV. 518. Banners, Egyptian town, IV. 542. Belleville, in Illinois. XII. 248.
tecture, III. 457—infiuence of custom BEE, IV. 518—Butler's work on bees, II. BELEMNITE, in conchology, IV. 542; BELLBVOII, painter. IV. 554.
on pleasure from. VII. 660—eii'ects 257—apiary. III. 282—bces'-wax, IV. XV. 345. Benny. in France, IV. 554.
of personal, on its possessor's mind. 520 ; XXI. 821~instinets of. XII. Brasnrss, town in Hungary, IV. 542. Bellingeri (C. F.), on the spinal chord
VIII. 442—of the human face. XIII. 297—constructi0n ot‘ combs, 298—its Brannon. IV. 542. of animals. III. 80.
577. See Deformity. Taste. sting poisonous, XI V. 507—stomachs BELESIS, IV. 542. BELLINI (Gentile). IV. 554; XVI. 717.
BEAUVAIS, in France. IV. 502. of, XVII. 721. BELEZEBO, Russian town. IV. 543. (Laurence), IV. 554 ; II. 699.
Beaver, XIV. 187—b0nes of its tail, III. BEECH-MAST, IV. 536. BELFAST, an Irish town. I V. 54 3—cotton Brawn, a disease. IV. 554.
3—pairing of, ISB—instincts of, XII. BEECH-OIL, IV. 536. manufacture of, VII. 415—Lagau na Bannoru, IV. 554.
297—structure of. XVII. 705. Beech-tree, XVII. 783. vigation, XVI. 22. BELLONABII, IV. 554.
BsAvna-ssms, IV. 478; X. 266. Beech-timber, XXI. 294-speeific gravity Bureau, town in Durham, IV. 543. BELLOBI (John Peter). IV. 554.
Bebe. a dwarf, VIII. 294. of. XII. 27. BsLron'r, or Befort, IV. 538. BELLOVACI, IV. 554.
Bebon. Egyptian deity, VIII. 553. Beechcy (Captain). his arctic discove Beli'our’s rope-machine, XIX. 463, 465. Banaows, IV. 555, 717; XVIII. 130
BEBBTCIA, IV. 502. ries. XVIII. 222. Burnr. IV. 543. anchor-smiths‘, III. 106—contrivance
Bronx. Jewish coin, IV. 502. Brenna, in Hindostan, IV. 536. BLLcAan, in Pomerania, IV. 543. to prevent the noise of, I23—glass
BECALM, IV. 502. Bee-cater, common. XVI. 592—c0wled. BELGICA, IV. 543—Gallia, ib. blowers‘, IV. 714.
BECANOB, town in India, IV. 502. knob-fronted, and poe, 574. BsLcnwu, IV. 544. BELLUNO, in Lombardy, IV. 555.
BECCAIIUNGA, IV. 502. BEEF, IV. 537. BELGIUM, ancient, IV. 544. Belly. See Abdomen.
Beccamoschino. bird. XVI. 576. Beef-eater, bird, XVI. 582. , modern kingdom of, XVI. 106; 1151.01. in Russia. IV. 555.
BBCCABIA (C. B., marquis of), IV. 502 BEELE, IV. 537. XI. 528—libraries in. XIII. 314—po Belomancy. IV. 555.
—discovered gluten in wheat flour. Beelzebub, IV. 265; XVII. 852. pulation of. XV. 533—establislunent 1321.09! (Pierre). French traveller. IV.
IV. 297—on clouds, VII. 2—0n elec Beema. in Sumbawa, XX. 808. of its independence. XVI. 187 —nevvs 555—on ichthyology, XII. 151—0n
tricity, VIII. 570, 625; and its mag‘ Barium. river, IV. 537. papers of, 173—police, XVIII. 256— ornithology. XVI. 545.
netic effects, 637—mcasurement of a Beer, inventul by the Egyptians, V. prisons. 584—religion, XIX. 315— Belone. fish, XII. 200.
degree by, IX. 549, 551—his objection 230~ancient, ib.—brewing of. ib.— weights and measures of, XXI. 852— BELOOCIIISTAH. IV. 555.
to the right ofpropcrty, XVIII. 276 whcrein ditl'erent from ale, 252-con map of. XVI. Pl. 380—Belgian Bibles. Bnaosrasx, in Russia. IV. 559.
on punishment, 731. sumption of in England, VIII. 778— IV. 617. See Netherlands. Belostoma. insects. IX. 199.
Brenna (John Joachim), IV. 508—on specific gravity of, XII. 27-Irish trade Belgic skull. II. 784. Burns, in Derbyshire, IV. 559.
chemistry. VI. 348. in, 406. Bnaooaon. in Russia. IV. 544. BBLSHAZZAR. IV. 559.
, fish. XII. 177. , or Bir, Turkish town, IV. 537. BELGRADE. IV. 544—-Princc Eugene's BELT (Great and Little), IV. 559. 824.
Dream, Bohemian town. IV. 508. Beer-machine. Bramah's, V. 182. victory at. IX. 396—siege of. in 1458, , or girdle, IV. 559—use oi' belts
Bechtermunze (Henry and Nicholas). Beer-measure. XXI. 850. by the Turks. XXI. 412—taken by in machinery. XIV. 446.
early printers, XVIII. 548. BEEBALSTON. in Devonshire, IV. 537. Solyman the Magnificent, ib.—taken BEL-Tern. IV. 559.
Bren, IV. 508. Beering. See Behring. by the Austrians, 414. DELTURBET, Irish town, IV. 559.
(David). painter. IV. 508. Bsnnoo. African kingdom, IV. 587. Belgrano (General), IV. 756. Beluga. in zoology. XIV. 180.
(Dr), his work on medical juris Bssno'rn, in Judea, IV. 537. Belhaven (Lord), on agriculture, II. 261. Brannon, IV. 560.
prudence. XIV. 492. Bass-Ilse”. in DOrsetshire. IV. 537. BELIAL. IV. 544. Belus, IV. 542—ternple of, at Babylon.
Blcxn'r (Thomas), IV. 509; VIII. 716. Banner“, IV. 587. 596. Bsunon (B. F. de). IV. 544—on hy 266—river. 560. '

BEL—BEN
Bstvnnsas, IV. 559. ,4", m
Belvisiacese, in botany, V. 111. n,
Belzoni (Mr), XVI. 296—olmlisk trans
ported from Phihe by, VIII. 531-2— Benson (Dr), on structure of bones,
pyramid of Cephrents explored by.
548, 558—his other Egyptian and Nu—
bian discoveries, 558-9.
BIIBEA, or Bamba, IV. 335.
Bcmbeeides, insects, IX. 229.
13511110 (Peter), IV. 560.
-' I
Bemboolt, XX. 94.
Beams-ran, in Dorsetshire, IV. 471.
Bananas, in Hiudostan, 1v. 560—com~
merce of,VI. XI.543.
386.
Bennvides, I ',
IIEHAVIDIUS (Marcus Mzmtua), IV. 561.
Ilnsssccns, island, IV. 561. ,
lienbow (Admiral), his gallant exploit
' "and death, V. 365.
u'IUI
Brucsrnn, IV. 562.
ilsscn, IV. 561—Free, ib.—King's, ib.
Ilsucnnss, IV. 561. . I
llnucoonsx, IV. 561; XX. 807-8.
Bush, in heraldry, IV. 562; XI. 248.
BENDEB, Russian town, IV. 562.
BENDIDA, IV. 562.
Iissmso, IV. 562.
Ilss'ns, in a ship, IV. 562.
BENDY,111 heraldry, IV. 562.
Bast. Sardininn city, IV. 562.
Beuedetti (T. B.), mechanical topics dis
cussed by, XIV. 350.
Benedetto, his work on geometrical ana
lysis, 1. 436.
Bzssmcrrs, IV. 562.
Iisusmc'r XIV. (Pope), IV. 562.
(Saint), IV. 562.
, abbot of Peterborongh in the Bsxrnrm, in Hanover, IV. 573.
twelfth century, IV. 562.
'Bsssmc'nsss, IV. 562.
"Deanne-ries, IV. 563.
BENII‘ICE, IV. 563. -‘ '
Bsasrtcuan, IV. 563.
Brssricusv. IV. 564.
ii BENEFICIL'M, IV. 564.
Bsusrxsu) (Sebastian). IV. 564.
Benefit of clergy, VI. 739.
Bsxsvzu'rs. in Portugal, IV. 564.
Bassvss'ro, in Italy, IV. 564.
Bassvsnreu, IV. 564.
" Benevolence, sources of, I. 367 ; XX. 82
--inward delight arising from the
practice of, overlooked by Bentham's
followers, I. 380—dt-ficient in the Benzoic acid, VI. 429.
Asiatics, III. 693—instinctive, XV.
458; XVII. 463.
Benevolent afi‘ections, difl'erence be Beranger, poetry of. XVIII. 166.
tween them and self-love. I. 844.
Benezet (Anthony), his Opposition to the Berard. his method of manufacturing
slave-trade, XX. 384.
.‘Bzsosn, IV. 564; X1. 415, 446—Pre
sidency of, 463.
Bengal-lights, XVIII. 757.
Bengalee era. VI. 664.
Bengalees, XI. 395—their language,
XVII. 385.
Bzsousna. in Africa. IV. 570.
Benham Ilouse, IV. 586.
lissutssox, IV. 571.
Beni, river, XVII. 92.
lieu: Anax, Arabian tribe, IV. 571.
DENICABLO, Spanish city, IV. 571.
BENIGANIM, Spanish town, IV. 571.
Beni Ilarb, Arabian tribe, III. 330.
Beni-Ilnssun, antiquities of, VIII. 544.
Barns, IV. 571. See Niger, XVI. 218.
Bataan-pars, IV. 572.
Benjamin of Tudela, X. 397.
Bennati (Dr I-‘.), on musical instru
ments, XV. 612—on the human voice.
XVII. 684.
Basssr (Henry), earl of Arlington in
the 17th century, IV. 572.
(Dr Thomas), IV. 572.
(Mr), on the flying iish, XII. 201
—on electricity, VIII. 602, 604—1115
electrical doubler, 652—his gold-leaf
electrometer, 654—on the serpent
eatcr, XVI. 565—011 several other
birds, 537, 603, 619.
Bssus'rr (James). on ship-building.
XX. 242—his Tables of timbers, XXI.
304, 306-8. ,
INDEX.
BEN—BER 'BER
BBNOWI, African town, IV. 572. Bergen (De), notice of his anatomical
Basssnann (Isaac de), IV. 572. labours, II. 7 02. ; Switzerland, IV. 589. ., l l ,s 10:. 413
llsssusm. IV. 573. Bzacsu-or-Zoox, 1V. 582—fortiiica
tions and siegcs of, VII. 30.
XVII. 601. Bsaosnac, in France, IV. 582.
(61:01:02), IV. 573. _ ’ (Cyrano de), his philosophical
Bentham (General), on Brunel’s block romance, 11. 179.
machinery, IV. 704 — his improve DEBGBEII, IV. 583. _ ..
ments in dock-yards, VIII. 76, 77. 84, Bananas (Nicholas). IV. 580. .,
88. Bssonnosr, IV. 583.
(Jeremy), on the law of nature, Bananas (Sir Torbern), IV. 583—on
I. 92-3-on blind veneration for anti alum, II. 571—on the blowpipc, IV.
quity, 95—character of him and his 712, 713—011 the nature of brute-s, V.
followers, 377—his Fragment on Go 615—his chemical labours, VI. 350,
vernment, ib. —-his tract upon the 352 —-on chemical aiiinity, 356—011
Hard Labour Bill, ib.—his Letters on crystallization, VII. 506, 511—011
‘ Usury, ib.—his writings oh Jurispru— dyeing blue, VIII. 328.
dence, 378; XII. 637, ct scq.—has Braoouun, IV. 583.
not reached the most desirable dis 13511000, African country, IV. 583.
tinction in Ethical Theory. 1. 379— Bsacovacs, IV. 586.
preaches the doctrine of utility with Bergylt, fish, XII. 174.
the zeal of a discoverer, ib.—confuses BEBGZABEBN, in Bavaria, IV. 584.
moral approbation with the moral BEBIA, Ileric, or Berry, IV. 584.
qualities. ib.—his followers have over Bnnmo (Sinus), Danish poet, IV. 584.
looked the inward delight which arises Beris, insect, IX. 264.
from virtuous conduct, 380 -- his BBBKELEY, (George), bishop of Cloyne.
merit as a reformer of Jurisprudence, IV. 584—refutation of a fallacy in his
384—~treats Ethics too juridically, ib. work on Vision, 1. 244—bit: interview
--coincides with the Epicureans in with Malebranchc, 80—character of
some points, ib.—revolution which his his genius, 163—Pope's veneration
style underwent, 385—Dumont’s lite for, ib.—his popularity made meta
rary connection with, 386; VIII. 265. physics fashionable, l64—chiet' aim of
266—on the penal code, XII. 639-—on his work on Vision, ib.—his doctrine
legislation, XIII. 167. 177, 192—on unknown to the ancients, ib.—merit
prisons, XVIII. 574, 586, ct seq.—on of the new theory of vision not exclu
punishment, 731. sively his own, 165—‘did not lay claim
(TuoxAs), bishop, IV. 573. to complete originality, 166—sense in
which be employed the term sugges
Benticlcs, XII. 175. tion, I67—his object in denying the
BENTISCK (William Henry Cavendish), existence of matter, 168—value which
Duke of Portland, IV. 573. he attached to his system of idealism,
Bss'rivoouo (Guido), IV. 574. and the impression it made, 168, 169
. Italian town, IV. 574. —his theory of Vision contains a
Bsu'rtsr (Richard), IV. 574; XX. 726 great discovery in mental philosophy,
—his controversy about the. Epistles 349—1113 speculations not sceptical,
of Phalaris, IV. 140—his criticism on ib.—his talents and virtues praised by
Le Clerc's edition of Menander, V. all. 350—his attempt to reclaim the
718—his quarrel with Barman, 719— natives of North America, ib.—made
Cumberland's work on the Law of bishop of Cloync. ib.—his patriotism
Nature revised by, VII. 539—his cha with regard to Ireland. ib.—his ge—
racter as a scholar and acritic, 546— neral principles of Ethics. 35i—his
his emendations of Horace, ib.—on graceful and beautiful diction. ib.;
Homer’s poems, X1. 542. XXI. 89—1115 reasonings undoubtedly
produced the scepticism of Hume. I.
ether, VI. 441. 352—notice of his Analyst, 534—his
Benzoin, specific gravity of, XII. 27. attack on the calculus, IX. 637—his
philosophy, XII. 296—on the analysis
Bsasa, in Hindostan, IV. 578. of infinites, XIV. 323—on abstract
ideas. XIV. 622—011 the non-existence
alum, II. 577—(m heat, XI. 193—011 of matter, 649—on the source of mo
the spectrum, XVI. 419, 421. tion. XV. 576 -<>n Plato, XVII. 797
Barnes, in Bohemia, IV. 578. ---011 wealth, XVIII. 273, note 2.
Berber, in Nubia, XVI. 294. , in Gloucestershire, IV. 585—
Berberidcze. in botany, V. 58, 96. valc of, X. 587—ship-canal, XVI. 13
Berbers, an African race, II. 223, 230, —murder of Edward II. in the castle
503; IV. 364; IX. 376, 377—their of, VIII. 727.
language. XIII. 94. Bsnnuaus'rnan (Great), IV. 585.
BBIBICE, IV. 578. Bsasornscna, Turkish city, IV. 586.
Bzncnsx (Nicholas). IV. 580. Bsaxsulss. IV. 586—breed of pigs, II.
Bnscnsv'r (Peter), IV. 581. 338—Mlts Canal, XVI. 21.
Bnaou'rssosnsu, in Bavaria, IV. 581. Banner, IV. 587—Royal Academy of
Bsnnssn. IV. 581. Sciences at, II. 7 0—botanical school
Dsascru'rma, IV. 581. - a.. of, V. 81—Napoleon's decree at, X.
Berend Island. XVI. 263. I44—Royal Library of, XIII. 313—
BEBINOABIANISI, IV. 581. university of, XVIII. 699.
Berenger (James), his anatomical dis vehicle, IV. 587.
coveries, II. 693, 697. Beans. in fortification, IV. 587.
Bsnsmcs, IV. 581; XIX. 405. Bermijo, river, XVII. 63.
, Egyptian city, VIII. 560. Bsnxunss. IV. 587—spiders’ webs in,
Berenice's Hair, constellation, VII. 135. 111. 355 —Berkeley‘s project of a col
licresford (Marshal), V. 530. lege in, IV. 584.
Bsssvncns. IV. 581. Bermudez (John), Portuguese physician,
Berezina, river, Napoleon’s passage of his travels in Abyssinia, II. 52.
the, X. 159. (General), VII. 102.
Baaszov, Siberian town, IV. 581. Bernadette, V. 536; X. 101, et seq.—
Bsnuovsxon IV. 581. his accession to the crown of Sweden,
Base, in Westphalia, IV. 582. XXI. 29.
(St \Vinox), IV. 582. Bnaasnn (Saint). IV. .588 — crusade
Bsaouto, in Lombardy, IV. 582. preached by, VII. 485.
(James Philip de), IV. 582. (Dr Edward), IV. 589 — his
Bsnossto'r, IV. 582. translation of part. of a treatise of
Bananas, Spanish city, IV. 582. Apollonius, III. 288.
Bnauss, IV. 582. (James), IV. 589.
21
: 13121111.":i
Blntunn (the Great St), mountain in
Bernard’s Inn, London, XII. 282.....1“!
Bernardin (Genga), on anatomy, II. 703.
Bzauaanuvs (St). IV. 589. 1....“ (1
Bsaaasntsns, monks, IV. 589. : . a.) a.
BEBNAY,111 France, IV. 589. . , .4' .,.(s‘
Bsaasuao, IV. 589. . v I ‘,2
Beasoasrnn. IV. 590. ,, .. ,
Bsans, in Switzerland, IV. 590—coins
of, XV. 407, 409. .1. '3‘ ,1..v‘ ‘ ' J
~
Bsass—sucmss, IV. 590. .- , ,,
Bananas, Berneray, or Barnera, an
island in Lewis, IV. 590.
a
Bernesque p0etry, XVIII. 160. 0 ‘81 \35
Berniele, bird, XVI. 636. . 1. ~21
BEBNIEB (Francis), French traveller,»
IV. 590—1115 writings, I. 108. 1'1
(Nicholas), musician, IV. 590.
Bsnmisa’s Isnnw, IV. 590. .w.
Bernieres (Monsieur), his large burning
lens, V. 738. ,,
Beams“ (John L.), IV. 590-3-his style
of architecture, III. 427—his sculp
ture, XX. 8. __ , ,‘
BBBNOUILLI (Daniel). IV. 594—on hy
drodynamics, I. 607; X11. 3, 4, 76-—
sketch of his life and character, I.
607—singularly happy in his sober
application of analysis, BOB—clearly
established the true theory of the vi
brations of a musical chord, 612—on
the gradation of atmospheric density,
IV. 398-—on the resolution of forces.
VIII. 358—his dipping needle. XIII.
7 68—on mechanics, XIV. 353—on
probability, XVIII. 592--on the re
sistance of fluids, XIX. 176—his pro~
posed steam-navigation, XX. 687. '
(James), IV. 591-—au able co-"
adjutor of Leibnitz in illustrating the
new analysis, I. 520—explained some‘
of the most- difiicult problems of the
infinitesimal analysis, 529—works of,
530—l1is original mode of treating
the problem of the centre of oscilla
tion, 603—skctch of his life and cha
racter, ib.—his formulae for the
chords of multiple arcs, II. 493—
his contributions to mathematics,
XIV. 319—his dispute with his bro
ther, 320—0n probability, XVIII.
59 2—his problem of the elastic curve.‘
XX. 762—011 the calculus of varia
tions, XXI. 557.
— (Janna), the younger, IV. 595.
(Jous), IV. 592—an able coed
jutor of Leibnitz in illustrating the
new analysis, I. 520—judgment pro
nounced by him on the controversy
between Newton and Leibnitz, 522—
solutlon of problems by, 524—by the
introduction of exponential equations
materially improved a branch of the
calculus, 529—works of, 530—was the
first who fully enunciated the proposi
tion of the equality of the opposite
momenta, 535—his prize-essay on the
laws of the communication of mo~
tion, 537—aimplified the science of
equilibrium or statics by his prin
ciple of virtual velocities, 603—his
principle styled the conservation of
living forces, ib.—sketch of his life
and character, ib.—quotation from his
defence of Leibnitz‘s law of conti
nuity, 133—had a conviction of this
law previously to communicating with
Leibnitz upon the subject, 258—bis
formula for the chords of multiple
arcs, II. 493—his barometer, IV.
sill—on the inverse problem of cen
tripetal bodies. VIII. 386—Xiell‘s
challenge to, IX. 636-..his contribu
tions to mathematics, XIV. 320, st
sup—on projectiles, XVIII. 115, 649
—on measures of force, 780—on the
calculus of variations, XXI. 557.
(Jens). seeundus, IV. 595.
(Joan), tertius, IV. 595.
—— (N1cnonss), IV. 593.
(NICHOLAS), secundus, IV. 595.
llernstorfi‘, ministry of, V11. 7223.
 % INDEX.
BER—BET BET—BIB BIB—BIC BIC—BIN
Berol,soophytc, XXI. 1016. Bethylus, insect, IX. 227. XIX. 785—flrst printed edition of IhEv membranes, 598—on the fibrous sys
Bssou, IV. 596. , bird. XVI. 568. IV. 624 ;XVIII. 547—Bowyer’s Greek tem, 608~—on physiology, 7‘29.
BBIIOLA (Nuova), in Lombardy, IV. 596. Bz-rrs, governor of Gaza, IV. 603. Testament, V. 157—11. Boyle's exer Bichnanas, V. 21.
Boroot. See Bairout. Betjuanas, V. 21. tions for translation and difi‘uslon of, Brennan, IV. 635.
8330025, in Hungary. IV. 596. Bsrus, Armenian town, IV. 603. 167—its sufficiency as a guide to sal Bicuspid teeth, in man, II. 780.
Bsaosos, IV. 596—dial 01', VII. 756. Bs'rso-rmuzs'r, IV. 603. vation maintained by the dissenters BIDAL, IV. 685.
Bans, French town, IV. 596. Berrns'ros (Thomas), IV. 603. in 1772, 395—concordnnces of the, Binnsnosn, town in Kent, IV. 685.
BEBBE'I‘IKI m Cso'rosa (Pietro), an Ber-run, in Hindustan, IV. 604. 785; VII. 196—1110 canon, VI. 90; BIDDING, IV. 635.
Italian painter, IV. 596. BETTINELLI (Xavier), IV. 604. VIII. 394—is the standard of faith, Bioniso Panes, IV. 635.
Benn-roux (Nicolo). IV. 596. Bsr'rooman, in Bengal, IV. 608. VI. 621—its inspiration and authen Bison: (John), IV. 635.
Bsasnuu (Dr William), IV. 596. BETHLEIUH (Sixtus), IV. 606. ticity. ib.; XII. 295—chronologicai Bmnoouans, IV. 686.
Berrollas's keyless watch, VI. 800. Bctulinem, in botany, V. 131. discrepanee of the Hebrew, Samaria Binlroan, or Biddeford, IV. 636.
Berry, canal of, XVI. 6. Bsrwan, river, IV. 606. tan, and Greek texts, VI. 656; VII. Bidens, bird, XVI. 565.
, in botany, V. 40. Bno'rnsracn, in Wirtemberg. IV. 606. 455—C1ermont MS. of Paul‘s epistles, BIDSNTAL, IV. 636.
Bsssaae, IV. 596. Bun-runs, in Silesia, IV. 606. VI. 748 —deutero~canonical books. BIDINTALBI, IV. 636.
Brasuu, IV. 596. Bsnzsl'r, IV. 655. VII. 742—Sir Wm. Drummond on Bioss'ru, IV. 636.
Berthieritc, VI. 459. Bevan (13.), on the adhesion of nails to the historical books of Old Testament, BIDE'I‘, IV. 686.
Berthollet (Claude Lewis), introducer wood, XIV. 458. VIII. 215—its perusal first permit BIDLOO (Godfrey), IV. 636—h1s works
of oxy'mnrintic acid in bleaching, I. (11.), on the modulus of torsion ted and afterwards prohibited by on anatomy, II. 701.
473; IV. 679, 680—on the composi~ in woods and metals, XIV. 403. Henry VIII., 751—opinions of the Bidone on hydrodynamics, XII. 7.
tion of the atmosphere. 134—on che~ Devon, IV. 606—bevel-nngle, ib. Bbioni’ws concerning the canon, 394— Binscnow, in Bohemia, IV. 636.
mical nflinity, VI. 356—on dyeing, Bsvstnm (North and South), IV. 606. Erasmus’s edition of the New Testa BIEDIXCOPP, IV. 636.
VIII. 207—liis connection with La Bzvssuno, in ship-building. IV. 606; ment, IX. 357—Galilco on science and Biela's comet, IV. 88.
place, XIII. 101——on animal mag-net XX. 275, 280, at "q. Scripture, X. 291, n. 2—Ge-ddes's trans BIELVILD, in Westphalia, IV. 686.
ism, XIV. 13—his machine for chang Bzvsmsos, IV. 607. lation of the, 375—Grotius’s notes on Bisu'rz. IV. 636.
ing motion, 448. Bsvsslom: (William). IV. 607. the. XI. G—Hebrew language of the, BIELLA, IV. 636.
‘ Bertholon ( Abbe), on medical electricity,Bsvssnasn (Hadrian), IV. 607. 200—0rigen’s Hexapla, 289—intcr Bill, IV. 637.
VIII. 640. Bsvssnsr, in Yorkshire, IV. 607 — pretation of the, XII. 33l—Lejay's Birsoiss, IV. 637.
Bra-moon (Ferdinand), IV. 596. minster of, III. 455, 456, 457, 474. Polyglott, 533—the Septuagint, 569; Bios, ancient chariot, IV. 637.
Bin-mono, Italian city, IV. 597. , in Massachusetts, XIV. 805. IV. 613 ; XX. 103 ~ Kennicott‘s Bron", IV. 637.
Bertrand on spherical trigonometry, (Jon! of), IV. 607 Hebrew Bible, XII. 692—4'arious read BIGAII, in France, IV. 638.
XXI. 378. Bsvsnouosn, German town, IV. 607. ings in the Hebrew Bible, 692, 701 BIOGAI, in Lanarkshire, IV. 638.
Bsnvucx (Done 01), IV. 597. Bsvxsr, in heraldry, IV. 607. —I.utl\er’s translation of New Tes BIGLBIWADE, in Bedfordshire, IV. 638
orox Tween, IV. 599—native Davis (Eln'ay), musician, IV. 607. tament, XIII. 590 ; and of Bible, 601 Bighorn river, IV. 688.
quicksilver found at, XV. 257, n. Bewan, XX. 478. —how regarded by the Mahomme Bion'r. IV. 638.
(Norris), IV. 590. HEWDLEY, in Worcestershire, IV. 607. dnns, XIV. SIB—manner in which Blonos (Jerome), IV. 638.
BERWICXSIIIIE, IV. 507—fishcries of, Iiewick (John), his wood-engravings, the Hebrew books were originally Bigoniaceaa, in botany, V. 121.
IX. 60?. XXI. 917. written, 301—scarce in Norway, XVI, Bioo'r. IV. 638.
Bears, IV. 599; XV. 156; specific (Thomas), on British birds. XVI. 273—Pagninus's translation. of, 692— Bihar, intermittent spring at,XVII. 529.
gravity of, XII. 27. 55:1, 638—his wood-engravings, XXI. paliinpsest 11.188. of, Hill—style of New Bija Ganita, Hindoo algebraist, treatise
Berytus. See Bairout. 917. Testament, XVII. 407, 408—Gothic of, II. 425. 426.
Beryx, fish, XII. 170. Bswrrs, in falconry, IV. 607. translation of New Testament, 418— BIJAKAGUI, Hiadoo city, IV. 638.
Bonelius, Swedish chemist, VI. 353, Bu, IV. 607. poeticnl books of, XVIII. 146—Popish Bilbilis, V. 765.
354—his analysis of sugar, V. 247. Brnn, river, IV. 807. opinionsrespecting,407--enrlyEsg1ish BILBOA, in Spain, IV. 638—sieges of, in
Bean, Egyptian deity, VIII. 554. Beyer on rare books, IV. 625. editions. 553—incorrect English edi 1885 and 1886, XX. 512, 513.
Bssnn. in law. IV. 600. 135711.41, town in Bengal, IV. 607. tions, Mil—Italian translation. pub Rumors, IV. 639.
Bssssqos, in France. IV. 600. Bsrxanssn, IV. 607, 450. lished by order of Sixtul V., XX. 372 Bildulgerid, or Biod-el-Jeroode, African
Basssr, or Bezant, a coin, IV. 600. Bsna, or Beira, IV. 609. —study of the, XXI. 203—Wnlton's territory, IV. 361, 692.
Besant‘s water-wheels, X11. 03. BBIBAIICII, IV. 607. Polyglott, 731—‘Vetstein on the vari Bile, XVII. 655-composition and pro
BESBESK,1|1 Russia, IV. 600. BEYS (Giles), printer, IV. 609. ous readings of New Testament, 865 perties of, VI. 496; XVII. 681—01 in
Brsinonsns, in Wirtemberg, IV. 600. lists (Theodore), IV. 609. -—New Testament divided into verses sects, IX. 86.
BIIIS'I‘AN, IV. 600. Bazaar, or Besant, a coin. IV. 600. by II. Stephens, XX. 720—Tynedaie's BILIPIXGIB (George Bernard), IV. 639.
Be-Sitoon, sculptures on. XVII. 257. Bszosn, IV. 610—sp. gr. of, XII. 27. translation of New Testament, XXI. 1111.08 ofa ship, IV. 640.
Bnsonn, or Vesoul, IV. 000. Bszossmc, IV. 610. 434—ancient Valdensian version of BILINGUIB, IV. 040.
Bxsoui (Ambrogio). painter, IV. 600. Bezout (Stephen), notice of his life and New Testament, 544—Valdo‘s exer Biuous, IV. 640.
Bessarnbin, XIX. 570. writings, I. 596. tions to translate and circulate the, BILL, IV. 640—0! Entry—of Lnding—
Brannon. archbishop of Nice, IV. 601. Basin-ms, or Besoui (Ambrogio), an 545—Wycliti'e‘s translation of the, of Mortality—in Parliament. ib.
Bessel on the motions of the fixed stars, Italian painter, IV. 600. 951—extruct from that version, IX. (Mr), his plan for preventing dry
IV. 44—on the pendulum, XVII. 203 Buannnu'rn, IV. 610. 40. See Septuagint, Targnm, 'I‘heo rot, XX. 274.
-on the celestial arc, XXI. 358. Bnsolw'r'n, river, IV. 610. logy. Buns of Exchange. IV. 640. 760; VII.
BsssicI. in ancient 'I‘hncc, IV. 601. Bhasoara, Hindoo algebraist, II. 425. BIBLE Socizriss, IV. 619-in Dublin, 458; IX. 4118 ; XV. BBQ—fictitious.
Bessus, XVII. 260—Darius killed by, Bnnosso, or Bhatgong, IV. 610. VIII. 245—in Russia, XIX. 581. IX. 438—negotlation ot', 458—history
XIII. saw-nu death. 61H. Barr-us. IV. 610. Blamasosl (Theodore). IV. 620. and advantages of, 454—laws Ind ons
Bus-run, or Bestial, IV. 601. Bhatts, XI. 31, 897. Bisuoosarnv, IV. BIO—booksellers“ toms respecting, 456—wherein (life
Bennett. IV. 601. Iinssts, IV. 610; XI. 32, 397, 439. marks. It'll—form of ancient books, rent from bank-notes, XVII. 20.
BBSIPBIK, in Hungary, IV. 601. Iihilwara. XVI. 676. VIII. 37—Dryander's Catalogue of Sir Bill-book, in bookkeeping, IV. 780.
Betnnconrt (MO. his machine for chang Bhooj, VII. 568. Joseph Banks‘s Library of Natural Minna, IV. 642.
ing motion. XIV. 449—his experi BBUBTPOBI, town in Hindustan, IV. History, 221 ; IV.680 —Gesner’s Bib BILLBIIECAY, town in Essex, IV. 042.
ments on the force of steam. XX. 578. (HO—siege! of, XI. 436, 440. liuthcquc Universelie, X. 491—iilumi~ BILLET, in heraldry, IV. 64!; X1. 251.
Bz'rsxzos. Spanish city, IV. 601. Bu, IV. 611. nation of books, XII. 249—new bib BILLETINO, IV. 642.
38131., IV. 601. BIBUX, IV. 611. liographical system of classification, Blues-ox, island, IV. 642.
Bernnoux, Arabian town. IV. 602. Buross, IV. 611. XIII. 316. See Books, Libraries. Bitttsans. IV. 042.
Betei-Nut Island. XVIII. 534. Bursa, African country, IV. 611. BIBLIOIIANCY, IV. 633. iiinmosu, IV. 648.
Bs'rnsssss, IV. 602. Buss, a Polish town, IV. 611. Bibiiomania, IV. 680. Billings ( CaptJ, his voyage of discovery,
Bnrnsons, or Beth-begin, IV. 602. Bunrs-rocx, Russian city, IV. 611. Bisnio'rnzca, IV. 638. 11. (03.
Bs'rmnn. IV. 602. BIANCIII (Francesco), IV. 611. Bibiiothéque Universclle, X. 491. DILLON, IV. 643.
Bsrnannrn'rns. IV. 602. Buncnnu (Francis), 1V. fill—on the Biblis, insect, IX. 242. Billy (slubbing). XXI. 932.
Br-rnsnsn, IV. 602. planet Venus, 27 Bisus'rs, IV. 638. BILIA, African town, IV. 643.
Bs-rasvss, iv. 60‘). Bianconi(l\.1r), XXI. 315. Bicanere, IV. 807. BILSAII, town in I-Iindostsn, IV. 643.
Ilsrusn. IV. 603. BIAI, Spanish town, IV. 611. Bicarburet Of hydrogen, VI. 371. BiLsnorsu, in Bavaria, IV. 648.
Betheisdorp, X. 618. Bulonos, IV. 612. Iliccsnlso. Neapolitan city, IV. 635. Bitsox (Thomas), bishop, IV. 648.
Bl'raxsns, IV. 606. Bus, Greek sage, IV. 612. Biot, or Bise, IV. 633. Busros. in Stat‘fordshire, IV. 643.
Bsrnnnsx, IV. 608; XVI. 741. Bibars, sultan, XVI. 768 BICEB'I'II, or Bisseter. IV. 633. BIIILIPA'I‘AII, IV. 643.
Hospital, London, XIII. 515. Bibbiena, Italian comic writer, VIII. BICIIAT (M. F. X.), IV. 63H“ ana BINAOLI, IV. 643.
Brrllnlnnsrrss, or Bethlemibesm kind 1158. tomical works, II. 704, SSS—~01: fat, BINAII’. arithmetic, IV. Bis—measure.
of monks, IV. 008. BIIEBACII, in Wirtcmberg, IV. 612. 716—0n the arteries, 718—011 the 644—number, ib.
Duncan! (Upper and Nether). IV. 006. Human (Ferdinand Galli), IV. 612. veins, 720, at soq.—-on the capillary Binchester, Roman station It, VIII. 291.
Bern-nos, IV. 803. Bibio, insect, III. 264. system, 723—011 the exhainnts, 727, Bindor’s cutting-press, XVIII. 528.
Bsrurasos. IV. 003. Brats, IV. 612; XIX. 780—Alcxan 1 28—on the lymphatics. 780 -—on liga Blso, IV. 644.
Bsrnsnns, IV. 008‘ XVI. 744. driim 118., II. 414—vm-iations in the ments. 739—01: cartilage, 748—011 Bingazi. Bee Cyrsnnica.
Bruno. or Bethlean, IV. 000. copies of Moses' writings as to safe flbromrtiiage, ib.—on mucous mem BINOIII, IV. 644.
Bethune, Duke 0! Sally. See Bully. dilnvian chronology, III. 245—Apo brane, 752—his classification of the BINGIIAX (Joseph). IV. 644.
, in France. IV. 608. crypha, 285; IV. 613; XII. 561 ; animal functions, XVII. 590—0n the , in Nottinghamnhire, IV. 644.
 INDEX. 23‘
BIN—BIS BIS—BLA BLA BLA—BLO
BINGLEY, in Yorkshire, IV. 644. their right to sit in parliament, IX. BLACK-WORK, IV. 663. Bnas'r, IV. 675.
(Mr). on the ox, XIV. 166. 12. See Episcopacy. Bnacasu. (Offspring). IV. 663. Blast-furnaces, VI. 88; X. 271 ; XII.
Bum, IV. 644. Brsnors-Aucxnasn, a town in Durham, Bnacxnmm, in Lancashire, IV. 663. 432—hot blast, 439 ; XX. 406.
Binonun, IV. 644. IV. 189; VIII. 291. BLACKINO, IV. 663. Bnas'rmo, IV. 675; XV. 278—mode of
BIN'I‘ANG, island, IV. 644. Bishops' Bible, IV. 618. BLACKLOCX (Thomas), IV. 663, 695. boring in Germany, V. 6.
Biobio, river, VI. 523. Bisuor's Cona'r. IV. 652. Bnacxuons (Sir Richard), IV. 665. Blatta, insect, IX. 190.
BIOGRAPHY, IV. 644; V. 28. (Burns, a market-town in Shrop BLACKNESS, IV. 665. Bnsonnosan', in Wirtemberg, IV. 678.
Biology, II. 685. shire, IV. 652. Bnacxs'roxs (Sir William), IV. 665— Blauquillo, VI. 523.
Bros, IV. 644. S'ros'rroan, a market-town in on duclling, VIII. 254—0n law, XIII. Blavet, canal of, XVI. 6.
Biot (Mons.), on the transmission of Hertfordshire, IV. 652. 128—0n punishment, 132, 170—011 Hints, in France, IV. 678.
sound, II. 111, 113—his aerial ascent (Wan-nan), a market-town in nobility, XVI. 235—on toleration, 241 Bnazomno, or Blazonry, IV. 678.
with Gay-Lussac, 192—charge by him . Hampshire, IV. 653. —-on royal prerogative, XVIII. 518. Bleachers, diseases of. XIV. 510.
against Galileo, IV. 385, n. 2—on ba (\Vsanxou'rn), in the county of Bucxwau. (Anthony). IV. 666. BLEACHING, IV. 678—Berthollet's pro
rometrical measurements, 399—on Durham, IV. 653. (Mr), his observations on the cess of bleaching with oxymuriatic
chromaties, VI. 641, ct scq.—0n elec Bisnorixo, IV. 653. habits of spiders, III. 356. acid, I. 47 3—introduction of that pro
tricity, VIII. 573, 589, 617—on elec Blimuno, Neapolitan city, IV. 653. Blackwater, river in Cork, VII. 329; cess into Britain by Mr Watt, XXI.
trical light. 584-5-on magnetism, BISLIY, in Gloucestershire, IV. 653. XXI. 810—its navigation, XVI. 22. SIS—bleaching of paper, XVII. 18,
XIII. 691, 708, 709, 758—on optics, Bismark (Count), on the military cha , river in Galway, X. 303. 14—bleaching-powder, IV. 682, 684.
XVI. 366, 479, 501, 504—on polari racter of the French, III. 601. and Chelmer navigation, XVI. Bleak, fish, XII. 199.
zation of light, XVIII. 243—his for BISMILLAH, IV. 653. ll. , angling for, III. 147.
mula representing the law of the Blsnnrn, IV. 653 ; VI. 416—native, BLACKWELL (Thomas), IV. 667 —his BLED-EL'JEBEEDE, or Bildulgerid, an
relation between the temperature XV. 164—salts of oxide of, VI. 451— eulogium of Bishop Berkeley, 585. African territory, IV. 692, 361.
and elasticity of steam, XX. 594—on specitic gravity of, XII. 27—its mag (ALEXANPEB), IV. 667. Bleeding. See Blood-letting.
electro-chemical decomposition, XXI. netism, XIII. 7 09—poisonous quality Bladder (urinary), anatomy of the, II. or a coarsz, IV. 693.
678. of its subnitrate, XIV. 502—cohesion 823—latent calculi in the, XVII. 479 Bunsen, in Hanover, IV. 693.
BIOTHANA'I‘I, IV. 644. of, XX. 757. —its diseases in the domestic animals, BLsxurss, IV. 693; IX. 377.
BIOTBANATOS, IV. 644. Bismuth-glance and ochre, XV. 169. XXI. 628—stone in the ; see Calculus, Blench, or Blanch. See Blanch.
BIOUAC, IV. 644. Bisnagar. See Bijanagur. Lithotomy. Burns, a mineral, IV. 693; XV. 170
Bipapilaria, mollusca, XV. 370. Bisouuu. IV. 653. —— (swimming) of fishes. XII. 153, —speciflc gravity of, XII. 27.
Bipartiti, insects. IX. 119. Bison, XIV. 166—of the United States, 161. ' BLzNnnus, village in Bavaria, IV. 693
Bipes, reptile, XIX. I50. XXI. 456. Bladder-nut tree, XVII. 787. --battle of, V. 369; IV. 457.
BIQUADRA'I‘E, or Biquadratic, IV. 644. BISSAGOB, African islands, IV. 653. BLADE, IV. 667. Housn, IV. 693; X. 327.
BIQCADRATIC EQUATION—Parabola— BISSA'I‘ (Peter), IV. 654. BLADEN (Martin), IV. 667. Blenny, or Blennius, fish, XII. 192.
Power—Root, IV. 644-5. BISSEXTILE year, IV. 654; VI. 5. BLADUx, IV. 668. Blepharis, fish, XII. 186.
Bir. IV. 537. BISSOLEE, in Hindustan, IV. 654. Blaes. the valves of the lacteals disco BLETCHINGLEY, in Surrey, IV. 693.
Birbeck (Mr). on cross breeds of sheep, BISTOUBY, surgical instrument, IV. 654. vered by, II. 699. BLsromsx, IV. 693.
II. 336 —on the state of the agricul Bisrar, IV. 654. BLAEU (William). Printer, IV. 668. Bleuland on the villi of the ileum, II.
turists in France, VII. 392. Bisulphocarbonate, VI. 457. Blagden (Dr), on aurora borealis, IV. 816.
(Dr), how far the originator of Bisulphocyanodides, VI. 456. 198—011 fire-balls in the air, IX. 587 Bligh ( Capt.), long abstinence ofh is crew
Mechanics’ Institutions, XIV. 460. Bisulphuret of hydrogen, VI. 376—of —on the restoration of decayed inks, from food, 111. I67—his voyages for
BIBBHOOM, in Hindostan, IV. 645. carbon, 377. XII. 278. transplanting the bread-fruit plant,
Blncn (Dr Thomas ), IV. 645—his col Brsz'rnn'z. in Hungary, IV. 654. Bnaonavs (John), IV. 668. V. 212—his administration in New
lection of works on human mortality, Brrnvnu, IV. 654. Bum, IV. 668; XXI. 622. South Wales, XXI. 713.
XV. 515. Bithynus, insect, IX. 187. Blainville (Monsieur), his classification BLIND, IV. 693—basket-making by the,
Birch-bark used as a dye-stuff, VIII. 332. Bitoma, insect, IX. 176. ofanimals, III. 170, 177—-on the class 429—asylnms for the, in Dublin, VIII.
Birch-trees, XVII. 784. 790. Biton, VI. 737. Infusoria, 182. 243; and Edinburgh, 426. See Black
Bum (William), IV. 646. BITONTO, Neapolitan city, IV. 654. BLAia (Dr Hugh), IV. 668—on Addi lock, Blindness.
(Dr Golding), his decomposing Bits, in ship-building, XX. 284. son‘s statement regarding the second BLIND-COAL, IV. 702. See Anthracite.
galvanic battery, XXI. 673—0n mag Bittacus, insect, IX. 212. ary qualities of bodies, I. 272—on Blind-worms, XX. 123.
neto-electricity, 693. BITTER, IV. 654. beauty, IV. 487—on the works of Buxmno, a punishment, IV. 702.
Bird's optical instruments, III. 748. BITTEBFELD, in Saxony, IV. 654. Ossian, XVI. 660. Bunnssss, IV. 702, 703—common in
Birds, considered as food, IX. 723— Bittern, XVI. 619. (James), IV. 671. Egypt, VIII. 516. See Blind.
some poisonous, XI V. 507—-in herald Blrnums', IV. 654; VI. 443—specific (John), IV. 671. Buuns, in war, IV. 703.
ry,IV. 646. See Ornithology. gravity of, XII. 27—Persian, XVII. (Robert), IV. 671—poetry of, BLINKS, IV. 703.
Bird’s~eye view, XVII. 286. 243—wells of, in Syria, XXI. 60, 61. XVIII. 172. Bussiuons, IV. 703.
BIRD-LIME, IV. 646. Bituminous shale, II. 574. —- (Dr Robert), his achromatic te Blistering-plasters for the domestic ani
Blans’ NESTS, edible, IV. 646. Bwunass, IV. 654. lescope, II. 105 ; XVI. 363—his mode mals, XXI. 614, n. 6.
Bias, or Vire. IV. 646. BIVALVI-IS, IV. 654. of correcting spherical aberration, 398 BLOATING, I '. 703.
Bmxrxnnan (Sir John), IV. 646. Bivalvia, mollusea, XV. 366. --on the. spectrum, 411—his aplanatic BLocn (Mark Eleanor), IV. 703.
Birket-el-Kcroun, VIII. 550. DIVOUAC, IV. 644. telescopes, XVI. 413—his improve BLocx, IV. 703.
Birmans. See Burmans. Bixinem, in botany, V. 97. ments on the glasses of telescopes, I. BLocx-xacmxrnr, IV. 704.
Bmxrxcuax. IV. 647—80110, near, V. BIZARRE, IV. 654. 635; XXI. 161. BLociuns, in war, IV. 707.
148—riots at, in 1791. 460—roof of BIZER'I‘A, or Beuzert, IV. 655. BLAIR-ATHOLE, in Perthshire, IV. 672. Blocking-course, in architecture, III.
the theatre of, VI. 169—Deaf and B'hamo, fair of, IV. 244. Blair-Drummond Moss, near Stirling, 465; V.675.
Dumb Asylum, VII. (SM—hardware Busnmsoss, IV. 655. clearing of, II. 314. BLOCKZIEL, IV. 709.
manufactures. VIII. 775—canals pro Bucx, colour, IV. 658—in crayon-paint Bursa, IV. 672. BLOIS, in France, IV. 709.
cecding from, XVI. 821—rai1way t0 ing, VII. 453—dyeing 01', VIII. 342— Buss (Robert), English admiral, IV. Blon's (Le) coloured engravings, XV. 3.
' London, XIX. 23, ct seq. varieties of, XV. 126, 128. 672 ; XI. 523. - BLOND (Christopher lc), IV. 709.
BIBNBAUX, IV. 650. (Dr Jossrn), IV. 655—his dis (Mr), on exchange, IX. 443. Blondeau's marine barometer, IV. 894.
13120! (A. do G., Lord of), IV. 650. covery oflatent heat, I. 644 ; XI. 189, Bnaxc (Mont). IV. 674—ascents of, II. BLONDEI. (David), IV. 709.
Rumors, or Birotum, IV. 651. 191, et scq.--almost the inventor of 562—Saussure’s observations on the (Fiuucxs), IV. 709; XI. 42.
Bum, Irish town, IV. 651. the balloon, II. 181—his chemical la height of, IV. 401. BLONDUS (Flavius). historian, IV. 709.
Blnans, IV. 651. bours, VI. 349-»his portable furnace, BLANCARDS, IV. 674. Blood, II. 7 l2—its phenomena out of the
Birth, pride of, XVIII. 530—primogeni X. 27 3—his balance, XIV. 456. Blanchard. aeronaut, II. .188, 189—the body, 713—its character in different
ture, 533. Bnacx-nooas, IV. 658. first constructor of parachutes, 190. animals, III. 158—religious uses of,
Births, their number dependent on the Black-death in the fourteenth century, (James), painter, IV. 674. IV. 709-ehernical composition and
number of deaths, XVIII. 417—regis XXI. 949. Duncan-Frans, IV. 674. properties of, VI. 492—colouring mat
tration of, XIX. 98. Blackbird, XVI. 571. BLANCH-UOLDINO,111 law, IV. 674. ter of, 494—its use in clarifying, 727
Birtley, salt springs at. VIII. 290. Black-cap, bird, XVI. 576. Bnascmso. IV. 674—of vegetables, -efi'cct of unoxygonated. on the brain,
BIBACCIA, Neapolitan city, IV. 651. Black-cock, XVI. 611—shooting, XX. XIII. 340. VIII. 201—specific gravity of, XII. 27
BIBACU'I‘A, IV. 651. 316. Baasco, African cape, IV. 674. ~Leuwenhocck's observations on its
BISCAIA, town of Algiers, IV. 651. Bnaca Foansr, in Suabia, IV. 658. BLANDI-‘OBD, in Dorsetshire, IV. 674. globules, XIII. 256—sizc of particles
Biscatchos of Buenos Ayres. V. 641. Bnacxrnuns, IV. 658. Blane (Sir Gilbert), on citric acid as a of human, XV. 26—supposed showers
BISCAY, IV. 651. See Cantabria. Lan Bridge, London, III. 387 ; V. remedy for the scurvy, XVI. 53. of, XVII. 536; XIX. 59—conversion
guage of, XIII. 88. 271 ; XIII. 511—ccntre employed for, Bnanss, Spanish city, IV. 674. ot' chyle into, XVII. 582, 633—arteri
BIBCBGLIA, Neapolitan city, IV. 651. VI. 287, 290. BLANK, IV. 674—Verse, ib. alization of, 583, 645-nature and pro
Biscbarries, 1X. 377. BLACK-LEAD, IV. 658. See Plumbago. Bnanxssnoao, in Brunswick, IV. 674. perties of, 633—quantity of, 641—
Biscnorsnnns, IV. 651. BLACK-MAIL, IV. 658. BLANKET, IV. 674—tossing in a, ib. Does it contain proximate elements
Biscnor (John dc), IV. 651. BLACK-\IONKS, IV. 658. Bnanaor (John Teunisz), IV. 674. of all tissues ? 651—ot‘ reptiles, XIX.
Biscorr, IV. 651. Bnacx SEA, IV. 658; IX. 408, 424. Blaps, insect, IX. 164. 124—transfusion of, XXI. 344—Aven
Bisnors, IV. 651 ; XI. 489. ct seq.—-whe BLAC"TIN. IV. 663. Blapsides, insects, IX. 164. ger of, IV. 710—Field of, ib.—whole
ther identical with presbyters, XVIII. BLACK-WAD, IV. 663. Bnasm, bishop of Sebasta, IV. 674. and half, ib. See the next article, and
523 —-Bnglish, VIII. 788; XIII. 213; BLACK-\VIIY'I'LOI", IV. 663. Busrurxr, IV. 674. Respiration.
' ct
 24 INDEX.
BLO—BOA BOA—BOG BOG-BOM BOM—BON
Bsoon (CIICULATION or run), XVII. Boag (Mr). on the poison of serpents, Boeo'ra (Santa Fe de), IV. 781. Bousss'r, IV. 762; X. 710.
582, 687; II. 706—hinted at by Mon XX. I28. Boensasw. in Russia, IV. 786. BOXBAY, in Hindostan. IV. 762—Ele
dino in the 14th century, 698—par Boss. IV. 721—its ivory, III. 82—wild, Boo v'rscns'r, in Russia. IV. 786. pliant Isle at. VIII. 668.
tially announced by Servetus, 697; IV. 721; XIV. 149. Boowancoaa, town in Bengal. IV. 786. Bombelli (Raphael), an Italian mathe
and by Columbus. 698 —-and fully Bosan, IV. 721. BOIIADDIN, or Boh-a-Eddyn, IV. 786. matician, discoveries of, I. 442—on
discovered by Harvey. 698 ; XVII. Boar. IV. 721—of wicker-work. IV. Bones. tea. IV. 737; XXI. 133. algebra, ib; II. 423; XIV. 816.
727—hepatic, II. 650—organs of, in 428—for sailing on ice, XII. 141—for BOIIEMIA, IV. 225—silver mines in. XV. Bomberg ( Daniel ), his Hebrew Bibles.
man, 818; and in brutes, III. 89— canals, XVI. 86. 256—heights of mountains of, XVII. IV. 614.
circulation in the crustacea, VII. 499 Boat-bill, bird. XVI. 618. 505—conquered by the Poles, XVIII. Bombinator, reptile, XIX. I58.
—insects. IX. 82—worms, XI. 216— Bos'rmo, punishment of, IV. 722. I85—invaded by the Prussians, 678. Houses, in music. IV. 766.
fishes. XII. 160; XVII. 716--the mol Bosrswsm. IV. 722; XVI. 58—boat Bohemian Bibles, IV. 617—Brethren, , insect, IX. 285.
lusca. XV. 827. 851, at seq.—reptiles, swain's mate, IV. 722. 787—language, XIII. 89. , Bombycilla, birds, XVI. 570.
XIX. I24—frogs, 151 —zoophytes, Bobac, in zoology, XIV. 181. Bohemond, VII. 285. Bombycites, insects, IX. 246.
XXI. 990—Leuwenhoeck's observa BOBBIN, IV. 722. Bbhmer on canon law, VI. 98. Bomhyliarii, insects. IX. 267.
tions on, XIII. 255—c0urse of the Bossmo for eels. IV. 722. Bohn. his works on medical jurispru Bombylius, insect, IX. 267.
blood through the heart. II. 820. Bobbinnet, manufacture 0!, VII. 410; dence, XIV. 491. Bombyx, insect. IX. 247.
or Cnslsr, a military order of XVI. 281. Bohncnberg’s electroscope, XXI. 678. Bomilcar, VI. 187.
Mantua. IV. 710. Bonus, Iiindoo town, IV. 722. . Bones, or Bool. IV. 787. Bouoznci, IV. 766.
(Pascious), nuns, IV. 710. BOBLINOEN,111 Wirtemberg. IV. 722. Bouano (Count Matteo Maria), IV. Bonsr, in Prussia. IV. 766.
(Thomas). IV. 710. BOOA-CBICA, IV. 722. 7| 787—poetry of, XVIII. I59. Boss, IV. 766—massacre at, II. 510.
Blood-horse. X1. 567. BOCA-DBL-DBAGO, IV. 722. Bom'rsanno. in Saxony, IV. 788. Born Dea—Fides—Mobilia—Notabilia
Blood-hound. XI. 698. Bocsrass'r, Spanish town. IV. 722. Boxansu (Despreaux Nicolas), IV. 788 —Vacantia, IV. 766-7.
Blood-letting. a source of diagnosis, BOCCACCIO (John), IV. 722. -—poetry of, XVIII. I65. BONAA, island, IV. 767.
XVII. 496—in surgery, XX. 84 0-more Boccsua. liquid measure, IV. 725. Boiler-plates, XII. 448. Ronald (M. dc), his estimate of the
rarely resorted to than formerly, ib. BOCCALINI (Trajan), IV. 725. Boilers of steam-engines, XX. 671. merits of Condillac, I. 177.
—bleeding of the domestic animals, Boccasssaa, IV. 725. BOILING, IV. 788—phenomena of. XX. Bonaparte'( Carlo), on ornithology, XVI.
XXI. 618, n. 6. Bocchus, XVI. 807. 572, st seq.--»by steam, 607. 551.
Blood-spavin, XXI. 617. Boccosn (Paolo Sylvie). IV. 725. Boiling~point. its variation at difi‘erent (Louis). X1. 527.
BLOODBTONE, a mineral, IV. 711. Bocnaa'r (Samuel), IV. 725. heights, IV. 401 —-its permanence. (Napoleon). See Napoleon.
Bloodvcssels. Aristotle and others on Bocher (Joan), VII. 446. however much heat applied. XX. 572. Bonardi (Abbe), on anonymous books.
the, II. 687. st seq.—structure of ar Bocnws, or Boequi (John). IV. 726. Bomirz, Hungarian town, IV. 788. IV. 628.
teries, 716 ; and veins. 719—vessels of Bocnsu. in Galicia. IV. 726. Boxs-as-Dnc, IV. 788. BONABELLI DELLA Rowan: ( Count
the brain, 811—stomach, 815—colon Bocnrasm, German town, IV. 726. B018 nu Soiomss, IV. 789. Guid' Ubaldi). IV. 767.
and liver, 817—lungs, 82l—kidneys. Became, in Westphalia. IV. 726. Borssaan (John James), IV. 780. Bonassus. See Bison.
822—vvomb, 826—and placenta. 827— Boekhara. See Bukharia. Bounoa, African cape, IV. 789. BosA'ri, Neapolitan city, IV. 767.
comparative anatomy of the, III. 89— Bockholdt (John), anabapatist. II. 679. Bokhara. See Bukharia. Bouavss'ruas (Cardinal), IV. 767.
ot‘ the crustacea. VII. 499—their dis Because, a town in Essex, IV. 726. BOLABOLA, or Borabora. IV. 789. BONAVII'I‘A, African island. IV. 767 .
eases in the domestic animals, XXI. Bocx-nsun. IV. 726. Bouxnus (John). IV. 739. Bosawasl, Hindoo town, IV. 767.
682. See Aneurism, Entomology, Bocqui (John), IV. 726. Bolder-Born spring, XVII. 529. Bonn (John). IV. 767.
Ichthyology, Ornithology, 8m. Boeydium, insect, IX. 204. Boas, a mineral, IV. 789; XV. 148— (Mr), on magnetism. XIII. 687
Bloreheath, battle of, VIII. 7 85. Bodaert. his classification of animals, speciiic gravity of, XII. 27. —-on navigation, XV. 749, 750.
Blosias, XVII. 231. III. 170. Boletic acid, VI. 480. Bond-timbers, V. 684.
Baossou, IV. 711. Boddington ('1‘. F.), struck by lightning, Bonus (Anne). IV. 789; III. 195 ; Bosnsos, IV. 767. See Slavery.
Baossosmm or rum-s. IV. 711. VIII. 689. VII. 446; VIII. 744-6. Bondelas, V. 704.
Baons'r (Charles), IV. 712. BODEBIA, or Bodotria, IV. 726. Bou, town in Nat-olia. IV. 740. BONDIAN, IV. 767.
(Sir Charles), VIII. 758. Bonus, or Bodinus (John). IV. 726- Bousosaoxn (Henry St John. Lord Bounce, African kingdom, IV. 767.
(Edward). printer, XVIII. 554. high character of, as a philosophical Viscount). IV. 740; V. 875—his cha Bonus. extraction of ammonia from, 11.
(Sm HENRY). IV. 711. politician. I. 27—his opinion of Mn racter of Marlborough, VI. 688—his 662—in funeral solemnities, IV. 768
-——— (Thomas). IV. 711. chiavel,288-—-absurdity of some of his attack upon Pope, XXI. 772—War —-their chemical properties and com
(Sin Tnouss Porn). IV. 711. speculations, 28—De la Republique, burton’s " View"of his Philosophy,ib. position, II. 748; VI. 504—Du Ha
BLow (Dr John), IV. 712. his most important work, ib.-—Sorcery Bolis, a meteor, XVII. 542. mel’s experiments on their growth,
Blowers of the whale, XIV. 183. imputed to, ib. —- his work against Bolitophila, insect, IX. 262. VIII. 256—specific gravity of. XII. 27
Bnovnso, IV. 716. \Vierus, XXI. 907. Bouvss (Simon). IV. 741 ; VII. 96. et —fossi1, XV. 221, 225 -extraction of
BLovnso-nacmxas, IV. 717; XVIII. Bonus, IV. 726. seq.—his ambitious motives, 759—his gelatine from, XX. 609—their hollow
182—those used in iron-smelting, VI. Bodleian Library. in Oxford, XIII. 298; anti-republican principles, 104—his form an instance of divine wisdom.
88—water-machine, XII. 106. XVI. 685; IV. 726. assumption of the dictatorship, 107 — 766—method of cleaning. whitening,
Blown. a disease of cattle, XXI. 624. BODLBI (Sir Thomas), IV. 726. his death, IlO—his proceedings in and tinging, XXI. 480—their diseases
BLowrire, IV. 712—hovv to keep up a Bodmer, XIX. 682. Peru, XVII. 299. in the domestic animals, 615. See
continued blast with the, XVIII. I25 Bonus, a Cornish town. IV. 727. BOLIVIA. IV. 745; II. 644—heights of Ossifieation.
-—anatomical, IV. 716. Bonom (Giambatista), IV. 727. mountains of, XVII. 505—maps of, (nuns), II. 759; XVII. 580.
Bnussss, IV. 720—its use as a manure, Boduni, VIII. 74. Vol. VI. Plate CLVII-2 ; and Vol. 581—knowledge of Celsus and Galen
II. 805. , Body defined, X. 481 ; XIV. 684—com VII. Plate CLXXVI-2. as to their anatomy, II. 689, 690—
Bnonssz. in the Tyrol, IV. 720. position of bodies, 648—essences of Boaxsunsm, in Silesia, IV. 761. their forms. structure. and properties,
BLUI, IV. 720—colouring matters. VI. bodies, 64 8—distinguished from mind, Boansans, IV. 761. 740 ; XVII. 599, 615—ehemical ana
485—in crayon-painting. VII. 458— 670—Plato's notion of, XVIII. 88. Boaoozu, IV. 761—Institute of, II. 72 lysis of, II. 748; XVII. 600—their
dyeing of. VIII. 825, 842—varieties Bocce (Hector). See Boyce. —medical school of, 692—library of. vessels, II. 748—their development,
of, XV. 126—cyanometer, VII. 572. Boeckh on the prices of commodities in XIII. 809—school of painting, XVI. 744 —their functions. 746; XVII. 618
BLUING, IV. 720—01~ iron and other ancient Athens, IV.“ 171—on Greek 719—university, XXI. 488. —of the ear, II. SDI—ossification.
metals, ib. - inscriptions, XII. 292. ' Bosoosnu STONE, IV. 761. XVII. 656.
Blue-bird. XVI. 576. Bosnaoxu, Athenian feasts, IV. 727. Boascnsu Rena. river, IV. 761. or was Lowsa saunas, III. 1;
Bans-Jens. IV. 720. Boanaomos. Athenian month, IV. 727. Boascnnns'rsx. IV. 761. XVII. 701. st seq.—oi' the ear. III.
Blue Mountains, XXI. 452, 714. Bonanza (Jacob), IV. 727. Bolsec (Jerome). XIII. 271. 25—of fishes. XII. 154.
Blue-spar, in mineralogy, XV. 154. Baao'ns, IV. 727; X. 728. Bolsena, lake, XVII. 5. Bone-manure, II. 802.
Blue-throat, bird, XVI. 575. Bossnssvn (Herman), a Dutch physi Bolsover. IV. 824. Bone-mill. description of, II. 855.
Bans-Vinion. IV. 720; XV. 188. cian, IV. 728—on the distribution of Boas-ran, IV. 761. Bone-spavin, XXI. 616.
Burrs-Hun, IV. 720. heat, I. 642—011 chemistry, VI. 848 Boaswsn'r. engraver. IV. 762 ; IX. 54. Bonelli (Prof.), on birds, XVI. 551.
Bluhme (Dr). his views respecting Jus —on physiology, XVII. 729. BOLT, IV. 762—bolt-rope, ib. Bo'ness, in Linlithgowshire. V. 18—
tinian's code. VI. 716. Bos'rmus, IV. 729; I. 307; XVII. 418. Boltenia, mollusca. XV. 868. singular colliery at. VII. 71.
Blumberg on Coptic, XI. 818. Boo, IV. 780 ; XV. 572»-Irish bogs, Bonus. IV. 762. Bonn-r (Theophilus), IV. 768.
Blumenbach on albinos. II. 888—his XII. 891—bogs of Kerry, 708—of Boa-rum, IV. 762. Bosnmo (James), IV. 768.
classification of animals. III. 170-— Allen, 721; XXI. 818—of Kilkenny, Bommo-cao'ra, IV. 762—Mill, ib. Bosrnu (Anthony), IV. 768.
on the varieties of the human species, XII. 714. Bon'rox (Edmund), IV. 762. Bourssaa (James), IV. 768.
XIV. 199. 201. or Gren'r, IV. 780. Boston-Ls-Mooa. in Lancashire, IV. Boaosas (James), IV. 768.
Blundell (Lieutenant), killed in a duel, Bog-spavin, XXI. 617. 762—Manchester, Bolton, and Bury Bonginese, VI. 270.
VIII. 254. Booaacuxn, in Hindostan, IV. 780. canal, XVI. I6. Boni (Abbe), on editions of the classics,
BLUunsasuss. IV. 720. Bogals or Boghels, IV. 780. Bomangoi. III. 158. IV. 627.
Bausimm, IV. 720. Boossxrrsz. heretics. IV. 781. Boas, IV. 762—bomb~vessels, ib.— Bomrscn (Popes of that name), IV.
Blyth. river. its navigation, XVI. 8. BOOBEBA, in Italy, IV. 781. bomb-ketch. 766. 769—collection of decretals by Boni~
Blythe on agriculture, 11. 257. Boourooa. Hindoo town. IV. 731. Bombaccee. in botany, V. 99. face the Eighth. VI. 92.
B0, islands, IV. 720. Booonucuow, in Russia, IV. 781. Boxssnuzs, IV. 762. (Saint). IV. 769.
Boas, serpents. XX. 142. 125. 184. BOGOIILI, heretics. IV. 781. Bomsaano. a musical instrument, IV. BONIIACI, town in Lombardy, IV. 769.
Bean, town in Hindostan. IV. 720. Boaoasnsx, in Russia, IV. 781. 7 62. BONII'ACIO, Corsican town, IV. 769.
BOADIOIA, IV. 721; V. 299; XIX. 403. Booosontzx, in Russia, IV. 7 81. BOIIABINE, IV. 762. Bonifacius, Roman general, XIX. 422.

_ ---l_‘-‘_-_r\~.l
 INDEX. 25
BON—BOR BORr—‘BQS BOS—BOT , BOT-BOU
Bonito, fish, XII. 198. Bosses, IV. 797. Bose, his bee-hive, III. 283—1115 work on Borroinr, V. 142.
Bonjol (51.), on the electricity of the Borage, XI. 675. conchology, XV. 330. Ber-roar, in heraldry, V. 142.
air, VIII. 624—on electro-chemical Boragem, in botany, V. 122. Boscaos, V. 19. i ‘ Bo'r'roscnssr. Turkish city, V. 142
decomposition, 632. Boragineze, in botany, V. 122. Boscas (Don Juan). V. 19; X. 816-— BOTTIIGABI (Hercole), V. 142.
Bonjour (11.), his bleaching-establish Boras, X1. 32. poetry of, XVIII. 162. Botys, insect, IX. 252.
ment, IV. 680. Bonus, IV. 797; VI. 373; XV. 139— Boscawzzs (Edward), admiral, V. 19. Born“, in the Tyrol, V. 142.
, linguist, on Coptic, X1. 313. its use in the blowpipe, IV. 713— Boscor, or Bosci, V. 19. Boncal or Cons'r, V. 142.
Boss, in Germany, IV. 7 69—university specific gravity of, XII. 27. Boscovrca (Roger Joseph). V. 19—ex Boucher de la Richarderic, his catalogue
of, XVIII. 700. Bossoarrss, heretics, IV. 797. traordinary talents of, I. 202—his of Voyages and Travels, IV. 630.
(Andrew), his dissertation on the Borborus, insect, IX. 292. theory of the constitution of the uni Bonrasas (Louis Francis, Duke of), V.
membranes, II. 7 02. Bonus (John Charles), IV. 797—on verse, 605—reasoning on which he 142, 368. 369; IX. 395.
Bonsss, river, IV. 7 69. overshot wheels, XII. 84—his method supported it, ib.—account of his life Bouoarsvrans (Louis Antoine de). V.
Boszdsroxs (John), IV. 769. of measuring the intensity of gravity and writings, ib.-ohscurcd his theory 143—on the Periplus of Hanno, II.
Bosnsa (Edmund), bishop of London, by the pendulum, XVII. 189—his by an infusion of scholastic metaphy— 219—his discoveries in Australasia,
IV. 769; VIII. 755, 756. pneumatic experiments, XVIII. 115 sics, 606—it may be regarded as a IV. 211, 212, 213, 214—his settlement
Boss", IV. 772. —on projectiles, 646, 654—his mea happy extension of the law of attrac of the Falkland Islands, V. 391-his
(Cannes), IV. 770—his com suring rules, 749. tion, ib.—on the degree, IX. 549—011 visit to Otaheite, XVIII. 325.
mentary upon Leibnitz's theory of a Beans (Andrew), IV. 799. the spectrum, XVI. 411—manner in Bououuvuuz’s Isaasm, V. 144.
Sufficient Reason, I. 131—was the Bordeaux. See Bourdeaux. which he has represented the action Bouosau'r (William Hyacinth), V. 144
first to assert that there is a scale of Bordeu on the membranes, II. 702—0n of muscular forces, XX. 7 51—his —-his notion that brutes are animated
beings from the Deity downwards, cellular tissue, 713. treatise on that subject, 755. by devils, 613, 614.
134, 149—his scheme of necessity, 149 Bordures, in heraldry, XI. 246. Bosnnmus, African race, V. 21. Bonus, V. 144.
—his speculations on human nature, Bore, or tide-wave, XXI. 282. BOSJESIANB, or Bushmen, V. 23. Bononss (Peter), V. I44—rcduced the
170—on the union between soul and Boaras, IV. 799. BOSNIA, in Turkey, V. 23. theory of hydrostatics, as applied to
body, 171—on the functions of leaves, Boast. (Peter), IV. 799. Bosrnosus, V. 23—supposed bursting uaral architecture, into a simple and
III. 55—on ants, 239, 240, 242—0n Donna: (John Alphonso), IV. 799-the of the Thracian, IV. 659. elegant form, I. 608—sketch of his
generation, XVII. 691. first who demonstrated the impossi Bosousrs, in gardening, V. 23. life and character, ib.—his rule rela
(Theophilus), IV. 768. bility of flying, II. 178—Apollonius’s Boss, in architecture, 111. 465. tive to the barometrical measurement
Boxssvu. (C. A., count de), IV. 772. Conics translated by, III. 288—his Bossrsnr, Cornish town, V. 23. of mountains, 614—measurement of a
Bonny, river, XVI. 223. diving-bladder. VIII. 62—on the div Bosso. or Bossus (Matthew), V. 23. degree by, in South America, 657 ;
Bonnycastle (Charles), on magnetism, ing-bell, 64 — on mechanics, XIV. Bossu (Rene is), V. 23. IX. 548—on the figure of the earth.
XIII. 693, 722. 352-on the structure and power of Bossusr (J. 13.), V. 24—contrsst be 111. 746—on the moon's light. IV. 3
Bososcnu (Giovanni Maria), IV. 772. the muscles, XVII. 609, 611. tween him and Fenelon, I. 335—his —on the gradation of atmospheric
Bososu. IV. 772-3. Boreas, insect, IX. 212. reply to Fenelon concerning man be density, 398—his quarrel with Con
Bonpland on the gymnotus electricus, Boson, in Finland, IV. 800. ing influenced by a disinterested love damine, VII. 198—his heliometer, XI.
\-- VIII. 613. Bososs, town in Norway, IV. 800. of God. 336—in this controversy, re 213—his lucimeter, XIII. 589—on
Bontius on birds, XVI. 546. Borghoo, kingdom in Africa, 11. 238. lied mainly on the principle, that, as optics, XVI. 362—his observations on
Bosvnrcwo (Alessandrio), IV. 773. Boson (Caesar), IV. 800—his meetings man must desire his own happiness. the pendulum, XVII. 201—on seamen
Born, IV. 773; VI. 270. with Machiavelli, XIII. 644. he desires every thing as a means to ship, XX. 33—on ship-building, 240,
Bonus, IV. 773. 4 r ' Borgites, VIII. 484. wards it, ib. ct seq.
Booby, bird, XVI. 634. Borgo (Pietro del) his work on perspec Bossurr, V. 26. Bounonas (Dominic), V. 146 — his
Boodh. See Buddha. tive, XVII. 273. Bossut (Abbe), his experiments on the French New Testament, IV. 616.
Boonsoox, in Caramania, IV. 773. Boaooo, African kingdom, IV. 800. resistance of water, I. 609—on hy Bouillaud (Mons.), on disease of the kid
Booossooos, in Hindostan, IV. 773. Bonus, V. l—for coal, VII. 75. Sec drodynamics, XII. 4, 61, 66, 68, 71, neys and brain, XVII. 479, 488
Boos, IV. 773—of Discipline, XIX. 735. Blasting. 85, 89; XVIII. 112; XIX. 258; Donna, island, V. 146.
Books, constituent parts of, IV. 621— Boris, XIX. 537. XXI. 785, 798, 807. Boulac, VIII. 519.
manuscript, before the invention of Bosissoouzsss, in Russia. V. 6. Bosr, Persian town, V. 26. BOULAINVILLIBBI (Henry do), V. 146.
printing, 622—ancient, 623—difi'erent Boarsrasnss, river, V. 6. BOBTANGIS, V. 26. Bouusosa (Nicholas Anthony), V. 14 6.
forms of modern, ib.—difi‘erences be Boassn, in Munster, V. 6. Bostock (Dr), his classification of ani (John). V. 147.
tween editions of, ib. 621—early Benton, island, V. 6. " mal functions, XVII. 59 l—on gela Bonus! (Caesar Bgasse du). V. 147.
printed, 624—rare, 625—the classics, Bossut (Edmund and William), V. 7. tin, &c., 620, st scq.—-on the blood, Boulaye (Marquis dc la), VII. 202.
ib.—anonymous and pseudonymous, Boaxro, in Lombardy, V. 7. 658. Bonanza, or Bowlders, V. 156; VII.
. W627—c0ndemned and prohibited, 628 Boss (Ignatius Baron Von), V. 7. Boston, in Lincolnshire, V. 26. 703; XV. 220.
—dictiouaries and catalogues of, 629 Bossso, diamonds of, VIII. 4—trade , in Massachusetts, V. 26—de BOULDll-WALL, V. 147.
—ciassification of, 631—mode of whit with Singapore, XX. 367—map of, struction of tca at, 398—book-trade Boots'r'rs, V. 147.
ening and cleaning, 692—only one in Vol. XII. Pl. CCCVII-2. of, XVII. 223. Bounooss, V. 147 —Bonaparte‘s eu
eight reache a second edition, VII. Bornholm, island, IV. 328. (Elizabeth). VIII. 745. campment at, 518.
315—Philadelphia and Boston book Boanov, an African kingdom, V. 11; Bostrichus, insect, IX. 176. Bounrsa, IV. 762.
trade, XVII. 223—Mexican, II. 623— II. 237. See Niger, XVI. 218. Boswsu. (James), V. 26. — (Dr Heon), V. 147.
Chinese, XVII. 391. See Bibliogra Borochloric acid, VI. 373. Boswos'rn, V. 29—battie of, VIII. 739. Bona'rlss, V. 148.
phy, Copyright, Libraries, Printing. Boaonrso, V. Ira—battle of, X. 156. Bot, IX. 281 ; XXI. 627. Boom-on (Edward), IV. 762.
Boos-stsniso, IV. 775. Bosomsns (Cardinal). V. 16. Born. (Leonard), V. 29. (Man-saw), V. 143—his coin
Boos-assume, IV. 775. Boron. VI. 373; VII. 640—sulphuret BOTANOIANCY, V.141. ing-machine, VII. 50.
Booxssaasas, IV. 791—prevalent er of, VI. 377. Boraxr. V. 30_—classlfication of plants, BOUNTIBS, V. 148; VII. 160—00 ex
roneous notion about their supposed Boaovou, V. I5. II. 142; by Cmsalpinus, V. 774—dis portation of corn, 336—efi'ects of. on
high profits, VII. 315—subdivisions Bonouousatnos, a town in Yorkshire, tinction between plants and animals, the exportation of raw produce, 346
of their trade, 319. V. l5—battle of, VIII. 726. II. 685; III. 155-8—Carnnilles on, —advantagcs to landlords. 347—tend
Boot, or Bohol, island, IV. 737. Boaowrrscm, in Russia, V. I5. V1. 257—Druidical knowledge of, to force capital abroad, ib.—have no
Boolam, XX. 94. Boaowsx, in Russia, V. 15. VIII. 208—preserration of flowers, tendency to reduce the real price of
Boon, IV. 792. Boaasus'rs, sect, V. 15. XIX. 629—botanical structures, XI. corn by causing a glut of the market,
Because, IV. 792. Boaalcuws(01aus), V. 15. 686—useful to physicians, XIV. 526 348—tend to increase fluctuations in
Boounss, in Hindostan, IV. 792. Boaaonsan ISLANDS, V. 16. —geographicai distribution of plants, the price of raw produce, 348—on
Boops, fish, XII. 178. Boasouscs (Cardinal), V. 1th XVII. 545—efi'ect oflatitude and ele fisheries, IX. 593.
BOOIHAIPOOI, in Hindostan, VI. 792. Borromini, character of his style of ar vation on plants, ib. 546. See Ana Bouquetin, in zoology, XIV. 164.
Boono, island, IV. 792. chitecture, III. 427. tomy (Vegetable), and Vegetable Phy Bonuses, island, V. 149.
Boosooslsn, Persian city, IV. 792. Borrowdale, black-lead mines in, VII. siology. (Nicholas), sen. and jun., V. 151.
Boorsali, XX. 93. 537. Borax" Bar, V. 141; XXI. 712. Bonusos-Vssnss, in France, V. 151.
Boosnxr'rsa, IV. 792. Bossows'rousssss, in Liniithgowshire, Botaurus, bird, XVI. 619. Bourchenu de Vaibonais, IV. 700.
Door, IV. 792. V. lB—singular colliery at, VII. 71. Born (John and Andrew), V. 141. Bonscmsa (J.), Lord Bernars, V. 151.
Boo'r/m, IV. 792. Bosssuoanss, V. 18. Bothin, district of, XVI. 745. Bousnasons (Louis), V. 151.
Boorss, constellation, I '. 795. Bosss'r, or Borsctte, V. 18. Bothnia (Gulf of), IV. 330. Bonansaux, V. 152—Roman edifices
Boo'ru (Barton), actor, IV. 795. Bosson, in Hungary, V. 18. Bothrioccphalus, zoophyte, XXI. 996. formerly at, III. 418, m—wines of.
-(Benj.), oubook-keeping, IV. 776. Boruiawski, a Polish dwarf, VIII. 294. Bothwell (earl of), XIX. 739. XXI. 899, 902.
Boo'rou, island, IV. 796. Boruret of iron, VI. 405. Bridge, battle of. V. 351. Bonsnsaor (John). V. 153.
BOOTY, IV. 796. Bory de St Vincent on animalcules, III. Botryllus, molluscum, XV. 371. Bonanoa (Sebastian), V. 153~his pic
BOPAL, in Hindostan. IV. 796. 180, ct sap—his table of classification Botryolite, in mineralogy, XV. 150. tures, XVI. 723.
BOQUINIANB, heretics, IV. 796. of them, 183—his account of Bourbon, Bots, IX. 281—in cattle, XXI. 627. Bourdon's classification of the animal
Borabora, IV. 739. V. 149 ; and the Canaries, VI. 73. Bor'ricsuu (Alesandro), V. 141. functions, XVII. 590.
Bosscw ACID, IV. 796; VI. 373; XV. Boarsrursss. river, V. 6. Bo'r'ruz. V. l42—bottle-glass, X. 579. Bourdonnais (M. de in), his improve.
137. Bos, coin, V. l9—in zoology, XIV. 165 Bottling of wines, XXI. 901. ment of naval signals, XX. 333. 337.
Benson's, IV. 797 ; XV. I58—pyro -—grunnicns, XXI. 255. Botto (Professor), on thermo-clcctricity, Bouao, V. 153.
electricity of, VIII. 597—specific gra (Joan BAPTIST on). V. 18. XXI. 698. Boolean". in France, V. 153.
vity of, XII. 27. Boss, Sardinian city, V. 19. Borrox, V. 142. Bourgeois til". XXI, 436.
26
BOU-BOZ
Bonaoss, in France. V. 153. B Qnsnao. in music, V. 170.
Booaonr (Dom John). V. 153. Has. Sardinian city. V. 170.
Booaooruc, (John Francis de). V. 153. Basasncxosss. V. 170.
Bonaomouoss. V. 154.
BOUBIGNON (Antoinette). V. 154.
Bourke (General). XXI. 713.
Bourn Ban river. its navigation. XVI. 8.
Bonass, in Lincolnshire, V. 154.
(Wm). on gunnery, XI. 42—on
navigation. XV. 747.
Bournonite, VI. 459; XV. 168—specific
gravity of. XII. 27.
Bonao. island. V. 154.
Bourrit (blonsivur), his attempts to as
cend Mont ijianc. II. 562.
Bousmard (Mons. dc). on fortification,
1X. 771.
Bonsssc, in France. V. 154.
Boustrophedon. IV. 774.
Boc'roa', island, IV. 796.
Boc'rsonmns. V. 154.
Bonzxaas. in France, V. 155.
Boves, VII. 98.
Bovzr~Tascr. in Devonshire. V. 155.
BOW. V. 155. See Archery.
-——-— Island. V. 155.
Bow-Nsr—Bow-line—Bow-pieces—Bow
bearer. V. 155.
Bowden (A.). on dry-rot, VIII. 227-8.
Bowdieh’s mission to Ashantee, III. 666.
Bowdoin College. XIV. 43.
Bowels. See Intestines.
Down, in gardening, V. 156.
(Walter). IX. 741.
Bowerbank (Mr), on the circulation of
blood in insects, IX. 83.
Down, V. 156.
Bowlders. See Boulders.
Bowles (Rev. W. L.). on church spires,
III. 423—his controversy with Mr
Roscoe, XIX. 477.
Bowuso. V. 156.
Bowman-oases. V. 156.
Bowring (Mr), on French commerce, X.
185. 186. ' of, I. 309.
Bows of ships. XX. 294.
Bowsrarr. V. 156.
Bowrsa (William). printer. V. 156.
Bowrsas. V. 158.
BOX. V. l58—dice-b0x, lb.
Boa-elder tree. XVII. 787.
Boxzas. V. 158.
Boxnoamns (Marc Zuerius), V. 158.
Donna. V. 158; XI. 96.
Boxwood. sp. gr. of. XII. 27—uscd in
woodpengraving, XXI. 918.
Bersa. V. 158.
Borsn. in fortification, V. 158.
Bore: (Hector). IV. 158—Bellenden’s
translation of his History of Scotland. BBAIIILOW,111 Wallachia. V. 175.
IV. 549.
Boyee's reaping-machine. II. 269.
Born (Mark Alexander). V. 161.
(ship). massacre of its crew by
the New Zealanders. IV. 216.
Botsa (Abel). V. 161.
(Jean Pierre). VIII. 106.
— (General). his services to He
hemmed All. VIII. 502.
, in navigation, V. 162.
Boyic.a town in Roscommon, XIX. 480. Brahooes. IV. 558.
Born: (Charles). V. 167-his contro Basnooxcx Mountains. V. 181 ; IV. 556.
verily with Bentley, IV. 575.
(Ions ), earl of Cork and Orrery,
V. 168.
(Rlcnsan). earl of Cork. V. 162.
a.
(Ricnsan). earl of Burlington
and Cork. V. 162.
-——-—(the Hos. Roasa'r), V. 163—his
contributions to metaphysical science,
I. l39—his air-pump, 481; XVIII.
72. 80—on pneumatics. 100 ; IV. 888
—on electricity. VIII. 565—on the
constancy ofnature. XVII. 574—Boy
lean law in pneumatics. XVIII. 100
--Boyle's Lectures. V. 168.
(Roosa). earl of Orrcry. V. 162.
Bonus. river. V. 168; XIV. 345—its
navigation. XVI. 22—battle of the. V.
363; VIII. 200; XII. 377.
Borss (John and Samuel), V. 168.
Boze (Prof). his electrical discoveries
and improvements. VIII. 568. 569.
INDEX.
BQU—BRA
Brabant, XVI. 141.
Basasurss, V. 170.
Basccxouxn (Francis), poet, V. 170.
Bases and Bascas. V. 170.
Bascrua'r. V. 170.
Brachelytra. insects, IX. 136.
Brachinus. insect. IX. 118.
Brachiopoda,mollusca, XV. 365.
Drachmins. See Bramins.
Brachon. insect. IX. 222.
Brachycerus. insect. IX. 172.
Bascuroasrnr. V. 170; XX. 716.
Bascnraocr. V. 170.
Brachyopa, insects. IX. 274.
Brachypterze, birds, XVI. 629.
Brachypus, insect. IX. 174.
Brachystoma. insects, 1X. 269. .
Brachyura. tribe of crustacea, VII. 500. Basis or run Lowna smnsLs, ana
Bascss. or Braehe, V. 170.
Bascxnsnrm, V. 170.
Bascnz'r and Bascarzrs, V. 171.
Bascxasr. V. 171.
Braeonnot (Monsieur), on the food of
plants, XXI. 571.
Bracteze, III. 95, 96; V. 39. 40.
Bractcolaa, in botany. V. 40.
Base’rox (Henry), V. 171.
Bradbury Rings. VIII. 120.
Basoroan. V. 171—canal, XVI. 8.
(Joan). V. 171.
Blsmuc. in Hampshire, V. 171.
BRADLEY (Dr James). V. 17I—diseovery
of the abberration of light by, I. 569;
II. 33; III. 744—his other astrono
mical discoveries. 744—his microme
ter, XV. 23.
Basnslscu. in Devonshire. V. 173.
Basns, nails. V. 173.
Basnsnsw (Henry and John). V. 173. Braize. fish. XII. I77.
Basnwsanms (Thos.). archbishop of Brake-barrow. II. 267.
Canterbury, V. 173—ethical doctrines Basses. in Westphalia. V. 181.
Basor (Robert), V. 173.
(NICHOLAS). V. 174.
Brady’s domestic balance, XXI. 837.
Bradypus, in zoology. XIV. I41.
Bassusa, V. 174.
Base. game at cards, V. 174.
Bases. in Portugal. V. 174.
Basosszs, in Portugal. V. 174—in Pa
ra, XVII. 58.
Basin: (Tycho). V. 174—his merits and
discoveries as an astronomer. I. 485
ct seq.—believed in astrology. 488.
Brahem. II. 534.
Brahested. IV. 380.
Brahm, XI. 898.
Brahma. X1. 399; XV. 677.
Basnusro-rss, river in‘India. V. 175;
IV. 564—118 source. III. 705.
Brahmegupta. algebraist, II. 425.
Basluuus. V. 175; V1. 223; XI. 399.
et seq.; XIX. 629—their creed. XVII.
427; XVIII. 34l—thcir doctrine of
the soul. XIV. 687—suicide favoured
by the. XX. 797.
BRAIN (nuns). description of. by Ga
len, II. 690. and Varolius. 697—Willis
on anatomy of, 699—anatomicai re
searches on. 704—strueture of. 736;
XVII. 681—its anatomy, II. 806—
weight, ib.—convolutions, 807—ven
tricies. SOS—blood vessels. Bil—mem
branes, ib.—connection with the nu
tritive organs. 813Tits functions. III.
159 ; XIV. 579. 582; XVII. 454-its
chemical properties and composition,
VI. 504; X VII. 650—efi‘ect of unoxyge
nated blood on, VIII. 201—connection
ofthe mind with. VIII. 441 ; XIV. 671;
XVII. 454, 659, 674. 68l—Gall's opi
nions concerning. X. 297; XVII. 454
—proportionably large in infants. XII.
271—Leuwenhoeck‘s observations on.
XIII. 256 — is necessary to sensa
tion. XI V. 603—dependence of memory
on its state. 617—human compared
BRA BRA—BRE
with those of brutes. 195 ; XVII. Brantome on chivalry. VI. 615—on duels.
699, 700. 702—theory of its galvanic 616.
functions. 131-efi'ects of injuries and Bassms. V. 185.
diseases of the, 457, 459. 465—theory Bassxnss. V. 185—IV. 157.
of plurality of organs in, 458. 466. Basss, V. 185; VI. 416; XVI. 584—
469, 681—how far correspondent in annealing of, III. 197—10ss of tenacity
shape with the skull, 460. 466—is the of brass-wire by exposure to acid
seat of insanity, XIV. 584—its ap fumes or damp air. 197—Corinthian.
pearance in cases of insanity. XVII. V. MSG—soldering with. 211—guns of.
124—often diseased. without symp VI. 87; XI. 67—spcciiic gravity of.
toms ot' functional derangement. 478. XII. 27—magnetism of. XIII. 708—
480—\Vhen one hemisphere is diseased coins of, XIV. 473—silvering of, XX.
may the 0th. r perform its functions ? 354.
479—organiv and dynamical disease Basss-cotooa. V. 187.
of. 481—sympathetic diseases of. 484 Basss-aasr, V. 187.
softening of. 489-complication of dis Brass Town. XVI. 223.
eases of. 492—What part of it is the Basssicsvi'r, V. 187.
sensorium 2 673—VVhat part connected Brassolis. insect. IX. 242
with voluntary motion? 675-6. See Braula, insect, IX. 298.
Phrenulogy. BasULs. or tnrbans, V. 187.
Basuurns, German town, V. 187.
tomy of the. III. 30—its size and Braunite. in mineralogy, XV. 163.
proportion to the body in diti'erent Basnssasao. in Prussia. V. 187.
animals. 31, 163—snpposed relation of Basnaosls, ancient festival. V. 187.
intellectuality to the extent of its Baswu, V. 187—making of. II. 340.
surface, ib.—is dispersed over the Braxy. XXI. 624.
body in the lower tribes. ib.—the Bass (Sir Reginald). V. 187.
greater its relative size. the greater. (Dr Thomas). V. 187.
in general. the degree of sensibility. . Irish town, V. 188.
165—01' the horse, small. 165—com Bassss Sss. V. 188.
pared with human. XIV. 195; XVII. Baszisa, V. 188.
699, 700, 702—01' birds. 711—of qua BIAZIL. V. 188 ; II. 640—history of. V
drupeds, II. 707—of the crustacca. 188—physical geography. 197—statis
VII. 498—0f insects, IX. 77. 89—of tics. 201—mountains. II. 609—cli
fishes, XII. 157; XVII. 711—ot‘ the mate. 612qiboriginai population, 630
dolphin. XIV. 175 —of the whale, —revolution, 639—botany. V. 82—
191—of the mollusca. XV. 326. 350. tradition of the Deluge, VII. 699
ct seq.—of reptiles, XIX. I25—of ser diamonds. VIII. 3, 4. 5—trade with
pents. XX. 131—its diseases in the France. X. I90—serpents. XX. 137
domestic animals, XXI. 632. weights and measures. XXI. 852—
Basxx'rass, town in Essex, V. 181. map of. Vol. V. Pl. CXXVII-2.
Brazil-wood, a dye-stuff. VIII. 311—
colouring matter of, VI. 484—spocifl
gravity of. XII. 27.
Drama, XII. 180—angiing for. III. 146. Basznm. V. 211.
Basnsn (Joseph). V. 181—his filter. Dasznsw. Russian town, V. 211.
IX. 581—his patent lock. XIII. 406. Bassca, V. 211.
Bramah’s hydrostatic press. XII. 107; Basso. V. 211—sacramental. 214—as
II. 114—used in ealendering. VI. 19. size of. IV. 188. 300—baking of. 294
Bramante, his architectural designs. III. —-difl'crent kinds of. 295—1eavencd
426. and unleavcned. 297—nutritive quali
Basxasusn. in Java. V. 183. ties of. 299—potato-bread. ib.-—rye
Basuasa, in Sussex. V. 183. bread, 300—i-ice-bread. ib.—ginger
Brambling. bird, XVI. 581. bread, ib.—London bread, 296. 298.
Basuusu. (Dr John), V. 184. Sim-mixture of potatoes with flour
Bramins. See Brahmins. in. 802—adulteration ot'. XIV. 508.
Basur'rou. V. 184. Basso-non. V. 211. 69.
Bran, river, falls of, VIII. 282. Bread-nut. V. 69—tree. XII. 499.
Branas. VII. 286. Bassnsassss. V. 214.
Basssn. in Austria. V. 184. Bassx. V. 214.
Branca's steam-mill. XX. 615. Baassans. V. 214.
Braneepeth Castle, VIII. 291. Breaking-down of horses, XXI. 618.
Branchellion, worm, XI. 226. Baasxws'raa. V. 214—of Plymouth.
Branches of trees. structure of, III. 85 219; XVIII. 64.
—elongation of, 92—functions of, XXI. Bream. a fish. XII. 177. l98—angling
580. for, III. 146. '
Branchim ot' mollusca, XV. 359. Basss'r. V. 223.
Basncmnn. priests. V. 184. Breast-bone, human. II. 764—in the
Branchii'era, mollusca. XV. 359. mammalia, III. 3—in birds, 12.
Branchiobdella. worm, XI. 226. Basss'r-nooa, in ship-building. V. 223.
Branchiopoda. crustacea. VII. 503. Bazss'rras'ra. V. 224.
Branchipus stagnalis, VII. 503. ‘ Breath. its supposed identity with sonl.
Basso Sonnsr. V. 184. XVII. 559.
Brande (Mr), on the electricity developed Breathing. See Respiration.
in flame. VIII. 605. Brebers. See Berbers.
Bssxnsssnao. in Prussia, V. 184—his Bascnm, Scottish town, V. 224.
tory of. XVIII. 670—war with Sweden, Bancos. or Brecknock, Welsh town. V.
XXI. 20. 21. 225—eana1 to Abergavenny. XVI. 9.
Brandes (Monsieur). his galvanic expe Bascossnian. or Brecknoekshire. in
riments. XXI. 677. Wales, V. 225.
Basunsnx. V. 184. BBBDA. V. 226—treaty of. X1. 525.
Basxnmo.“ I84;XVIII.252;XX.725. (John Van). V. 226.
Bassoon. town in Suffolk, V. 184. BIIDB'I'ID'I'. a Danish town. V. 226.
Bassoai'ru. V. 184. BIEECHIB. V. 226.
Baum-r (Gerard). V. 184. Breeding of live stock, II. 316. et seq.—
(Sebastian). IV. 373. n. 1. breeding in-and-in. 331.
(Count), VII. 723. Basauaaao (Bartholomew), V. 226.
Bassnr. V. 185—manufacture of. in Baszzs. V. 226.
Chili. VI. 532—Freneh. X. 183—Rus Breeze~fly. IX. 279. ,
sian. XIX. 57 5—mixture of with wines, Bazossrz. in the Tyrol. V. 226.
XXI. 900. Basnsa. a Scilly Island, V. 226.
Brandyvvine mills. VII. 682. Bastions. Irish judges. V. 226.
BBAHK. V 185. BBIHON-LAWI. V. 226.

BRE—BRI
Basilica, in Baden, V. 226.
Basins, V. 2:6—eoins of, XV. 409
weights and measures of, XXI. 852.
Baaszues, V. 227.
Bantams, V. 227.
Basu'rroan, in Middlesex, V. 227.
Brentides, insects, IX. 172.
Brentus, insect, IX. 172.
Baaaswoon (Edward), V. 227.
Bazscu, in Lombardy, V. 227.
Bansuu, V. 227—swarm of ants at,
_. III. 24 3—battle of, XVIII. 674—uni
a versity. of, 700.
Basssuuuz, in France, V. 227.
Bassr, V. 227—naval storehouses at,
. ,; VIII. 80~seasoning of timber at, 231.
Barr, V. 228.
Banrnasx and Sisters of the Free Spi
rit, V. 228—and Clerks of the Com
. ~. mon Life, ib.—White, ib.
Banron (Cars). V. 228; XVI. 287.
Basuensl. (John), V. 229.
Breunnerite, in mineralogy, XV. 142.
Brcvedent (Father de), his travels in
Abyssinia, II. 54.
Breven (Mount), electrical phenomena
on, VIII. 620.
Basvs'r, V. 229.
,Basvuar, V. 229.
Baavu'roa, V. 230.
Breviceps, reptile, XIX. 158.
Brevier type, XXI. 436.!
Brevipennes, birds, XVI. 615—structure
0. of, XVII. 712.
-._Baa\vsa (Anthony), poet, V. 230.
(Mr), on nankeen yellow dyeing,
5 VIII. 325.
Baswrue, V. 230—in England, VIII.
778—1rish breweries, XII. 406—L0n
don porter-breweries, XIII. 509.
(Brewster (Sir David), on apparitions,
‘ III. 303—his burning-sphere, V. 739
—on the spectrum, VI. 633—011 pyro
L
electrieity, VIII. 572, 596—011 elec
trical light, 584-on the flash from
Rupert's drops, 601—aurora-borealis
described by, 623—his staktometer,
XII. 25—on capillary attraction, 41-—
on the form of drops, 50—his kaleido
scope, 662 — on the polarisation of
light, XIII. 333—on two poles of maxi
mum cold, 695—on analogy between
magnets and unannealed glass, 706
-on electro-magnetism, 752—on hu
man strength, XIV. 427—his micro
meter, XV. 12, 17, 20, 25—-on lenses,
31, 32—his periscopic sphere, 34—
his microsc0pes, 40, 4 3, 4 5—on illumi
nation of microscopic objects, 48—on
test-objects, 55—his optical discover
ies, XVI. 367, 413, 440, 452, ct pauim
ad 504; XVIII. 242, 24 3—on the spec
trum, XVI. 412, 420, 423—on colours
of thin plates, 428; and of double
plates, 447—on the temperature at the
North Pole, XVIII. 223—0n the cha
racter of Professor Robison, XIX. 306.
Brewsterite, in mineralogy, XV. 152
specific gravity of, XII. 27.
Brexiacese, in botany, V. 104.
Breynius on the mollusca, XV. 329.
BRIANQON, in France, V. 258.
Bauxsx, in Russia, V. 258.
Briare, canal of, X. 172 ; XVI. 6.
BBIABEUS, giant, V. 258.
Bates, V. 258.
Balssar, V. 258—of public oflicers in
Russia, XIX. 573.
Barcurn, V. 258.
Baton, V. 258—its perishable nature.
III. 260—ancient Rome built of, 418
—specitic gravity of, XII. 27—Babylo
uian bricks, XVIII. 537~brickmalr
ing, V. 258. - Australasia, IV. 217.
Brick-colour, dyeing of, VIII. 338.
Baicatsrsa, V. 262.
Baicansrmo, V. 262, 664.
Barns, V. 262.
Baxnseaoox, V. 262.
Batnswztn, V. 268—in London, ib.;
XIII. 515.
Barnes, V. 263—natural bridges in
America, III. II8—Sunderland iron
INDEX.
BRI i
bridge, 392 ; V. 279; XX. 810—wood
en bridges, VI. 170, 290—swinging
bridges in Chili, 535-bridges in Eng
land, VIII. 764; France, X. 173;
Glasgow, X. 544; London, XIII. 510
—mode of destroying bridges in war,
IX. 786—bridges in gardening, X.
33Hrch of, XIV. 299—skevv, ib.;
XX. 375 - canal draw and swing
bridges, XVI. 85—Rennie’s bridges,
XIX. 121, I22—0useburn bridge at
Newcastle, XX. 877—viaduct, XXI.
638. See Aqueduct. Arch, Centre.
Barnes (scsrsssios), XXI. 7—notices
of those in Peru, II. 625, 627; III. 118
—China, 11. 627—Bootan, IV. 793
Chili, VI. 535—Montrose, XV. 439.
, in gunnery and music.‘ V. 285.
Baincsun, in Glamorganshire, V. 286.
BIIDOENOBTII, in Shropshire, V. 286.
Bridgetown, in Barbadoes, IV. 359.
Baxnosws'rna, V. 286—iron bridge at,
V. 279—canal to Taunton, XVI. 9.
(Duke of), his canal, XVI. 9;
V. 288; VI. 509; XIII. 53.
Bridgman's improvements in gardening
in England, X. 322.
BIHDLB, V. 286; XI. 620.
BRIDLINO‘I‘ON, in Yorkshire, V. 716.
Barnroar, in Dorsetshire, V. 286.
Bates, V. 286—Apostolical, ib.
Balsa, in Silesia, V. 286.
1311151., V. 286.
Brianne, battle of, X. 166.
, (John de), XVI. 757.
Brientz, lake of, XXI. 46.
BRIEY, in France, V. 286.
Bars, or brigantine, ship, V. 286.
BRIGADE, V. 286—brigade-maior, 287.
BBIGADII-Zl, V. 287.
BBIGANDINE, V. 287.
Brigantes, XXI. 809.
Baloe, or Glandford Brigg, V. 287 .
Baloos, (H.), V. 287—on logarithms,
XIII. 418,419, 431; XIV. 316; XXI.
374—his intercourse with Napier of
Merchiston, XV. 692.
(WILLIAM), V. 287.
Batenrnsnns'ronx, or Brighton, V. 288.
Batoi'r'nss, or Bridgetons, V. 288.
Batononss, in France, V. 288.
Brill, fish, XII. 220. \ thic ~ architecture “ Christian, " 111.
BBILLIAI’I‘B, V. 288.
BRILON, in Westphalia, V. 288.
Ball, V. 288.
Bamnrsr, V. 288; XV. 700.
Baiunnsr (James), V. 28‘1—his aque
duct at Barton Bridge. III.322-blast
ing of tunnels introduced by, IV. 676.
8318!, V. 289—Pans, ib.—Pit, ib.—
Springs, ib. See Salt-springs.
Brine-worm, VII. 503.
Bamome-ro, in navigation, V. 289.
Brinjarrees, XI. 397.
Brinvilliers, (Marchioness of), her poi
sonings, III. 314.
Baroumz, in France, V. 290.
BRISSON (Mathurin James), V. 290—
on ornithology, XVI. 548—experi
ments of him and Cadet with a burn
ing-glass, V. 738.
Baissor (John Peter), V. 291.
(Paras), V. 290.
Brissotines, X. 71.
Baxsron, V. 292—iron bridges at, 279—
taken by Prince Rupert, 324—fire at,
in 1777, 425—election of Burke as
member for, 714—port of, VIII. 763.
, in Rhode Island, V. 292.
, in PennsylvaniarV. 292.
Bars'ror. CHANNEL, V. 292—canal to Broken-wind in animals, XXI. 629.
the English Channel, XVI. 13.
Bristow (Captain), his discoveries in Baoxsaae, V. 587—eanal of. IV. 331.
Bal'rsns, V. 293—history ot‘, ib.—walls Bromeliacem, in botany, V. 134.
of Hadrian and Antoninus; see those Bromic acid, VI. 361.
heads—observations on the agricul Bromides, VI. 455—0! iodine, 362-—of
ture of, II. 342—army of, III. 616—
progress of art in, 65l—comparative
culture of France, Austria, and, IV.
230—barracks, 405—cultivation of be
tany, V. 82, iii—trade with Bucnos
Ayres, 650; and with Chili, VI. 533
I
27
BBL—BRO 7.2 ~ .
—-date of the revolution of 1688, 655 Bromine, vx. 361—sp. gr. 0!, xn. 21
-—coal-trade, VII. 7—collieries, 70— -its poisonous quality, XIV. 508.
coal, 7I—trade with Columbia, 91 acids, VI. 432.
penal colonies, 116—passion for en acid salts, VI. 455.
larging the navy to excess, l22—co Bromley (Mr), his theory of the inven
lonies, 124—commerce, 160—navi tion of sculpture, XX. 1.
gation-laws, I22, I60—commercial , towns, V. 587, 588.
treaty with France in 1786, 161—ex Bromohydrargyrates, VI. 455.
ports to North America, India, and Baousoaovs, V. 588.
the West Indies, ib.-books published Baonrsan, in Herefordshire, V. 588.
in, 320—corn-laws and corn-trade, Bronchial tubes. II. 821.
333—quantity of corn produced and Bronchitis, in the domestic animals,
consumed, 354—Ameriean war, 369 XXI. 680. ’
-— cotton-manufacture, 398, 407 — Brongniart, on elevated marine deposits,
cutlery, 567 --Druids, VIII. 203 XV. 218—on enamelliug of porcelain,
expeditions to Egypt in 1798 and XVIII. 438.
1807, 489, 497—statistics, IX. 412— Baoumzr, in Russia, V. 588.
fairs, 476—iisheries, 590—B0naparte's Baon'rs, in Sicily, V. 588.
plan of invasion 01’, X. 136—French Baon'rwu, V. 588.
trade with, 189, l92—commcnccment Baosronoar, V. 588.
of war of the French revolution, 773 Bronze, V. 588; VI. 416; VII. 311-—
—Indlan possessions, XI. 412, et seq. , antiques of, III. 259; V. 590.
dogs, 697—hunting, 740, 746—coun Bsoszme, V. 588.
try gentlemen, 740—variation of the Bronzite. XV. 149—sp. gr. of, XII. 27.
needle, X111. “HM—cattle, XIV. 166— Baoocn, V. 585.
stratified rocks, XV. l80—mines, 243 Brooke (Sir Arthur de Capel), on Lap
enumerations of population, 523—an land, XIII. 105, ct seq.
cient forests, 572—inland navigation, (Captain), on aurora borealis in
XVI. 7—school of painting, 7 24— Norway, IV. 201.
earthquakes, XVII. 512—incrcase of (Mr), on the expanding efl'ect of
population, XVIII. 411—popery, XIX. electricity. VIII. 624.
316—wars of the Romans in, 402, 403, (Mas), actress, V. 590.
405, 410, 414—war with Russia, 559 Brooke’s steelyard -electrometer, de
—wall of Severus, XX. 161—naval scription of, VIII. 657.
pre-eminence, 208—shooting, 300—pe Brookite, in mineralogy, XV. 161.
culiarly the land of sportsmen, 302-— Brooklyn, XIII. 554.
timber, 289—trigonometrical survey, Brookvilie, in Indiana, XII. 266.
35l—weaving, XXI. 8, 23—sheep and Bacon, V. 590—dyers’, VIII. 321.
wool, 921—woollen manufactures. (Loch), fishery, XIX. 487.
926. See the Chronological Table, VI. Baoon-rnowsa, order of Knights of the,
669, et seq. ,- also England, Scotland. V. 590.
Barrsnt (New). See New Britain. Baoosn: (William), English poet, V. 1590 _
BRITANIICUS, V. 585; XIX. 402, 403. —-his share in Pope’s version of the
British Museum, XIII. 538—Dr Birch‘s Odyssey, XVIII. 400.
bequests to the, IV. 645—library of Baoosmm of a ship, V. 591.
the, XIII. 294. Baoos, Hungarian town, V. 591.
and Foreign School Society, Broscus, insect, IX. 125.
XXI. 529. Baosznr, town in Salop, V. 591.
Barri-Lashes, V. 585. Brosmius, fish, XII. 219.
Britten Canal, XVI. 9. Baosssan (Sebastian de), V. 591.
(Mr), his proposal to term Go Baossrs (Charles de), V. 591—on Aus
tralasia, IV. 208.
421—011 pointed architecture, 431, Brotero (Dr F. A.), V. 82.
455, 456. Brothels, in London, XVIII. 251—111
Barvs, in France, V. 585. Paris, 256.
B31138, in the Tyrol, V. 585. Baorna'a, V. 591.
Bstxnnr, V. 585; XXI. 338. Brotherhood (Holy). XX. 498.
Baoacn, V. 585. Baorrsaona, German town, V. 592.
Broad, various meanings of the word, Brotula, flsh, XII. 219.
VIII. I2—broad piece, V. 585. Baoeen, in Westmoreland, V. 592.
Baosnsma, V. 585. Brougham (Lord), on the balance of
Baocsnz, V. 585. power, IV. 309, n. 310—his education
Baocs'rst, V. 585. bill in 1821, V. 55l—his motion for
Baoccou, V. 585—culture of, XI. 668. law-reform, 573 ~— on the Earl of
Brochet, fish, XII. 168. Chatham, XVII. 7 63—on Mr Pitt,
Bsocx, V. 585. 7 70—on Sheridan’s political life, XX.
(General), VI. 69. 203—his act against the slave-trade.
Bsocstnssr (Richard), V. 585. 386—his motion for the abolition of
Baon, Hungarian town, V. 586. slavery, 388.
Bsonnso (John). V. 586. BIOUGBTON (Thomas), V. 592.
Baonsas. Hindoo town, V. 586. Baoonwsws (James), V. 592.
Brodie (Sir Benjamin), on disease of the Baocscaaa (William, Lord), V. 599;
nerves, XVII. 484. XIV. 318—on the quadrature of the
— (Geo.), on the Scottish covenant circle, XX. 555.
ing clergy, IV. 287, n. 1 ; 288—on Broussais (Monsieur). new medical doc
Oliver Cromwell, VII. 478—his expo trine of, XVII. 485.
sure of Hume, XI. 498. Baoessoua'r (Pierre Marie Auguste).
Bsonr, in Galicia, V. 587. V. 593—his botanical labours, 87.
Baosaumzsu (John). V. 592. Brown, in crayon painting, VII. 453.
Baoxa (Sir Robert), V. 587. , dyeing 01‘, VIII. 331, 348.
, varieties of, XV. 127.
Baoxaa, V. 587. (Chas. 8.), his novels. XIX. 346.
(Issac HAWKINI), an English
Baoxa (Alex. and Richard), V. 587. poet, V. 596.
(Jens), founder of the Bruno
nian theory of physio, V. 591.
(Da Joan), a clergyman o! the
azote, 367—ot‘ carbon, 37 0—0!“ sulphur, Church of England, V. 595.
376—of selenium, 378—of phospho (Mr), on the plants of New I-Iol
rus, 381—0! arsenic. 383—07 anti land, IV. 209.
mony, 385—of potassium, 393—07 glu —— (Mr). engraver, IX. 58.
cinum, 399—ot‘ iron, 404—of cyano— (noses-r), a sohismatic divine,
gen, 434. '. 593, 604.
28 INDEX.
BRO—BRU BRU—BUC BUC—BUF BUF—BU M
BBOWI (Robert), on active molecules, Brunelleschi (Filippo), III. 424—his ar Buchan's “ Domestic Medicine,” XX natural historian, II. 142; XIV. 79
III. 192—his botanical labours, V. 91 chitectural designs, 426. 401. on the soul, II I. I 59—on original diver.
-his classification of plants, 94. Brunet,B0naparte satirized by,VIII. 166. Buchanan (Archibald), his cotton ma~ sity of species, 161-—-his definition of
(Dr Robert), on the distribution (J. 0.), his Bibliographical Ma chines, X. 555, 556, 558. species, ib.—-on animalcnles, 191—1116
of plants, XVII. 545. nual, IV. 630. (David), on the high price of theory of the formation of bees'combs,
(Robert), founder of the sect of‘ Bruniaceic, in botany, V. 114. gold before the recoinage, VII. 38. IV. 526—his burning mirrors and
Independents, XII. 260. BBUNN,1!1 Moravia, V. 612. (Dr F.), on the inhabitants of‘ lenses, V. 729, 736, 737; XX. 21—his
(Samuel), his atmospherical en Brunne (Robert de), XIX. 332.‘ Eastern Asia, 111. 69I—his botanical connection with Daubenton, VII. 633
gine, XIV. 431. Brunncr (J. 0.), his anatomical labours, labours, V. 78. —on the horse, XI. 566—his work
(Sums), V. 596. _ II. 700. (Gsoaos), V. 627—character of on the natural history of animals,
Thomas), V. 595. ‘ Basso (Jordano), V. 612. his work De Jurc Regm' apud Scores, XIV. 79—on the varieties of the hu
—— (Da Taoius), V. 601—his obser Brunoniacese, in botany, V. 116. I. 31—Ruddiman's and Burman’s edi man species, 199—on birds, XVI. 549,
vations on Darwin's Zoonomia, I. 394 Bruns (Paul James), a deeiphcrer of tions of his History of Scotland, V. 595, 600, 626—Smellie's translation of
—his work on Causation, ib.—early palimpsests, XVI. 764. 718—1111; Latin version of the Psalms, his Natural History, XX. 402 s-his
life and studies of, 395—his character. Bausswica, V. 612; X. 485—coins of, XII. 601. experiments on the strength of wooden
ib.-—style, 396~poetical talents, 397 XV. 407, 409—weights and measures (G.), his pump, XII. 99—his column, 77 3—on the origin of intesti
philosophy, ib. ct seq.-on apparitions, ‘ of, XXI. 852. windmill-sails, XIV. 436—his paddle nal worms, XXI. 992.
III. 304—on Adam Smith‘s Theory of , in Maine, V. 612; XIV. 44. wheels, XX. 705. Burroon, V. 662.
Moral Sentiments, XX. 415. Bruntisland. Sec Burntishind. Bucuaaur, in Wallaehia, V. 626. Bufo, reptile, XIX. I56.
ULYSSES MAXIMILIAN), V. 594. Bausu, V. 612. Bucnrm, German city, V. 634. Bug, XI. l95—mode of destroying bugs,
s'VVILLIABl), peet, V. 595. Bausssns, V. 612—libraries in, XIII. Bucs, in Prussia, V. 634. XII. 293; XXI. 603—harvcst-bug,
(Sin \VILLIAM), V. 597. 314—rcvolutionary troubles in 1830, Bucxnsx, in IIuntingdon, V. 634. III. 369.
--——- (\VILLIAM Laoarsce), V. 598. XVI. 135. Bucxsanao, German city, V. 634. Booonss, V. 662.
Brown’s keyless watch, VI. 800. Brussels-carpets, VI. 172. Bucxsunax (New), in Norfolk, V. 634. Buggesses, VI. 270.
BROWNS (Edward), V. 603. Brussels-sprouts, culture of, XI. 667. Buekharia. See Bukharia. Boots, in Africa, V. 662.
(Mr), of Dublin, on the Greek Barnes, V. 613-Bufl'on on the faculties Bncxmonul, V. 634. Boom, town in Egypt, V. 662.
accents, II. 84. of, I. 177—dreams of, VIII. 187— — Palace, London, XIII. 542. Bngis, or Buggis, of Cclebes, III. 693;
-- (Sis 'I‘noius), V. 603—quoted, instiucts of, XII. 296—their faculties -—— (Dukes of). See Villiers and IV. 773—their commerce. III. 701.
XXI. 1008, n. 6. compared with those of man, 304— Sheffield. Buhle (M.), on Xant’s Critique of Pure
— (\VILLIAK Gsoaon), V. 603. study of, useful to physicians, XIV. ——-— (J. 8.), his account of the ruins Reason, I. 190—on Kant's argument
Browns, V. 605. 525—language of, XIII. (BO—memory of Babylon, IV. Mil—Jerusalem, XII. for free agency, 197—his History of
Bnowmsrs, religious sect, V. 604. of, XIV. 618—worship of, in Egypt, 545, 549, 550—l’a1estine, XVI. 739, ct Modern Philosophy, 283.
Baowssioo (Dr William), V. 605. XV. 681—minds and brains of, X VII. sap—Syria, XXI. 59, et seq. Bmnmm, V. 663.
Bruccioli (A.), his Italian Bible, IV. 617. “iii—physiology and structure of, 699. Buckland (Dr), on the Deluge, VII. 702 BUILDING, V. 663 —transmission of
Bruce (Alexa), his attack upon Wodrow, Sec Anatomy (Comparative), Animals, —on fossil bones, XV. 223-on the da sound by stone, II. 113—deadeningof
XXI. 911. Brains of the Lower Animals, Ento ration of our supply of coal, 224. _ sounds in rooms, 118—-calc~tufi' as a
(C. A.), his Report on the Tea mology, Ichthyology, Ornithology,&.c. Buckle's (Mr), pneumatic equalizer of building-stone, V. 787—Purbeck and
plantations of Assam, XXI. 130. Bsurn, V. 617. the force of steam-engines, XX. 653. Portland stones, VIII. I20—expansion
(Edward), his invasion of Ire f Baurou, in Somerset, V. 617. BUclLls, V. 634. of stone by heat, XI. ISS—strength
land, XII. 356. ( Bav'rcs, or Brute, a fabulous king of Buckowine, account of the, IV. 227. of difl'erent kinds of wood, XX. 757,
(Jam-:5), V. 605—his travels in [ Britain, v. on. Bncnus, V. 634. 759, 760, ct seq. ,- and of stone, 759-—
Abyssinia, II. 54 -7—publishcd account ‘‘ (Lucius Junius). V. 618; XIX. Boers, or Buckinghamshire, V. 634. building of viaducts, XXI. 639. See
of them, XV. 598—on the balsam of 367. Buck-thorn, XVII. 787. Architecture, Carpentry, Joinery,
Mecm, IV. 323—on the simooni, VIII. (Marcus), V. 618; XIX. 398— Buck-wheat, culture of, II. 296. Masonry, Brick, Stone, Timber.
516; XX. 356—on the shepherd-in visitcd by an apparition at Philippi, Bccouc, V. 633. Buildwas, iron bridge at, V. 279.
vaders of Egypt, VIII. 462—on the III. 296. Bucovsa, in Hungary, V. 635. Donna, in Brecon, V. 696.
formation of the Egyptian Delta, 508 Baux, Bohemian city, V. 618. Bad and Budding. See Buds. Bosnssu, V. 696 ; XXI. 83—commerco
—on the source of the Nile, XVI. 227 BBIII'EIIE (John de la), V. 618. Buns, in Himgary, V. 636. of, III. 699~language of, X111. 91.
—-his argument for polygamy, XVIII. Bausr (Sir Francis), V. 618. Bensws (William). V. (Elm—character (LITTLE), V. 700.
312—on tortoise-shell, XIX. 131—0n (Rev. IL), on botany, V. 83. and works of, I. 29. BUL, Hebrew month, V. 700.
lizards, 138—his account of Syene, (Jacoa), V. 618—on the Con Bunmscs (John Francis), V. 636. Bonn, Egyptian village, V. 700.
XXI. 52; and of the ruins of Thebes, fusion of To'ngucs, VII. 213—on the III'DDIIA, Hindoo deity, V. 636; XV. Bularn, or Bulama, IV. 653.
XXI. 199. \ Deluge, 691—on mythology, ib.-—his 678; VII. 695, 697—his worshippers Bunsaeuvs, painter, V. 700.
(Robert), Lord of Annandale, theory of the dispersion of mankind, in Ceylon, VI. 304; India, X1. 399; Beta, V. 700.
XIX. 708. VIII. 42—on Homer, XI. 542. Siam, XX. 323; and Tibet, XXI. 257. Bulboccras, insect, IX. 155.
(Xmo Rossa'r), V. 605; XIX. Bryaxis, insect, IX. 187. Buddle (Mr), his improved method of Bulbus, a kind of bud, III. 90.
709 ; VIII. 263, 282—Barbour's poem Brydone's account of Mount Etna, II. working coal, VII. 83. BULBUTAZ, V. 700.
011, I V. 369. 200, ct seq. Bude canal to Lannceston, XVI. 9. Bulfinch, XVI. 581.
Brucha-laz, insects, IX. I71. Barsxxws (Manuel), V. 619. Bnnonu. (Eustace), V. 638. Bulflnger on the strength of beams,
Baucnssn, in Baden, V. 609. Bryson, geometer, X. 423 ; XX. 552. Bonusuns, heretics, V. 638. XX. 765.
Brncin, VI. 463. Buszssl, in Galicia, V. 619. Buds, structure of, III. 89—formation Bntosrus, V. 700-coast and ports of,
Brucite, in mineralogy. XV. 158. BUA, island, V. 619. of, 90—t'unctions of, XXI. 580—leat IV. 660.
Bancs, in Austria, V. 609. Bust (Chevalier dc), on hydrodynamics, buds, III. 93 ; V. 32—flower-bnds, III. Bulgarians, their wars with the Roman
Bnvcxziun, Bavarian city, V. 609. XII. 5, 75; XXI. 785—011 the resist 96; V. 40—propagation of fruit by emperors, VII. 282—in Greece, X. 738.
Bsucsrs (James), V. 609—cstimate of ance of fluids, XIX. 180—on the mo budding, XI. 636. Bulimus, in conchology, XV. 348
the talents of, I. 283. tion of rivers, 258, et seq. Budsdos, Japanese sect, XII. 514. Bulk, or Balk, IV. 318.
Bruckmann on birds, XVI. 548. Boar-Nan“! (L. G. Count du), V. 619. Buducshan, IV. 277. ot'a ship, V. 701.
Brudzewslti, a Polish writer, XVIII. 23. Bubalus, African animal, 11. 228. BUDUN, Ceyloncse god, V. 638. Bots-nssos ot' a ship, V. 701.
Brno, river, XX. 475. BUBAS'I'IS, an Egyptian deity, V. 620; Boowsls, in Bohemia, V. 638. BULIAU, in Austria, V. 701.
Brueys (Admiral), V. 485; VIII. 489. VIII. 554. Budytcs, birds, XVI. 577. Ball, XIV. 160; II. 322—mansgement
Bsuoss, V. till-commerce of, VII. 158. ‘ Bubo, bird, XVI. 566. Bcnzuc Tsnrsar, V. 638. of bulls, 325—origin of the signot' the
Bruguicre (Monsieur), his system ofaui Bcc (George), antiquary, V. 620. Bussusn, island, V. 638. Bull and Mouth, III. 308.
malcules, III. 186. Bu'calcmu, lake, VI. 524. Bcrxsvssrens, V. 638. —-———, (Dr Joan), V. 701.
Baum (John de), V. 611. BUCANESI, V. 620; VIII. 104. Bunnos Arms, V. 639 ; II. 64 2—climate . (Gnome), bishop, V. 702.
Bruise, surgical treatment of, XX. 840. Bucsnrsr, in Wallachia, V. 626. of, 612—taken by the British in 1807, , ecclesiastical letter, V. 7 02—111
Bamuus, festivals, V. 611. Buccm loricatie, in ichthyology,XlI. 172. V. 523—t'oundation and history of, Cot-nu Domini, ib.-—Golden, Ibr—SII'
Bacxor (Peter), V. 611. BUCCABI, in Austria, V. 626. XVIII. 1, ct sap—weights and mea ver, ib.—Leaden, ib.—Waxen, ib.
Bans (Charles Le), V. 611. Buccsausu, V. 626. sures of, XXI. 852. BULL-rlon'riuo, V. 702—in Bootan, IV.
(Pigault Le), character of his Boccznns'rnx, V. 626. Buff-colour, dyeing of, VIII. 342. 794.
novels, XIX. 355, Buccnu, musical instrument, V. 626. Bufl'almaco, painter, XVI. 709. Bulla, mollusca, XV. 346, 362.
Brunanburgh, battle of, VIII. 703. Buccinidm, mollusca, XV. 364. Bufi‘alo, XIV. 167—African, II. 228. Bonus, V. 702.
Brundusium, V. 288; XV. 700. Boccmo, Neapolitan city, V. 626. Buffalo-fish, XII. 179. Bullet, XI. 42.
Brunehaut, X. 4. Buccinum, in conchology, XV. 346. _ Burrs-r, V. 661. BULLEYII, (William), V. 703.
Brunei (Mark Isambard), his block-ma Buccleugh (Duke of), his lands in Dum BUFI-‘IEI (Claude), V. 661—mistake of, Bull-head, fish, XII. 173.
chinery, IV. 704—a diving adventure t'riesshire, VIII. 261. relative to a theory of Descartes, I. BULLIALDUI, (Ismael), V. 703—on astro
of, VIII. 60—his mode of cutting ve Bucco, bird, XVI. 598. 63—coincidence between his train of nomy, I. 495.
neers, XIV. 36 7—his carbonic acid gas Bucsu'rsos, V. 626. thinking and that of some Scottish Bonuses: (Henry), V. 703.
engine, XIV. 437—his moulds for ste BUCEPIIALA, V. 626. metaphysicians, 215—his style and BULLION, V. 703-Ricardo on, XIX. 230.
reotyping, XVIII. 568—his manner of Bucsa (Martin), V. 626. ethical doctrine, 342—his theory of Bulmer, a printer, XVIII. 555.
constructing brick arches, XX. 376-— Buceros, bird, XVI. 593. beauty, IV. 486. Bulwer, (Sir E. L.), his act to amend
his tunnel under the Thames,XXI.4 07. BUOBAII. district of. V. 627 ; II. 29. Borrou (G. 1.. le Clerc, Count dc), V. the laws relating to dramatic literary
(J. IL), his construction of the (Captain D.), his arctic voyage, 662—on the faculties of man and property, XXI. 194.
Great Western Railway, XIX. 51. XVIII. 220. brutes, I. 177-8—his character as a Burns, a Persian city, V. 703.

BUN—BUR
Bunce’s pile-engine, XIV. 458.
BUNDE, in Prussia, V. 703.
BuuosLcuun, V. 703.
Bunnsn, in Persia, V. 706.
Bundoolah, V. 567.
Boner. (Peter), V. 706.
Bungarus, serpent, XX. 147.
BUNGAY, a town in Suffolk, V. 706.
Bunkcr's Hill, battle of, V. 402.
Buuxass, river, V. 706.
Bunt’s tide-gauge, XXI. 286.
Bunting, bird, XVI. 580.
Bunrmoroan, in Hertford, V. 706.
Bonrwaaaa, Hindoo town, V. 706.
Buswoor, island, V. 707.
Bunrau (John), V. 707.
Buuznsu, V. 706.
Buonaparte. See Bonaparte. ~
Buor, V. 707.
Buranus, Greek sculptor, V. 70 7.
Buphaga, birds, XVII. 582.
Burnouu, Athenian feast, V. 707.
Buprcstides, insects, IX. 138.
Buprestis, insect, IX. 139.
Burats of Siberia, XX. 327.
Burchcll on the zebra, XIV. 154.
Busclunao'r (John Ludwig), V. 707;
VIII. 529. n. 2—his account of Ara
bia, III. 324, ct sap—his discoveries
in Egypt and Nubia, VIII. 558, 559
-—his account of Syria, XXI. 59, et seq.
Burden, in music, V. 708.
ot‘a ship, V. 708.
Burdett, executed at Tyburn, VIII. 737.
(Sir F.), his committal to the
Tower, V. 529—his bill in 1825 for
the relief of the Catholics, 563—his
motion on that subject in 1828, 573.
Burden (Rowland), his iron bridge at
Sunderland, III. 392; V. 279.
Bnanwau, in Hindostan, V. 708.
Euro (De), on bibliography, IV. 629.
, river in Norfolk, XVI. 246—its
navigation, 9.
BUBEK, in Westphalia, V. 7 08.
Bunronn, in Oxfordshire, V. 708.
Buaoacn, V. 708—tcnure, 709.
Buneau, Bavarian city, V. 709.
Buaosaaacn, Bavarian town, V. 709
Busosa (G. A.), V. 709; XIX. 682.
Buncsss, V. 710.
Bunoosavs, V. 711.
Burgh, or Dun, VIII. 267.
, in Lincolnshire, V. 711.
, in Norfolk, Roman castle at,
XX. 790.
Burghs, Scotch, XIX. 758.
Busoaro'rs, V. 711.
Buaonsascns, V. 711.
Burghers, XIX. 764 ; XX. 64.
Burghley (Lord), VI. 268—his deformi
ty, VII. 674—his conduct towards
Lord Bacon, XXI. 606.
Dimensions, V. 711.
BURGLARY, V. 711.
Bunonsuosurssn, V. 711.
Buaooxas'rsa, V. 711.
Bumos, in Spain, V. 711—Wellington's
attack on, 533.
(Lucas do). on algebra, II. 422.
Burgoyne (General). V. 387, 897, 404—
favourable result of inquiry into his
conduct in America, 408—his advice
to end the American war, 418.
Bunousnuns, V. 154.
Bunounnlouss, V. 711.
BURGUNDY, V. 711-canal of, XVI. 6—
wincs of, XXI. 902.
Buanaxroon, V. 711.
Buni (Cassandra), VIII. 609.
Bonus, V. 712—proportiou of burials
in England to the population, VIII.
BOO—registration of, XIX. 98—burial
places, V. 278, 746; XIV. 512—bury
ing alive, V. 746—coflins, VII. 19.
Bonus, island, V. 712.
Bunta'rs, Tartars, V. 712.
Bunnau (John), V. 712.
Buns (Edmund), V. 712—his patron
age of Barry, IV. 411 ; and of Crabbe,
VII. 439—his theory of beauty, IV.
485—his plan for introducing public
economy, V. 410—speech on the Arne
IND E X. 29
BUR BUR—BUX BUX—CAC
rican war, 418—attack on Sir Elijah Bust 81' Enxuuns, V. 746. Buaton (Sir Thomas F.), on prison-diet,
Impey, 435 ; and Warren Hastings, Burying and Burying-places. Sec Buria.. VIII. 22 —on the slave-trade, XX. 386.
440, 444, 450—0n the French revolu Busaco, battle of, V. 529. Buxroar (John), senior, V. 755—his
tion, 456, 458 ; XIII. 6555-011 the Busssc (Auger Gislen, Lord of), V. 746. Hebrew Bible, IV. 614.
corporation and test acts, V. 457—on Bossr (Dr Richard), V. 747. (Jonahjunior, V. 755.
the Canada bill, 458—his quarrel with Buschetto, Greek architect, XVI. 707. Bonus, V. 755.
Mr Fox, ib.—Dr Brocklcsby’s kind Buscmuo (Anthony Frederick), V.747. Bnzo'r, Spanish town, V. 755.
ness to, 536—his corn-act, VII. 339— Buscovich, on achromatic glasses, II. Buzzard, XVI. 564.
on our extended knowledge of human 104—on the geometric properties of Buzzi (Mensa). on albinos, II. 383.
nature, XIII. 167—on municipal law, bees’ combs, IV. 526—on the orbits Byblus, mysteries of Osiris at, XV. 664.
173, 175—eloquence of, XIX. 220. of comets, VII. 138. Bygonbary, XV. 651.
Bunnl'rr (William), V. 716. Busno, in \Vallachia, V. 748. Bylot (Robert), exploratory voyages of,
Burleigh (Lord). See Burghley. 1311511 (Paul), V. 748. XVIII. 218.
Moor, meridian of, XXI. 359. Bususan, island, V. 748. Brs'o (George), Lord Viscount Torring
Boanssous, V. 716; XIX. 239. Bushel, standard, XXI. 846. ton, V. 755—his capture of the Spa
BURLINGTON, V. 716. Busmns, V. 748—trade of, XVII. 246. nish fleet, V. 376.
(Earl of), his merits as an ar Bushmcn, V. 23. (rm: Hon. Gso.), V. 756—his
chitect, III. 429. Bushnell’s machine for blowing up ves~ alleged misconduct at Minorca, and
Bonus: (Peter), V. 716-‘his edition of scls, VIII. 63. execution, 384.
Buchanan's works, 633. Busnns, Egyptian cit-y, V. 748. Byrge (Juste), on logarithms, XIII. 418.
Burman Empire, IV. 240—vvar with the —, Egyptian deity, VIII. 554. Brno: (John), V. 756.
East India Company in 1824, V. 567; Buss, Austrian city, V. 748. Byron (Commodore), V. 391, 405—his
XI. 440 —wars with the Peguans. Bust-us, V. 748; VIII. 145, 147. visit to the Ladrone and Georgian
XVII. Nil—weights and measures of, Buss, a small ship, V. 748. Islands, VIII. 317.
XXI. 852—map of, Vol. XII. Plate Bossonruoo, V. 748. — (Gso. Gosnox, Loan), V. 756—
CCCVII-2. Bussona, V. 748—commerce of, XI. 387. his “ Manfred,” VIII. 178—his aid to
Burmann’s “ Flora Indica,” V. 78. Bussy (Monsieur), XI. 414. the Greeks, X. 749 -his poetry,
Burmanniesc, in botany, V. 133. Bear, or Busto, V. 749. XVIII. 144, 173.
Burn river navigation, XVI. 15. Bustamente, XIV. 793. Braou’s Isnaun, V. 761.
Burnes (Dr), his visit to Hydrabad, XX. Bustnmite, specific gravity of, XII. 27. Byrrhii, insects, IX. 149.
363-5. Bus'ras, Hindoo town, V. 749. Byrrhns, insect, IX. 149.
(Mr). on the Indus, XII. 270. Bustard, in ornithology, XVI. 617 —— Byrsa, VI. 183—its submission to the
Ileann'r (Gilbert), bishop of Salisbury, shooting of, XX. 314. Romans, VI. 206.
V. 722—on Buchanan’s History, 633 Bus-rann-Bar, V. 749. Brssus, V. 761; XV. 366.
—on the characters of Lord Stair, Bus'rnasn, gladiators, V. 749. flos aquze, III. 187.
VII. 600 ; William and John Forbes, Busrum, V. 749. Byttncriaceas, in botany, V. 100.
IX. 738, 739; and Bishop Leighton, Bosvaoou, island, V. 750. Byturus, insect, IX. 148.
XIII. 212, ct seq. Burcnsa, V. 750—modc of killing ani Brzan'rwu, V. 761—its name altered,
(Jaxes), Lord Monboddo, V. 724 mals, IX. 722. XIX. 416.
—on the origin of language, II. 539; Butcher-bird, XVI. 568. Bzovws (Abraham), V. 761.
XIII. 61—Gilbert Stuart’s abuse of, Bute (Earl of), his resignation as first
XX. 781. Lord of the Treasury, V. 388.
(Tuoxas), V. 721—his theory of ship-canal at Cardiff, XVI. 9.
the earth, VII. 455—on the Deluge, Buteo, bird, XVI. 564. C
VII. 699. Borssmas, V. 750.
Burnett (Prof.), on the changes produc Buthus, genus of arachnides, III. 365. C, letter of the alphabet, V. 762.
ed by growing plants on air, XXI. 579. Butirinus, fish, XII. 216. Cans, or Caabah, V. 762.
(Sir Wm.), his plan for the pre Burma, V. 753. CAANA, a tonn in Egypt, V. 762.
vention of dry-rot, XX. 274. family in Ireland, XII. 360. Can, Hebrew measure, V. 762.
Burncy (Miss), her novels, XIX. 346. (Cnannss), V. 753. CABAL (the), V. 762, 346.
Bunnnax, in Norfolk, V. 724. (JosLrn), bishop of Durham, V. Canaansau, V. 762.
Bnaauxo, V. 724—ot‘ the dead, ib.-— 753; XX. 69—on personal identity, Casannsaos. V. 762.
crime of, XII. 257. I. 217—notice of his life, 343—his Casanmsn, V. 762.
BURNING-GLASSES, V. 725; XI. 195. “Analogy,” ib.; II. 682—his ethical CABANIS (P. J. G.), V. 762—on physica
Boauisnsn, V. 740—cngravers', IX. 47. principles and Discourses, I. 343-7— influences affecting the mind, VIII.
Bnnmsuiuc, V. 740. his style very defective, 347—on anger, 440, 441, 443.
Bonanzv, in Lancashire, V. 740. III. 127—compared with Jonathan Cabbage, culture of, II. 290; X1. 667.
Bonus (Robert), V. 740—Currie's Life Edwards, VIII. 455—on personal iden CAIIALA, V. 764.
of, VII. 556—poetry of, XVIII. 173. tity, XIV. sso. Cansaus'rs, V. 765.
(11.), his bucket-wheel, XXI. 801 (Saxon), V. 753—poetry of, Cassca, or Cabess, V. 765.
-—his contrivance for fixing the arms XVIII. 171. CADILLO,111 Venezuela, V. 765
of water-wheels, 809. (Mr), on the Pope’s supremacy, Cannsna, V. 765; III. 153.
Bunnristaun, V. 74 4—fcrry, IX. 767. XI. 496. Cabetes, V. 189.
Buaaaxoo'rzs, V. 745. Buto, Egyptian god, VIII. 553; XI. 321. Cum“ on Bun, V. 765.
Bunnauroorna, river, V. 175. Butomexe, in botany, V. 136. Cabezzo. See Angola.
Burren-Sunker, XI. 402. Burr, and Butts, V. 753-4. CABIDOI, or Cavidos, V. 765.
Burrough (Stephen), his voyage of dis BUTTER, V. 754; VI. 498—curing of, Cams, V. 765.
covery, XVIII. 216. IX. 733—0f Cambridgoshirc, VI. 34 CABINET, V. 765.
Bnanow (Sir James), V. 745. —specific gravity of, XII. 27—butter Cabinet-making, XII. 606.
(11.), on Indian algebra, II. 425. dairies, VII. 590—whey-buttcr, 592. Cabiou, V. 68.
Burrowing Serpents, XX. 138. Butterby, near Durham, salt springs at, CAD!!! and Casma, V. 765.
Burrows (Dr), on insanity, XIV. 578. VIII. 290. Canons, V. 765—chain, XII. 438, 443;
(Robert), on the culture of car Butterflies, IX. 240. XX. 55.
rots, II. 289. Bur-rears, V. 754. Cabling, in architecture, 111. 465.
Bonn, Turkish city, V. 745. Butterly iron -worlrs, in Derbyshirc. Cabot (John). XVI. 162.
, in veterinary science, XXI. 616 hot-blast at, XX. 409. (Suns-run). V. 765; VII. 183;
*diseased, ib. Burrocx of a ship, V. 754. XVII. 57—his expedition to La Plata,
Bunsan, V. 745. Barron, V. 754. XVIII. l—discovery of Newfoundland
Bunsama, V. 745. (Sir Thomas), exploratory voy by, 216.
, animalculcs, III. 188. ages of, XVIII. 218. Cans, African town, V. 767.
Buses, V. 745. Borron’s Bar, V. 754. Cabral, (Alvarez), X. 308, 399—his dis
Burscracem, in botany, V. 106. Burroon, in Hindostan, V. 754. covery of Brazil, V. 188.
Bursill’ weighing-machine, XXI. 839. Burrnss, V. 7 54—111 pointed architec Cnnna, Spanish island, V. 7 67 .
Buasum, town in Staffordshirc, V. 745 ture, III. 463, 465. (General), XX. 513-14.
~pottcrics at, XVIII. 500. Burrs'ran'r, German city, V. 754. Canon, or Caubul, V. 767; XI. Pl. 286.
Bur-stones, rock of the Abbey Craig Butyric acid, VI. 430. Canvas, island, V. 767.
near Stirling a substitute for, VI. 721. Butyrinc, VI. 443. Cacao, its culture in Mexico, XIV. 801
Bnaron (Robert), V. 745. Burzow, German city, V. 754. —sp. gr. of cacao butter, XII. 27.
(Jouu), V. 746. Buxas, Hindoo town, V. 754. Cacavous, Italian town, V. 767.
Bna'rou-urox-Tnsu'r, V. 746. Buxrnnuns, in Hanover, V. 754. Caccaxo, Sicilian city, V. 767.
Bear, V. 7 46-Manchester, Bolton, and Bux'ron, V. 755—springs, VII. 736. Caccini, XXI. 252.
Bury canal, XVI. 16. (Jsnlnun), a celebrated men Cacsnns, Spanish town, V. 768.
, niver, navigation of, XVI. 9. tal calculator, V. 7 54. Cacnanouo,a mineral, V. 766 ;XV. 157.
m INDEX.
CAC—CAH CAH—CAL CAL CAL
Cacuao, V. 768—(St), XX. 94. Cahorra, volcano of, VI. 7 4. Calceola, in conchology, XV. 344. Calippns, XXI. 56—his astronomy, III.
Cacnaa, V. 768. Canons, in France, V. 777. Cancnas, V. 787. 7 29—his correction of the Metonic
Cachias, in Brazil, XIV. 241. Cannsac, French town, V. 777. CALCINATO, Italian town, V. 787. cycle, VI. 7.
Cachibou, specific gravity of, XII. 27. Caifong. See China. Calcium, VI. 396. Camera, VI. 24.
Cacholong, a mineral, V. 768; XV. 157. CAILLAC, in France, V. 777. CALC-SINTEB, V. 787. CALITBI, Italian town, VI. 24.
CACHUNDE, V. 768. CAILLE (N. L. dc la), V. 777—measure CALC-TUFF, V. 787. Caux'rms, VI. 24.
Cacornoma, V. 768. ment of degrees of latitude by, I. 658. Calculating-machines, XIV. 354. CALL, VI. 24.
Cactem, in botany, V. 118. Caillean on anonymous books, IV. 628 Calculation, Grecian and Roman me CALLAC, French town, VI. 24.
Cactus, IV. 748. —his Bibliographical Dictionary, 630. thods of. 11. 5-6. CALLACAND, VI. 24.
Cacvs, V. 768. Cailliaud (Monsieur), ancient Egyptian CALCULUS, V. 787. Canaan, Irish town, VI. 24.
Canaunr, French town, V. 768. city discovered by, VIII. 560. (urinary), VI. 501; XVII. 479-— (Rev. N. J.), his huge electro
CADABI, V. 768. CAIMACAN, V. 778. sp. gr. of, XII. 28-in the domestic magnet, XXI. 686.
Cadastre, X. 209. Camus Isnanns, V. 778. animals, XXI. 628—cure of calculous CALLASDEB, in Pcrthshire, VI. 24.
Cede (Jack). VIII. 734 ; XIII. 487. CAIN, son of Adam, V. 778. diseases, XX. 841. See Lithotomy. CALLAO, town in Peru, VI. 24.
Cansncs, V. 768. CAINI'I‘ES, sect of heretics, V. 778. , in mathematics, V. 787—Jamcs , or Campello. VI. 25.
‘Canrss'r, French city, V. 768. Curuas. Jewish high-priest, V. 777. Bernouilli on the.IV. 591. See Flux Cause, French city, VI. 25.
Csnzaousss, French city, V. 768 Cairina, bird, XVI. 637. ions and Geometry (Ncw)—Difl‘eren CALLATABELLOTA, in Sicily, VI. 25.
Cansr, V. 768. 769. Camus, or barrows, V. 778; IV. 409. tial, V. 787; see Differential and Ge Callavayas. IV. 753.
Cadet and Brisson, their experiments Cairngorums, II. 29. ometry (New)—of Partial Differences, Callct's Tables portatives des Logar
with a burning-glass, V. 738 Cuno, V. 779; II. 230; VIII. 519 787—of Exponentials, ib.—of Func ithmes, XIII. 420.
CADI, V. 769—in Egypt, VIII. 521. capturcd by the British in 1801, V. tions, ib.—of Finite Differences, ib.— CALLIAN, French town, VI. 25.
Camcnscuns, V. 769. 505—besicgcd by the Crusaders, VIII. ot‘ Derivations, ib.—of Probabilities, CALLIANI, in Hindostan, VI. 25.
CADILAC, French city, V. 769. 480—towns in Italy so named, V. 779. ib.—of Sines, ib.; II. 485—Intcgral, Calliccra, insect, IX. 272.
Camz. V. 769—Drake’s expedition to, Cairoan, African city, V. 780; II. 235. XIV. 323—01' Variations, V. 787 ; Callichroma, insect, IX. I78.
VIII. 757—taken by the English in Caisse d'eseompte, X. 39. XXI. 557—Minervze, V. 788. CALLICBATES, sculptor, VI. 25.
1596, 758—their attempt upon it in CAISSON, V. 780. CALCUTTA, V. TBS—botanic garden of, Callidium, insect, IX. 179.
1702, V. 368. Caxsroa, V. 780—canal, XVI. 8. V. 77, n. 2—cotton-mill at, VII. 397 CALLIGRAPIIY, VI. 25.
Camzansu'rss, V. 769. CAI'I‘HNESS, V. 780—flshcrics, IX. 601. —Black Role of. XI. 415, 732. CALLIMACIIUS, architect, VI. 25. '
Canaan: LETTERS, V. 770; XVII. 395. Cains, Institutes of, VI. 712, 715, 716. CALDAIIIUX, V. 792. , poet, VI. 25—his quarrel with
Canumm, V. 770; VI. 410-salts of ox (DR Joan), V. 782. Calder. river, its navigation, XVI. 7— Appollonius the Rhodian. III. 290.
ide of, 450—sp. gr. of. XII. 27. Cuaan, French town. V. 782. and Hcbblc. navigation, XVI. 9. Callimorpha, insect. IX. 248.
Cannes, V. 770; XV. 665—letters in Caaazzo, Neapolitan city, V. 782. Cannnamus, V. 792. CALLINGAPA'I'AM, VI. 25.
troduced into Greece by, XVII. 395, Cur-ran (Cardinal), V. 782. Catncaox de la Barca, V. 792. Canusonn, V1. 25; V. 704, 706.
429—Thcbes founded by, XXI. 194. Cucrcr OIL, V. 782. Cannzawoon (David), V. 792. CALLINO, Italian town, VI. 26.
' of Miletus, V. 770. Csxz, V. 782. Caldew. river, VII. 536. CALLIsus, Greek poet, VI. 26.
C-adoual (George), X. 129. Caking-coal, VI. 444. Caunsao, in Lombardy, VI. 1. CALLIONDBOG, VI. 26.
Canaxrss, V. 770. Cananasu, V. 783. Cannsox, or Cauldron. VI. 1. Callionymus, fish, XII. 194.
Cansasn, island. V. 770. Calabozzo, temperature at, II. 612. CALDWALI. (Richard), VI. 1. Cannon, VI. 26; XV. 603.
Caucasus. V. 770. CALABBIA. V. 783—British expedition Cannons, VI. 1. CALuraznu, VI. 26.
Canes, V. 770. . to, in 1806, V. Mil—earthquakes in, Caledoninn Canal, XVI. 9 ; XIX. 750. Callipcr, VI. 22.
Canusn, V. 770. XVII. 511. Caledonians, VI. 1 ; XIX. 695, 696— Callirhipis. insect, IX. 140.
CADU'I‘INADA, in Hindostan, V. 770. CALABIII’I‘TO, Italian city, V. 783. Agricola’s wars with the, V. 300; CALLIaanoc, fountain, VI. 26.
Cmcilia, serpents, XX. 154. Casanoana, Spanish town, V. 783. XIX. 405, 406, 695. CALLIRTEA, Lesbian festival, VI. 26.
Czelian hill, XIX. 424, 426. CALAIS, V. 783--tournament at, VI. CALEFAC'I‘ION, VI. 2. CALLISTIIBNES, VI. 26.
CiliLIUS (Aurelianus), V. 770. 608—taken by the English VIII. 728 CALBLLA, Spanish town, VI. 2. Canus'raarcs, VI. 26.
CAEN, French city, V. 771. —rcgained by the French, 755. CALENBEBG, in Hanover. VI. 2. Callithrix. an animal, XIV. 92.
Caenurus, zoophyto, XXI. 995. (Pas on), V. 783. CALsxnaa, VI. 3—Mexican, II. 623, 634 Callitricheai, in botany, V. 110.
Class, in Etruria. V. 771. (St), in France, V. 783. —Bnrmese, IV. 245—Hindoo, VI. 263 Callomyia, insects, IX. 276.
Canauzos, in Monmouthshire, V. 771. Calaite, in mineralogy, XV. 154. -—_Druidical, VIII. 206—Egyptian, Callorhynchus, fish, XII. 230.
Canaxaa'rnnn, V. 771. CALauaxco, V. 783. 554—French revolutionary, X. 84— CALLOT (James). engraver, VI. 26.
Canaxan'rususmnt, V. 771. Calamaria. serpents, XX. 138. gardencr’s, X1. 687—why not reform CALLOW, VI. 26. |
CAEBNAIIVON, V. 772. CALAMIANEI, islands, V. 783. ed in Russia, XIX. 585—crrors from CALLVIZZANO, in Italy, VI. 26.
Casasaavossmsn, V. 772—embank CALuusn, V. 784; XV. 142 —mines confounding civil and ecclesiastical CALLIGONG HILLS, VI. 26.
ments in, VIII. 677, 680. of, in Derbyshire, VII. 735—pyro-elec years, XVIII. 391. 21. See Chrono CALM, VI. 26—latitudcs. ib.
Cazawrs, in Flintshire, V. 774. tricity of, VIII. 598—epecific gravity logy, Day, Month, Year. Camus. in Sweden, VI. 26; IV. 327-—
Cmsanrnws (Andrew), V. 774; XVII. of. XII. 27, 28. Cannons, VI. 17-calendcring of cot compact of, VI]. 721.
727—on botany, V. 71. Calamite, in mineralogy, XV. 154. ton by bleachers, IV. 688. Canus'r (Augustine). VI. 26.
Class! (Julius), V. 775; XIX. 395, d Calamity. pleasure from contemplating of Monteith, VI. 21. Canxonr. French town, VI. 26.
uq.; XI. 478—his triumph over the 0 scenes of. VIII. 54. Cannons (Mahommedan), VI. 21. Calmuc skull, II. 784.
Roman nobility. I. 305—hls invasion CALAMOTA, island, V. 784. Calends, VI. 4. Cums. town in Wiltshire, VI. 26.
of Britain, V. 297—his reform of the CALAMUS, V. 784. Calendulin, VI. 478. Calobata, insects, IX. 287.
calendar, VI. 5—Dr Clarke's edition Canaan (Edmund), V. 784. Cansx'rws (Ellsisui), VI. 21. CALOGEBI, monks, VI. 27.
of his Commentaries, VI. 7 29—his Calandra. insect, IX. 174. CALBNTUIIE, VI. 21. Calomel, VI. 417.
expedition to Egypt, VIII. 475—his as Calandrini, the first improver of the Caumzana, Corsican city, VI. 21. Calonne (Mons. dc), X. 40.
sumption of sovereignty, XIV. 463— Newronian theory of the moon, I. 663. Camzrm (Ambrosius), VI. 21. Caloptrophorus. bird, XVI. 625.
his conduct in Africa, XVI. 308—his Calandrinia, in botany, V. 63. Can. VI. 2 l—management of calves, I1. Calnpns, insect, IX. 167.
expedition against Pharnaces, XVIII. Canaa'ons, Hindoo town, V. 784. 326—i'atting of, VII. 592. Calorie. XI. 180. See Heat.
361—the Helvetii defeated by, XXI. Calao. bird, XVI. 593. (GOLDEN), VI. 21. Calorimeter. XX. 600.
42—death of, XIX. 398. Calappa, crustacea, VII. 50]. CALI, town in Popayan, VI. 21. Calorimotor, Dr Hare’s, XXI. 672.
, title of, V. 775. Cu.“ (John), V. 784. CALIAI'I, Hindoo town, VI. 21. Canon, Spanish town, VI. 27.
(Sn. James), V. 776. Canascms'rra. in Sicily, V. 785. Caliban, character of, XX. 187. n. 2. Calosoma. insects, IX. 132
Czaanna, an ancient city in Palestine. Canasn, V. 785. CALlnna, VI. 22—compasses—rule, ib. Calotes, reptile, XIX. 143.
V. 776 ; XVI. 742. Canasio (Marius), V. 785-—his Coneord~ Cameo, VI. 22 —- manufacture of, in g Canon-n. VI. 27.
Cmsasuns, V. 776. ance of the Bible, VII. I96. Bengal, IV. 567—cotton calicoes, VII. ‘ CALOWZ, in IIindostan, VI. 27.
Cazsanouns, V. 776. Canasuus, V. 785. 407. CALPE, VI. 27.
Cszs'rus, V. 776. Canararun, in Sicily, V. 785. Cauco-Pamrwo, VIII. 338; XVIII. Calpnrnius Flamma, VI. 191.
CBSUIIA, V. 776. CALATANISET‘I‘A, V. 785. 537. (TITUS), Latin poet, VI. 27.
Cm'rnu PABIBUS, V. 776. Cans-“run, in Spain, V. 785. Caucoo'rs, in Hindostan. VI. 22. CALTAGIIIONI-I, Sicilian city, VI. 27.
CAIIA, V. 776; IV. 661; VII. 473-— Canarnus, V. 785—inscct, IX. 126. Cancer, in Hindostan, VI. 22. Cam-mu, in Ceylon, VI. 27.
eommerce of, IV. 661. CALATOB, V. 785. CALIDUC'I‘, VI. 22. Cancun, VI. 29.
CAI-TILL, V. 776. Canaraava, V. 785—Knights of. lb. CALIFORNIA. VI. 22; XIV. 820-eli Cannuxr, VI. 29—oath of, ib.
Cafi‘raria, XII. 659. Canarvorcna, V. 786. mate of. II. BIO—probable descent of CALUSO, Italian town, VI. 27.
Cafl'res, an African tribe, II. 226, 233— Canauau. island, V. 785. the natives of, 634. Canvanos, in France. VI. 27.
their language, XIII. 94. Canaran, island, V. 786. CALIOA, VI. 23. Canvaa'r (Denis), VI. 27.
Caoanns, or Caeanus. V. 776. Calcagni (Dr). on the mortality in Paler CALIOATI, VI. 23. CALVARY, VI. 27 ; XII. 547, 549.
CAGAI'AN $001.00, V. 776. mo, XV. 538. Cauoawx, in Hindostan. VI. 23. Canvzar (Gem), Lord Baltimore, VI. 27.
Caoz, V. 776. CALCAIL (John de), V. 786. Cannons, Roman emperor, VI. 23— CALVI, VI. 28 siege of, XVI. 84.
Caoeuno, Italian city, V. 776. CALCAIEOUS Sran. V. 786—its crystal reign of, XIX. 401—his expedition to CALVIN (John). VI. 28; XIX. 94—his
’CAGLIAII, Sardinian city, V. 776. lization, VII. 512, et seq. Britain, V. 298—1118 persecution of disregard of the authority of Aristotle,
(Caro m), V. 777. ball in animals, XXI. 626. the Jews, XII. 573. I. l6—on usury, 233—his controver
(PAOLO), V. 777. Canceaawn, V. 786. Caurn, VI. 23. sies with Servetus, XX. 157.
Caouaso, Neapolitan town, V. 777. CALCEDOI'I, VI. 307. Caurns'rs, VI. 24. CALVINISI, V. 29 — Predestination,
Cahokia, in Illinois, XII. 248. CALCBDONI, V. 786; XV. 157. CALII'I’IO rsnon, VI. 24, 657. XVIII. 515—original sin, &c., XXI.
 INDEX. 31
CAL -CAM CAM CAM—CAN' ' CAN
219, ct sap—opinions of the early Causnmxoo, VI. 38. Cums Mons.), on bibliographical dic Canons, VI. 77—how to litht one by
Calvinists respecting the Lord‘s Sup Caunsou (John). VI. 88. tionaries, IV. 680—011 the classifica electricity, VIII. 625. . ', . "8
per, XX. SIB—Crypto-Calvinists, VI. (Richard). a leader of the Scot tion of books. 631, 632. Camus-nouns, VI. 78. ,.'.‘i if?“ ~‘.’
29. tish Covenanters, V. 353; VI. 41. (Jens PETER), VI. 54. CANDLEMAB, VI. 78. . '- rn:
Canvuws (Seth). VI. 29. CAMERONIANS, VI. 41; XIX. 764. Camwood. a dye-stuff. VIII. 311. CANDLES'I‘ICK, VI. 78. . .,_.
Cannssos, French city, VI. 29. Cameras, island, VI. 41. Cana of Galilee, XVI. 744. Candolle (Mons. dc), on botany, V. 80,‘
Camus (C. L.). Roman orator, VI. 29. CAMILIJ and Camilhe, VI. 41. Canaan, son of Ham, VI. 54. ct scq.,- V. 82, n. l—his classification
Cum, VI. 29. CAMILLUB (M. F.), VI. 41; XIX. 374. (Land of), VI. 54—its ancient of plants, 93—his theory of irrigation,
CALYIITBS, VI. 29. Camus“. in Portugal, VI. 41. divisions. XVI. Nil—human sacrifices XII. 456.
Calycanthese, in botany, V. 108. Cams. or Kamis. VI. 42. in. XIX. 606. Sec Palestine. CANDY, in Ceylon, VI. 78, 302—taken
Calycerese, in botany, V. 116. Caxxsans, VI. 42. Canaanites, their language, XIII. 83. by the British, 805.
Calyciflorte, in botany, V. 41. Camsanns. VI. 42. Curacao, African island, VI. 55. (Suoan). VI. 79; XX. 796.
Caucu'raa, VI. 29. Caruso, Sicilian city, VI. 42. CANADA, VI. 55—bill of 1791 for the Caunrmo, VI. 79. ~
Cannon, in JEtolia, VI. 29. Cums-nus. VI. 42. government of, V. 458—invaded by Cans, VI. 79—cane-sugnr. 472—sngar-‘
Canrrso. VI. 29. Canosss (Louis), VI. 42—poetry of, the Americans in 1813. 537—discon cane, XX. 790.
Calyptorhynchus, bird, XVI. 603. XVIII. 163. tents in 1825, 562—cmigration to, , river, VI. 79.
Calyptra, in botany. V. 55. CAMONICA, Italian town, VI. 43. VIII. 6S7, 689~Lord Selkirk's colony Cam“, in Caudia. VI. 79.
Calyptrtea, in conchology, XV. 349. CAMP, VI. 43. on Red River, 69l—inland navigation Canaan, Italian town, VI. 79. .‘_ “1
Canrx, VI. 30; III. 95, 96; V. 39, 42. Canraoxa, Italian city. VI. 44. of, XVI. 27—latc rebellion in, XVIII. Canellin, VI. 475. vi! ". , 2-_ _ --. .~-\
Cam. VI. {iii—its navigation, XVI. 10. CAMPAIGN, VI. 44—plan of. XXI. 733. 783—timber of, XXI. 295—weights Caxsrnosa, VI. 79. 3,43,, ful“ ,3
, in mechanics, XIV. 447, 448. Campan (Madame). quotation from, on and measures of, 852. CANEPHOBIA, VI. 79. 9, ~11 .,\¢,_., ,
Cannes, VI. 30. animal magnetism, XIV. 14. CANAL on Parson-s, VI. 69. Gauss, or Xhans, VI. 79. . .~,,,,,-_~ HM.)
Cauannuuaxs, VI. 30. Canvasnnna (Thor-1.), VI. 44; I. 26. CANALS, VI. 69 r, XVI. 1 - aqueduct asn Cancuss, VI. 79. i. {1‘
.b

Caxanonounn. VI. 30.
CAIANA, in Peru, VI. 30.
Cnnunoo. VI. 30.
Car'napuam, river, XIX. 245.
Camapuania, in Brazil, XIV. 325.
Canaan“, island, VI. 30.
Camarota, insects, IX. 288.
CAMASSEI (Andrea), painter, VI. 30.
Cansar, in Hindostan, VI. 30.
Causarss, cotton cloths, VI. 81.
Canaan, VI. 31.
Caussnrn Dncxs, VI. 31.
Caxnrs'r, French musician, VI. 31.
CAXBEBWELL. in Surrey, VI. 31.
CAIBIO, VI. 31.
Caxmsr, VI. 31.
Cambium, V. 33; XXI. 586.
Cansns'r, VI. 31.
CAMEO, French town, VI. 31.
Cannonwn. VI. 31.
Camboja, river, III. 676.
Cannono, island, VI. 32.
Caxsnar, VI. 32—Leaguc- of,
476.
Caunsnuss. French town, VI. 32.
Campanero, bird, XVI. 570.
Cancun (Matthew), VI. 44.
Cauramronu. VI. 44.
CAMPANINI, marble, VI. 44.
Campanulaceze, in botany, V. 117.
Campanus of Navarre, X. 429.
Campbell (Castle). VI. 722.
(Anon. and Joan), earls, mar
quises. and dukes of Argyle, VI. 44.
45. See Argyle.
(Sir Arcli.).his expedition against
the Burmese. V. 567; IV. 247.
(630.), D.D., VI. 47—scuse in
which he uses the words physics and
physiology, 1. 9—his merits as n. wri
ter, 220, 222—his funeral sermon, and
character, V. 600 —on abstraction,
XIV. 621, n. 2—on signs of ideas, 625
-on belief of testimony, 641—011 rhe
toric, XIX. 200. (it seq.-—-on the prin
ciples of translation, XXI. 344.
(Joan), historian, VI. 46.
XII. (Major). executed for killing in
a duel, VIII. 254.
(Rev. Mr.), his visit to Lattakoo,
bridges of, III. 322—drcdging of, VIII. VBNATICI, VI. 79. _ -~~
193—motion of water in, XII. 73; Caxs'r on Man. VI. 79. , ~ \m0"%‘_'
XIX. 258—use of inclined plane in, Cann'ro, Italian town, VI. 79. . "‘7 "; ‘
XIV. 363—draw and swing bridges for. Cansva, Italian town, VI. 79. 3»...
XVI. Zita—remarks on construction of. Canon (C. du F., Sieur du), VI. 79. ,
XXI. 788. See Aqueduct. Tunnel. Canon, VI. 80. ,
of Aragon. XVI. 73S—proposcd, Cauouoio (Ludovico), VI. 80. . . ,
from the Adriatic to Vienna, IV. 231 CANGUZIXA, VI. 80.
-of the Baltic, 331 -— in Belgium, CANICATTI, in Sicily, VI. 81.
XVI. 129—at Birmingham. IV. 650 CANICULA, star, VI. 81.
—in Brccon. V. 225—Brindley’s, 288 Canicular period, VI. 658.
-in Cambridgeshire, VI. 33—Canada, CANICULUX, VI. 81. ..
63—Cheshire. 509—Derbyshire, VII. Canine teeth, in man, II. 780—in the
735 — Dcvonshire, 745 — the Great lower animals. III. 84.
Doab, 684—Edinburgh and Glasgow, Cams: (.I. A. and .\I. A.), VI. 81.
VIII. 430—in Egypt. 514, 523. 550; Caniparius’s treatise on inks. XII. 281.
II. 413 ; XX. 788—England. VIII. 763 Cams, VI. 81; XIV. 111. See Dog.
-—France, X. 172—Forth and Clyde, Camsms (Henry). VI. 81.
VIII. 258; X. 550; XIX. 751—in Canje, river, IV. 579.
Germany. X. 483—Glnsgow and Ar Causes. VI. 81—in horses, XXI. 620.
drossan, IV. 260; X. 551—in Glouces Camus. town in Apulia, VI. 81—battle
tcrshire, 586—I-Iolland. XI. 531—Ire of, 198; XIX. 386. ~
land, X11. 413. 713—ltalian. for irri Cannalctti, painter, XVI. 719.
gation, 484 ; XIII. 470—in Kentucky. CANNZ, Italian town, VI. 81.
XII. 698—07 Kiel, IV. 331; VII. Canneze, in botany. V. 1‘“ 1)-.

Canaan, VI. 32.
Cambrian rocks, XV. 191.
01:13:10. VI. 32—manufacture of cot
ton cambric, VII. 408.
Cannnmon. VI. 32—Bentley’s govern
in Southern Africa, V. 22.
(Thomas). on Chaucer's Canter
bury Tales, VI. 338-on the Hebrew
poets, XVIII. I46-7—on the charac
ters of the Iliad, 149.
727—in Lanarkshire. XIII. 50—Lan Cnnnel-coal, II. 665; VI. 444; XV.172.
cashire, 53—Leitrim. 223—Lincoln Casnsomss, VI. 81.
shire. IBM—communicating with the Canuns, French city, VI. 81.
river Mersey, 39 3—in Maryland, XIV. Gunman. VI. 81 ; III. 248.
272—Massachusctts, 303—Mesopota Cannibalism practised by some Ameri
I

ment of Trinity College, IV. 577— Campbell’s Island. IV. 217. mia, IV. 281—Mexico, XIV. 813 can tribes, II. 621, (EM—revolting con
botanical school of, V. 83—librarics, Canrnsnrowu, VI. 48. Middlesex, XIII. 495 ; XV. 61— clusion respecting it. from the fact that
XIII. 299-early printing at, XVIII. Caurnnu, in Glostershire, VI. 48. Monkland. X. 551—Navarre, XV. 744 the flesh of the highest classes of ani
554—thc Northumberland equatorial, Caursacnr, VI. 48; XI. 550; XIV. 817 —New Jersey. XII. 54 3—Ncwry, VIII. mals is most nutritious, III. 166—in
XXI. 142—uuiversity, 500~colleges -—ta.kcn by the bucancers, V. 625. 131—Nicaragua. XV. 201—in Prussia, Ansiko. 238—111 New Zealand, IV. 216
and halls, 505. Causes (Peter). VI. 48; XX. 829—his XVIII. 691—0f the Rhine and Rhone, —-among the Battas, 451 ; XX. 806.
. a town in Massachusetts, VI. anatomical labours, II. 703—his facial XIX. 226—in Russia, 577—Scotlnnd, CANNING (George), VI. 81—his acces
33; XIV. 303, 805. angle, 785; III. 6; XVII. 701. 750—Shropshire, 622—Spain, XX. sion to power. V. 522—duel with Lord
CAMBRIDGEBIIIIE, VI. 33. Camperdown, battle of, V. 482 ; X. 107. 520—Staffordshire. 558—Isthmus of Castlereagh, 527—dcclaration against
Camhuskcnneth, VI. 720. Camphor. VI. 488~-—efl'ect of electricity, Suez, 788 —— Surrey, 847 —- Sweden, parliamentary reform, 556—appointed
Cambyses, XVII. 259—his conquest of on its odor. VIII. 636—speciiic gravity XXI. 389—Unitcd States, 470—War foreign secretary in 1823. 558—his
Egypt, VIII. 468—his expedition of. XII. 28—is a narcotic, XIV. 507 wickshirc. 782—Wiltshire. 891. eloquence and popularity. 560; XIX.
against the Macrobiansv IX. 378. optical properties of. XVI. 505. CAIALE, Italian town, VI. 69. 220—formation of a ministry in 1827
hls treatment of Crmsus, XX. 454, Camphoric acid, VI. 430. CANAuons. VI. 69. by. V. 569—hls death and character.
n. 4. Cancun (Edmund). VI. 51. Canana, VI.70—-North, 71—South, 72. 570 —his corn-bill. ib.—his resolutions
Canons (William). VI. 35. Cauncunsxo. VI. 51. CANARIES, islands, VI. 72—language of for improving the corn-laws. VII. 341.
(Marquis of ), relinquishment of CAMPIDOCTOBES, VI. 51. the, X111. 94—weights and measures, Caxsos, VI. 843; XI. 34~boring of. V.
a pension by. V. 544. CAMPIDUC'I‘OB, VI. 51. XXI. 852. l—enstiug of, VI. 84 —-early use of, in
. town in Carolina, VI. 86. CAMPION, in Tartary, VI. 51. Canary-bird, XVI. 581. China, 574. See Artillery, Gunnery.
Camel. XIV. 156—its stomach. III. 35 CAMPI'I‘IE, VI. 51. Caucus. in Cambodia. VI. 75. of a watch, V1. 786.
-water-cclls in stomach, 36—Arabian, Curru. Italian city, VI. 52. Cancellaria, in conchology, XV. 346. Cannon-bones in mammalia, III. 9, In.
828—Asiatic, 68 2—structure of, XVII. Cuu’onasso, VI. 52. Cancun, VI. 75. Cauuoxann. V1. 89.
709—caravans of, in the Sahara or CAMPO-FOBXIO, Italian town. VI. 52-— Cancun. in astronomy, VI. 75—tropic Cuno. Sec Kano.
Great Desert. XIX. 613. treaty of. X. 107. of. ib.—disease. XVII. 487. Canon, VI. 89; XII. 490
, river. its navigation. XVI. 10. Camroxauns (D. P. 11., Conde de), a Caucasus. in France. VI. 75. Canon, VI. 89-91. See Bible, Deutero
Cuneleons. reptiles, XIX. .148. See Spanish statesman, VI. 52. CANCIIEBIZANTI-Z, VI. 75. canonical.
Chameleon. Caxro Maren, VI. 52. Caxcos, French town, VI. 75. Canox LAW, VI. Ell—study of the. 708;
Camellia. culture of, XI. 687. Caursonon. in Spain. VI. 52. Cancromn. bird, XVI. 618. at Bologna, XXI. 488; and itt 0:
Cmnnonenox, VI. 30. Campsia, insects. IX 166. Carma. Italian town, VI. 75. ford, 492.
Camelopard. XIV. 156, 161; II. 227; CAKPSIE, in Stirlingshire, VI. 52—alum~ Candace. queen of Nubia, VIII. 557. Cauoxrss. VI. 94.
XVII. 709. work at, 11. 573. 576. Cannauas. or Kandahar, VI. 75. Canongate, VII I. 428. ‘
Camelopardalis, XIV. 161. Camptocerus, insect. IX. 176. Candnulcs, XIII. 607. CANONICA, VI. 94.
Canno, or Camaicu, VI. 30. Camptorhynchus, insect, IX. 174. Canonsu. XII. 707. CANOIICAL, VI. 94—Hours—Obcdience
CAMERA )Eoua, V1. 36. Camus, VI. 52—Mail—Martius—Scele CANDIA, island and city, VI. 76—tskcn —Sins—Punishments—Life. ib.—Let
LUCIDA, VI. 36. ratus, ib. by the Turks, XXI. Mil—weights and ters, 95.
oascona. VI. 88; XVI. 853, Cnmpverc, XXI. 566. measures of, 852. CANONICUI, VI. 95.
Mil—invention of, I. 508. Campylomyzn, insects, IX. 260. Cannuc (John Louis). VI. 77. Casoms'r, VI. 95.
Cuussuuus (Joachim), VI. 38. Cansoor, in I‘lindostan, V1. 52. Cnndinns of Ceylon, VI. 303. CANONIZA'I‘ION. VI. 95.
CAMEII, Italian town, VI. 38. Camus (C. S. L.). V1. 58—on the line of CANDIDATE, VI. 77. Casosnr, VI. 95.
Cannuzo, in Italy, VI. 38. traction, XIV. 441. CANDIDATI Mlurns, VI. 77. Cnsorvl, VI. 95; VIII. 554
6
32
CAN-CAP
CAuorr, VI. 95; III. 465.
CAsosA, Italian city, VI. 95.
CAsoVA (Antonio), VI. 95—his sculp
ture, XX. 8.
CANSO, in Nova Scotia, VI. 98.
CAus'rAn'r, in Wirtemberg, VI. 98.
CAs'r, VI. 98.
Cant~body, in ship-building, XX. 276—
Iaying off the cant-timbers, 280, and
cant-transom, 283.
CAx'rA, in Peru, VI. 98.
CANTABBIA, VI. 99.
Cantabrian language, XIII. 88.
Cau'rAssuu, VI. 99. ‘ -
CANTACUZINUB (Johannes), VI. 99.
Cantze, VI. 2. CAPITAL, VI. 122—lettcrs, ib.
CAn'rAL, in France, VI. 99.
CANTAIINI (Simon), V1.99.
CAs'rA'rA, in music, VI. 99.
CAurnsn, French town, VI. 99.
CAursius (D. and A.), VI. 99.
CANTERBURY, VI. lOO—archbishop of,
III. 397—Becket's shrine at, IV. 509 CArirAsA'rA, in Italy, VI. 122.
—nrchbishopric 01', VIII. 763-navi CAPITANEI, VI. 122.
gation, XVI. 11.
CAn'rmms (William), VI. 100.
Oantharidse, insects, 1X. 168.
CAn'rnAstnss, VI. 100—caten by hedge
hcgs, lII. INS—poisonous, XIV. 507.
Cantharidin, VI. 505.
Cantharis, insect, IX. 170.
, fish, XII. 177.
CAurleLss, VI. 100.
CAITIXAIONS, VI. 100.
CAu'rwx, promontory, VI. 100.
CAx'ro, VI. 100.
CAI'ros, VI. 101—in heraldry, XI. 251.
, Chinese province and town, VI.
100—commeree of, VI. 582.
(Joan), VI. 104—on the com
pressibility of water, I. 607; II. 114 ;
XII. 9—his life and character, I. 607
on the aurora borealis, IV. 202—on
electricity, VIII. 570—on phosphor
escence, XIII. 336—on magnetism,
BSD—his artificial magnets, 756.
CAnrouuso of soldiers, VI. 105.
Cantova (P. Juan Antonio), on the
Caroline Islands, XVIII. 318.
CANTBBD, or Cantreth, VI. 105.
CAs'rrus, VI. 105—Mull of, ib.
CAsnswx, town in Apulia, VI. 105.
CANU‘I‘B, VI. 105; XVI. 258—rcign 01',
VIII. 706-7—fleet of, XX. 214.
Canutson (Charles), XXI. 13.
CANVASS, VI. 105-whether used by
ancient painters, XVI. 699, n.
CARY, a French town, VI. 106.
Cnnynge (Wm.), his ships, XX. 218.
Canons, in music, VI. 106.
CAszonsr'rA, VI. 106.
CAosno. island, VI. 106.
CAourcuoUc, VI. 106, 492—its use in
making catheters, VII. 567—speeiiic
gravity of, XII. 28—minera1, IV. 654 ;
XV. 17 2.
CAP, VI. 108—01‘ maintenance, ib.
CAr AID Bn'r'ros Isuts, VI. 108.
CArAci-rr, VI. 108.
CAPALUAN, island, VI. 108.
CArAsisos, VI. 108.
CA", VI. 108; X. 408.
CAP: Bxs'ros, V. 228. I
CA" CoAs'r CASTLE, VII. 9.
Cape Colony, X. 610.
Cape of Good Hope. See Good Hope.
Cape Town, X. 611.
Cape-envy, an animal. XIV. 151.
CAnu. (Edward). VI. 109.
CAPELLA, a fixed star, VI. 109.
Capello (Admiral), his expedition against
the Algerines, II. 507.
CArsLLns (Lewis), VI. 109—his Glitico
Sacra, XII. 692.
Capcrcnilzie, bird, XVI. till—shooting, CArn'r, VI. 131—Barouim—Lnpinum—
XX. 316.
CArzxuAtns, VI. 109; XVI. 744.
CArxsonAus, VI. 109.
Capet (Hugh). X. 11.
(hrs, a Jewish measure, VI. 110.
Guinea, in Egypt, VI. 110.
CAri-AoA, Turkish omcer, VI. 110.
(inns, in law, VI. 110.
. INDEX.
CAP—CAR
CArici, VI. 110.
CAPILLAxzs'r, VI. 110.
CAPILLAM', VI. 110.
CArxnLAar Ac'rios, VI. 110; XII. 38—
I-Iauksbee’s experiments on, I. 615-—
other experiments on, and explana~
tions of, 616—its efi'eet in the baro
meter, IV. 39 l—how far the cause of
the ascent of sap in plants, XXI. 573.
roots, III. 88.
vessels of the human body, II.
723; XVII. 640—their action, 644.
CAPILUPI ( Camillus and Lzelius), VI. 122.
Capiou, V. 68.
CArisconus, VI. 122.
, in architecture, III. 465.
, in political economy, VII. 164
-—aceumulation and employment of,
XVIII. 279, et seq.
punishments, XIV. 513—eases CAaAc-rAccs, king of the Britons, VI.
in England and Wales, VIII. 803. 132; V. 298; XIX. 402.
Caragna-resin, sp. gr. of, XII. 28.
CAaAoaoc'ra, a silver coin, VI. 132.
CAPITANEUS. VI. 122.
CAPITANIA, VI. 122.
CAPITA'I'IOI, a tax, VI. 122.
Curtis, VI. 122—Censi, ib.
Canon, in Rome, VI. 123.
Capitoline Hill, XIX. 424, 425.
GAxzs, VI. 123.
CAPITOLIN us(Ju1ius),historian,VI.123.
CArxrcLAnrss, VI. 123.
CAPITULA'rios, VI. 124.
CAPI'rnum, VI. I‘M—in botany, V. 41.
CArrzzx, Sicilian town, VI. 124.
CArxAsl (D. Antonio do), VI. 124.
Csrslcozs, VI. 124.
CArsoxAscr, VI. 124.
Cum 9’ Is'raiA, VI. 125 ; X. 750, 751.
CAPON, VI. 125.
Caromsas, VI. 125.
CArossuz, Italian town, VI. 127.
CArrAnocrA, VI. 125.
CAPPANUS, VI. 127.
Capparidre, in botany, V. 97.
Capped Hock. XXI. 617.
Capperonnier (Claud), his edition of
Quintilian, V. 718.
CAraAIA, island, VI. 127.
CAPaANU, Turkish village, VI. 127.
CAPBI, island near Naples, VI. 127.
CAraxArA (Peter John), VI. 127.
Cnpric acid, VI. 430.
CAPRICOBN, VI. 127—Tropic of, ib.
CAPBII‘ICA‘I‘IOK, VI. 127.
Caprifoliacem, in botany, V. 115.
Caprimulgus, bird, XVI. 578; VI. 128.
CAramo, a town of Verona, VI. 128.
CAraioLss, VI. 128.
Caproic acid, VI. 430.
Capromys, in zoology, XIV. 132.
Capros, fish, XII. 189.
CArsrnz, in the Netherlands, VI. 128.
CAPSA, VI. 128; XVI. 308.
, in conehology, XV. 342.
CArsAu, in Cerigo. VI. 128.
CArsAsws, VI. 128.
CArsIcux, VI. 128 ; XI. 675.
CArsqeAass, VI. 128.
CAPS'I‘AN, VI. 128—a powerful one de
scribed, XIV.406.
CArsULs, VI. 129—07 the eye, II. 799—
in botany. VI. 129 ; V. 49.
CAPTAIN, VI. 129-30-nava1, XVI. 52.
CAr'riosJn Scots law, VI. 130.
CAr'rivs, VI. 130.
CAr'rivrrY. VI. 130.
(Jewish), VI. 130; XII. 568.
CAr'russ, VI. 130.
Cares, VI. l30—Hannibal’s conduct at,
199—taken by the Romans, 200.
CArocmss, VI. 130.
Capulus, mollnscum, XV. 849, 364.
Mortnum, ib.
Capybara, in zoology, XIV. 140.
CA:, or Carr, VI. 174.
Carabici, insects, IX. 114.
CABAIIINB and CAaAsmssas, VI. 131.
Carabus, insect, IX. 130.
Caracal, in zoology, XIV. 123.
l QAaAcALaA; Roman emperor, VI. 131 ;
CAR CAR
XIX. 410—his cruelties at Alexandria, CAxnAss, VI. 136.
II. 410—baths of, IV. 441—his pro CAsnsas, VI. 136.
scription of Geta’s name, VIII. 534, CAanlac, VI. 136.
n. 8-—his war with the Parthians, CAsmrr, in Glamorganshire, VI. 186;
XVII. 106. X. 533—canal, XVI. 13.
CAaAcALLA, an ancient Roman gar CAIDIGAII and Curdiganshire, VI. 137.
ment, VI. 131~ CAsmsAL, VI. 138—Polnts—Signs—
Caracara, bird, XVI. 561. Winds—Numbers, ib. See Conclave,
CAIACCAU, V1. 131—climate of, II. 612 Consistory.
—earthquake at, XVII. 512. See Co Cardinalis (Hugo), IV. 612.
lumbla. Carding of cotton, improvements in, by
CAaAccx (Agostino). VI. 131; XVI. 720. Hargreaves, VII. 399—and by Ark
(ANNIBALE), VI. 131; XVI. 720 wright, 40l — carding-machines, X.
—-on the works of Coreggio, II. 521. 556; XXI. 931.
(LOUIS), VI. 131. CAxnioln, VI. 139.
Caraccioli, the Letters of Pope Clement Cardita, in eonehology, XV. 342.
XIV. written by, VI. 737. Carditis in animals, XXI. 632.
(Prince). execution of, XVI. 88. CAnni'ro, Italian town, VI. 139.
Canon, VI. 132. Cardium, in cont-hology, XV. 341, 37 2.
CAsAc'r, VI. 132; VIII. 4; XV. 395. CAnnosA, Spanish town, VI. 139.
Cardoon, culture of, XI. 674.
Carduelis, bird, XVI. 581.
CAassmuo of ships, VI. 139.
Current, VI. 139.
CAnAtrss, Jewish sect, VI. 132. CAasouo, Italian town, VI. 140.
CAaAxAs, VI. 133. CAxss'ras, French city, VI. 140.
CABAIANIA, in Asia Minor, VI. 133. CAnss'rota, French town, VI. 140.
CAsAluuTA, in S. America, VI. 134. CAsm', VI. 140.
Caramaru, V. 189, 190. CAssw (Geo.), prinms. VI. 140.
Carambola, XI. 659. (Geo,), secundus, VI. 140.
CAnAxs'AssA, river, VI. 134. (Richard), VI. 140.
Carangas, silver-mines of, IV. 749. (Thomas), Euligsh poet, VI. 140;
Caranna, VI. 492. XVIII. 170.
Caranus,t‘ounder of Macedon, XIII. 619. CA!“ (Harry), VI. 140.
Caranx, fish, XII. 186. Carez, his poly types, XVIII. 567.
Carapns, fish, XII. 226. CAIGADOIS, VI. 141.
CAnA'r, VI. 132; VIII. 4; XV. 395. Cargill, a leader of the Scotch Covenant
Caraudau, his process for manufacturing ers, V. 353.
alum, II. 577. CAaoo, VI. l41—super-cargo, ib.
CAaAvseCA, Spanish tovm, VI. 134. CABIA, in Asia-Minor, VI. 141.
Caravaggio, painter, XVI. 716. Guinea, in Colombia, VI. 141.
CAnAvAss, VI. l34—Asiatic commer Cariacon, island, X. 772.
cial, III. 699—from Damascus, VII. Cariama, bird, XVI. 617.
607—Egyptian, VIII. 526—111 the Sn (human: IsLAuns, VI. 141 ; III. 251—
hara, XIX. 613. serpents of the, XX. 137.
CAaAvAusssAl, VI. 134. Cnribcrt, X. 4.
CAaAVAsssaAsiusa, VI. 134. Caribs, their skulls and complexion, II.
Carbazotic acid, VI. 430. 616—their character, 622.
Garbo-hydrogen, VI. 371. Carica, in botany, V. 68.
Carbon, VI. 367—hisnlphuret of, 377— CARICATUBA, in painting, VI. 141.
phosphuret of, 382 — sulphuret of, CABICOL'B, VI. 141.
VII. 62-specific gran'ty of, XII. 28— Cal'ides, crustacea, VII. 501.
whence derived by plants? XXI. 571, CAaicsAsoJtalian city, VI. 141.
579. Sec Charcoal. , CAIILLONS, chimes, V1. 141.
CAnsouAaA, Italian town, VI. 134. CAuurA'rA, island, VI. 141.
Carbonari, societies of the, X11. 478. Games, Java, VI. 141.
Carbonic acid, VI. 368—a component CAarsA, VI. 141—in botany, V. 43.
part of the atmosphere, IV. 135 ; CAnmss, VI. 142.
XVII. 532—Dr Black‘s discovery of, Carinaria, in couchology, XV. 344, 364.
IV. 655—Mr Cavendish on, V1. 261 CABINI, Italian city, VI. 142.
—in collieries, VII. Gil—poisonous CAsm'rnlA, VI. 142; IV. 228.
quality of, XIV. 504; XVIII. 177— Carinthian mountains, XI. 725—Alps,
its application in moving engines, XII. 252.
XIV. 437—produced by respiration, Carinthine, in mineralogy, XV. 154.
XVII. 646; XVIII. 122;-by germina Carioles (Canadian), VI. 60.
tion ofseeds, XXI. 568 ; and by plants, Caris, genus of arachnides, III. 369.
575, 577—in mineralogy, XV. 137. Carisbrooke Castle, king Charles the
oxide, VI. 369—poisonous qua First at, V. 331-2.
lity of, XIV. 504. CAsrrAs, VI. 142.
Carboniferous reeks, XV. 196. CAaxs, VI. 142.
Caasnscns, VI. 134. CABLBTON (Sir Dudley), VI. 142; V. 311
Carburet of potassium, VI. 393 —- of Carli, inscriptions at, XII. 291.
cerium, 400—ot' zirconium, 401—ot' CAxLnts and Carlines, VI. 142.
iron, 404 —of manganese, 407 -—of CAauuoronn, Irish town, VI. 142—
nickel, 408—of cobalt, 409. lighthonse of, XX. 17.
Carburetted hydrogen, VI. 370; X. 366, CAnusos of a ship, V1. 142; XX. 285.
in mineralogy, XV. 137—natural pro CAamsu, VI. 142—Table of Mortality
duction of, XVI. 184. at, 111. 233—canal, XVI. 11.
Careanius on inscriptions, XII. 292. , in Illinois, XII. 248.
Carcase, in gunnery, XI. 72. , in Pennsylvania, XVII. 224.
CAacAJsosss, in France, VI. 134. (Sir A.), on the structure of the
CABCAXENTE, Spanish town, VI. 135. muscles, XVII. 609.
Caucsass, ancient games, VI. 135. Carlisle’s galvanic experiments, XXI.
Carcerulcs, in botany, V. 49. 678.
Carcharius, fish, XII. 232. CAaLocx, VI. 142.
CAsn, VI. 135. See Carding. CAaLorAoo, Austrian town, VI. 143.
CAsns, VI. 135—history of, XVIII. 539. CAuLos (San), in Venezuela, VI. 143.
CABDAN (Jerome), VI. 135—an instance (Don), his attempts to obtnil
of the union of genius with weakness, the Spanish crown, XX. 510, ct seq.
1. 441—00 aeronautics, II. l79—his CAaLo'rA, town in Spain, VI. 143.
improvements in algebra, 423, 455— Canon, in Ireland, VI. 143.
his lamp, XIII. 42—0n mechanics, CAnLowx'rz, in Hungary, VI. 144
XIV. 350. CAsLssAn, in Bohemia, VI. 144.
 INDEX. 33
CAR CAR CAR—CA8 CAS
CAILSIUIO, in Austria, VI. 144, I46. of beams, 760. et seq. See Centre, Can-runes“, in Colombia. VI. 207— Casxs, VI. 214—fabrication 04’, VII.
Cannsnns. VI. 145; IV. 327. Joinery. Roof, Strength of Materials, Adiniral Vernon’s expedition against, 305; by machinery at Deptt‘ord. VIII.
CasnsxaouANI. l45—docks at.VIII. 80. Timber. V. 379—plundered by the bucaneers, 81—gauging of, XIV. 577.
Cannons. German city, VI. 145. Cures-run, VI. 172. 625. Cssnox (William), VI. 215.
Cannsran'r, VI. 145. Canrn'rs, VI. l72—Turkish, XXI. 427. Carthalo. Cartlmginian general. VI. 192. Cssmarhynchus. bird. XVI. 570.
Carlton (Sir Dudley), VI. 142; V. 311. CARPET-KNIGHTS, VI. 174. Carthamus. a dye-stuff, VIII. 310. Casnonia, insects. IX. 116. 1“?

CAILYL! (Joseph Dacre), VI. 145. CABPI, in Italy, VI. 174. Caa'rnnsuxs, VI. 207. Casoau. Italian town, VI. 215.
Cnuuosou, Italian city, VI. 146. (U00 DA), VI. 174-his improve Cartier (A.). voyages of, XVIII. 216. CASPE, Spanish city. VI. 215.
CABIBL (Mount), VI. 146 ; XVI. 742. ment of wood-engraving. XXI. 917. Cartilage, XVII. 601, 656-whethercon Casper (Dr), on statistics of mortality,
Csaxnu'rss, religious order. VI. 146. (Dr). on the magnetism of the tained in bone, 11. 743, 746—struc 8tc., XV. 536. 547.
CARMEN, VI. 147. solar rays, XIII. 696. ture of. 747—synovial membrane of, Caspian Gates, XVII. 242.
Casuns'rama. Roman feast. VI. 147. (Gmouuo DA), VI. 174. 756—intervertebral, 760; XVII. 614 SEA. VI. 215; X. 397; XVII.
Carmichael (Prof.). on Grotius, I. 88. Carpini. X. 397. --ensiform, II. 7 64—of the ribs, 765; 521—canals uniting it with the Bai—
Carmine. in crayon-painting, VII. 452 CABPINO, Italian city, VI. 174. larynx. 805; windpipe, 821; joints, tic. IV. 331—its level lower than that
-—in dyeing, VIII. 308. Carpobalsamum. IV. 322. XVII. 604. of the ocean. 402—Russian trade on
Cannons, Spanish city, VI. 147. CAIPOCBATIANS, heretics. VI. 174. Cartilaginous fishes, XII. 229. the. XVII. 246.
Cannons, in Hindustan. VI. 147. Carpuo on medical electricity. VIII. 640. Cartismandua. V. 298. Cssqus, VI. 214.
Carnabii, VI. 2. Carpus, in man, II. 788—tho mamma Cartland Craigs. bridge at. III. 323. Cassada. V. 67, 68.
CARNAC, French town. VI. 147. lia. III. 8—birds, 13. Csa'roox. or Carton, VI. 207. CASSANA (Nicole). painter. VI. 211.
Carnack. temple of, III. 410. Cash. or Car, VI. 174. Caa'roucns, VI. 208. Csssnmen, VI. 217 ; XIII. 642. - "
Cannarnsrcsos, V1. 147. Csansc. or Carrack, VI. 174; XX. 217. CAITRIDGB, VI. 208—wire, XX. 305. Cassnmn. VI. 217. - 4' ‘
CAINA'I'IC, VI. 147-, XI. 421, et seq. CARI-AHA, Italian city, VI. 174—marble. CARTRIDGE-BOX, VI. 208. Cassano. Italian city. VI. 217.
CAINA'I'ION, among painters, VI. 148. ib.; XIII. 595. Cartwright (Rev. 12.), his power-loom, Cassation (Court of), X. 218. .
,flower. culture of, XI. 684. Carre (Robert), V. 304. VII. 408 ; XXI. 830—his parallel Cassava. V. 68—Mexican, XIV. 800.
CABIIAUL,111 Hindustan. VI. 148. Carré (Louis). his experiments on capil motion, XX. 659. Cassegrain (Monsieur). on the speaking
Carne (Mr), on the Dead Sea, III. 703. lary action, XII. 40. (Thomas). his work against the trumpct, XXI. 391, 397.
CAINIADES. VI. 148—estimate which Carrera. a leader in Chili, VI. 540. Douay Bible. IV. 618. Casszn, VI. 217; XI. 287. _
Grotius formed of his ethics, 1. 315. (Peter), on eruptions of Mount (WILLIAI), VI. 208. Cassicus. bird, XVI. 582. ' #
Canusnnz, VI. 149. Etna, II. 205. Cartwright’s rope-machine. XIX. 463. Cassida. insects, IX. 182. '
Canusu. ancient festival, VI. 149. Carrhm, VII. 27 7—battle of. XVII. 103. Cnncarvaws. VI. 208. Cassidariss, insects, IX. 182.
CAI-IIBLIAN, VI. 149 ; XV. 157—speciiic CABIIAGBS, VI. 175 ; VII. 4—duties on. Caruncle of the eye, II. 800—in various Cassimir, or Cashmere. See Cashmere.
gravity of. XII. 28. 5—construetion of, XIV. 439. See animals. III. 24. ' Cassius, Italian town, VI. 218.
Cnnrao. VI. 149. Coach. Chariot. Caruncuhe. in botany, V. 50. CABSINI (John Dominic). VI. 218—his
Carnic Alps, II. 559. Cannon. district of, VI. 175; IV. 259. Carus. on comparative anatomy. III. 40. astronomical discoveries. I. 498; III.
CAINII‘BX, VI. 149. Carriek-on-Shannon, XIII. 224. , Roman emperor, XIX. 418. 743, 762; IV. 31 —on the planets
Cannons, VI. 149; IV. 228. Canalcx-on-Sma. in Tipperary. VI. Canvsos, VI. 208. Venus and Mars, 27, 28—his baro
CARNIVAL, VI. 149. 175; XXI. 316. 811. Canalho, his administration, V. 193. meter, 391—his micrometer, XV. 23.
Carnivora, XIV. 105—their bones, III. CABBICXFEROUQ, VI. 175; III. 274. Canvsn, VI. 208—and gilder, V. 692. (June), VI. 218—his astrono
6, ct sap—muscles. 18—organs of Csastsa, VI. 176. CAIVIN, French town, VI. 208. mical labours, III. 745-on the length
smell, 21—eyes, 23—long intestines, , French rcvolutionist, X. 93,”. 1 Canvmo. VI. 208. of the degree. IX. 548.
37—peculiarities of organization. 159 CAXBIBB-PIGEON, VI. 176. See Pigeon. Canwaa, in Hindustan. VI. 208. n: Tuna! (C. F.). VI. 219.
—their flesh generally unfit for food. Cannon de los Condes, VI. 177. CARY (Lucius), Lord Falkland, VI. 208. CASSIODOBUS (.\I. A.), VI. 219; X. 619.
166 —pairing of. 168. Cannon, river in Scotland. VI. 177 ; See Falkland. Csssxorsra, VI. 220.
, insects, IX. 111. XVI. 11; XX. 730. -— (Roaza'r), VI. 209. CABSIS. ancient helmet, VI. 220.
Cunnvonons, VI. 149. iron-works, VI. 178 ; XIX. 811 ; CABIATES, ancient festival, VI. 209. , in conchology. XV. 347.
Carnonacew. VI. 2. XX. 733. ’ Caryatides, III. 416, 441. 465. Cassiterides, V. 297.
Carnot on the defence of fortified places. (Loch) fishery, XIX. 487. Carychinm, in conchology, XV. 348. CASSIUS (Cains), one of Czesar’s murder
IX. 7 7 1—his system of tactics, XXI. Caaaoxanx. VI. 178; XI. 72. Can“. (Joseph), VI. 209. ers, VI. 220; XIX. 396. 398.
738. Carrots. culture of, II. 289 ; X1. 670. Cantu. (John). English poet, VI. 209. (Lononws and Srnaws).VI.220.
Camusius. V. 301. Cannons“, VI. 178. Caryocatactes, bird. XVI. 585. , a Roman surgeon, XX. 823.
CAlo (Annibal). poet, VI. 150. Cananca, ancient chariot, VI. 178. Caryophyllaceze. in botany, V. 99. Cassivelaunus. V. 298.
Canomsu (North), VI. 150—canalsin, CABBUCAGI, VI. 178. Caryophyllaaus. zoophyte, XXI. 996. Cassocx, VI. 220.
XVI. 26; XXI. 472—railroads, 473. Caaancsra, VI. 178. Caryopsis. in botany, V. 48. Cassoon, in architecture. III. 465.
(Sourn). VI. 150—canals in, CARRYING, VI. 178. Cass. VI. 209 -—Santa. ib.-Grands. ib. Cassowary, or Cassuary. XVI. 616 ;
XVI. 26; XXI. 472—railroads, 473 CAass, VI. 178—of Falkirk, ib.—of CAUAI n1: Caesars, VI. 209. XXI. 716.
-state-bonds. 479. Gowrie, 179—ot' Stirling. ib., 720; Cassns, in Italy, VI. 209. Cassnusszsa, in Bengal. VI. 220.
. Spanish town. VI. 151. XX. 729. Cassnxnovo. Italian towns, VI. 209. Cas'r, VI. 220. See Casting.
. code, XVIII. 735. CABS'I‘AIBS (William), VI. 179. CASALVIEBI, Italian town. VI. 209. Cast-iron. VI. 404. '
CAIOLINAS. or Caroline Islands, VI. Carstens (Jan). his voyage, IV. 204. Casanare, in Colombia. XIII. 402. CASTALIO (Sebastian). VI. 220; XIII.
151; XVIII. 317. Caasucu. (Rainier), VI. 179. Casanova, effects produced on, by a work 271—his Latin and French Bibles.
Caroline, consort of George 11.. her con Curr, VI. 179—of war. ib.—agricultu— entitled La Cité Mystique. &c.. I. 426. IV. 615. 617.
versations with Whiston, XXI. 870. ral, II. 269. . Cans (Bartholomco dc Las). VI. 209. Casrsuus Foss, VI. 220.
, consort of George the Fourth, . river, XVI. 735; XIX. 119—— Casati Manuscript. XI. 339. Casraun'rs, VI. 220.
V. 533. 535, 548—her arrival in Eng navigation, XVI. 11. (PAUL), VI. 210. CASTES, VI. 220—in India, V. 176; XI.
land, 549—trial. 550—death, 554. Cart-horse, II. 316; XI. 596. Cassvsou (Isaac dc), VI. 211—Casau 402— their effects there, VII. 395-—
Cssomnn Booas, VI. 151. Cartago, VII. 384; XI. 19. honiana, II. 676. in ancient Egypt, VIII. 461. 465.
Canonos'unuss, VI. 151. Can't-s (Thomas), VI. 179. (MI-28.16), VI. 211—his edition of CASTEL (Lewis Bertrand), VI. 226.
CAXOLUG, coins so called. VI. 151. Bnaxcns. VI. 180. Strabo. XIX. 779. Basxco, VI. 226.
Canooa, in Hindustan, VI. 151. Can-rm..- VI. ISO—cartel ship. ib CASDIN, or Casween. VI. 212. ns VIDE. VI. 226.
Canons, in Venezuela, VI. 151. Carter (Dr), on disease of the pancreas. Cascans. VI. 212—in gardening. X. . Sunnis, VI. 226.
Canon!) arteries, VI. 151; II. 820. XVII. 482. 329. See Waterfall. Cssrnumoxo. Italian city. VI. 226.
CAIOUOL, Swiss city. VI. 151. (John). his work on pointed ar Cascsus, Portuguese toun. VI. 212. Cssrzu. (Dr Edmund), VI. 227—aidod
CLIP, VI. 151; XII. 197-angling for, chitecture, III. 431. Case-aura. Spanish city. VI. 212. in the publication of Walton's Poly
111. 146. (‘arteret (Captain), his discoveries in Case. VI. 212-in printing, ib.—in glott Bible. XXI. 731. \
--\-.

CAIPEA. ancient dance, VI. 151. Australasia, IV. 212. 213. grammar. ib. ; X. 642. 683. Casrsnuxosrs. VI. 227.
Carpal bones. II. 789 ; III. 8. 13. Cartcs (Ilene des). See Descartes. Cass-sno'r, VI. 212; XI. 71,75. Cssrsnux, VI. 227.
CABPA'I'RS, now Carpathian mountains, Cartesian devils. XVIII. 98. Cascic acid, VI. 427. CASTELLANA, VI. 227.
VI. 151; IV. 229 ; IX. 406; XI. 725; — philosophy. See Descartes. Casein, VI. 498. CASTELLANE, VI. 227.
XXI. 345. Canrssuxs. VI. 183. CASBBTA-NOVA, VI. 212; XV. 709. CABTELLABIUB. VI. 227.
CAIPATHIUH Mass, VI. 151. Cssrnsoz. VI. 183—ruins of, II. 235; Cash-book, IV. 778. CASTELLA'I'IO. VI. 227.
Carpel, in botany, V. 44. IV. 363—commerce, VII. 156~—his CASHAN. Persian city, VI. 212. Casrsnuzzo. VI. 227.
CAIPINEDOLO. Italian town. VI. 152. tory, XI. 472, ct seq.--wars with the CABIN-3,111 Tipperary. VI. 212; XXI. Casrsnu (Bernard). VI. 227.
Can-earns.“ (Gulf of), VI. 152. Romans, XIX. 384. 386. 388; and 316—rock of. 313, 315. (Valerio), VI. 227.
CARPENTBl, VI. l52—distinguished Syracusans. XXI. 55. ct nq.-con Cashew—nut. black (lye-stuff, VIII. 328. on hydrodynamics, X11. 2.
from joiner, V. 683—work ( f.in build quests in Spain, XX. 490. Cashgar, III, 699. , governor of Peru. IV. 756
ing, ib.—health of carpenters. XIV. , in Tennessee, XXI. 183. CASHIER. VI. 212. CASTIZLIDN as u Puss, VI. 227.
510—naval, XVI. 53. Carthaginian alphabet. II. Pl. XIX.— Casnxnan, VI. 212-goat, XI. 382; CAsrsLnoanx Ornnu'io. VI. 227.
(General). V. 375. nrmy, III. 589—voyages, X. 388, 889 XIV. 163—shawls, ib.; XX. 122 ; Css'rsnsavnsar. VI. 227.
Carpenteriana, II. 676. —elephants. XII. 490 — language. XXI. 256—spinning of Cashmere yarn Cas'rnnvnrnaaso. VI. 227.
Canasta“. in France. VI. 152. XIII. Bil—religion, XVII. 451—hu in Glasgow. X. 557. CASTELVE'I‘BO (Luigi). VI. 227.
Casrsu'rn. VI. 152~Roman know man sacrifices, XIX. 606—ahips. XX. CasnYJn Hindustan. VI. 214. CAS'I‘I (Giambattista). VI. 227.
ledge of. III. 419—strength ot‘ diti‘e 211-slavery. 383. Cusiqulari. xvx. 537. CASTIGATION, VI. 229.
rent kinds of wood. XX. 757. at “(1.; Cn'ramszu. V1.206—building of, 195. Cum! (Michael), VI. 214. Css'riou'oar for scolds. VI. 229.
M INDEX.“
GAS-CAT CAT CAT—CAV CAV—CEL
Css'nouous (G. 13.), painter, VI. 229.Caruscrs, VI. 240—principal ones, ham, 290—England, 766—Germany, tion, XII. 41 —his self-registering
has.“ S'rlvisas, VI. 229 — XVII. 525. See Waterfall. X, 483—Sussex, XXI. 9. thermometer, XXI. 240.
battle of, III. 636. CATAIIII, VI. 240; XVII. 476—in the Cattle-houses, II. 272, CAVENDISII (Henry), VI. 260—levity of
CAITIOLIONI (Balthazar), VI. 229. domestic animals, XXI. 630. Cattle-trade, II. 327——Irish, XII. 416. hydrogen determined by, II. 181—on
Castile, Moorish kingdom of, XX. 494. CATAB'I'ASIS, in poetry, VI. 240. Carrouca, Sicilian city, VI. 249. the composition of the atmosphere,
(OLD), VI. 229—(Nsw), 230. Catastomus, fish, XII. I98. CATULLUs (Cains Valerius), VI. 249 IV. 134—on chromatics, VI. 634—011
Castine, in Maine, XIV. 44. CATAB‘I‘BOI’IIB, VI. 240. poetry of, XVIII. I53. the torpedo, VIII. 612—on electri
CASTING, VI. 230—history of the art of, CATCH, in music, VI. 240—catch-polc. CA'I‘z (James), VI. 249. city, 572; and its chemical power, 629
87, 88—07 cannon, 84~—in sand, IX. ib.—-catch-word, ib. Can, ruins at, VIII. 544. -—his discovery of the composition of
79I—with plaster of Paris, VI. 230; Catcliew, specific gravity of, XII. 28. Caubul. Sec Cabul. water, ib.; XXI. SIS—on the electri~
XV. 311; XVII. 796. Catcot (Mr), on the Deluge, VI]. 700. Caucasian race of man. II. 709; XIV. cal shock, VIII. 639.
Carma, VI. 233. ‘ Catcott (Mr), on “ Rowley's Poems," VI. 200; XVII. 554, 697—its sub-divi (Lord John), V.“42I, at “q.
CASTLIBAI, VI. 235; XIV. 339. 335. sions, II. 709—languages, XIII. 90. —-—— (Maacassr), VI. 260.
Cas'ruzsnassr, Irish town, VI. 235. CA'I‘EAU (Le), VI. 241—battle of, X. 87. Caucasus, V1. 250; XI. 33; XVII. 242. ——-_ (WILLIAM). VI. 260.
CASTLE-CAIBY, a Roman station in Stir CATECIIBSIS and CATISCIIETIC, VI. 241. Cauchy (Mons.), on equations, IX. 325, (Sin “'ILLIAI), VI. 260.
lingshirc. VI. 235. Carzcutsx and Carscunsr, VI. 241. 341—his theory of waves, XII. 6— Cavcrsham, IV. 586.
Casrnzcoxsa, Irish town, VI. 235. Catechu, yellow dye-stuff, VIII. 320— on optics, XVI. 373. CAVEIIY, or Cauvery, river, VI. 265.
Casrunssuor, Irish town, VI. 235. its use in tanning, XXI. 77. Csunnasc, French city, VI. 251. Cavsssranx, VI. 265. .
CasrLs-Douonas, Scotch town, VI. 235. Carscnonsa, VI. 241. Cauuslsras, VI. 250. Cavssrroacx, VI. 265.
CASTLE-ISLAND, Irish town, VI. 235. CATEGORICAL, VI. 241. CAULABAGII, in Cabal, VI. 251. Cavetto, in architecture, III. 442, 465.
CasrLs-Lsoss. Irish town, VI. 235. Cs'rsooalss, VI. 241; XVII. 432—Aris Cauliculus, in architecture, III. 465. Cavia, an animal, XIV. 140.
Castlereagh (Lord), his accession to totle on, III. 510. , in botany, V. 51. Cavuso, Italian town, VI. 265.
power, V. 522—charge against, con Catalan (Abbe dc), IX. 637. CAULII‘LOWEB, VI. 251—culture of, XI. Canaan, VI. 265.
cerning the barter of a Bengal writer Catena (Paulus), VII. 276. 667. Cannes, V. 765.
ship, 526—1116 quarrel with Canning, Catenarian curve, a defective form for CAULKINO of ships, VI. 251 ; XX. 288. Caviglia (Captain). on the pyramid of
527 ; VI. 83—consequences of his an arch, III. 384. ’ Canal: (La), French town, VI. 251. Cheops, VIII. 547, 558—his discove
death, V. 558. Catenary, properties of the, IX. 707. Cauquencs, hot springs of, VI. 524. ries in Egypt, 558.
Cas'ruaismc, in Norfolk, VI. 235. CATERPILLAII, VI. 241; IX. 87; XVII. CAUIIJINES, VI. 251. Carma, in the Philippines, VI. 266.
Castle-Rushen, VI. 235. 72l—mode of destroying, XII. 293. Cans (Salomon dc), description of his Cavy, an animal, XIV. I41.
CASTLETON, in Derbyshire. VI. 226. 294—remarkable instinct of, XII. 297 steam-apparatus, XX. 614. Cawsroas, in Hindustan, VI. 266.
CMTLS'I'OWN, in the Isle of Man, VI. -.—-in N. S. \Vales, XXI. 717. Causality, faculty of, XVII. 464. CAXAIABCA, in Peru, VI. 266.
235; XIV. 209. Cam-saws, VI. 241. Causans (Chevalier dc), on the quadra Caxassaocxnu, in Peru, VI. 266.
Castnia, insect, IX. 243. Catesby, conspirator, V. 305. ture of the circle, XX. 554. CAXATAMBA,111 Peru, VI. 266.
Cas'roa, in astronomy, VI. 235—411 :0 (Mr), on birds, XVI. 546—011 Causation. XVII. 434, 436, 440—Male Cax'ros, (William), VI. 266; XVIII. 550
0108’! XIV. 137. the turtle, XIX. ISO—on the guana, branche on, I. 78—Hume‘s theory of, -works printed by, 551—his wretched
AND POLLUX, VI. 235—meteor, I44»0n serpents, XX. 151, 152. 211-Aristotle on, III. 498—Dr '1‘. translations of the classics. IV. 626.
ib.; VIII. 623; XVII. 542. Catharine (St), XIX. 642—knights of Brown on, V. 602. Caracas Sooloo Isles, VI. 266.
CASTIA'I'ION, VI. 236—0f brutes, IX. St Catharine of Mount Sinai, VI. 241 Cause, VI. 251—philosophical causes, Cayambe, XVI. 669.
721 —fishes, 725—horses, II. 319; —frateruity of St Catharine at Sienna, XVII. 436. Carcass, VI. 267; XI. 22.
XXI. 629—eattle, II. 326—lambs, ‘ 242. and effect, notion of, XIV. 633— pepper, VI. 267.
333—crime of, XIV. 496. de’ Medicis, Davila's represen Kant on, XII. 677. Canes (Count dc), VI. 267—on en
Cas'razs, in France, VI. 236. tation of, VII. 636. Cscsswar, VI. 252. caustic painting, VIII. 694.
CASTBIES (Bay of), VI. 236. Cathartes, birds, XVI. 559. Caussans, French city, VI. 252. Cayman Islands, XII. 505.
Curse, VI. 236—Giovanni»-Marim— CATHAB’I‘ICS, VI. 242. CAUSSIN (Nicholas), VI. 252. Caymito, river, XVI. 783.
Nuoso—Ilcale—dei Rio—do Urdiales Cathartiu, VI. 467. CAUS'I‘IC Cuavzs, VI. 252; XVI. 400. Cars'rss, or Caystrus, VI. 268.
—Villari—Vireyna, ib. Carusnas. VI. 242. CAUS'I'ICI’I‘Y, VI. 252. Came, or Caziquc, VI. 268.
CASTIUCCIO (Castracani), VI. 236. Carnsnasu, VI. 242—Gothic, III. 421, CAUBTICS, VI. 252. CBANGI, V. 80.
CAB'I‘BUII DOLOBIS, VI. 237. 430, 454—1trchitecturc of, 387, 474— CAUTEIIIZATION, VI. 252. Crass, Greek philosopher, VI. 268.
Casuas'rr, VI. 237. crection of by fI'CQJIIIIBODS, XIV. 283 CAUTEBY, VI. 252. Ceblepyris, bird, XVI. 571.
Casuarina of New Holland, IV. 209. —socicty ot‘ cathedral-cities, X. 597. Caoriossa, VI. 252. Cebrio, insect. IX. I40.
Casuarius, bird, XVI. 616; XXI. 716. Carnsaiss I. empress of Russia, VI. Cautiousness, XVII. 463. Cebrionites, insects, IX. 140.
Casmsr and CASUIB'I'IX, VI. 237. 242—rcignot', XIX. 546. CAVAILLON, French city, VI. 252. Cebus, in zoology, XIV. 94.
Case-ass, VI. 212. II. empress of Russia, VI. 243 Gavancans, VI. 252. Cecidomyia, insects, IX 260.
Cat, XIV. I22—its power of resisting —-reign of, XIX. 549~science en CAVALIER-:‘IAGGIOIIB, VI. 252. Cscu. (Wm.), VI. 268. See Burghlcy.
starvation, III. 167—worshipped by couraged by, II. 71. Cavausa, VI. 252—Eng‘lish cavaliers (Rev. W.l, his regulator of ma
the Egyptians, 262—instance of real. , cou~ort of Henry the Eighth, of the 17th century, V. 322. chinery, XIV. 420—his explosive mix
soning in a, XII. 298, note. " XVII. 93; VIII. 743-6. Cavaunas: (Cape), V1. 252. ture engine, 43t.
Cat-fish, XII. 202. (ST), order of, VI. 246. Cavausat (Bonaventure), VI. 252; CECILIA (St.), VI. 269.
CAT'S-EYE, a mineral, VI. 237; XV. 157 l Catherine-wheel window, III. 470. XIV. 317—his mathematical attain~ Cccropium, in Athens, IV. 123.
—-spccitic gauity of, XII. 28. (IA-rusatxn’s (St), island. VI. 246. meats and improvements, I. 436-9; CEPIIOPS, VI. 270; IV. 114, 142.
Car-our, VI. 237. Catheter, elastic, VII. 567. IX. 252—on the concentration of cold Cedar, XVII. 747, 781. 782, 785%.
Car Isnaun, VI. 237. Caruz'rvs, VI. 246—in architecture, by reflection, VII. 57. of Lebanon. XXI. 60.
CAT-SALT, VI. 237. ib.; III. 465. Cavalla, XXI. I91. Cedar-wood, XXI. 296—sp.gr. of, XII. 28.
CATABAXIIA, in Peru, VI. 237. CATHOLIC, VI. 246—king, ib.—church, CAVALLO (Tiberius), VI. 252—his ex Cederstrmn (Frederic), XXI. 26.
Catacatche, XVI. 669. ib. See Roman Catholic. periments in aeronautics, II. 181—on Ccdrcleze, in botany, V. 103.
Carscuassis. in rhetoric, VI. 237. Carma: (Lucius Severus). VI. 247, electricity, VIII. 602, 605—on the Canasxns (George), VI. 270.
Carsconss, VI. 237—of churches, III. 691; XIX. 395. fusion of platinum by electricity, 627 Cecly (Robert), on cow-pox, XXI. 586.
260—Romans, VI. 238; XIX. 431. Catingas, V. 201. -on the electrophorus, 644—his at CEFALU, Italian city, VI. 270.
CATADBOII'S, VI. 233. Catkin, in botany, V. 40, 49. mospherical collector of electricity, Caruso, in architecture, VI. 270; III.
CATAGOOIUN, Ephesian festival, VI. 238. CA'rsunnoo, in Hindustan, VI. 247. 646—his self-charging electrical jar, 4627-in ship-building, XX. 284.
Caraoaarns, VI. 238. Caro the Censor, VI. 247—011 draining, 651—his electric multiplier, 653—his Csmsus, VI. 270.
Catclepsy, XVII. I32. VIII. 137. electroscope, 654—on the magnetism Cstnnuscumal, VI. 270.
CATALOGCES, VI. 233-01~ the fixed stars, of Utica, VI. 248; XIX. 395, 398. of brass, XIII. 708—his micrometer, Cnmsuornruix, VI. 270.
ib.; IV. 42, 95—bibliographical, 629 (Dionysius), IV. 370. n. 1. Csnasss'r, in logic, VI. 270.
XV. 25.
-—0Hibrarics, XIII. 297, 313. Cato-street conspiracy, V. 549. Cavaur, VI. 255-Roman, III. 593— CELAS'I‘BUS, VI. 276.
Caracosn, in Spain, VI. 239. CA'rorraics, VI. 249; XVI. 378. modern, 596—Freuch, GOO—Austrian, Camera, VI. 270—the Bugis of, III.
Catalpa'syringzei'olia, XVII. 789. Cs'ror-raosuacr. VI. 249. 604—Russian, 607—Turkish, 614— 693—language, of, XIII. 92.
Catamarans, VI. 100. Catoptrophorus, bird, XVI. 625. Cmsass, Roman soldiers, VI. 271.
British, 620.
Catamarca, in La Plata, XVIII. 8. Catoxantha, insect, IX. 139.
Cavas, in Ireland, VI. 255. Csuasrrr. VI. 271. See Velocity.
CATANA, VI. 239. CATIINE, in Ayrshire, VI. 249. CAVAIIILLES (Antonio Jose), VI. 257. CsLsar, VI. 271—culture of, X1. 675.
Cs'rssncascs, island, VI. 239. Carson (Francis), VI. 240.
Cave, VI. 258—07 Baumen, IV. 457— Celestine, in mineralogy, XV. 143.
Ca'rasus, VI. 239; XV. 701—dcsolated Carraao, in Dalmatia, VI. 249. artificial caves, III. 409—temperature Cznrsrms, religious order, VI. 271.
by eruptions of Etna, II, 204, 206— Cattegat, IV. 324, et “(1.; X1]. 682. of. VI. 749-50——cavcs of lilyria, XII. Celestius, XX. 87.
earthquake at, XVII. 511. CATTI, German people, VI. 249.
252—Indiana, 266—Kentucky, 697— Celestrineze, in botany, V. 105.
Caranaao. Italian city, VI. 240. Cattini, VI. 2. ossit‘erous, XV. 222. Genres, or Celetae, VI. 271.
Cataphagus, insect. IX. 140. Carrlvstsausx, VI. 249. (Edward), VI. 256; XIII. 678. Cannon“, VI. 271.
Carsrnsscra. VI. 24 0. Cattle, breeding and management of, II. Csnscsrss, VI. 271.
(Dr William), VI. 258—0n mi
Cararuascrrs, V1. 240—iish, XII. 203. 821—fatting of, 326—mode of killing, Csusscr, VI. 271 -—t‘ew inclined to,
racles in the fourth century, II. 602.
Cararnarouss, sect, VI. 240. IX. 722—diseases of, XXI. 612. XIV. 509~of Catholic clergy. XVIII
Cavsnno Porto, V. 765.
CA‘I'APUL'I'A, VI. 240. of America, II. 653 —- Arabia, Csvszwlsn (Thomas), VI. 259—his visit 405--ini‘amous in Sparta, XX. 528.
CATAIA, in Dalmatia, VI. 240. III. 329 -— Derbyshire, VII. 736— CBLIBA‘I'B, VI. 271 ; XVIII. 405.
to the Ladrone Islands, XVIII. 316.
Cataract, disease of the eye, in the do Devonshire, 746 -— Dumbartonshirc,
(Sir Charles), VII. 677. Csunooasrms, VI. 272.
mestic animals, XXI. 636. VIII. 259—Dumfriesshire, 261—Dur Curacao, VI. 272.
(Lord 0.), on capillary attrac

_.___ -
 INDEX. 35
CEL—CEN‘ CEN—CES CE S—CHA CHA
Csu, VI. 272. h Csurtmvul, VI. 294. . Cnsano'r'n (Melchior), VI. 297—his Cnsu, VI. 307—black and red, ib.—
CELLA, VI. 272—11 fountain in Arugon, Cns'runou, VI. 294; III. 591. dissertation on Ossisn, XVI. 658. stones, 808—spccific gravity of, XII.
111. 373—111 architecture, 465. Cssrnn, VI. 294. r Cnsnss, Italian city, VI. 298. 28—rocks of, XV. 208—much of it
CILLARI, VI. 272-— cold of, VII. 58. Cnosnss, VI. 294. ' _.' Cessart (Monsieur de), V. 216. the produce ofanimalcules,XXI. 1021.
CILLAIEB, VI. 272. Csos, Greek island, VI. 294. ' - Classic nouonuu, VI. 298. CHALu-zsos, VI. 308.
CILLABIUM, VI. 272. Cephalia, insect, IX. 285. Cess-pools, building of, V. 670. Challis (Mr), on hydrodynamics, XII. 8—
Csnnsnws (Christopher), VI. 273. CEPIIALIC, VI. 295. .e Cestoidea, zoophytes, XXI. 996. on light, XVI. 873—on the theory of
CBLLIIIDGE, or Kildrought, VI. 273. Cnnsnoms, VI. 295; XII. 341—p e Ccstracion, fish, XII. 233. sounds, XX. 484.
Clusnrnn, in Hanover, VI. 27 3. in, XVII. 777. Cns'rm, VI. 298. Chalmers (Alex). VI. 309. n. 3.
Cum!!! (Benvenuto), VI. 273. Cephalopoda. mollusca, XV. 350—struc Curtis, VI. 298. (Gnomes), VI. 308, 94 —on the
Cellular plants, V. 37. 53. ture of, XVII. 718. Cctacea. XIV. 168; II. 708-9—their agriculture of Scotland, II. 254—on
tissue of the human body, II.Cephaloptera, fish, XII. 236. I bones, III. 3—organs of smell, 21— the corn raised and consumed in the
713; XVII. 581, 597—ot‘ brutes, III. Cephalopterus, bird, XVI. 569. eyes, 22—ears, 25, ct seq.-vocal or United Kingdom, VII. 354.
158—ot' plants, 57, 53—ot‘ leaves, 94.
Ccphalotes, in zoology, XIV. 100. gans, 28—nervous system, 80—teeth, (James), VI. 301.
Cellulares, in botany, V. 138. Cephnlus, angling for, III. 147. 32—stomach,36-—structure,XVII. 7 09 . (Dr Thos.) on the wonders dis
Celonites, insects, IX. 230. Ccphas, insect, IX. 218. Cetinc. VI. 441, 442. closed by the microscope, III. 184—
Celsius, centesimal thermometer of, I. Cephrenos. pyramid of, VIII. 548. Cetonin, insects. I X. 161. on paupcrism, X. 546. .
643; IV. 393. Cephus, bird, XVI. 630. Cetoniidcs, insects, IX. 161. CIIALO, river in Asia, VI. 311.
Ciuns (Aurelius Cornelius), VI. 273-— Cepola. fish, XII. 189. Cctosin, insects, IX. 241. Cnsnonzn (Sir Thomas), VI. 811.
his anatomical knowledge. II. 688—— Cessna, island, VI. 295. Cn'r'rz, French city, VI. 298. (Sin Tnos.), the younger,VI. 812.
his skill in surgery, XX. 823—on theCcrambycini, insects. IX. 178. Cctti (F.), on birds, XVI. 549. (Thos.), his alum-works, II. 573.
qualities necessary in a surgeon, 832.
Cerambyx, insect, IX. I79. CB‘I'UB, constellation, VI. 298. Cnsnossn, French city, VI. 311.
, Epicurean philosopher, VI. 273.
Canaan, Sicilian town, VI. 295. Ceulen (Ludolph Van), II. 498; X.429. Cnsnoss, VI. 812—battle of, XIX. 422.
CIL'I'B or Celts, VI. 273; II. 710; V. Ceramicus, in ancient Athens, IV. 116, Can-rs, VI. 298; XV. 505; XVIII. 464. CBALOO, in Thibet, VI. 312.
293, et seq.; IX. 410; X. 620—Ccltic 125—Ceramie edifices, 116. Ceutorhynchus, insect, IX. 174. Cusuzs, French city, VI. 312.
language, V. 295; IX. 42, 388; XIII. Ceramius, insect, IX. 231. Csvs, Italian city. VI. 298. Chalybazus, bird. XVI. 568.
86; XVII. 378, 414, 422—burds, 415 Czaaunsv'r Isuzs, VI. 295. Cevndic acid, VI. 430. Cnsu'nza'rz. VI. 812—springs, XVII.
-Celtic origin of the Irish, XII. 349; Cerastes, serpent. XX. 154—its power CEVENNES mountains, VI. 298; IX. 407. 527 ; in Clare, VI. 725.
and Gallovidians, XXI. 882, 884. of abstinence, II. 46. Ccylanitc, in mineralogy, XV. 155— 01174! of Tartary, VI. 812.
Cnrns, VI. 277. Ceratina, insect, IX. 233. specific gravity of, XI]. 28. Chama, in conchology, XV. 342.
Celtic Academy at Paris, II. 76. Cesa'riou, VI. 295. Canon, VI. 298—castes in, 221—cul Cnnunz, in war, VI. 312.
Csn'rissnu, in Spain, VI. 277—peoplc Ceratophrys, reptile, XIX. 154. tivation of cinnamon in, TOO—pearl Chammlaueiem, in botany, V. 109.
of, XX. 490. Ceratophylleie, in botany, V. 108. divers of, VIII. 60—inland navigation Chamtclco, XIX. 148. See Chameleon.
CBIEN'I‘, VI. 277; XIV. 289—Parker’s, Ceratopogon, insect, IX. 259. of, XVI. 4—scrpents of, XX. 136— Chammlionidaa, XIX. 148.
V. 678—plastering with, 680-decay Ceraunus, VIII. 470. Weights and measures of, XXI. 852. Cusxssm, VI. 312.
of. on walls , 681—Puzzulana terra, Cnsssns, VI. 295. See Candy. CIIAIAIIN, VI. 312.
XVIII. 744. Cercaria, genus of animalcules, III. 190. Ceyx, bird, XVI. 593. CHAMAVI, VII. 275. a
CBIEI‘I‘ATION, VI. 278. Ctncnns, in heraldry, VI. 295. Chabaste, specific gravity of, XII. 28— Cuunsn, in Hindustan, VI. 312 ' '
Calm-Ear, V. 746, 278—infiuence of Cercocebus, in zoology, XIV. 92. optical phenomena of, XVI. 369. Cnunnza, VI. 312. 1.1!.
cemeteries on health, XIV. 512. Cercodeze,in botany, V. 110. Chabasite, in mineralogy, XV. 151. (Pslvt), VI. 312. 7
Cessna, Italian city, VI. 278. Cercopis, insect, IX. 204. Cussuus, in Savoy, VI. 306. Cnsusssum, VI. 313.
CINEOILL, VI. 278. Ccrcopithecus, in zoology, XIV. 81. Cuscnsroras, in Peru, VI. 306. Cnsxsssnsrsn (Edward), VI. 313.
Cenobite, or C(cnobite, VII. 17. Cercus, insect, 1X. 148. Chactaw Indians, XV. 300. (Joan), VI. 318. ‘
Cssorsrn, VI. 278. Cannomsxs, heretics, VI. 295. Casncuon, VI. 306. Cusussss (David), VI. 313.
CINSEI, VI. 279 Cnanaus, VI. 295. Cusnns, island, VI. 306. (Ernnsm) VI. 313.
Cnusno, VI. 279. Cerebellum, II. 807; XVII. 660, 673. Chmrephon, XX. 457. (Sir Wm.) on Greek and Roman
Csssrrns, VI. 279. 676, 689—its functions, XIV. 583; Cumsoxna, in Bteotia, VI. BOG—battle architecture, III. 422, 430—on the
Clusoss (Roman), VI. 279; XIX. 374. XVII. 461, 470—ot‘ brutcs, III. 30. of. XIII. 629. principles ofVitruvius,4 25—his merits
oi‘boolzs, VI. 279; IV. 628—in Cerebrum, II. 807. See Brain. Chmtodon, fish, XII. 178. as an architect, 429—on Chinese gar—
Russia, XIX. 584. Csuuomsn, VI. 295. Cluetopterus, worm, X1. 221. dcning, VI. 585.
Causoxnws, grammarian, VI. 279. Cnasxour, VI. 296. Chafi-cutter, II. 269. Chambersburgh, a town in Pennsylvania.
Cnuwss, VI. 279. Cereopsis, bird, XVI. 636. Cuu'rnar, VI. 306. XVII. 224.
CINIUS, VI. 279. Csnzs, heathen goddess, VI. 296; VII. ChatIinch, XVI. 581. Cnsunzsr, in Italy, VI. 313.
Carr, VI. 280. 332—pricsts of, 583—mysteries of, Chagres, river, XVI. 782—town, 786. Cususosn, French town, VI. 314.
Curses, VI. 280. VIII. 664 ; XV. 667. Chailletiacem, in botany, V. 127. Chameleon, XIX. 148 -—its vertebrae.
Csu'rsLLo, Italian town, VI. 280. . one of the planets, IV. 29-its Cans, VI. 306—use of chains in machi III. l3—crectile arrangement in its
Cnu'rnsnws, VI. 280. discovery, III. 748. nery, XIV. 446. tongue, 27—its structure, XVII. 714.
Centencs, in zoology, XIV. 104. Canter, in France, VI. 296. of animals, IX. 92. Chamfcr, in architecture, 111. 465.
Centenius Penula, defeat of, VI. 201. Ceria, insect, IX. 272. of being, XV. 740. Cmuuna (Daniel), VI. 314.
Center. See Centre. CBIIONOLA, Italian city, VI. 296. _-—- Isnsun, VI. 306. Chamois, XIV. 163.
Czu'rssuu Usura, VI. 298. CEBIGO, VI. 296; XII. 341. Chain-bridges. Sec Bridge. Chamomile, its culture in Derbyshire,
CBNTESIMA'I‘ION, VI. 293. Ccriue, in mineralogy, XV. 162. Chain-cables, XX. 55. VII. 736—uscd as a dye-stud, VIII.
Centigrade thermometer, IV. 393. CBBIN'I‘IIIAKS, heretics, VI. 296. Chain-pump, XII. 99—used as a water 321—an antiseptic, XVIII. 743.
Csn'rinoquwu, VI. 294. Csns'rucs, heresiarch, VI. 296. whcel, XXI. 802. Cnsxoxn, French city, VI. 314.
Csu'ruvnr: (Susanna), VI. 294. Cerite, specific gravity of, XII. 28. Cnun, VI. 306—Curule—Sedan, ib. CHAMOS, or Chemosh, VI. 314.
031410, VI. 294. Cerithindie, mollusca, XV. 364. Cnnss, VI. 306. Cnutonnx, in Savoy, VI. 314.
Css'rosssn, VI. 294. Cerithium, molluscum, XV. 347. Cnuoru, or Chayoti, VI. 306. Cnslrsosz, French town, V. 314.
Custom", Sicilian town, VI. 294. Csswx. ametal, VI. 296, 400—salts of Cnsnuun. in Hindustan, VI. 806. wine, XIV. 255; XXI. 901—
CIITIAI. roacss, VI. 294 ; VIII. 381. oxides of, 448. Cusnszs, VI. 307—in botany, V. 46, 50. briskncss of, 900. See the article
Centrarchus, fish, XII. 169. Cerium—ore, in mineralogy, XV. 162. Cnsncsnou, VI. 307. Wine-making, passim.
Canal, VI. 280; V. 684--that used CHINE Assss, in Dorset, VI. 296. Chalcedony, V. 786; XV. 157; XII. 28. CHAII'AONIY, VI. 314.
for the bridge of Orleans, XX. 759. Cnsusvx-Psomso'r, VI. 296. Chalceus, lish, XII. 212. Cnsursoxouz, French town, VI. 314.
or GRAVITY, VI. 293; XIV. Cerocoma. insects, IX. 168. Chalcidcs, reptiles, XIX. 150. Cuntrsonr's Ancnirsnaoo, VI. 314.
349, 350, 372, 442—ofships, XX. 288. Cerones, VI. 2. Chalcidim, insects, IX. 226. Cusnruu, in heraldry, VI. 315.
or MOTION, VI. 293. Coropales, insects, IX. 229. CnALcmic, VI. 307. Champaubert, battle of, X. 167.
Of oscillation, XIX. 497. Cerophytum. insect, IX. I40. CusLcmws, philosopher, VI. 307. Cnsursa'n'. in law, VI. 315.
of percussion, XIX. 495. Casnz'ro, Italian city, VI. 296. Chalets, insect, IX. 226. Casinos, VI. 315.
ofa sphere, VI. 293. Certallum, insect, IX. 179. Chalco, in Mexico, XIV. 814. Champlain canal, XVI. 24.
(Canal du), X. 172; XVI. 5. Certhia, bird, XVI. 588. Cnsncosnrnss (Demetrius), VI. 307. , lake, XXI. 603—military ope
Cnrrnirecu. roses, VI. 294—machine Csn'rionsnl. in law, VI. 296. Chalcos, coin. XIV. 470. rations on it. in 1813. V. 588.
for shewing, XIV. 454. Cerulin, VI. 488; VIII. 325. CRALDIIIA, IV. 270; VI. 307. Cusxru'r'rz, French city, VI. 315.
Centrina, fish, XII. 233. Case-arm, XIX. 594—novcls of. 350 Chaldzeans, IV. 270—their astronomy, Cnsurzusss, French village, VI. 315.
Centrinus, insect, IX. 174. -—his Don Quixote, I. 96—dramas of, III. 722 —(lay,VII. 64 8—dial, 756-my Champolllon (Mons.), on Egyptian ar
Csx'raxrnru. roses, VI. 294—inverse XVIII. 163. thology. XV. Mil—philosophy, XVII. chitecture, III. 409, 410——his system
problem of, VIII. 334—measures of, Cnnvsas, Spanish towns, VI. 298. 426—polytheism, XVIII. 332—sculp of hieroglyphics, VIII. 216; X1. 341
XVIII. 778. Cervical vertebrm, II. 760. ture, XX. l—origin of their name, '—-Egyptian temples, 6w. visited by.
Centris, insect, IX. 234. muscles, II. 793. XVII. 858. See Babylonia. VIII. 534, et seq.
Centriscus, fish, XII. 197. Czavuuns, in Italy, VI. 297. Chaldee alphabet, II. 548—versions of Cnuwscs, in Portugal. VI. 315.
Ccntrolophus, fish, XII. 137. Corvus, in zoology, XIV. I57. the Bible, IV. 615; XIX. 789—Para Cums: KALRBI. VI. 315.
Contropomus, fish, XII. 168 . volans, VI. 296. phrase, VI. 307—language, XIII. 83; Cnssnuu, VI. 815.
Centropristis, fish, XII. 169. Cerylon, insect, IX. 176. XVII. 360, 373—Targum, XXI. 80. Cnsucsr, in Peru, VI. 315.
Centropus, bird, XVI. 598. Csnrx, VI. 296. CuALnaou, VI. 307. Cusucs, VI. 315——doctrine of, XIV.
Centrotus, insect, IX. 204. 02941:, in logic, VI. 297. CHALICB, VI. 307. 322; XVIII. 591. Sec Probability.
% INDEX.
CHA
Cnascs-Hsnnr, in law, VI. 315.
Cnsncst, VI. 316.
Cnaucsntoa, VI. 316—ot‘ Oxford, XXI. Charitable Corporation, V. 378.
496—01' St Andrews, 510—of Glas
gow, 513. ° 789. see London, Dublin, 8m.
(J.), his scapement, VI. 776.
Cnaucznr, VI. 316—inns of, XII. 282. Cnant'rr, VI. 327; XVII. 335, a. See CBABLBS'! Wars, VI. 330.
Gunman, in Hindustan, VI. 317.
Cnannanurs, in Hindustan, VI. 317.
Cnaunrausooss, VI. 317.
Cnaunounaar, in Hindustan, VI. 317. CllAll-LATAN, VI. 329.
Cnannnra (Mary), VI. 317.
' (Dr Saunas), VI. 317.
Chandos (Sir John), VI. 611.
Cnumroon, in Hindustan, VI. 318.
Casannaonn, VI. 318.
Cnasnaaonr'n. VI. 318.
Cnannasn, VI. 318.
Cnano, in Thibet, VI. 318.
Cnu'mtsr, VI. 318.
CHANG-10140, in China, VI. 318.
Cnamu, fish, VI. 318.
Channel-fisheries, IX. 594.
Channing (Dr), on Milton, XV. 105.
CBANBI, in China, VI. 318.
Chart, VI. 318.
Cass-res, VI. 319.
CHANTILLY, French town, VI. 319.
Chantrey, his sculpture, XX. 10.
CIIANTII’, or Chauntry, VI. 319.
Cuaonoor, VI. 319.
Cases, VI. 319.
Cnao-rcnson-roo, VI. 319.
Chapala, lake, XIV. 798.
CnAPsAU, in heraldry. VI. 319; XI. 257.
CHAPEL, VI. 319—Knights of the, ib.
CHAPEL-ZN-LE-FBITH, VI. 320.
Charms-HILL, VI. 320.
Cnarnum (John), VI. 320.
CHAPELLE (C. E. 1..), VI. 320; I. 108.
Can-nos, VI. 320.
Chapingo, in Mexico, XIV. 814.
CHAPLAII. VI. 320.
CHAPLFI', VI. 320.
Canaan (Gem). poet, VI. 320.
(Mr). on dry rot, VIII. 227, 231,
232—on the strength of ropes, XIX.
459—his rope-machine, 464, 467—011
the sails of ships, XX. 251—on naval
architecture. 266.
Cnnrn, in heraldry, VI. 320.
Chappe’s telegraph, XXI. 138.
Cnarrn (William), VI. 320.
(Juan-1L0. A. C.), VI. 320—1111; pro
cess for making alum, II. 571, 577
his mode of whitening paper, IV. 692
-on the French cotton-manufacture,
VII. 417, note—his connexion with
Laplace, XIII. 101.
Cnarrsr. VI. 321.
Char, XII. 208—angling for, III. 144.
Characinus, fish, XII. 212.
Cnaaac'rnas, VI. 321—Chincse, 563.
See Alphabet.
Character, in poetry, VI. 324—diificulty
of estimating national, IV. 162.
Cassava, VI. 324.
Charadrius. bird, XVI. 617.
Cnaaauls, sect of Jews. VI. 325.
Cuuux, VI. 325.
Cliaasxsxoras, VI. 325.
CHARCOAL, VI. 325, 368—electricity dc~
veloped in the combustion of, VIII.
605—its use in filters, IX. 581—-its
power of sweetening tainted meat,
734—t'or laboratories, X. 276—for
gunpowder, XI. 78~fused by galvan
lsm, XXI. 677. See Carbon.
Cast», in Somersetshire, VI. 32'.
Chardel (Mous.), on stomach-diseases. —-r-— IX. of France, X. 32.
" XVII. 479, 482, 483.
Cnsnmw (Sir John), traveller, VI. 325.
CHABIXTE, VI. 325—Lowcr, 326.
y'Cnasrs, ancient statuary, VI. 326.
L Cnaaos, VI. 326—111 heraldry, ib.; XI.
‘ 247. 252. .,
Cnsaosn, VI. 326.’ ,' '
Charger, xx. 502. V ‘1 _ _ . _.
Charicles, xx. 4s5.‘-"," " ‘ ‘ "
Chafing-Cross, London, XIII. 544.
CRABIOTB, VI. 326-»ancicnt, III. 261.
CRAIIIIA, ancient festival, VI. 327.
.aqgnfqu". v.11 31'7'313
0 .l ' - ->~- ~-- I I
0
I
I
CHA CHA CHA—CHE
CHABIB'I'IA, Roman festival, VI. 327. Charles Edward Stuart. his expedition to Chatterers, birds, XVI. 670.
CHAIIBTICAIY, VI. 327. Scotland, V. 381—his visit to Dum CHATTER", VI. 335.
fries. VIII. 263—Edinburgh taken Cnar'rsnrooa, VI. 335; V. 704.
Institutions in England, VIII. by, 415. Cua'r'rna'ror (Tho.'), VI. 335—Bryant's
(Monsieur) his hydrogen gas work on his “ Rowley’s Poems," V.
Cnsarrs (La), French city, VI. 327. balloons, II. 185, 187. 619—poetry of, XVIII. 172—pub11
cation of “ Rowley‘s Poems,” XXI.
Aims-giving. Mcndicity. Cnaatss'ros, in Carolina, VI. 331. 442-30
(Brothers and Sisters of), VI. 329. Canines-rows, in the state of Massa Cnancsa (Geoffrey), VI. 336—eom
Cnasxow, in Russia, VI. 329. chusetts, VI. 331. pared with Barbour, IV. 371—01:
, in Fife, quarrying at, IV. 677. scenity of his Canterbury Tales, VI.
CnsaumaousNI. 329; XI. 481—reign CBABLETON (Walter), V1. 33l—his im GOO-language of, IX. 40 ; understood.
of, X. 7—academy founded by, II. 67 provements in anatomy, II. 699. by the descendants of an English co
-dates of his coronation and death, CHARLEVILLE, French city, VI. 329. lony in Wexi'ord, XXI. SGT-poetry
VI. 655—his proceedings in Germany, Cuaausn, French city, VI. 331. of, XVIII. 168.
X. 479—on image-worship, XII. 241 Cnaauqnsa'. VI. 331. Cnaen Manner, in law, VI. 338.
—-I.ombardy conquered by, 467—his Charlotte (Princess), her marriage to Chaulieu, poetry of, XVIII. 166.
encouragement of learning, XIII. 292, Prince Leopold, V. 542. Chauliodes, insects, IX. 213.
n.; XXI. 483; and of art, XVI. 707 Charlottetown, XII. 591. Chnuliodus, fish, XII. 200.
—romances concerning, XIX. 331— CHAIR, VI. 331. Cnanuosr, in France, VI. 338.
his invasion of Spain, XX. 495. Cnsauss, French town, VI. 331. Chauna, bird, XVI. 627.
Charlemont (Earl of), XII. 383. CHARNEL, or Charnel House, VI. 331. Cnsnur, French city, VI. 339.
Cnaanraot, VI. 329. Charnock on the history of marine ar Chaussier (Mons) on the layers of the
Cnaanrs MABTEL, VI. 329; X. 6. chitecture, XX. 210. skin, 11. 750—on medical jurispru
lo Gros, VI. 329. CIIABOLLES,111 France, VI. 331. dence, XIV. 492.
the Simple, X. 11. CIIABON, VI. 331 ; XX. 785. Chauvelin (Monsieur), V. 467.
the Fair, X. 15. Cnaaonnas, VI. 331. Chauvet, a blind organist, IV. 702.
the Prudent, X. 20. Charons, a Hindu sect, XI. 31. CHAUVIII (Stephen), VI. 839.
I. of England, his matrimonial Charpentier (Monsieur) quoted on core Cnanx n: Fonns, VI. 339.
visit to Spain, V. 308—history of his bral disease, XVII. 490. Cnavrs, Portuguese town, VI. 339. I
reign, 310—execution of, 333—intlu (Fnaucrs), VI. 331. Chaworth (Mr). killed in a duel by
ence of the civil war of 1640 on the Charr. See Char. Lord Byron in 1765, VIII. 254.
intellectual character of the nation, CIIABBOH (Peter), VI. Sill—relations Cnu'ss'ra, in Bolivia, VI. 339.
I. 48—archery in his reign, III. 399, between him and Montaigne, I. 52, 53. CHAZELLEB (Jean Mathieu), VI. 888.
401—i'ond of chess, VI. 5i9—his visits Charruas, II. 616. Cnsznzzaauns, heretics, VI. 339.
to Edinburgh, VIII. 413—his policy Cnaa'rs. VI. 331—recont improvements Cunanns, or Cheodle, VI. 508.
towards Ireland, XII. 367—his navy, of, XX. 58. Career, in heraldry, VI. 339.
XVI. 41; XX. 224 —a patron of Shak Cnaa'ra, VI. 832—Magna. ib. Cannons, island, VI. 339.
speare, XX. l72——an accomplished Cnaa'rss, in law, VI. 332. Curses, VI 339.
prince, ib., n.——his encouragement of Charter-House, London, VI. 333 ; XIII. , in shipbuilding, XX. 285.
i
the theatre, XXI. 192. 523. Cheek-bone, human. 11. 777,
I. of Spain (V. of Germany). his Cnaa'rna-raa'rr, VI. 332. Cnssssusr, VI. 339.
reign, XX. 501—his abdication and Cnaa'rornrux, VI. 332. Cnssss, VI. 340—Cambridgcshire, VI.
character, 502. See Charles V. Cuas'rns, in France, VI. 333. 34—Stilton, XIII. 209—Parmesan,
II. of England, XIII. 546; XI. Cass/runs, in France, VI. 333. 475—cheese-trade in London, 507—
7,68—his expedition to Scotland, V. CIIAB'I‘ILBUSE, VI. 333; X111. 523, checsc-dairics, VII. 591.
334 ——coronntion there, 335—invasion Cnsarnnanr. VI. 333. Cheilinus, fish, XII. 195. .~'I~.-
of England, and defeat at Worcester, Cruarnnis, VI. 333; XV. 701. Cheilodactylus, fish, XII. 176.
336—escapc to France, ib.—reign of, Cnass, VI. 333; XX. 301,71. wild-goose Cheiromys, in zoology, XIV. 130.
341—his death and character, 354 chase, 334. See Shooting. Cheiroptcra, in zoology, XIV. 98.
-Robert Barclay’s dedication to, IV. CHASE-GUNS, VI. 333. Carlin (Sir John), VI. 340.
377—his treatment of Colonel Blood, Chase-mortise, in carpentry, V. 685. Cusxwam" in Lahore, VI. 340.
711—-his regulations as to the coin Chasewatcr engine, XX. 631. Cnsunosus, VI. 340.
age, VII. 34—improvements in coin Chasidlm, XVII. 358. Cnsunosws LAPIS, VI. 340.
ing-machinery in his reign, 36-act Cnsstso. or Enchasing, VIII. 698. Chelifor, genus of arachnides, III. 366.
prohibiting, exportation of corn. 386 p , in naval warfare. XXI. 763. Chelmcr navigation, XVI. 11. "
.
.
-—1icentiousness of the stage, VIII. Chasmodia, insects, IX. 157. Chelmon, fish, XII. 178. t
171, 172; XXI. l93—Edinburgh in Chasse (General) his defence of the ci Cnsnusronn, tovm in Essex, VI. 340.
the reign of, VIII. 414—duclling, 253 tadel of Antwerp, IX. 779. Chclonia, insects, IX. 248.
—his policy towards Ireland, XII. 873 Chastelet (Madame du), notice of her t
, an order of reptiles, XIX. 127
-—his navy, XVI. 42; XX. 225. writings, I. 185-6—on the force of bones of, III. 13, ct seq.-—structure
b
II. of Spain, XX. 503. moving bodies, 539. of. XVII. 713.
III. of Spain, XX. 504. Cnas'rrrr, VI. 334; XX. 75—dnty of, Chelonus, insect, IX. 222.
IV. of Spain, XX. 504. XV. 474—det'ence of, XX. 82. Chelostoma, insects, IX. 233.
V., emperor of Germany, VI. Chat-moss, Roscoe’s drainage of, II. 314 . Cnsnssa, Vt. 340; mu. 541—botanic‘
330—his expedition against Algiers, CHAT!AU-C111NON,in France, VI. 334. garden of, XX. 397.
II. 505—dominions of, IV. 219—his Cnxrsac-Gou'risa, VI. 334. CHELTBNIIAM, a town in Gloucester
1'
policy towards the Netherlands, XI. Cns'rrsn-no-Loinn, VI. 334, shire, VI. 340.
510—his wars in Italy, XII. 476— Cnarnn-Nsvr, VI. 334. Chelys, reptile, XIX. 132. '
)
Robertson’s History of, XIX. 301-— Cuarsav-Possa'r, VI. 334. Camusn, VI. 340—fire-ehemise, ib.
his Spanish reign. XX. 501—his ab Cnarssn-Itrusnn, VI. 834. Carma-ray, VI. 341 — vague notions
dication and character, 502—Titian Cuarruu-Itonx, VI. 334. and theories of the first experimenters
patronized by, XXI. 318. Cayman-Saunas, VI. 334. in, I. 453—its beneficial application to
V., king of France, X. 20—his lib CHATEAU-Tainan, VI. 334. pharmacy, 454-discoveries of Van
rary,IV. 775. V Chateaubriand. his account of the Dead Helmont and Roger Bacon, ib.—che
VI. of France, X. 20. Sea, III. 704—ot‘ Jerusalem, XII. 544 mical composition of animal bodies,
VII. of France, X. 23. —of Palestine, XVI. 740. II. 705; XVII. 618—Baycn‘s mode of
VIII. of France, reign of, X. 28 Caarsannaus'r, 'VI. 334. analyzing minerals, IV. 465--use ot‘
—his army, III. 596. CIIATEAUDUN, VI. 334. the blowpipe in, 713—Mr Cavendish’s
CIIATBAULIN, VI. 334. influence in promoting discovery in,
IX. of Sweden, XXI. 16. CHATBLLEBAUL'I‘, VI. 334. VI. 261—his experiments on factitious
X. of Sweden. XXI. 20. CIIATBAH, in Kent, VI. 334; XII. 093 air, ib.—crystallization, VII. 505—
XI. of Sweden, XXI. 21. —dockyard at, VIII. 82. application of electricity to, VIII. 572
XII. of Sweden, VI. 330; VII. , In New Brunswick, XVI. 148. -—chemical changes produced by elec
723—1118 reign, XXI. 21—his army, Island, IV. 217. t tricity on inorganic bodies. 625; XXI.‘
0
III. 597—his designs against George 1., (\V., earl of). See Pitt. 673, 678, 698—filtration in, IX. 582
V. 376—t‘ond of chess, VI. 519—his (J., 2nd earl of), his conduct of —furnaces used in, X. 273—heat
wars with the Russians, XIX. 542. tho Walcheren expedition, V. 528. from chemical action, XI. 195 ---t
. XIII. of Sweden, XXI. 28. Chati, in zoology, XIV. 122. influence of magnetism on chemical
_ ._ Gustavus, king of Sweden, VII. CIIATILLON, VI. 335—des Dombes, ib. action, XIII. 723-influcnce of cho
72:. I
Chatoessus, fish, XII. 215. mistry in improving medicine, XIV.
V , Duke of Burgundy, his invasion Chattelaine, his engravings, IX. 58 516, 523, 525—pathological chemistry,
of Switzerland, XXI. 43. l Cnnrsns, VI. 335. _ - 513'? 518—chemieal effects ot‘ the solarJ
.fi .t . 1'
 INDEX. 37
CHE—CHE CHI‘ can ‘ CHI-CHL
spectrum, XVI. 421—vital afiinity, connection between the stomach and Chimney-sweepers, diseases of, XIV. 510. Calem'ros,‘ in Bolivia, VI. 590.
XVII. 137, 593, 595, 618, 652 -— liver, XVII. 491. Chimpanzee, or orang-outang, XIV. 89, Chirk, aqueduct at, III. 322.
Egyptian knowledge of, 480—chcmi Calaaasaa (Gabriel). VI. 520—merits 194. See Orang-outang. Chirocentrus, fish, XII. 216.
cal functions ofanimals, 581, 592, 618 cf his poetry, XVIII. 161. Cams, VI. 548—brced of swine, II. 338 Cnmooaara, VI. 590.
-chemical constitution of organized Catara, in Mexico, VI. 520; XIV. 817. -Peruvian civilization probably de Cataoxascr, VI. 590; VIII. 58.
matter, (HS—proximate animal prin Culasanoa'rs, Sicilian town, VI. 521. rived from, 626—government, ib.— Carson, V1. 590—the presumed father
ciples, 619—efi‘ects of respiration, 646 Caiasi (Joseph), VI. 520. agriculture, 627—burials, ib.—human of surgery, XX. 820.
—-chemical power of the electric pile, Calaao-scuao, VI. 732; XVII. 286— sacrifices, ib.—architecture, ib.; III. , insect, IX. 154.
XXI. 67 3—chemical effects of voltaic engrnring, IX. 44, 45. 412—rat‘ts, II. 627—early history, Chironectcs, fish, XII. 195.
electricity, 678; and of thermo-elec Chiastolite, in mineralogy, XV. 155. 685; VII. 697—conqucred by the Chironemus, tish, XII. 169.
tricity, 698. See Cold, Heat, Electro CIIIADBI, VI. 521. Tartars, II. 688—visits of mission Chironomus, insect, IX. 259.
chemistry, Oxygen, 8w. Caravan, Italian city, VI. 521. aries to, 697—trade with Ava, IV. Camouonr, VI. 591.
Cazuui'rz, VI. 506. Caiavssua, Italian town, VI. 521. 244—large bells in, 547-trade in Chiroptcra, bones of, III. 4, et seq.—
(Man-rm), VI. 506. Chica, in Peru, XVII. 805. birds' nests, 646—Canton trade, VI. muscles, IB—structure, XVII. 703.
Chemosh, VI. 314. Naraxaua Hour, VI. 521. 101—trade with Cochin-China, VII. Chirosceles, insect, IX. 164.
Casxosis, disease of the eyes, VI. 506. Carcass, or Chicanery, VI. 521. 12 -— cotton~manufacture, 897—silk, Chirotes, reptiles, XIX. 150.
Chenalopex, bird, XVI. 686. Caicaaco'r'ra, in Hindustan, VI. 521. VIII. 800; XX. 351—silk-worms, Catao'rosr, VI. 591.
Catalan (Marie Joseph dc), VI. 506. Calcnas, in Bolivia, VI. 521. IX. 247—trade with India, X1. 392, Chiru, in zoology, XIV. 162.
Chennium, insect, IX. 187. Chichemccas, XIV. 757. 398; Japan, XII. 521; Java, 531, Chirurgery, or Surgery. See Surgery.
Chenopodeaa, in botany, V. 125. Calcnss‘rsn, VI. 521—eanal, XVI. 17. 583; London, XIII. 500; Siam, XX. Chirus, tish, XII. 194.
CHEODLE, or Cheadle, VI. 507. Chichimcks, II. 622. 821 ; Singapore. 367 ; the 800100 Canaan, VI. 59.
Chcops, pyramid of, VIII. 547, 558. Chickara, in zoology, XIV. 162. Islands, 479; and Tunquin, XXI Chisholm (Major), III. 668.
Casrs'row, in Monmouthshire, VI. 507 Chickasaw Indians, XV. 300. 408—midwifery, XV. 62—conquered Camus, or Cisme, VI. 591.
—scenery near, X. 341. Chicken-pox, XXI. 585. by the Moguls, 817—mythology, 676 Chitine. VII. 497; IX. 68.
Chequers, origin of that sign, III. 808. Cnicxnaua, Spanish town, VI. 521. -canals, XVI. 3, 30—paper, XVII. CIII’I‘LONO, in Hindustan. VI. 591.
Cass, in France, VI. 507. Catcxoosr, in Hindustan, V1. 521. 9—porcelain, 429—earthquakes, 511 Chiton, molluscum, XV. 840, 361.
Casaasco, Italian city, VI. 507. Chick-pea, hairs of, III. 69. —cnltivation of rice, XIX. 284— Carroas, in Hindustan, V1. 591.
Cassaouao, in France, VI. 507—break CHIII, VI. 521—in heraldry, ib.; XI. conquest of Chinese Tartary, XXI. 86 Chittagong, III. 626; IV. 247.
water of, V. 215. 247. --tea, 130. See Chinese. Chittah, in zoology. XIV. 121.
Casual, VI. 507. Caisr'raiu, VI. 522. ink, XV. 852. CHITTAPBT,111 Hindustan, VI. 591.
Canines, town in Java, VI. 507. CHIIBI, Italian city, VI. 522. nor, VI. 588. Chittim, VII. 576.
CHBBILUS, Greek poet, VI. 507. Cats-r1, Italian city, VI. 522. ware. See Porcelain. Carr'rssnsooo, VI. 591.
Cherokees, II. 619, 631; X. 470. CHIGI (Fabio), VI. 522. Chinese, VI. 548—their method of cal Cal'r'roa, in Hindustan, VI. 591.
Cnsaosma, in Baaotia, VI. 306—battle Carauaaua, district and town in Mexi culation, II. 8, 9—accents, 85—alpha Carrwar, in Hindustan, VI. 592
of, XIII. 629. c0, VI. 522; XIV. 817. bet, 548—manner of writing, 54 5— Caws, VI. 617 ; XIX. 117.
Cherous, XI. 397. Cainnnam, VI. 522. compared with the Peruvians, 626— Carusa, Italian town, VI. 592.
Cherries, culture of, X1. 645, 659. Child (Sir Josiah),on interest, X11. 324— the uniformity and unchangeableness Catvatnr, VI. 592—Court of, 617—
Cherry-trees, XVII. 788—gum of, VI. on political economy, XVIII. 264, 265. of their customs probably exagge period of, III. 596—how afi‘ected by
478—sp. gr. of wood, XII. 28. Childbert, X. 4, ct seq. rated, 627, n. 8—their numerical fan the Crusades, VII. 492—its influence
Cherry-coal, VI. 444. Childeric, X. 2. cies, III. 586—origin, 69l—character, on poetry, XVIII. 156—romances of,
Casnso, island, VI. 507. Caunsaaas-nar, VI. 522. 693—commerce, 700, 701—astrono XIX. 325.
Casasou, in Russia, VI. 508—coasts Childers, race-horse, VII. 200. my, 723—residcnts at Batavia, IV. Cmvasso, Italian city, VI. 617.
and ports of, IV. 660. Childhood. XIV. 498; XV. 456 ; XVII. 488—in Borneo, V. 11 ; VI. 576— Chladni (Prof.), on musical sounds, II.
Caaasoussus, V1. 508. 695—beauty of, IV. 491-pleasures language, VI. 562; XIII. 72, 79 ; 124—on meteorolites, XIV. 716—on
Taurica, VII. 471. ot’, XVIII. 54. XVII. 387—their customs and charac harmony, XV. 606.
Cannes, VI. 508. Child-murder, XIV. 496. ter, VI. 58 5—their mode of preventing Chlzenius, insect, IX. 128.
Cherubini on the fugue, XV. 639. Children, less able to want food than the chipping of earthenware, 589— Chlamyphorus, in zoology, XIV. 143.
Chervil, X1. 675. adults, III. 167—exposing of, IX. 468 chronology, 663—mathematical know Chlamys, insect, 1X. 183.
Causarnss Bar, VI. 508; XIV. 271. nursing of, XVI. 310. ledge, X. 428—early knowledge of the Chlenaceze, in botany, V. 100.
CIIZBELDEN (William), VI. 508 — his (Mr), his galvanic battery and compass, 527; XIII. 685 ; and of Cazosla, VI. 617—worm, XI. 219.
anatomical labours, II. 701, 703. experiments, XXI. 666, 677. gunpowder, XI. 76 — grace before Chloephora, insects, IX. 250.
Cassaax, town in Bucks, VI. 508. Cam, VI. 522; II. 643—climate of, meat, X. 636—written characters, Chloranthcze, in botany, V. 130.
Cntsaum, VI. 508—breed of pigs, 11. GIG—ancient civilization of, 628—na XI. 30 3—manut‘actures in ivory, XII. Chloric acid, VI. 860—cther, 439.
338—chcese, VII. 591—elevation of tives of, 629—their probable descent, 491—knowledge of letters, XIII. 223 Chloride of lime, VI. 397—its use in
the bed of the sea in, XV. 218—salt 634—revolution in, 638—mines of, -literati, 379 —pretended ancient bleaching, IV. 681-2—manut'acturo
mines in, XV. 248. XV. 264—earthquake in, XVII. 512— knowledge 0f logarithms, 420—re of, 684.
Chesne (Joseph du), VI. 347. weights and measures of, XXI. 852— semblance to the Egyptians, XVIL' Chlorides, VI. 454—of azote, 866—car
Cases, VI. 511—Kempelen’s automa map of, Vol. VI. Pl. CLVII~2. 163—style of writing, and books, 891 hon, 369—silicon, 374--sulphur, 375
ton chess-player, III. 124. Caruan, V1. 545. -—numerals, ib.; III. 588—ancient selenium, 378—tellurium, 870—phos
Can", VI. 519. See Thorax. - CUILIAGON, in geometry, VI. 545. philosophy, XVII. 428 —printing, phorus, 880—arscnic, 383—antimony,
(Water in the). Sec Hydrotherax. Chilihueque, VI. 526. XVIII. 588 —measures, XXI. 846, 385—chromium, 387—vanadium, 388
Cass'rsa, VI. 519—mysteries performed Cninaa, lake, VI. 545. 852—weights, 848, 852—fondness for molybdenum, 389—tungstcn, 390-—
there, VIII. 153—Ellcsmere canal, Caiznausaaax Pagoda, VI. 545. the Trepang, 1002. See China. columbium, Bill—titanium, 892 -
XVI. 12. Canaan, VI. 545. balance, IV. 306. potassium, 893—lithium, 895—mag
, in Nova Scotia, XVI. 286. Caituco'rns, a town in Ohio, VI. 545; mangle, XIV. 457. nesium, 397—aluminum,‘ 898—gluci
, in Pennsylvania, VI. 520. XVI. 330. Tartary, XXI. 86. num, 899—yttrium, 400—cerium, ib.
Chester-le-Street, VIII. 290. Chillingham Castle, wild cattle at, II. varnish, how to make, XXI. 431. zirconium, 401-thorium, 402—iron,
Cassrsanssn, VI. 520—canal, XVI. 11. 325, 331; XIV. 166. Camasananasaa, VI. 588. 404—manganese, 407—nickel, 408—
(Earl of). See Stanhope. CHILLINGWORTH (William), VI. 545. Catsara'rax, VI. 588. zine, 410—cadmiu1n, VI. 411—leall,
Chestnut-tree, culture of, XI. 650— Camus, town in Syria, VI. 545. CIIINCIIILLA, Spanish city, VI. 588. 412—tin, 413—copper, 415—bismuth,
sweet, XVII. 783—horse, 784, 787— Cane, Greek sage, VI. 545. , an animal, XIV. 135, 141; 417 —mercury, 417 -— silver, 419—
timbcr, XXI. 295—old tree at Tam Chiloe, VI. 522, 543. IV. 748; VI. 526. gold, 420—platinum, 421—palladium,
‘ worth, 588. Chilognatha, insects, XV. 652. Curacaoondn Hindustan, VI. 588. 423—rhodium, 423—iridium, 424
Canon, VI 591. Chilopoda, insects, XV. 653. Chin-chow, V. 139. osmium, 425—cyanogen, 434.
Cheuque of Chili, VI. 526. Chilperic, X. 4. Camouru-r, in Hindustan, VI. 588. Chloriodic acid, VI. 862.
CHEVAL~DB-FEISE, VI. 520; IX. 786. Cauxraax Hills, in Buckinghamshire, Cuisiaoroonan, VI. 589. Chlorine, VI. 359—its compounds with
Casvassa, VI. 520. VI. 546; V. 634; XVI. 686. Camsacalu, VI. 589. carbon, &c. ; see Chlorides—discovcry
Casvausa, VI. 520. HUNDnsns (Stewards of), VI. Caisson, VI. 589. of, IV. 679—uscd in bleaching, ib.;
(Monsieur), on the plain of Troy, 546. Cannon, in France, VI. 589. I. 478; XXI. 818—its power of de
XXI. 3°0. Cama-zaa, VI. 546—tish, XII. 280. Cumsusa, in Bengal,VI. 589. stroying noxious states of the atmos
Canvas, VI. 617. Chimerical figures, in heraldry, X1. 255. Cameos, or Chinaub, river, VI. 589. phere, IV. 138—Sir H. Davy on,
Chevaus-de-frise, VI. 520; IX. 786. Camsosazo, VI. 546; II. 608—Hum Caro, or Chios, VI. 589. See Scio. VII. 640 — antiseptic properties of,
Cheveron, in heraldry, X1. 249. boldt's barometrical measurement of, Caress, VI. 589. IX. 734—poisonous quality of, XIV.
Cusvio'r hills, VI. 520—shccp, II. 329 ; IV. 401—perpetual snow upon, V Chionis, bird, XVI. 628. 508.
XIX. 512. 145—attraction of, XV. 583. CHIPPINHAI, in Wiltshire, VI. 589. acids, VI. 432.
Cnsvssau (Urban), VI. 520—his Table Cumss of a clock, VI. 546, 141. Chippeway Indians, XV. 8. salts, V1. 454.
talk, 11. 675. Caiussrs, V1. 546; 111. 462—uuknown — river, XVI. 255. Chlorion, insect, IX. 229.
Chevreul (Monsieur). his analysis of fat, to the Romans, III. 447—building of, Chippewyan (Fort), climate of, II. 613. Chlorite, specific gravity of, XII. 28.
II. 716; XVII. 597. V. 670—01' furnaces, X. 269, 270— CHIPPIIG of earthenware, VI. 589. Chloro-aurates, VI. 455.
Chews, VII. 80. 0 nature of draught in, XVIII. 126 Chipping-Barnet, IV. 383. Chloro-chromic acid, VI. 387.
Cheyletus, a genus of arachnides, III. cure of smoky, XX. 419—07 steam CHIPPING—NOB’I‘OK, VI. 590. Chloro-hydrargymtes, V1. 455.
368. boilers, 683. Calrrrso-Osoaa, VI. 590. Chloro~iridiates, VI. 455.
Casnm (Dr George). VI. 520—on the Chimney-pieces, building of, V. 676. CIIIPI'IBiG-SODIUBI, VI. 590. Chloro~osmiates, V1. 455.
38
CHL—CHR
Chloropal, specific gravity of, XII. 28.
Chloropalladiates, VI. 455.
Chlorophane, phosphorescent quality of,
VIII. 635.
Chloroplatinates, VI. 455.
Chlorops, insect, IX. 291.
Chlororhodiatcs. VI. 455.
Chlorostannates, VI. 455.
Chnodomarius, VII. 275.
Cnosss, Persian town, VI. 617.
Chocket, in architecture, III. 466.
Chocks ofa ship, XX. 284, 290.
Cnoco, in Mexico, VI. 617.
CHOCOLATB, VI. 617 ——e1cctricity of
melted, VIII. 603.
Chocolate-colour, dyeing 01‘, VIII. 343.
Cboczim, siege of, XXI. 414.
Cnonzsssdn Prussia, VI. 617.
Cnossmm, VI. 617.
Cnots, VI. 617.
Choiseul (Due de), IV. 416.
d‘ Aillecourt on the Crusades,
VII. 487, 8.
Cnotst (Francis Timoleon de), VI. 617.
Cnozsr, French village, VI. 618.
Choke-damp, VII. 611.
Choking of cattle, XXI. 622, 629.
Cholera, supposed atmospherical origin
of, XXI. 1018.
Choleric temperament of the human
body, XVII. 696; XXI. 173.
Cholesteric acid, VI. 430.
Cholesterine, VI. 443; XVII. 655.
CBOLE'I'. French city, VI. 618.
Choleva, insect. IX. 148.
Chondrodite, in mineralogy, XV. 158.
Chondropterygii, fishes, XII. 229.
Cnoosnn'r, in Hindustan, VI. 618.
Chopart (Monsieur), on disease of the
kidneys, XVII. 479.
Cnorcuoacn, VI. 618.
Cnoris, or Chopine, VI. 618.
Chops of the mouth, 11. 803.
Choragic monument of Lysicrates, III.
416, 436, 442, 473; W. 119-01‘ Thra
syllus, III. 436.
Caosst, VI. 618.
Chorassan. See Khorassan.
Cnosn, VI. 618—in music, ib.; XV.
624; I. 612—in geometry, VI. 618;
X. 438.
Caonrtscoros, VI. 618.
Cnossns, VI. 618.
Cnosunsns, VI. 618.
Chorion, in botany, III. 99; V. 47.
Cnosun, in Lancashire, VI. 618.
Cnosoossrnr, VI. 619.
Choroid coat of the eye, II. 798—1n va
rious animals, III. 26.
Choromo, silver mines of, IV. 749.
Choron on theories of harmony, XV.
606—on musical invention, 642.
Choronemus, fish. XII. 186.
Chorotees of Nicaragua, XVI. 202.
Caoses, in the Greek drama, VI. 619;
VIII. 144—prohibited. 150.
, in music, VI. 619.
Cnoss, VI. 619.
Chosroes, Antioch destroyed by, III.
253—his invasion of the Roman em
pire, VII. 281 ; XVI. 754.
Cno'rsssons, in India, VI. 619.
08001. (Upper and Lower), VI. 619.
Cnomsenoo. XX. 319.
Caoersa, in Hindustan, VI. 619.
Caovxss. in Hindustan, VI. 619.
Cnowrsssn, in Hindustan, VI. 619.
Cnnsnncsnns, VI. 619.
Canal, VI. 620—l’ence, ib.
Cuslsr, VI. 620. See Jesus.
(Onnu or), VI. 620.
Christ-Church Hospital, London, XIII.
514.
Casisrcncscn, a market-town in
Hampshire, VI. 620.
Christ’s thorn, XVII. 787.
Christian era. VI. 655.
Christian VII. of Denmark. VII. 728.
Cums-ruin, the capital of Norway, VI.
620 ; IV. 327.
Custs'rusrn, VI. 620—in Abyssinia.
II. 50, 51—capacity of the aboriginal
Americans for, 681—Lord Hailes’s
INDEX.
CHR—CHR CHR—CIC CIC—CIR
Inquiry into the Secondary Causes Chrysomelina, insects, IX. 182. Ctcto'r, or Cicluch, VI. 695. "
assigned by Gibbon for its rapid pro Chrysophora, insects, IX. 157. Ciconia. birds, XVI. 619. f I
gress, VII. 603, 604—inimical to Chrysophris, fish, XII. 177. Cid, chronicle of the, XVIII. 161. "
theatres, VIII. 152 --abolished in Cuarsorssss, a mineral, VI. 684; XV. Cinsnls, Jewish mitre, VI. 695.
France, X. 84—re-established by Bo 157; V. 786—sp. gr. of. XII. 28. Cidarites, zoophytes, XXI. 1008. -
naparte, 125—history of, XI. 487, ct Chrysops, insect, IX. 265. Cxnsn, VII. 574; XI. 649; X1]. 28—
seq.--compared with Mahommedan Cnavsos'rox (St John), VI. 684. Devonshire, VII. 746—Herefordshire,
ism, X1. 707 ; XIV. 39—its influence Chrysotoxum. insect, IX. 272. XI. 27 3—Somersctshire, XX. 475.
on the arts, XVI. 706 ; and on poetry, Chrysotus, insect, IX. 277. CIGLIANO, Italian town. VI. 695.
XVIII. 155—dit1‘usion of, XIX. 110; Chub, angling for, III. 147. Cigna on electricity, VIII. 571. "Y:
in Germany. X. "ii—established by Cases (Thomas), VI. 685. Cletus: (Carlo). VIr695. -' :1
Constantine. XIX. 416; by Theodo Chubb’s lock. XIII. 407. Ciliary circle and processes of the eye.
sius, 419—its introduction into Bri CHUBBAB, VI. 617. 11. 798; III. 23.
tain, V. 301 ; England, VIII. 701 ; CIIUDLEIGII, VI. 665. CILICIA, VI. 695.
Scotland, XIX. 698, 703; and Spain, Clintatmon, VI. 685. Cinemas, VI. 696.
XX.492—established in Russia, XIX. Cnnxaus, river, VI. 685. Ciliogrades, zoophytes, XXI. 1016.
531—the Lord's Supper, XX. 813. Cnunrassss, VI. 685. CIIABUE (Giovanni).VI. 696 ; XVI. 708.
See Jesus, Religion, Theology. Chumularee. mountain, XXI. 255. Cuuaoss (Domenico), VI. 696.
CIIBIS'I‘IANS, VI. 629 —pcrsecuted by Camus, VI. 685. Cimbex, insect. IX. 217.
Nero, XIX. 403 ; Domitian, 406 ; Cnnuasonna, VI. 685. Cinsni, VI. 696; V. 295; X. 475—
Trajan, 407 ; Adrian, 408; Aurelius. Chunchos, XVII. 150. their war with the Romans, XIX. 392
409 ; Trajanus Decius, 411 ; and Cncrxssssnl'rss, VI. 686. -Ci|nbric language, XIII. 87.
Diocletian, 414 —-favoured by Con Cncrrsasn, VI. 686. CHISEL, Sicilian city, VI. 697. ‘
stantine, 415 —discountenanccd by CIIUPBAII, VI. 686. Cimex, insect, IX. 197.
Julian, 417—demonology of the early CIIUQL'ISACA, VI. 686. Cimicit'ugeae. in botany, V. 95.
Christians, III. 297. Chuqnito, or 'I‘iticaca, South American Cmxssn, VI. 697.
CHIIBTIANSAMT,111 Norway, VI. 630. lake. IV. 746. See Titicaca. CIXOLIA Tessa, VI. 697.
CIIlISTIANSAND, in Norway, VI. 630. Cnuacn, VI. 686 ; XII. 262—spircs, Alba and Nigra, VI. 698.
Christiansburg, VII. 728. III. 423—bells, IV. 546—burying in. Cimolitc, specific gravity of, XII. 28.
CHRISTIANS'I‘ADT, VI. 630; IV. 327. V. 74 6—consecration of, VII. 265— Cimon, the Athenian, VI. 698—Athens
CHRISTIANSUND,111 Norway. VI. 630. heating of, XX. 742 —no national improved by, IV. 114—his exploits
Christie (Mr),on magnetism, XIII. 694, church in the United States, XXI.481. and banishment, 152—his death, 153.
r 697, 715, 720, 741, 749—0n solar of England, VIII. 788—its test, the Clconean, painter, XVI. 700.
magnetism, XVI. 422. XVI. 760—its doctrines respecting CINALOA, in Mexico, VI. 698.
Christiern, king of Denmark, his inva the Lord's Supper, XX. 816. Sec Cmcnons, or Peruvian bark, VI. 698;
sion of Sweden, XXI. 13—chosen king Episcopacy. VII. 199~alkali in, VI. 463.
of that c0untry, l4-—his tyrannical Cannon-wanna”, VI. 687. Cinchonin, VI. 464—salts of, ib
reign. ib. Cnvncniti. (Charles), V1. 689—poetry CINCINNATI, in Ohio. VI. 699.
Cnais'rnu, queen of Sweden, VI. 630— of, XVIII. 173. CIXCINNATUS, VI. 699; XIX. 372.
reign of, XXI. 20—ber correspondence (Jons), Duke of Marlborough. Cinclus, bird, XVI. 573.
with Bayle, IV. 466—her invitation to IV. 687—his continental campaigns, CINI-ZAS. a 'I‘hessalian. VI. 699.
Descartes, VI. 183. V. 368, ct sap—disgraced, 372—Mal CINEBITIOUS, VI. 699. See Brain. ‘
Christison (Dr), on gas-burners, X. 357 let's promised Life of, XIV. 57. Cingalese, VI. 303—language, XIII. 82.
-—on poisons, XIV. 492. (Sarah), Duchess of Marlbo Cmnn, Sicilian town, VI. 699.
CHRISTMAS-DAV, VI. 631. rough, XI. 556. Cinna, XIX. 393.
Christophe, king of Hayti. VIII. 106. Churchman (Mr), on the variation of Cinnabar, a mineral, VI. 418 ; XV. 171
Cnnls'rornsss (St), island, VI. 631. the needle, XIII. 731. —~specitic gravity of, XII. 28. ‘
Cnnoxs'rle, VI. 632. Cnnscnrasn, VI. 689. Ctxxsuos, V1.699—culture of. in Cey
CBIOIIATICS, VI. 632; XVI. 403. (Tnouas), VI. 689. lon, VI. 299—specific gravity of vola
Chrome-ore, XV. 162. Churoo, IV. 608. tile oil of, XII. 28.
Chromet of iron, VI. 406. Cunwsn, in Hindustan, VI. 689. Cinnamon-colour, dyeing of, VIII. 843.
Chromic acid, VI. 386. Chyle, II. 713; XVII. 582, 630, 631—— Cinnamon-stone, XV. 159: XII. 28.
Chromis, fish, XII. 196. vessels conveying the, II. 698, 817. Cinnyris, bird, XV]. 589.
Chromium, VI. 386—snlts of the pro See Lacteals. (linens Pon'rs. VI. 700.
toxide of, 453. Chyliza, insect, IX. 286. Cinquecento style of architecture, III.
Chromulc, III. 95. Chymitication, XVII. 628. 424, 425, 426, 452.
Cnaosic, VI. 651. Cnrxonooi, VI. 690. Cinquefoil, in architecture, III. 465.
Cnsosieuz, VI. 651—chronicles of the Cnr'rns, VI. 690. Cintio, his romances, XIX. 849.
middle ages, VII. 495. Cnr'ral, Athenian festival, VI. 690. CINTKA, V1. 700-convention of, V. 525.
Cnaononoor. VI. 652; XI. 469—ante Ciampi (Antonio), VIII. 609. CINYBA, VI. 701.
diluvian, III. 245—ancient Egyptian, 01118811 (Colley), VI. 690—on stage-de~ Cion, XI. 635.
VIII. 461, 511‘Hindu. X1]. 588— clamation, VIII. 174—his Careless Ciona, mollusca, XV. 370.
of the Septuagint, XX. 105—the Ar~ Husband, I75. CIO'I'O‘I‘ (La). French city, VI. 701.
undelian Marbles. III. 659—era of the , sculptor. XX. 9. Cirnsa, VI. 701.
Creation, VII. 455—date of Christ's CIBOlIA, VI. 690. Cipips, V. 68.
birth, XII. 557; and death, 560—Ka Clnonwx, VI. 690. Clrus. VI. 701.
lends, 669—ntility of medals in, XIV. Claus Fsauus. VI. 690. Circmtus, bird, XVI. 568.
463. See Calendar. CICACOLE, in Hindustan, VI. 690. CIICABB (Northern). VI. 701.
Chronological Table of political events. Cicada, insect, IX. 201. Circassian women, VIII. 528.
and of inventions and discoveries, VI. Cicadarim, insects. IX. 200. CIRCE, VI. 708.
665-683. Cicer arietinum, its hairs, III. 69. Ciacnssus osns, VI. 703, 706.
Cuaosous'rsas, VI. 683—French, IV. Crease (Marcus Tullius), VI. 690—on Clscts, VI. 703; X. 438—attempts to
596—finding of longitude by, XV. 789 the universal law of right reason, I. ascertain the ratio of the diameter to
-—their use in seamanship, XX. 56—— 86—on Cato’s stoicism, 417—his ana the circumference, I. 583—its incom~
remarks on those used for ascertain tomical knowledge, II. 688—on the mensurability first demonstrated by
ing the velocity of sound, 483. tomb of Archimedes, III. 405—on Lambert, 584—problems respecting
Cannons, in Bohemia, VI. 683. beauty, IV. 484—Middleton’s plagiar the, X. 452—quadrature of, 455—
Cnavssus, VI. 684 ; IX. 88. ism in his Life of,lV. 553—enmity of mensuration of, XIV. 568—perspec
Chrysanthemum, culture of, XI. 685. ‘ Clodius to, VII. I—cornpared with tive of, XVII. 277—squaring the,
Canvass, VI. 384. Demosthenes. 710 —his Dialogues, XX. 552—Meridian, IV. 104—Mural,
Chrysides, insects, IX. 227. VIII. 1. 2—on the Greek and Roman IOG—Azimuth and altitude, 109.
Cnarstrres. philosopher, VI. 684; I. 303. laws, XIII. 181—his work De Repub Claconcntuonss, VI. 704.
Chrysis, insect, IX. 227. lieé, XVI. 214, 767—recent discovery Clacmr, VI. 704—inconveniences of
Chrysobalaneze, in botany, V. 107. of works of, 765—Catiline's conspi circuit-courts. IX. til—Scotch crimi
Chrysoberyl, in mineralogy, XV. 155. racy suppressed by, XIX. 395; VI. nal circuits, XIX. 761.
Chrysochloris, in zoology, XIV. 103. 247—his high estimate of physicians, CIICIYLAR. VI. 704—numbers, ib.—in
Chrysocoma, birds, XVI. 631. XX. 823. strument of reflection, XV. 784.
Cbrysogaster, insect. IX. 274. (Quintus), IX. 577. Circulation of the blood. See Blood.
Cnavsou'rs. a mineral, VI. 684; XV. CICIANO, Italian town, VI. 695. Circumccllioncs. See Circoncelliones.
I58—speciiic gravity of. XI]. 28. Cicindela, insect, IX. 112. CIRCUICISION, VI. 704—practised in
Cnavsosonss (Manuel), VI. 684. Cieindeletze, insects, IX. 112. Arabia, III. 336; and by the unborn
(Joan and Dsxs'raws), VI. 684. Cicinnurus, bird. XVI. 588. medans generally, XIV. 38.
Chrysomela, insects, IX. 184. Cwmso, VI. 695 ; XII. 487. Clscexrnsncs, VI. 705.

CIR—CLA
Cmctmrzanxroa, VI. 705.
Cincunrtsx, V1.705.
CIRCUMGYBATION, VI. 705.
CIRCUMLOCUTION, VI. 705.
CIRCUMI'OLAR sraas, V1. 705.
CIRCUMPOTATIO, VI. 705.
Ciacunsciunsn, VI. 705.
CIRCUMVALLA'I‘ION, VI. 705.
Ciaccs, VI. 70.5—Maximus, XIX. 428
games of the, VI. 703, 706.
, bird, XVI. 564.
Cianncss'rna, VI. 706.
CIRIB, Italian town, VI. 706.
Cirknitz, lake of, XVII. 523.
Cirrhatnlus, worm, X1. 221.
Cirrhibarbns, fish, XII. I92.
Cirrhipidcs, crustacca, VII. 503.
, moilnscn, XV. 840.
Cirrhites, fish, XII. 169.
Cirrus, cloud, XVII. 534—Cirro'cumu
lus, ib.—Cirro-stratus, ib.
Cis, insect, IX. 176.
CISALPINE, VI. 706.
CISLEU, Hebrew month, VI. 706.
CIBPADANA GALLIA, VI. 706.
Cistela, insect, IX. I66.
Cistelides, insects, IX. 166.
Cranmer/ms, VI. 706.
(human, VI. 706.
Crs'rrasmo, in Italy, VI. 706.
Cistineze, in botany, V. 98.
Cis'raum, XX. 869.
CITADEL, VI. 706.
Crumsnscs, VI. 706.
CITEAU, French village. VI. 706.
Crrrusaox, in Dceotia, VI. 706.
CITIIARA, VI. 706.
Citharinus. fish, XII. 218.
CITIZEN, VI. 706.
Citric acid, VI. 428—uscd for discharg
ing colours, VIII. 340—scurvy cured
by,-XVI. 58.
Citron, XI. 659.
Citron-tree, specific gran'ty of, XII. 28.
011"“ m CABTELLO, VI. 706.
Citta Vccchia, XIV. 62.
CIT'I‘EBN, VI. 707.
CITY, VI. 707.
Ciudad dc las Palmas, VI. 74.
CIUDAD-RBAL, VI. 708.
Cwnsn Romueo, VI. "OS—storming
of, in 1812, V. 532.
CIVET, VI. 708; XIV. 118. _
Civil Engineer, neademical rank of, at
Durham, XXI. 508. See Engineer.
Ctvu. Lap", VI. 708—study of it accele
rated human improvement at the re
vival of letters, I. 14—veneratcd by
Leibnitz, &c., 92—ought to be the
ground-work of speculations on juris
prudence, 93—kuowledge of it useful
as a branch of education, III. 265—
Cujas on the, VII. 530—study of, at
Bologna. XXI. 488.
CIVIL Sra'rs, VI. 719.
CIVIL Ysas, VI. 719.
CIVILIAN, VI. 719.
Civilization, capacity of the aboriginal Clarus (L.), his Latin Bible, IV. 615.
Americans for, II. 631 ——fl0urishes CLASMIUM, VI. 732.
most in temperate regions, 622~its Claspcrs of plants, III. 86.
effect on poetry, XVIII. 145.
Ctvn'a CASTELLANA, VI. 719.
D1 I’ENNA, VI. 719.
Vsccnu, VI. 719; XVII. 3.
CIVOLI (Lewis), painter, VI. 719.
CIVBAY,111 France. VI. 719.
Cnacxsussaa, VI. 719.
CLACKHANNANSIIIBE, VI. 719.
Claddagh, X. 304.
Cladius, insert, IX. 217.
CLAOI-I'I‘ (William), VI. 722.
Clair (St), lake, XXI. 455.
CLAIBAU'I‘ (Alexis-Claude), VI. 722—
on universal gravitation, I. 577, 664-5
-— on the retardation of Halley‘s
comet, 578, 667—011 capillary attrac
tion, 615; XII. 46—on the earth‘s
figure, I. 661; IX. 551—bit; genius
and character, I. 667—0n the Pro
blem of the Three Bodies, III. 749;
IV. 57 —on the inequalities of the CLAUBI-ZIIO (John), VI. 732.
moon’s motion, IV. 56—on mathe
matics, XIV. 922—011 the spectrum,
1’
INDEX. - 39
CLA ' CLA—CLE CLE-CLI
XVI. 411—on the pendulum, XVII. CLAUDE (Monsieur),his conference with Cuzora'rn, VI. 738 ; VIII. 475; XIX
187. 199. Bossuet, V. 24. 397, 399—her connection with Mark
Clairt'ayt (General), IV. 221 ; X. 87. CLAUDE (St). in France, VI. 733. Antony, III. 273 —manner of her
Cranmer, in France, VI. 722. CLAUDIA, VI. 733—Aqua—Via. ib. death donbtt'ul, 703—qucens of Egypt
CLAIPINO, in joinery, VI. 723. CLAUDIANUS, Latin poet, VI. 733. of that name, VIII. 472, ct seq. um 1
Clamps of decks of ships, XX. 284. Claudius Caesar, reign of, XIX. 402—his CIC( patra’s Needles, II. 412. g
CLANDEBTINE, VI. 723. resemblance to James I. of England, Canos'rnarus, an ancient Greek astro¢
Clanguln, bird, XVI. 636. V. 310, n. nomer, VI. 738—h18 improvement of
CLA us, VI. 723—spirit ofclanship among Claudius (Marcus Aurelius), Roman the calendar, VI. 7. ' ,_ il.‘ 3
the Arabs, III. 332. emperor. reign of, XIX. 412. Clepsina, worm, X1. 226.. . 1 _.. .
CLAPIIAM, in Surrey, VI. 723. Cnauss, VI. 734. Cuzrsrnaa, VI. 738; VII. 524; III.
Curran-ox (Hugh), VI. 723—his dis Cnausnssnao, in Austria,VI. 734. 57, IDS—Amontons on the, II. 664.
coveries in Africa, 11. 237—his ac Cnacs'rnan, in Hanover, VI. 734. Clepticus, fish, XII. 196. ‘..._ _
count of Houssa, XI. 709. Clavagella, in cont-hology, XV. 349. CLEBC (John 1e), VI. 738—1115 character
CLARE, in Ireland, VI. 724. Cnavanwa, VI. 732. of Paracelsus, I. lS—his acquaintance
Clarcmont, grove at, X. 325. Clavatula, in conchology, XV. 347. with and respect for Locke, 106—bi
CLARBNCIEUX, VI. 727. Clavciina, mollusca, XV. 368. “ Parrhasiana," II. 675—his French
CLARENDON (Constitutions of), VI. 727; Clavcring (Captain), on the fire of St New Testament, IV. 617—1113 edition
VIII. 717. Elmo, VIII. 624. of Menander, V. 718. a. u,“
(Earl of). See Hyde. Cnavns Issnnm, VI. 733. (Szsas'rus), VI. 788. ,1
Claret, XXI. 899. CLAVI Viasrlrn, VI. 733. CLERGY, VI. 739—ofAustria, IV. 234—
CLsauc. French city, VI. 727. Cuvxcaonn, VI. 793. South America, 7 53—Belgium, XVI
CLARICHORD, VI. 727. Clavicle. II. 786 ; XVII. 617—in the ISIS—Chili, VI. 537—Colombin, VII
CLABIFICATION, VI. 727—ofsugar, XX. mammalia, III. 7—in birds, 12—111 93—England, VIII. 788; XIII. 218
795—of wine, XXI. 898. reptiles, 15. in Edgar’s reign, VIII. 704—Francc,
CLARIGATIO, VI. 727. Clavicornes. insects, IX. 146. X. 45, 201—Grcece. 739—Iceland,
Clarinet, XV. 614. CLAVlcrnizawn, VI. 733. XII. 144—the Ionian Islands, 344-5
CLARION. VI. 728. CLAVICYMBALUII, VI. 733. —Ireland, 898—Italy, 486—Jamaica,
CLARISSI-IS, order of nuns, VI. 728. Claviger, insect, IX. 187. XII. 504—Mexico, XIV. 806—New
Clarke (Dr Adam), his Bibliographical Clavipalpi, insects, IX. 185. England, IV. 381 — Russia, XIX.
Dictionary, IV. 630. CLAVIS, VI. 783. 580*Scotland, IV. 287, n.1, 288; V.
(Dr), on the size and weight of CLAVIUS (Christopher), VI. 734—-0n the 305, 335—Switzcrland, XXI. 50—
infants. 1]. 757, 758. calendar, VI. 10—on dialling, VII. 760 Turkey, 423—burning of obnoxious
(Dr E. D.), VI. 731—on the -—on geometry, X. 429. books by the. IV. 628—dec1amation
biowpipc, IV. 716->-his account of Je CLAVUS, VI. 734—Annalis, ib. ot‘ the pulpit, VII. 663—imp0sition of
rusalem, XII. 54-1, 548, 549; Palcs~ Clay, eaten by some American tribes, hands, XII. 255—unequa1 distribu
tine, XVI. 739, ct sap; and the plain II. 632—t'or bricks, V. 259. tion of wealth among the English
of Troy, XXI. 390. Clay-slate, in geology, XV. 191—metals clergy, XIII. 213—utility of natural
——+-—- (1311.), his clectripetcr, XXI. 689 found in, 278. philosophy to the, XVII. 574—fond
—-his magneto-electric machine, 693. Clay~soils, rotation of crops on, II. 298 ness of the early clergy for medicine,
(Mary Anne). her connection -improvcment of barren. 315. XX. 827, n. 3—deprivation of benefit-cs
with the late Duke of York, V. 526. CLAYTON (Robert), D.D., VI. 734. for heresy, XXI. 323.
(Dr SAMUEL), primus, VI. 728. (Rev. Mr), his discovery of coal (Eastern or), VI. 739. ' ‘_
(SAMUEL), VI. 728. gas, X. 348. emu, insects, IX. 145. " "‘,.
(Dr Sanrsn), secundns, ‘VI. 728 Cleander, XIX. 409. Casax, VI. 741 -- diseases to which
—his controversy with Leibnitz, I. 139, Cleanliness conducive to health, XIV. clerks are subject, XIV. 509. ,
142—on the existence of a God. 141, I’M—recommended, XV. 467—is the (John),his improvements in nil
422 ; XIV. 696-early development of best precaution that can be adopted val tactics, XXI. 766.
his rrflective powers, I. 142—character against vermin, XXI. 603. (John), 51.0., VIII. 547.
v and genius of, 14 3, 327—his controversy CLEAN’I‘HES, VI. 734—repartee of, I. 304. CLERK! (Capt. Charles), VI. 742.4,“
with Collins, 144—on necessity, 149 Clear (Cape), VII. 330. arctic discoveries, XVIII. 219.
—vcrsatiiity of his genius, 327—his Censncnns ot' I'Iernciea, VI. 784. Canaxn’s Isnsnn, VI. 743.
moral doctrines, 328—his erroneous Clearing-house in London, XVII. 28. Casanou'r, in France, VI. 748.
application of the term relation, 329 CLEA'I'S, VI. 784. Fnnnssn, VI. 743. ‘
—-difi‘erence between his system and Cleavage. in mineralogy, XV. I25—elcc de Lonnvn, VI. 743.
Cudworth's, 331—on the force of a tricity produced by, VIII. 601.’ lit/museum, VI. 743.
moving body, 539 -—on the Greek CLECIIE, in heraldry, VI. 784. Cnznouancr, VI. 743.
verb, X. 699-his sermons compared Cusnon, VI. 784. Clerus, insect, IX. 145.
with Horsley's, XI. 628—on space, Cumosxsu, VI. 734. Custom, Greek painter, VI. 748.
XIV. 655—on infinity, 665—on the Cansvss, or Clevcs, VII. 784. Cnzvnnasn (John), VI. 748. x '
being and attributes of God, 694. CLEF, in music, VI. 735. , a town in Ohio, XVI. 880.
(WILLIAM), VI. 781. Clcisthencs, VI. 764 ; IV. 149. Bays, II. 317.
(Mr), on women’s milk, XV. 74. Clcithral, in architecture, III. 465. CLEVEB, or Cleeves, VI. 734. '
Clarkson (Thomas), his opposition to Cleithros, in architecture, III. 465. Clichtovens on the rainbow. XVI. 853.
the slave-trade, XX. 384. Clclanrl (Dr), on mortality in Glasgow, CLIENTS, VI. 743; XIX. 877.
Cease-onscuno, VI. 732; XVII. 286 X. 535; XV. 526. Clitl’ord's Inn, London, XII. 282.
-—engraving, IX. 44, 45. CLBMBNCY, VI. 785. Currey, VI. 743; V. 292.
Cumssa Roxanna, VI. 786. Cunarn, VI. 743; XI. 196. 871, 377;
ALEXANDRINUS, VI. 736—on XVII. 542—its efl'ect on the active
hieroglyphics, XI. 297. energies of man, 11. 622—its eti'ect on
CLAss, VI. 7. 2—in natural history, XV. Clement (D.), on rare. books, IV. 625. the human body, XVII. 598; strength.
739. See Classification. (Mons.),on steam, IX. 425—bit; XIV. 429; complexion, VII. 190;
CLASSIC, VI. 732—ditl'erent editions of experiments on the heat of air, XII. XIV. 198. 202; health, 510; and
the classics, IV. 625. IlB—on latent heat, XX. 601. mind, XVI. 696—its modifying influ
Classical learning, XVIII. 451. V. (Porn), VI. 736—1118 collec ence on animals, III. 160, 161, 169—
CLAssrcnn, VI. 782. tion of Constitutions. VI. 93. its effects on buds, III. 90 ; and trees,
Classification, XVII. 433—in natural his V11. (Porn), VI. 736. XVII, 780—climate of America, I].
tory, XV. 738--Aristotlc on, III. 510. XIV. (Porn), VI. 736—Canova’s 610 ; of Arabia, 111. 324 ; of Asia, 678
of animals, III. 159, ct scq., 169, monument to, VI. 96. --in geography. X. 409. See Atmos
170; XVII. 549, 585—by Linnteus, Clements's Inn, London, XII. 282. phere, Cold, Dew, Meteorology, and
III. 171 ; Virey, ib.; Lamarck. I72; Ctnnsx'rn m Casaum, VI. 737. the geographical articles generally.
Dumcril, 177; Biainvilic, I77; Blac CLEMENT! (Muziu), VI. 737. CLINA'I'SRIC, VI. 743.
leay, 178; and Cuvier, 179-01' animal CLEMENTINIZ, V1. 737. Climbers, birds, XVI. 594.
cules, insects, &c.; see Animalculcs, Cuzsaan (Nicholas). VI. 737. Climenn, worm, XI. 228.
Entomology, Ichthyology, &c. CLEOBIS and Biton, V1. 739. Clinanth, in botany, V. 40.
of plants, V. 58, 70. SS—sexnai Clcodorn, mollnsca, XV. 855. Cttucn, V1. 764.
system, 88—natnrnl system of Lin CLnonsito'rt's, V1. 739. (Susanna), VI. 764. . .
nteus, Sit—principles of the natural Cleometlt-s on optics, XVI. 7148. Camus, an ancient Pythagorean philo~
system, V. 91. Ctsonnsrs, kin-4s of Sparta so named sophcr, VI. 764.
of vital functions, XVII. 589. VI. 737 ; IV. 149; VIII. 471; XX. 527 Clinkstone, sp. gr. of. XII. 28.
Cltmncnic war, II. 208. Clinocern, insects, IX. 266.
CLAUDE lc Lorrain, VI. 732—specimen Canon, V1. 738; IV. 157; XVI. 205. (.‘linolnctcr, XII. 743.
of sketches by, VIII. 1’1. 200. Cit-onus.i|r1cct,IX. 174. Clinus, fish, III. 192.
m INDEX.
CLI—CLY CLY—COC COC—CCEI) C(EL-COL
Cuo, one of the Muses, VI. 764; XV. Clythra, insect, IX. 183. on Grotius's work Do Jun Belli ct Coalioxys, insect, IX. 234.
603—statue of, VIIl. Pl. 194. Coscn, 'VII. 4 —hackney and stage Pam's, I 92. Cmlopa, insect. IX. 288.
, molluscum. XV. 355. coaches, 6. See Carriage. Coccsins (John), VII. 10. C(BLOSYIIA, VII. 17.
Cus'rnsnss, VI. 764; IV. 149. (MAIL), VII. 6—erroneous con Coccinella, insect, IX. 186. Camus, VII. 17.
Clitellaria, insects, IX. 271. struction of, XIV. 381 *— establish Coccourn, VII. lO—sp. gr. of, XII. 28. Conmrrlouns, VII. 17.
Cm'rnnoz, VI. 764. ment of mail coaches, XVIII. 488. Coccothraustes, birds, XVI.-581. C(BNOBI'I'E, VII. 17.
Curoxscnns, VI. 764. , or couch, VII. 7. Cocculus Indicus, VI. 466—used for Cusnomnx, VII. 17.
Clitoris, II. 826—crcctilc tissue of, 726. Coach-horse, XI. 593. poisoning rats, XXI. 600. Coznomyia, insect, IX. 264. '
Cnt'rnxsus, river, VI. 764. COACBHAKINO, VII. 6. Coccus, insect, IX. 206. Cesnosla, insect. IX. 284.
Cures, VI. 765—insect, IX. 179. Coagulation of albumen, XVII. 621—of‘ Coccyx, human, II. 759, 762—of the Cmsira, mollusca, XV. 368.
Cuvs (Robert, Lord), VI. 765—General blood. VI. 33. lower animals, III. 8. Corns, VII. 17; XII. 500—ot‘ Arabia,
Bonrgoyne’s charges against, V. 397 Coagulum ofthe blood, II. 71 3 ; VI. 493, Coccyzus, bird, XVI. 598. III. 837—Bourbon, V. 151—Brazil,
—his exploits in India, XI. 413, et- seq. 494. COCIIABAMBA, in Bolivia, VII. 10. 206-7—St Domingo, VIII. 107—Java,
Clivina, insect, IX. 119. Coak. See Coke. Cochenelin, VI. 505; VIII. 308. XII. 529—Mexico, XIV.801—Mocha.
CLOACA, VI. 765—Maxima, ib. XIX. Coal, XV. 172; VII. 70—methods of Cocnm, in Hindustan. VII. 10. XV. 310—cofi'ee-tree, VII. 17.
427; XX. 166—in comparative ana searching for, 73—boring for, 75— Cocmn Cums, VII. ll—niap of, Vol. Corns-13102, VII. 18—cfl'ects of re—
tomy, III. 39, 40. winning the, 76—working of, 78— XII. Pl. CCCVII~2. duction of duties on, XXI. 121.
CLOACINA, VI. 769. difi‘erent methods of working, 83— Cocnmssn, VII. 14—its introduction Coffee-colour, dyeing of. VIII. 337.
Cnocx AND ws'rcn woax, VI. 765. wood—coal of Antrim, III. 274—the as a dye-stuff, VIII. 297, 307—its na Coffee-houses in London, XIII. 534.
Clock, VI. 765; XI. 565—slow im art of casting iron extended by the ture and history, 307—its culture in Conn, in architecture, VII. 18; III.
provement of the, III. 644—astvono use of, VI. 88—chemical composition ‘, Mexico, XIV. 801 ; and in Armenia, 465—in fortification, VII. 18.
mica], IV. 104—alarm-clocks, VI. 782 of diti'crent kinds of, 444—Kilkenny, ' XIX. 589. Coti‘er-dam, XIV. 297.
—water-cl0ck, VI. 738; VII. 524; 444 ; XII. 715—caking, VI. 444— Cochincal-inscct, IX. 206. Corns, VII. 19—cotiins kept by the
XI-I. 57, 108; II. 664—\Vhcatstone’s splint, ib.—cherry, ib.—cannel, ib.; Cochinealin, VI. 505; VIII. 308. Chinese in their houses, VI. 563.
electro-magnetic clock, XXI. 689. See II. 665—t‘or furnaces, X. 276—speci Cochlea of the ear, II. 802; III. 25. (J.), on ambergris, II. 594.
Chronometer, Pendulum. tic gravity of, XII. 27 -— mechanical Cochrnne (Admiral). his proceedings Cogger’s printing-press, XVIII. 570.
Clodio, X. 2. power derivable from, XI V. 438—its against the United States, V. 538. COGOESIIALL, in Essex, VII. 19.
Clodius, his Hebrew Bible, IV. 614. importance to Britain, XV. 24 3— (Lord), burning of French ships Cogglng, in carpentry, V. 683.
(Pnnuns), VII. 1; XIX. 396-— consumption of it there, 244—pro by, in 1809, V. 5‘28-his proceedings COGILPAT'I'Y, V11. 19.
his enmity to Cicero, VI. 692. bable duration of supply of, ib.; XVI. on the coast of Chili, VI. 543; and Coossc, in France, VII.19.
Clodomer, king of Orleans, X. 4. 254—saving of, in iron-smelting by in Peru. XVII. 298. Cocru'rn, in Scotch law, VII. 19.
Cnossusv-Moa-rmsa, VII. I. hot-blast, XX. 408—steam~gencrating -—-— (Capt. C. S.), merino yarn spin Coons-non, in civil law, VII. 19.
Cnocusa, VII. 1; XXI. 441. power of. 602, 629—economy of, in ning introduced into Scotland by, X. Conssrrs'rrou, VII. 19.
Ctoonssnn'rr, or Clonakilty, VII. 1. steam-boilers, 684—coa1 and coal 557. Commons, a province of Mexico, VII.
Cameras, VII. 1. mines in Britain, XV. 24 3—Chi1i, VI. (Captain). his account of the 19; XIV. 819.
Crown, Irish town, VII. 1. 532 — Clackmannanshire, 7 21—Cum Kamtschadalcs, XII. 672-3. Cosnsm, VII. 19; VII. 20.
CLoxxsL, VII. 1; XXI. 814, 316— berland, VII. 537—Derbyshire, 735— Coos, VII. I4—d0mcstic, XVI. 608-— Common, VII. 20-ofmetals, XIV. 402';
taken by Cromwell, XII. 371. Devonshire, 746 — Dumbartonshire, Bankiva, 609—.Iago, ib.—jungle, ib.— XX. 756—t'orce of, XVII. 566-ot'sur
Cloquet (Monsieur), his System of Ana VIII. 258—Durham,289—Edinburgh' Macartney. (HO—divination by means faces, XVIII. I‘ll—strength of mate
tomy, II. 704, 828—011 animal magnet shire.429—England,767—Europe,IX. of cocks, II. 396. rials arises from, XX. 748—the doc
ism. XX. 477. 409 ; XV. 250—Francc, X. 179—Gla ofa watch, VI. 786, 787. trine of. yet a new subject, 755—
Clos (La), his romances. XIX. 354. morganshire, 532—Hungary, IV. 230 Cock-fighting, VII. 14; XVI. 609, 610; grcat varieties in, 7 56—its force pro
Cnosz, in heraldry, VII. 2. -—Ireland. XII. 393; XIII. 222—La XVII. 112. portional to the area of the section
CLOSI-IIAULBD, VII. 2. narkshire, 50—Lancashire, 52—Mon Cocx-ri'r, VII. 14. perpendicular to the extending force,
Clossius (Dr), his discovery of parts of mouthshire, XV. 418 -—-New South Cockatoo, bird, XVI. 603. 756—of woods, 756-7.
the Theodosian Code, VI. 715. Wales, XXI. 717, 718—Northumbcr COCKBUIINE (Mrs Catharine), VII. 15. of fluids, VII. 20; XII. 38—
Cluster Seven, capitulation of, V. 385. land, XVI. 254—Pennsylvania, XVII. Cock-chafcr, IX. l59~rncthod ot' dew Coulomb on, VII. 428 —- capillary
Clot of the blood, 11. 713; VI. 493, 494. 222—Roscommon, XIX. 478—Rnssia, stroying it, XXI. 602. action, VI. 110; XII. 38; 1. 615-16.
Clotaire, king of France, X. 4. 567—Scotland, 749 -— Staffordshire, Cock-dog, XX. 311. COnoss (Menno, Baron dc), VII. 29
CLOTH, VII. 2. See Cotton, Calender, XX. 558 —Stirlingshirc, 729——Suma Cocszaxou-ru, VII. 16. on fortification, IX. 770—his system
Dyeing, Silk, \Veaving, Wool. tra, 804—Tennessee, XXI. 182~Tip Coast, VII. 16. described, 775.
Clothing, luxury in, XIII. 603—its in porary, 313 -Tyrone, 439—Unitcd Cocking, in carpentry, V. 683. Conoaru 'II. 30.
fluence on health, XIV. 507—oricn States, 454—Virginia, 658—White Cockle, XV. 372. Corr, VII. 30.
tal, VIII. 528—flannel, IX. 614. haven, 876—Yorkshire, 965. See Cocnunr, VII. 16. Coignet(.\1ich.). on navigation, XV. 747.
CLOTIIO, one of the Fates, VII. 2. ColHery, and the geographical articles Cockroach, IX. 190—method of de Column PETTAB, VII. 30.
, genus of arachnides, III. 359. generally. stroying it, XXI. 602. Comm, in Hindustan, VII. 30.
Clotilda, X. 3. Coal-gas, VI. 372; X. 348, 350—com Cocxsvum, VII. 16. Cotxnsroos, VII. 30.
Cnonn (St). French town, VII. 4. pared with oil-gas, 361, 365—hints Coons (P. 11.), VII. 16; XIX. 369. Commas, a Portuguese city, VII. 31—
CLonns, VII. 2; XVII. 534—t'orms ot‘, for its improvement, 366—cconomy Cocoa-nut tree, XI. 381—of Ceylon, VI. nniversity of, XVIII. 481.
ib.—theory of, XIV. 747—height of, of, 367. 300—small, of Chili, 527—of Java, Cons, VII. 31—adulteration of, II. 166
7 48—their influence in obstructing Coal-measures, in geology, XV. 196. XII. 529—specific gravity of cocoa —ancient, III. 259—standard ster
frigorific pulses in the air, VI. 762— Coal-mines. See Coal, Colliery. wood, XII. 28. ling silvcr and gold of Britain, VI.
their electricity, VIII. 618—theory of COAL-TRADE, VII. 7—of England. VIII. Cocoon, silk, XX. 343. 420, 421 -—- distress in England in
mountain-caps, XII. 133. 767—London, XIII. 497—Newcastlc, Cocos, VII. 16. the 16th century from debasement of
Clover, culture of, II. 257, 291 ; in XVI. 151—Sundcrland, XX. 810. Cocvncs, VII. 16. the,VII. 334 ,n.,1 ; 335—its state in the
Flanders, XVI. 142. Coal work. See Colliery. Cod, XII. 217—salting of, IX. 733. reign of\Villiam the Third, 837 ; XIII.
Cloves, culture of. in Amboyna, II. 596; Coal-fish, XII. 218. Cod-fishery, Scotch, IX. 600—foreign, 414—advantages of coined money, XV.
and Bourbon, V. 151—specific gravity Coalition ministry, V. 427—its fall, 605—French, X. 196. 385. See Currency, Medals, Money,
of volatile oil of, XII. 28. 434. Consrsusa, VII. 16. Coinage, Coining.
Clovc~tree, II. 596. Consume of ships, VII. 9; XX. 285. Coddington (Mr), on the grooved lens, Conuoz, VII. 32 ; XIV. 419 - Mr
CLOVIO (G. G.), painter, VII. 4. Coss'r, VII. 9. XV. 32—-his microscope eye-glass, 38. Boulton's improvements in, V. 148—
CLovu I. king of France, VII. 4; X. ‘2. Css'rns (Cape), VII. 9. Conn, VII. 16—Solon’s, IV. 145—Aus of Britain, XIII. 504—probable cause
Clowes (Wm.), surgeon, XX. 829. COASTING, V11. 9—pilot, ib. trian, 237—Bolivian, IV. 758—Vene why the die sometimes adheres to the
Cnotun, VII. 4. 329. Coabof-arms, VII. 9—of mail, ib. tian, of maritime law, VII. 493—civil coin, XX. 753. See Assaying, Coin.
Clubs in London, XIII. 534. Coatis, in zoology, XIV. 107. and penal, XII. 636—Roman codes, Coining of false money, XIV. 495.
Club-foot, treatment of, XX. 845. Coszzo, Italian town, VII. 9. VI. 713—French codes, X. 216—Code Coipu, in zoology, XIV. 138.
Cums, French city, VII. 4. Cob, horse, X1. 591. Napoleon. 132; XIII. 184 -— penal Coiter (Volcher). his anatomical re
Clupca, VI. 191, 192—6811, XII. 214. Cossnouos, Spanish town, VII. 9. codes, XVIII. 735. See Diplomatics, searches, II. 697.
Clupidze, in ichthyology, XII. 214. Cobseeas, in botany, V. 121. Law, Legislation. COKE, VII. 7—for furnaces, X. 276—
Cwvma (Philip), VII. 4. COBALT, VII. 9 ; VI. 409—saits of pro Codcic acid, VI. 460. making of, XII. 442—not needed in
Clwyd, vale of, VII. 717. toside ot', 449—specific gravity of, Consx, VII. 16. hot-blast smelting, XX. 408.
CLYDE, VII. 4; XIX. 747; XIII. 49— XII. 28—magnetism of, XIII. 709. CODICIL, VII. 17; VI. 709. (Sin Enwsan), lord chiet‘ Jul
diving-bell used in improving its na Cobalt-mica, XV. 147. Common-ion, VII. 17; XIII. 180. tice, VII. 54; XIII. 189.
vigation, VIII. 70—dredging ot' the, Cobalt-pyrites, XV. 186. CODLIN, apple, VII. 17. COL, island, VII. 55.
193, l97—navigation ot‘ the, X. 548; COBBING, VII. 10. CODLINO, VII. 17. Conn“, island, VII. 55.
XVI. 11—canal to the Forth, 13; Cobham (Elinor), VIII. 734. Cones, VII. 17. Count: Lake, VII. 55.
X. 550; VIII. 258; XIX. 751. Cobija, IV. 751. Conamo'ros (Christopher), VII. 17. Couxaco'r'u. VII. 55.
Clydesdale. Sco Lanarkshire. Cobitis, XII. 199—ang1ing for, III. 148. Census, VII. 17 ; IV. 143. Conanoonn, VII. 55.
horses. 11. 317; X1. 597. Conn, boat, VII. 10. Councils-rs, VII. 17. Consrooa, VII. 55.
Clyers, XXI. 629. Counssrz, German city, VII. 10. Coehorn. See Cohorn. Colaptes, birds, XVI. 597.
Clypeaster, insect, IX. 186. 003030. VII. 10. Cmle, in Athens, IV. 124. Coast, in Hindustan. VII. 55-6.
Clypcastres, zoophytes. XXI. 1008. Coca plant, IV. 748; XVII. 304. Cmlestis, Phurnician goddess, XVII. 451 . Consnassisns, sect, VII. 56.
CIJTRIXBSTIA, VII. 4. Cocceoii (Samuel do), his commentary Cmlestius, XVIII. 515. Colaris, bird, XVI. 585.

COL
Couaroos, VII. 56.
Colaspis, insect, IX. 188.
COLBEI'I‘ (J. B.) VII. 56; X. 34—his
commercial regulations, 185—dyeing
encouraged by, VIII. 297—his ordi
nance about population-registers in
Paris. XV. 580.
Colby (Colonel). employed on the trigo
nometrical survey of Britain, XXI.
854. 859; IX. 550.
Concuss'raa, in Essex, VII. 57.
Genesis, VII. 57—Egyptian colony in,
VIII. 464. ,
Como-nus, VII. 57.
COLD, VII. 57—reflcction of, I. 646—
pulsations of, in the air. VI. 761—
instrument for indicating these. ib.—
influence of clouds upon them. 7 62—
Dr Wollaston‘s mode of producing ar
tificial. VII. 504—Dr Currie on the
medical efi‘ects of. 555—alleged cold
ness of the moon's rays, 749—pre
serrative efi'ects of, IX. 729—radia
tion of. XI. 184—means of producing.
191. 195; XIV. 780; XXI. 678—at
the tops of mountains, XII.’ 184—
death from, XIV. 499—sensation of,
608 ; XVII. 662—produced by evapo
ration. XIV. 780—iu Siberia, XX.
825-ebullition produced by. 57 6—in
Tibet, XXI. 255—its production by
electricity, 678. See Congelation,
Heat, Ice, Polar Seas.
. a disease. See Catarrh.
Coumlonns, VII. 66—priory.1V. 599.
COLDI'IIIAI, VII. 66—bridge, V. 271.
Conn (William). VII. 66.
Colebrook (Josiah). on encaustic paint
ing, VIII. 695.
— Dale. XIX. 622.
Celebrooke (H. T.). his translation of
a Hindu mathematical work, II. 425. Contains (Viejo), a Spanish town in
Coleoptera. insects. IX. 59. 107.
Ceanus. VII. 66; XIII. 554.
Coleridge (S. '1‘.). his mistake as to the Coins, river, XI. 284 ; XV. 60—its na
Farm Naturalia of Aristotle, I. 427
—on the cause of Luther‘s visions, Colobata, insects, IX. 287.
III. 298—on the German drama, VIII. CoLoosu. VII. 88.
177-8—on Homer, XI. 543. 545. 546. Cones“. VII. 88 -colns of. XV. 407
m—his opinion of Mackintosh, XIII.
657—on poetry. XVIII. 144—on 11a
belais. XIX. 4.
Consume, in Warwick. VII. 67.
Cousin, town in India, VII. 67.
Cour (John). VII. 67.
Coleworts. X1. 667.
Conoouo, in Hindustan, VII. 67.
Colin. insect. IX. 241.
Conan-rs, in law. VII. 67.
Colic, in horses, XXI. 624.
Content (Gaspard dc), VII. 67.
Celina. hot springs of. VI. 524.
COLINDA, in Hindustan, VII. 67.
Colisa, fish. XII. I90.
Cousauu in Rome. VII. 67; II. 668-9;
III. 448. 478; XIX. 427—in London.
XIII. 539.
Colius, bird, XVI. 582.
Col-1(Castle). XXI. 12.
Collado on gunnery. XI. 42.
Colladon (Dr). on electromagnetism. CoLoau-uaa, VII. 126.
VIII. 688.
Coaaaa, VII. 67—Xuights of the. ib.
Collar-bone, in man, 11. 786—the mam Cones-rams. VII. 127.
malia, III. 7—birds. 12-—reptiles, 15. Colot, his surgical skill. XX. 828.
Cotaaass. VII. 68.
Collard(M. Royer). taught Reid'sphilo
sophy at Paris. I. 888—his efforts to
render speculative philosophy popu
lar in France. ib.
Coaaaraaaa. VII. 68.
COLLA‘I‘IOI, VII. 68.
COLLIC‘I', VII. 68.
Common. Pa'r'raa, VII. 68.
Connor. VII. 69. See Corporation.
of Justice in Scotland. XIX.
725. 760; VIII. 418.
Commune. VII. 69.
Connors-rs churches. VII. 70.
Collctes. insect, IX. 282. ‘
Collier (Arthur), denies the existence of
a material world. I. 168. 274.
(Jsasur). vu. 70.--—on the 1111- I of double plates. 686—0! supernume Cones, or Colybus, VII. 135.
INDEX.
COL
morality of the Stage, VIII. 173;
XXI. 550.
Collier's filter. IX. 581, 582.
Colliers. formerly slaves in Scotland,
XX. 383.
€0LLIBIIIU, VII. 70—damps in. 611—
protection against these. XIII. 46—
Davy's safety-lamp, VII. 641-acci
dents in, XV. 245—high temperature
of. XV. 176. See Coal.
Coauuowoon (Cuthbert. Lord). VII.
85—his conduct at the battle of Cape
St Vincent, V. 481.
Collins on book-keeping, IV. 776.
(Anrnour). VII. 86—his contro
versy with Dr Clarke, I. 144—on the
doctrine of necessity. 148, 265; VI.
729—Locke's regard for. I. 264 -ou
the tenets of the Epicureans and
Stoics. 266—his notion of liberty pre
cisely that of Hobbes, 268—Bentley’s
answer to his Discourse of Freethink
ing, IV. 577—on materialism, VI. 729.
(Colonel), his account of the
New Hollanders, IV. 208.
-—l-— (Samuel), his researches in com
parative anatomy, II. 700.
(William), VII. 87—merits of
his poetry, XVIII. 172.
Conunson (Peter), VII. 87.
COLLIQUAXIN‘I‘UX, VII. 88.
COLLIQUA'I'IOI, VII. 88.
Collision of bodies. laws of, XIV. 851,
886—motion from. XVII. 567, 571.
Colliuris. insect, IX. 118.
COLIAN (Geo), VII. Sis—his comedies,
VIII. 176, 178.
Count, in France, VII. 88.
Colmata. an Italian agricultural process,
II. 806.
(La), xvn. .525.
Guadalaxara, VII. 88.
Conn, town in Bengal. VII. 88.
vigation, XVI. 11.
—early printing at. XVIII. 548—af
fair of the archbishop of, 687.
Coaosuna. VII. 89; II. 641.—institution
of the republic of, 689—heights of
mountains of, XVII. 505—map of,
vol. VII. P1. CLXXVI-2. See Bolivar.
Bolivia.
Colombia. VI. 471.
Colomesiana. II. 676.
Colon. anatomy of. II. SIB-comparative
anatomy of, III. 38.
COLONEL, VII. 111.
Commas. VII. Ill—acts of Parliament
in 1826 respecting trade with the, 564 Columbian printing-press. XVIII. 570.
--Roman, XIX. 884—latc revolution Columbic acid. VI. 891—salts of, 454.
in the practice of colonization, XXI. Columhium. VI. 391—spcciiic gravity
975. See Emigration.
Commune, VII. 111.
Coaoaus, VII. 111.
Coaornoarrs, VII. 126; XV. 159.
Colorado. river, XVII. 118.
Colosseum. See Coliseum.
Coaaossus orRhodes. VII. 126 ; XX. 15.
Conona. VII. 127; VI. 646; XIII. 8'13 —— town in Ohio, XVI. 880.
—-composition of colours. XI V. 741
doctrine of. XVI. 408-beauty of. IV. COLUIILLA (L. J. 1111.), VII. 184—on
487—primary. resolvable into red.
green. and violet. I. 6354—periodicnl.
VI. 685—prismatic, XIII. 881—mis Columelliacem. in botany, V. 118.
taken notions regarding the colour of Counts, VII. 184—in architecture. ib.;
bodies, the cause of 'much error in
philosophy. I. 64—Dr Reid on, 65—
connection between it and extension
and figure, ib.—its varieties useful in
enabling us to distinguish bodies, 66
—Addison on the nature of, 278—se
paration of, by refraction. VI. 638—
colours of aurora borealis. IV. 197— COLUINAIIUI, VII. 135.
of halos and parhclia. 684—oi' the CoLoass. VII. 185; III. 755.
rainbow, 634—ot‘ thin plates. 635
‘ ‘7
rary rainbows and glories, 687—01“
striated substances, 688—of mirrors
and thick plates. 636—of deflected
light. 639—01“ detracted light. 640—
of mixed plates, 641—of doubly re
fracting substances. 64-1—oi' clouds,
VII. 8—01' the electric spark. VIII.
583—01“ quadrupcds. XIV. 86, 189—
of minerals. XV. l26—ot‘ the atmo
sphere. XVI. 510; XVII. 530—of
natural bodies, XVI. 510—of the sea.
XVII. 518—of serpents. XX. 132——
of plants. VII. 127—of flowers. XXI.
581—01' fruits, 584—stars of different
colours, IV. 47—change of colour of
cameleons. XIX. 148—resemblance
ot' the colours of birds to those of the
places they inhabit, XX. 317—in
fluence of electricity on. VIII. 688,
685—coloured polarisation, XVIII.
284—influence of light on the colour
of plants, XXI. 578, 584—coloured
rings formed on metallic plates by
voltaic currents, XXI. 680. See Com
plexion, Dyeing.
Colours, perception of, XVII. 464—nre
the blind capable of distinguishing
them by touch! IV. 694. 698-inca
pacity of distinguishing, VII. 128.
, in painting, VII. 127—in crayon
painting. VII. 452—in encaustic paint
ing, VIII. 695—water colours. 184
-—porcelain colours. XVIII. 438—
printing in. 568—printing of coloured
engravings, XV. 8—laws of harmo
nious colouring in house-painting,
XVI. 732. See Painting.
Colouring matter of leaves, III. 95—of
the blood, VI. 494.
Colquheun (Dr), on the corn raised and
consumed in the United Kingdom,
VII. 855.
Conant. river. VII. 129.
Cour. VII. 129.
COLTIE, VII. I29.
Coluber. serpent, XX. 139.
Colubriform serpents, XX. 146.
Columb (St), canal, XVI. 18.
Columba, bird. XVI. 612.
(ST). VII. 129-his preaching
in Germany, X. 479—his residence in
Iona, XII. 838—the Christianizcr of
Scotland. XIX. 698.
Coaounuos. VII. 180.
Columbella, in conchology. XV. 84 6.
Columbia (district of). in Maryland,
XIV. 278—canals in XVI. 27.
, in S. Carolina, VII. 180.
, in Tennessee, XXI. 183.
Rival. VII. 130; XVI. 523;
XXI. 452—climate of. II. 618—i'ur
trade of. X. 264.
of. XII. 28.
Columbkill. XII. 852. See Iona.
Columbo. in Ceylon, VI. 299. 803, 805.
COLUIIlI'I'IS, islands. VII. 180.
Conclave (Christopher). VII. 130;
XX. 498—his voyages. X. 898—his
discovery of America, II. 636 ; of Ja
maica, XII. 496; of the variation of
the needle. XIII. 686.
, anatomist. II. 696, 698.
(Congregation of St), VII. 180.
irrigation. XII. 455.
, in botany. V. 48, 55.
III. 465—Doric, 437, 450. 451—Ionie.
439. 440. 45l—Corinthian, 440, 447—
considered with reference to architec
tural composition, 460wbuilding of
columns, V. 676—strength of. VI.
158; XX. 758. 771—construction of
wooden. XIIAIIS.
Court“. Greek island. VII. 185.
41
COL—COM
Colydium. insect. IX. 176.
Colymbetes, insects, IX. 185.
Colylnbus. bird, XVI. 629. ’,
Controls, in Devonshire, VII. 185.
Colyttus, IV. 124.
Con, Syrian town, VII. 185.
, in botany, V. 50.
Bzamucss, VII. 185.
Comayagua, XI. 18.
Combs of bees. IV. 525—their dura
bility, 531.
COMBAT. VII. 185—judieial, ib.; VI.
601; XVI. 520.
Combativeness, XVII. ,462.
Combo (Dr Andrew). on phrenology.
XVII. 469, 471.
Combermere (Lord). his capture of
Bhurtpore, IV. 611.
Coauuuu'lou, VII. 185-laws of che
mical, VI. 355.
Coustua'rioss. in mathematics, VII.
135.
Combination~laws, repeal of the, V. 561
—cii'ects of that measure, 564.
Combing of wool, XXI. 935.
Combo, XX. 9-1.
Couaoocozuu, VII. 136.
Combretaceae. in botany. V. 109.
Combrune (Mr). on brewing, V. 231-—
on malting, 236.
Cousuxranoo. VII. 136.
Coxsusr. in astronomy, VII. 136.
Combustibles, phosphorescent efl'ects of
electricity on, VIII. 634.
Couacs'rlo Pscumm, VII. 186.
COMBUSTION, VII. 186 -— theory of.
XVII. 44 9—thcories of Stahl and
Lavoisier, VI. 348. 850—spontane.
one, of human body. VIII. 24—elec
tricity developed in. 605—Hooke on.
XI. 555—air necessary to, XVIII.
130—in steanvboilers, XX. 684.
Connor. VII. 186—Greek. VIII. 148
middle and new, 150—Italian. 158-—
French, 166—English, 167, et seq.—
gentecl. I75—of intrigue, ib.-Ger
man. 177.
Consume (John Amos), VII. 186.
Comephora. fish. XII. I94.
Cosmacoux. in Bengal, VII. 136.
Cour-rs, VII. 187; III. 757; IV. 87—
disturbance of their orbits by planet
ary attraction. 59—just notions of the
ancients regarding. I. 452—size and
consistence ot’, 668—methods for dis
covering the orbits of. ib.—Lalande
on. XIII. 28—Lambcrt on. 87—atmos
phere of. XVIII. 105 -I-Ialley's comet,
I. 667; III. 744, 749.
COMILLAII. in Hindustan. VII. 151.
Couture (Philippe de). VII. I51.
Cour“, Sicilian town. VII. 152.
Conrrrros, in law, VII. 152.
Conn-u. Roman assemblies. VII. 152
—centuriata, XIX. 879.
Cournaus uoascs. VII. 154.
Conn-um. VII. 154.
Com“. VII. 154.
Coiuucaio, Italian city. VII. 154.
Commander-in-chief, naval. XVI. 51.
Commandments (the Ten). VII. 661.
Coimannar, VI]. 154.
Commelinem. in botany. V. 186.
COIIBXOIA'I‘ION. VII. 154.
Coiuszrwns, VII. 15%.
COIMBNDATUI, VII. 155.
Couunssnaasuz, VII. 155.
Comma-run, VII. 155.
Consumer. VII. 155—history of. ib.
principles of. 168—fluetuations of. in
the present age, 172—efl'ects of the
cotton-manufacture on. 413-cvlls of
the exclusive system, 414, 421 -—crcdit.
457—promotcd by the Crusades, VII.
493—acts of Parliament for the bone.
fit of. in 1823. V. 557; and in 1825.
564—cmnmercial distress of 1825. ib.
—characters of abbreviations in, VI.
328-promotlon of civilization by. IX.
382, 410—beueiicial results of, XVIII.
278—employment of capital in. 284— _
distinction between agriculture and.
298—comme'co of Asia. 111. 698;
Q INDEX.
COM COM—CON CON CON
England, VIII. 779; France, X. 185; —common and azimuth compasses. Conconnltxcs of the Bible, VII. 196 Cosonsron, in Cheshire, VII. 214.
and the United States, XXI. 465. See 765—vnriation compass, 766—survcy Calitsio's, V. 785. Conoo, African country, VII. 214 -
Economists, and the geographical ar ing with the compass. XXI. 6. Conconnu', VII. 13-7; X. 201. Captain Tuckey's expedition to, II.
ticles generally. Conrsss-ouns, VII. 188. Conconma, goddess, VII. 197. 234—ants in, 111. 241.
Commercial duties, XV. 473. Conrsssss, VII. 183. CONCRETE, VII. 197. Conooon, Persian town, VII. 216.
Commercial League of Germany, XVIII. CUMI’ASSION, VI]. 188. CONCRETION, VII. 197—in pathology, CONGBEOATION, VII. 216—lords of the.
686. 694. COMPEIGNE, in France, VII. 189. XVII. 129. XIX. 733.
Consumer, in France. VII. 176. Comrsnnwn, VII. 189. CouccnnuosandConcnsws,VII.197. CONGBBGATIONALISTS, VII. 216.
Counswnu, river, VII. 176. COMPENSATION, VII. 189. Cosnssuxs (C. M. de la). VII. 198; I. Connnsss, V11. 216—of the United
Coxmx, in Hindustan. VII. 176. Compensation-balance ofwatch,VI. 798. 656; 1x. 548. States, XXI. 481.
Communion, VII. 176. Conrsraus, ancient feasts, VII. 189. CONDAPILLY, VII. 200. Conossvs (William), VII. 216 —hi|
COMBINATOIZY, V11. 176. Conrn'rssrrss, VII. 189. Connsvm, VII. 201. merits as a dramatist, VIII. 172—bit
Conniscrlox, VII. 176. Conrnsnrs'r, VII. 189; XXI.’ 370. Conn!) (L. de 3., Prince of), VII. 201. character of Dryden, 223—wit of his
Cousins (John); VII. 176. ConrLI-zx, VII. 189—term,ib. Sun Nomsan, VII. 203. comedies, XXI. 551.
Commissariat department of the British COMPLEXION, VII. 189; XIV. 195-07 CONDEIXA. in Portugal, VII. 203. (Sir William), his report on gu~
nrmy,111. 618. different races, 198 —-originnl, of the Cosnssis's'non, VII. 203. lighting, X. 363.
Connisssar, VII. 176. human species, II. l34—of the Ame Coxosxsa'non, VII. 203. CONGRUI'I'Y, VII. 217.
Cons/rs, VII. 176; VIII. 418; rican races, 616. Coxnnnsnn, VII. 203—07 electricity, (1081,1171 Italy, VII. 217.
XIX. 757. COMPLICATION, VII. 192. VIII. 651—01' steam-engine, XX. 633, Conia, poisonous quality of, XVIII. 177.
COIMISSION, VII. I76. COMPLINE, VII. 192. 663, 696. CONIC Sacrlons, VII. 218-paraboln,
, or factorngc, IX. 475—cnlcula~ Complutum, Greek Bible, IV. 614. CONDILLAC (E. B. de), VII. 203—on 221—ellipse, 227—hyperbola, 238—
tion of, III. 556. Conronrrs, in mineralogy, V11. 192. vision, I. 164—his commentary on cone and its sections, 252—curvaturo
Coxmssionss, VII. 177. Composites, in botany, V. 116: Locke, 173, 363—0n the origin or ot' conic sections, 254—thcir area-s.
Commissura, in botany, ‘V. 48. Conrosrrs, VII. 192—Numbers, ib.— ideas, 173—causc of popularity of his 258—Apolloniu8 on, III. 287-8—in
Connisscns, VI]. 177. , Order of architecture, ib.; III. 425, works,ib.-when most successt‘ul,com troduced into geometry by Plato,
Countrunsrr, VII. 177. 443, 449, 451, 461. monly follows Locke, 174—most valu XIV. 314—Dr R. Simsou on, XX.353.
ConmrTI-zs, VII. 177. Conrosrrton, VII. 192—in logic, 193— able pnrts ofhis writings, ib.—instance Conicern, insects, IX. 292.
Connoons, VII. 177. in music, ib.—in painting, 194—in of radical error of his system, 176— Coslcn'rnrooos'rss, VII. 263.
Coxxooi'rr, VII. 177. printing, ib.; XVIII. 555—arehitec its influence in misleading his con Coniferm, in botany, V. 131.
Conxoooas, VII. 177 ; XVI. 52. tural, III. 459—ot‘ motion, VIII. 356 tcmporaries, 177—M. de Donald on Coniometer (Leslie’s), XII. 24.
0011310003, Roman emperor, VII. 177 -of pressures, 358. his merits, ib.—on sensation, 364-— Conirostrcs, birds, XVI. 579.
—-history of his reign, XIX. 409. (literary), VII. 193—Condillac omits to distinguish perception from Comssaus, VI]. 263.
COMMON, VII. 177 -—impr0\’cmcnt of 0n. 206~Playfair’s habits of, XVIII. emotion, ib.—on the deaf and dumb, Conium, a poison, XIV. 506,.
commons, II. 316. 48—poetic diction, 143—lcttcr-writ VII. 647—on association of ideas, CONJEE. in Hindustan, VII. 263.
, in law, VII. 177—in grammar, ing, 397. VIII. 436—his merits as a philoso Connvsnsn, VII. 263.
178—in geometry, ib. of forces, VI. 157; VIII. 357 pher, 437; 1.174, et seq. Conanosrn diameter, VII. 263.
Connors-rues noox, VII. 177. —-muchine for showing, XIV. 454—— Condiments, XVII. 62". CONJUGATION, VII. 263.
Common-places, XIX. 206. Compositor, XVIII. 555. CONDITIONAL, VII. 207. Cossuncnos, in astronomy, VII. 263.
Cosmos Puss, VII. 178. COMPOSTBLLA, VII. 194; XI. 11. CONDOM, in France, VII. 207. , in grammar, VII. 263; X. 672,
Panza, VII. 178. Conronsn, VII. 194 —niotion, ib.; Condor, bird, XVI. 558; XI. 383-ot' 673, 685.
sense, I. 387; XIV. 638 ; XX. 96. VIII. 356—numbers, VII. 1 94—rntio, Chili, VI. 526. CONJUBATION, VII. 263.
Connosuxrr, VII. 178. ib. , PULo ISLES, VII. 208. 4 CONKAIB, in Hindustm, VII. 263.
Connonss, VII. 179. m'rsnss'r, VII. 194—tables of Condorcanqui (Jose Gabriel), IV. 755. Connarnceze, in botany, V. 106.
Conuoxs (House of), VII. 179; IX. increase of L.l at, 111. 231-2. Connoncsr (Marquis 'of), VII. 208—on Conzuucur. VII. 263.
13; XVII. 85. COMPREHENSION, VII. 194. religious Maciiiavelism, I. 23—on Ba Consscncn'r, state, VII. 263; XVI.
Contour, VII. 179. Compressibility, II. 114; XII. 9; XVII. con, Descartes,and Galileo. 56—fricnd 157—cannls in, 24; XXI. 470.
Commonwealth, history of England dur 568; XVIII. 75, 98, at scq.——-is apro ship between him and Cnbanis, V. 764 --, river, VII. 264.
ing the, V. 333. perty of all bodies, XX. 751. —on Du Hamel’s style, VIII. 256~—on Couuscrn'ns, VII. 264.
Conxo'rs, VII. 179. Common (Henry), VII. 194. probability, XVIII. 593—1ens sug Connectivum, in botany, V. 44.
Columns. in botany, VII. 179. Conrnnson, VII. 194. gested by, XX. 21. Council (Prof.), on the secondary agency
Connnntsns LOCIS, VII. l79—annis, ib. Conronos'ron, VII. 195. Cosnonsusx'rss, VII. 209. of electric currents, XXI. 681.
Conxnstcnmc, in theology, VII. 179. Course, in Hindustan, VII. 195. Cosnmso, French city, VII. 210. Connemara, X. 303.
COMMUNICATION, VII. 179. Coxus, VII. 195. Condroditc, specific gravity of, XII. 28. (Tonnoisssns, VII. 264.
COHIUNION, VII. 179-—service. 180. Conan-r (Dr John), VII. 195. Conduction, electrical, VIII. 580. Connor. (Bernard), VII. 264.
Connwm'rr, VII. 180. See Corporation. Cons-res, VII. 195. Conductors of electricity, XXI. 675 ; , bishopric of, III. 274.
Column (Anna), VII. 180 ; X111. 29 3. CONCA (Sebastian), VII. I95. VIII. 645, 662—house, 647—ship, ib. Cosmo, in geometry, VII. 264.
C010, lake. VII. 180; XII. 484; X111. Coscss, in India, VII. 195. Condyles, II. 789. Cotton, general, VII. 264; IV. 160.
469 ; XVII. 523. ConcAnNEAU, French city, VII. 195. Condylura, in zoology, XIV. 104. , astronomer, III. 730.
, delegation and city, VII. 180. Concarnna'rron, VII. 195. Conn, in geometry, VII. 210, 252; X. Conopalpus, insect, IX. 166.
Cononis (Cape), VII. 180. CONCAVE, VII. 195. 465—dcvelopment of, 416; XII. 608 Conophaga, birds, XVI. 569.
0011030, Island, VII. 180. CONCENTRATION, VII. 195. -mensuration of, XIV. 572. See Conops, insect, IX. 278; VII. 265.
Comrsc'r, VII. 180. Concentrativeucss, XVII. 462. Conic Sections. Conopsariie, insects, IX. 278.
COMPANION, VII. 180. CONCENTBIC, VII. 195. , in botany, V. 49. Cosovwu, VII. 265.
Conrsnr. VII. 180—commcrcinl com Conception, in metaphysics, XIV. 619. Conzcusno, Italian city, VII. 210. German, VII. 265.
panies, ib.-—ot' soldiers, 184. , in physiology. VII. 196; XVII. CONFARBEATION, VII. 210. CONRADIN, VII. 265.
Conrnu's Isuan, VII. 184. 960. Conrsnmu'rxos of the Rhine, VII. 210. Coxsaucmm'rt, VII. 265.
COMPARATIVE Ann-our, III. I; XIV. (immaculate) of the Holy Virgin, CONFESSION, VII. 211—of Augsburg. Conscience, XV. 457, 466; III. 522-—
515—province of, II. 635—cultivntcd VII. 196. XIX. 90. definition of, I. 346—10rmation of.
by Aristotle, 687—revival Of, 700-— , in Chili, VII. 196; VI. 539. CONFESSIONS or Farm, VII. 211—re from various elements, 405. Sea
utility of, XVII. 584. See Animal Coscnnr, VII. 196. jected by the Independents, XII. 261 Ethical Philosophy.
Kingdom, Entomology, 8:0. Coscsnwro, VII. 196. —Dr Taylor ngainst,ib.—of Church Of Conscientionsness, XVII. 463.
Physiology, XVII. 699. Concsn'ro-nnosso, VII. 196. Scotland, XIX. 735, 763. Consciousness, philosophy of, XIV.630.
nnonss, VII. 185; X. 669, 689. Conchagua, XI. 19. CONFESSIONAL. VII. 211. p Conscmr'r, VII. 265.
Conruusos, VII. 185—in grammar, Conchit‘era, mollusca, XV. 366. Conrssson, VII. 211. Conscription, French, III. 601 —Russian.
X. 669, 689—phrenological faculty of, Concm'rns MARMOII, VII. 196. CONFIGURATION, VII. 211. XIX. 574, note 2.
XVII. 464. CONCIIOID, VII. Nil—construction of CONFIRMATION, in theology, VII. 211. CONEECRA'I'ION, VII. 265—of bishops,
COMPAB’I'I'I'ION, VII. 187. the, III. 129. CONFLAGBATION, VII. 211. IV. 652. ,
Conranrnss'r, VII. 187. Concholepas, in conchology, XV. 349. Conrouzss, in France, VII. 211. Coussnrns, VII. 265.
Compass (mariner’s), XV. 751—inven Couchology, XV. 324. Cossosui'rr, VII. 212. Conssoosncn, in logic, VII. 266.
'tion ofthe, I. 624; III. 644; X. 525, ct Coscnox, in Hindustan, VII. 196. Conrncws, VII. 212—-works of, VI. Conservatio virium \"ivarum, VIII. 377.
uq.,- XIII. 685; XV. 746; XX. 216 CONCIIYLIA, VII. 196. 551—birth of, XV. 677. Consnn' ATOR, VII. 266.
—action ofaurora borealis on,IV. 199 Concu'ros, VII. 196. CONFUSION, VII. 213—ot’ Tongues at CONSERVATORIOU, VII. 266.
-Coulomb on its improvement, V11. CONCIBINOUS intervals, VII. 196. Babel, ib.; XVII. 355. Cosssnvs'rosr, VII. 266; X1. 686
425—0ne described by him, 426—ef system, VII. 196. CONFUTATION, VII. 213. conservatory-plants, 687. '
feet of electricity on, VIII. 637— CONCLAMATIO, VII. 196. Conn}: 11‘ suns. VII. 213. CONBISTENTBS, VII. 266.
points of the. X. 407—discovery of CONCLAVE, VII. 196. Congclation, VII. 61 —artificinl, 62, Cousistorial Court, Edinburgh, VIII.
variation and dip of needle, XIII. CONCLUSION, in logic, VII. 196, 266; 504; XIII. 247—height of limit of 418. See Commissary Courts.
686; and of its daily variation, 688 XIII. 446. perpetual, VI. 754; XVII. 544—of Coxslsrosr, VII. 266.
—-error from attraction of iron in Coxconn, in grammar, VII. 196. Water, XI. 189—0f mercury, VI. 262 Consol, in architecture, III. 465.
ships, 693, 772—dip of needle, 730, —, in music, VII. 196. Sec Har —i'rce'1.ing mixtures, VII. 60, 62; XI. Consonanrs, VII. 266—pronuncintion
742—its variation. 780; XV. 789 mouy. 196; VI. 263. of. XVII. 684.
chnnge of its variation, 749—t‘orm , in Massachusetts, XIV. 305. CONGEBIES, VII. 213. Consumer, VII. 266.
and construction of needle. XIII. 764 , in New Hampshire, XVI. 165. Congestion, XVII. 126. CONSPIIATOBI, VII. 266.
 INDEX. 43
CON CON—COO COO—COP COP—COR
COIII‘IABIJ, VII. 266. Cents-A, in Hesse-Cassel, VII. 293. ractcristics, 332—merits and defects XI. 384—Ireland, XII. 394—Jnpnn,
(Ancnxnsnn), VII. 267. CoursA-nanxoslc rsoron'rwx, VII. of, as a writer, 332-3—his Moralists l
512—Norway, XVI. 262—Svvedcn,
CONSTANCI, VII. 269 —lake of, Ib.; 293. and Inquiry concerning Virtue, 333— XXI. 31—‘I‘ibet, 256—the United_
XVII. 523; XXI. 46. Cos-rassssn, VII. 293. his ethical views, 334—0n beauty, IV. States, 454—Waterford, 810. See the
CONSTANCY, VII. 269. Consumer, VII. 293. 485—on Shakspeare’s style, XX. 171. geographical articles generally. ' "
Constans. Roman emperor, VII. 272— CONTRACTILI-J roses, VII. 293. Coons (Sir Astley). his experiments on Coppermine River, X1. 717. “7‘96?
Copper-nickel, XV. 166, i“: .MMJ'
rcign of, XIX. 417—1118 visit to Bri Contractility, muscular, II. 738; XVII. digestion, VIII. 21.
tain,696. 593, 609. (J. F.), novels of, XIX. 349. Copper-ore, XV. 161. ‘i "
Constant (Benjamin), on English 11 Cosrsae'rion. VII. 293. (Jens GiLsss'r). VII. 307. Copperplates, printing from, VI. 232-—
berty, XIII. 172.g CONTBADICTION, VII. 293. or Couper (THOMAS), VII. 306. XVIII. 537, 572—mnltiplieation of,“
Consrssru, VII. 269. Courssme'ronr propositions,VII. 298. Cooao, in Hindustan, VII. 307. by voltaic electricity, XXI. 688.
Cossrsu'rnu, in Algiers, VII. 269. CONTBABIE’I‘Y, VII. 293. Coosnasn, in Hindustan, VII. 307. Copper-pyrites, XV. 167.
, Spanish town, VII. 270. Consumer, VII. 293. Coots, birds, XVI. 628. Copperas, VII. 312—a preventive of
, wife of Gallus Cmsar, VII. 273.Course, in heraldry, VII. 293. Coote (Sir Charles), his sangninary pro dry-rot, VIII. 232. See Iron (sul
Cons'un'rmn the Great, VII. 270— Cos'rzu'rios, VII. 293. ceedings in Ireland, XII. 369. phate of).
reign of, XIX. 414—his vision, 415— Conrnor. and CONTROLLER, VII. 293. (Sir Eyre), XI. 416, et seq. Corner-z, VII. 312; XVII. 785.’ ‘
his proceedings in Britain, V. 301— CONTUSION, VII. 293. (General), VIII. 493. Corns“. island, VII. 312. " _
his improvement of Byzantium, 761 Conurus, bird, XVI. 601. Coorns, in Hindustan, VII. 307. Coprophag-i, insects, IX. 152.2-2“ -~ I_
—-his clemency, VI. 735—eeclesiasti Conus, in eonchology, XV. 346. Copal, speeitie gravity of, XII. 28. Coprophilus, insect, IX. 138. "Mum
cal government instituted by, XI. Conusidxe, mollusca, XV. 364. Corsncsnsnr, VII. 307. Copris, insect, IX. 154. "1“?!“3'5 '%
491—bit: library, XIII. 290—state of Convents, French, X. 202. Corsaesnnns, VII. 307. Corros, in Egypt, VII. 312. ""'-'-'~““év
art. in his reign, XVI. 705—his law CONVENTICLES, VII. 293—act of Par Corn, VII. 307. See Coping. Cor'rs, VII. 310; II. 225; VIII. 460
for the regular observance of Sun liament against, in 1670, V. 349. (Sir John), defeated by Prince 519—marriage among the, 528 ‘
day. XX. 809. Corvus-nos, VII. 293—of Scottish Charles at Prestonpans, V. 381. COP'I‘IO language, VII. 310; VIII. 520 l

11., Roman emperor, VII. 270 burghs, XIV. 591. Cornsnsensr, VII. 307, 725—Royal XIII. 93—alphabet, II. 340, 549—
reign of, XIX. 417. Convene-can, VII. 293-4. Academy of Sciences at, II. 7 2—port Bibles, IV. SIG—identity of the Cop~
(Dnseosns), VII. 270. Couvnnrns summer. VII. 294. of, IV. BIBS—attacked by the British tic dialects with the ancient language
, emperor of Russia, XIX. 561. Coyvsseino or convergent lines, rays, in 1601, V. 501; XVI. 88; VII. 724; of Egypt, XI. 308.
, Grand Duke, XVIII. 209. and series, VII. 294. X. 120; and in 1807. V. 523, 526; Copulation, XVII. 685
(Roman). VI]. 270. Convnnss'rros, VII. 294 -pub1ished VII. 724; X. 148—besieged by the Corr, VII. 312.
Cous'un'rmoonsn, VII. 270. collections of the conversations of Swedes in 1659, VII. 722; and by Copyists of books, IV. 622—Egyptian.
COHSTANTIHOPLE, VII. 270—aqueduct eminent men, II. 674. Charles XII., XXI. 21—university of, VIII. 529. _
near, III. 318—supply of water to. Convnssn, VII. 294. VII. 730—literary societies, ib.—naval Corrnlon'r, VII. 313—ln dramatic pcr~
319—dome of the church of St Sophia CONVERSION. VII. 294—puritanical no arsenal, VIII. 80—libraries, XIII. 316. formances, XXI. 194.
at, III. 380, 389— military establish tions of, VIII. 453. COPBBNICAN srsrnn, VII. 308; IV. 16. Coonss (Gonzalez), VII. 320.
ments in, 615—unsueeessful British Cosvsa'r, VII. 294. Coreamens (Nicolas), VII. 308 ; Connmno, VII. 320; VI. 539.“
expedition against, V. 524—era of, Cosvrz'x and Cosvsxrrr, VII. 294. XVIII. 213—results of his discovery Con Caroli—Hydrm—Leonis, VII. 320.
VI. 658—c0mmerce of, VII. 157; Conner, VII. 294 --eonviets in Van of the true theory of the planetary Cora, temple at, III. 418, 450.5. - '
XXI. 427-taken and plundered by Diemen's Land, XXI. 555—in New motions, I. 20—publieation and recep Consents, in Slade, VII. 320. '~" ._1~1""‘
the Crusaders, 287, 486; and by the South Wales, 718. tion of his Astronomia Imtaurata, Coracias, birds, XVI. 585. 11‘1"“ “3
Turks, 290; XXI. 412—bishops of, XI. CONVICTION, VII. 294; IV. 139. 485—bit; discovery fully established Consconss'rns, VII. 321. ~ "V; ' ‘1'")
491, ct sup—ancient MSS. at, XIII. Convocs'rron, VII. 294; XVIII. 523. by Kepler and Galileo, 488-93—on Coasnos, river, VII. 321. ' ' ‘
288—libraries at, 291, 317; XXI. Convotnrxoa', VII. 294. gravitation, 558 ; IV. I'M—his astro ConAn, in Hindustan, VII. 321.
426—made the seat of the Roman em Convolutions of the brain in man, II. nomical discoveries, III. 731—his pla Coral islands and reefs, XVII. 5154—in
pire, XIX. 416—Rnssian expeditions 807—in brutcs, III. ill—their relation netary system, IV. 16. the Australasian Sea, IV. 218 -— in
against, 528—introduction of the silk to the intellect of animals, 163. COPII'I‘I, or Copti, VII. 310. See Copts. Polynesia, XVIII. 321, B29—rocks at
worm at, XX. 351. See Byzantium. Convolvulaceze, in botany, V. 122. COPH'I‘IC, VII. 310. See Coptic. the Leo Choo Islands, XIII. 565—
Cons-rss'rxsoroursu nis'rosr, VII. Coxvor. VII. 295. Coruro, in Chili, VII. 310. zoophytes which produce, XXI. 1022.’
27 1. Convulsion, in pathology, XVII. 132. Coru'rs, VII. 310. Coral-fishery of Marseilles, XIV. 262.
Constantius, Roman emperor, VII. 272 Conway, town in Cacrnarvonshire, II. 26 Coping, in architecture, III. 465—of Conan, (Capt. Thomas), VII. 321.
reign of, XIX. 417. —vale of, V. 772. walls, V. 671, 675. Coran. See Alcoran.
Chlorus, XIX. 413, 414. , a river in Caernarvonshire, V. Copland (Prof.), his alleged introduction (Joanna, VII. 321.
Consrnnunons, VII. 291; IV. 41— 772—its navigation, XVI. 11. into Britain of the use of chlorine in COBBEIL, in France, VII. 321.
Dupuis on the, VIII. 286. (General), his motion against the bleaching. IV. 679. Consrias, in fortification, VII. 321.
Cons'rrrn'rios, VII. 291. American war, V. 420. Conn, VII. 810; VI. 414—in mine Corbel, in architecture, III. 465.
Costs'rrrnrlona (Apostolical), VII. 291. Coocn Buns, VII. 295. ralogy, XV. 145, I46—native, 166— Conner (Richard), VII. 321.
Cous'rnle'ron muscles, VII. 291. C00! (Sir Anthony), VII. 295. annealing of, III. 197—its use in as Coacnum of seeds, VII. 322; III. 74.
Consranerron, VII. 291. (Curr. Juana), VII. 295—his saying, 712—its compounds with zinc Coacrns, VII. 322—sedition of. IV.
Constructivencss, XVII. 462. voyages. X. 402; IV. 349—his disco and tin, V. 185—sheathing of ships 156—Corcyrian war, 154.
CONSUALIA, VII. 291. verics in N. America, II. 403; New with, 440 ; XVI. 45; VII. 642 — Conn, VII. 322. See Chord. ;

CONSUBSTANTIAL, VII. 291.
Consnss'rAN'rts'rlou, theological doe
trino of, VII. 291; XX. 816.
Consensus, Spanish town, VII. 291.
Cousna, Roman, VII. 291; XIX. 368.
Consumption of wealth, XVIII. 303.
, a disease. Sec Phthisis.
Contact, doubtful whether it has ever
been observed, XVII. 569.
Contagion. XXI. 992.
Cowruuonn, VII. 292.
Conn. French city, VII. 292.
Conrnnrtsrtos', VII. 292—utllity of a
life of, XX. 453.
Conrsxroasar, VII. 292.
Coxrsx'r, VII. 292.
CONTEXTUBII VII. 292.
Conti (Abbe), 1x. 634.
CONTIOUITY, VII. 292.
Cos'rronons, VII. 292.
Cosrmsncx, VII. 292.
Conrrunnr, VII. 292; X. 407.
Cos'rmons'r, VII. 292.
Conrmnrm, VII. 292—bass, ib.
Continuity, law of, in mechanics, first
maintained by Galileo, I. 476.
Con'rnwo, in music, VII. 293.
Conronsnm'rss, VII. 293.
Center. See Condor.
Conrossros, VII. 293.
Conronn, in painting. VII. 293.
Corrommz, in heraldry, VII. 293.
Cos'rouasu'rsn, VII. 293.
Holland, IV. 205, 210 ; New Guinea, alloys with silver, VI. 420 and with Connaes, VII. 322. See Rope.
211; the New Hebrides, 214; New gold, 42I-saceharate of, 472—smelt Conan-so, VII. 322.
Caledonia, 214; New Zealand, 215; ing of, in Chili, 530—salts of oxides Connsv-n'Amuns (M. A. 0.). VII. 32'].
Kerguelen’s Land, 217 ;the arctic and of, VI. Lil—protects wood in sea Comm», in heraldry, VII. 323.
antarctic regions, XVIII. 219, 224; water from the attacks of the Lim Commuzn, VII. 323.
and Polynesia, XVIII. 319, 324. 325. noria terebrans, VII. 502—quantity Connmsot (Gerald de), VII. 823.
(Colonel), on hounds and. hunt of, manufactured at Portsmouth, Cordiaccm, in botany, V. 122.
ing, X1. 703, et seq. 742, ct seq. VII]. 84 —use of black oxide of, as a Conlier (Mona), on the internal heat of
Cooks, diseases of, XIV. 510. mordant, 304—engraving on, IX. 44 the globe, XV. 177, 230.
Coonsar, VII. 304; IX. 735—import —speeific gravity of, XII. 28—mag COBDILLEBAS, or Andes, VII. 323~of
ence of, VIII. 25—lts influence on netism of, XIII. 709—moncy. XIV. Mexico. XIV. 797—mines in the. XV.
health, XIV. 508—eooking by steam, 470 ; XV. 384—its poisonous quality, 264. See Andes.
XX. 608. XIV. 50I-culinary utensils of, 508 Condiners, VII. 324.
Cookstown, XXI. 441. -its action on oak-timber, XX. 273 Connors, in fortification, VII. 323; II.
Coolics, XI. 31, 32, 397. ——etrength of, for fnstenings in ships, 773.
COOLOO, in Hindustan, VII. 304. 296—silvcring of, 354—cohesion of, Cosnovs, in Spain, VII. 323—Moorish
Cooaoon, town in Hindustan, VII. 304. 756—its advantages as a material academy at, VI. 343—Moorlsh rulers
Coouassrr. VII. 304 ; III. 669. for steam-engine boilers, 676, ct seq.— of, XX. 494.
Coombe Hill canal, XVI. 11. inferior in that respect to iron, XXI. . in La Plath. XVIII. 7.
Connia, XI. 710. 470, n. 2. Sec Coppermines, Copper (General), XX. 512.
COOPANO, town in Timer, VII. 304. plates. Corduan lighthouse, XX. 16, 18, 24.
Coorna, VII. 305—eoopcrage at Dept Corrsn-nasex, VII. 312. COBDUB (Valerius), VII. 324.
ford, VIII. 81. Copper-emerald. See Dloptaso. Connwsnvsns, VII. 324.
(Mr), on codification, XIII. 19 3. Copper-glance, XV. 168. Cordyla, insect, IX. 263,
(Mr), his views respecting mate Copper-green, VII. 31‘). Cordylura, insect, IX. 285.
rialism, XIV. 676, et seq. ' Copper-mica, VII. 312. ~ Cordylus, reptile, XIX. 142.
(As'rnoxr Asnmzr), 1st earl of Copper-mines in Anglcsey, III. 132— Core, in veterinary science, XXI. 620.‘
Shaftcsbury, VII. 305—(‘harlcs II.'s Barraba, IV. 404—B1'itain, XV. 247 COBRA, VII. 324—lauguagc of, XIII. 91.
prosecution of, V. 352—1118 flight to -—Caernarvonshirc, V. 773—- Chili. (‘oregonus, fish, XI]. 21 i.
Amsterdam, 354. VI. 528, 534 - Cornwall, VII. 312, COREIA, ancient festival, VI]. 324.
(Asrnosr Asnur), 3d earl of 367; XV. 276 -— Cumberland, VII. (Joanna, Spanish town, VII. 324.
Shaftcshury, VII. 305—~0n Locke's 537~Englnnd, VIII. HIS—Europe, (Yunnan (Arcangelo), VII. 324.
theory ofinnate ideas, I. 118—his Cha IX. 409; XV. 243, 251—Hixnlustan. Corethra, insect, IX. 259.
M INDEX.
COR COR cos-cor ' COT—COU
Coreus, insect, IX. 196. works on, V. 7—Carew's Survey of, Coamnsa, VII. 880. Cotho, taken by the Romans, VI. 205.
Coarse, VII. 325. VI. 140—fisheries of, IX. 603—tin Coruna tower, XX. 15. Cothual (Joseph), II. 589.
Conn-Cur“, VII. 325. mines of, XV. 246—copper-mines, Coauanun, a mineral, VII. 380; XV. Cornnaiws, VII. 385.
Conn, Ionian island, VII. 325; XII. 247, 276;and their produce, VII. 312 155—specific gravity of, XII. 28. Cothy, river, V. 771.
340—plagne in, XVII. 777. —roeking stones in, XX. 786. Coauszu, VII. 380—Sir John Moore’s Comes, in heraldry, VII. 885.
C0300, island, VII. 326. Coaxwstus (Charles, Lord), VII. 369 retreat to, V. 525; XV. 453; XXI. COTIONAC, French town, VII. 385.
Conn, Spanish town, VII. 326. --his surrender to the Americans, V. 786—battle of, V. 525. Common, VII. 385.
Coriacw, insects, IX. 292. 417, 420-1—his war against Tippoo Cones, VII. 381. Cotinga, bird, XVI. 570.
Coriariem, in botany, V. 105. Sahib, 462-his government in India, Conuscs'rloa, VII. 881. 00110112, in Hindustan, VII. 885.
Coricus, fish. XII. 196. XI. 428, 437, 448, 451—his govern Corvee system of taxation, XXI. 100— German, VII. 886.
Coninon, VII. 826. ment of Ireland, XII. 386. its abolition, 410. Corloaa, Italian city, VII. 386.
Coamusao, VII. 326. CoaoLLA, VII. 370; III. 95, 96; V. 39, 42. Corvina, fish, XII. 175. Cor'r, or Cot, VII. 886.
Cosmos, in Hindustan, VII. 326. Conosnaa‘r, VII. 370; X. 433; XIII. Corvo, island, IV. 264. Cotta, his expedition against Hithri
COIINJAII, in Hindustan, VII. 826. 445. Corvorant. See Cormorant. dates, XVIII. 353.
Commas, VII. 826. Conouas'raa. VII. 370. Coavns, VII. 381—bird, XVI. 583. Co'rrsco'r'u, VII. 886.
Coats-MI, VII. 826—ruins at, III. 414-— COIOLLULA, VII. 370. Coawzx, town in Wales, VII. 381. Co'r'rsrs'rsx, VII. 886.
war with the Carthagininns in Sicily, Coaoaaansa, VII. 370; IV. 570. Coara'rs (Thomas), VII. 881. Cor-nos. VII. 886—farm cottage, II.
VI. 186; XXI. 56—plundered by the Coaoxs, in botany, VII. 372—Australis Coarssa-rss, VII. 381, 550, 573, 582. 278—ornamental, X. 337.
Romans, XIX. 388—de1‘cat ot' the and Borealis, constellations, ib.—in Coarnss'ncs, VII. 381. Cottage-farms, disadvantages of, II. 34 6.
Corinthians by the Thebans under architecture, III. 466. Coarcson, VII. 381. Corner. Srs'rrst, V11. 886.
Epaminondas, XXI. 196. Comma, in chromatics, VI. 640. Conscoxacnu, VII. 381. Cottagers, agricultural, II. 847.
(Isrnxus or), VII. 328; X. 723. Coaorucn, VII. 372. Corydalin, VI. 468. Cotte (Mona), on the moon’s influence
Corinthian brass, V. 186. Cosozu'rioa, VII. 373—oath, XII. 724. Corydalis, insect, IX. 218. on Weather, XV. 442.
—— order of architecture, III. 478— Coronella, serpents, XX. 138. Consumer, VII. 382. Corrsn. in Hindustan, VII. 394.
its origin, 4 Iii—Roman, 418, 443,447 Conouznu (Vincent), VII. 373. Cosrxncs, VII. 382; V. 40. Cotterel's blast-furnace, XVIII. 128.80.
--Itomaus fond of, 418—modern Ita Coaoxsa, VII. 378. Coryphtena, fish, XII. 186. Cottian Alps, II. 558.
lian, 425, 45l—Greck, 485, -440--re Coronets, in heraldry, XI. 256. Coasramcs, VII. 382. Cottin (Madame), character of her no
marks on, III. 460. Coronis, insect. IX. 243. Corystes. crustacea, VII. 501. Vcls, XIX. 355.
Como (Bernardino), VII. 328. Coronula, in conchology, XV. 340. Corythaix, bird, XVI. 603. Cotting sheep, II. 329.
, Italian town, VII. 328. Coaronsn, VII. 873, 374. Corythus, bird, XVI. 582. COTTIWAR, in Hindustan, VII. 894.
COIIOLANUS (Cains Marcius), VII. 328; Coaron'rtox, VII. 374, ISO—civic, VI. COIYVIIECKAN,WIIII'IPOOI, VII. 382. 07110:: (Charles). VII. 423—on angling,
XIX. 372. 707. Coarzs, VII. 382. III. 135, n., 149.
Coriolis on the law of the relation be Act, attempts in 1787 and 1790 CoazoLA, or Curzola, VII. 557. (General), IV. 248.
tween the temperature and force of to get it repealed, V. 448, 457—1‘6 Cos, VI. 2 -reduced by Mithridates, (NATHANIEL), VII. 424.
steam, XX. 595. peal of, 57 3. XVIII. -silk-worm 01', XX. 350. (Sir. Roassr), VII. 428—his
Corion ot' the skin, II. 750; XVII. 606 CoaroanAL, VII. 376. Conn, river, VII. 382. MSS., XIII. 295.
--of mucous membrane, 11. 752. Coaroasl'rr, VII. 376. COSCINOXANCY, VII. 382. one Houssss'ls, VII. 424.
Corisa. insect, IX. 200. Coarunsxcr, VII. 376. Cosdroes, king of Parthia, XVII. 105. Co'r'rox, VII. 395—bleaehing of, IV.
Coax, VII. 328—speeific gravity of, XII. Genres Cunsrt, VII. 376. Cosscsa'r, V11. 382; XXI. 370. 682—dyes worse than silk and wool,
28—suberin, VI. 480. Conrrscua, VII. 376. Cossslxo, VII. 382. VIII. 298, 301—structure of, 301-—
Coax-sacs“, VII. 328; XIII. 328. Coarcscrmia I‘IIlLOSOI’IIY, VII. 376. Cossuzs, Italian city, VII. 382. dyeiug of, ib.—method ol' dyeing it
Conn, in Ireland, VII. 329—taken by COIBADINI di Sena (P. 141.), VII. 376. Cosfeld. Sec Kosfcld. red, VIII. 316; yellow, 323 ;blne,
William the Third, XII. 377—cove of, Cosaano (Sebastian), VII. 376. Cosazniao, VII. 382. 327 ; black, 330 ; green, 334 ; violet,
VII. 434. Correa de Serra, V. 82. Conan, VII. 382; XXI. 870. 836; orange. 387; mixtures of black,
-— (Earls of). See Boyle. CORRECTION, in printing, VII. 376. Cosmas, navigator, II. 51. &c., 33S—paper made from, XVII. 8
Conanoa'z, Italian city, VII. 332. nocss, VII. 876. Cosme (Fret-e Jean de St), XX. 830. —its culture in Bengal, IV. 565 ;
Cormac, Irish king, XII. 351. COIBEGIDOI, VII. 376. Cosus'ric, VII. 382. Bourbon, V. 151 ; Brazil, 206-7 ;
Cormontaigne on fortification, IX. 770 Coaasooio, Italian city, VII. 876. Cosmia, in botany, V. 68. Egypt, VIII. 525; Greece, X. 724,
—his system, 774. Console, painter, II. 521—his style, CosxIcAL, VII. 382. 730; Louisiana. XIII. 571; Mexico,
Cormorant, XVI. 633. III. 647. 657; XVI. 719. Cosnoooas, VII. 382. XIV. 801 ; Asiatic Russia. XIX. 589;
Conn, VII. 332—not eaten by ants, III. Coaasu'rxvn, VII. 376. Cosxooasrar. VII. 882. the United States, XXI. 463—silk
241, 242. See Corn-laws, Corn-trade, Conant. in France, VII. 876. COSIOLABB, VII. 882. cotton tree, VII. 707.
Barley, Wheat. 81c. Corrib (Lough), X. 308. Cosmologists, ancient, IV. 384. Cotton-goods, decline of real and in
Corns In horses' feet, XXI. 618. river navigation, XVI. 22. Cosmonoor, VII. 882; XIV. 599. crease of official value of, VIII. 785
Corn-crake, bird, XVI. 627. Coaainoa, VII. 826. Cosrhoes. See Chosroes. —-cause offall in price of, XVIII. 289.
Corn-Exchange, London, IV. 302. COIBIBI‘I'EQ, town, VII. 377—province Cosxorou'rs, _VII. 382. Cotton assume-roan, VII. 395—his
Cons-Laws, VII. 333; II. 254, 258; of La Plata, XVIII. 7. Coasts, in France, VII. 382. tory of, X. 554—Arkwright's improve
IV. 301; XVIII. 302—their effects Corrira, bird, XVI. 620. Cosocs'ro, Italian town, VII. 383. ments in, III. 568; V. 429—ot‘Antrim,
on agriculture, VIII. 767—act of Par Coasosiox, VII. 877. Cossscxs, VII. 883; XIX. 587. III. 275; Bengal, IV. 567 ; Decca, VII.
liament in 1814, V. 589—Lord Lon Corrosive sublimate, VI. 417—poison Cosss'ro, Italian town, VII. 883. 580; Derbyshire, 786; Dublin, VIII.
donderry’s act in 1823, 557—modify ing with, XIV. 501. Goes: on Gama-rs, VII. 383. 247; Egypt, 525; England, 772-5; \

ing acts in 1826, 566—Mr Canning's Conanrricvun, sect, VII. 377. Cosseir, trade of, VIII. 526. Germany, X. 489 ; Glasgow, 554 ;
bill in 1827, 570—act in 1828, 572. Cosnurrioa, VII. 377—01‘ blood, ib. Cossuuuzan, VII. 383. Ireland, XII. 404; Lowell, XIV. 304;
Coax-runs, VIII. 838—Bi-itish, 354, Consul, VII. 377—A1gerine, II. 509. Cossuscorrs, VII. 383. Manchester, 216, et seq. ,- Scotland.
788—t‘orcign, 362—0t' London, XIII. Census, in Hindustan, VII. 377. Cossonus. insect, IX. 175. XIX. 768; the United States, XXI.
506. Corselet, or Corslet, VII. 377. Cossus, insect, IX. 245. 464—are the British likely to retain
Coaruos, VII. 865. Coasnsn, town in Wilts, VII. 377. Cossyphenes, insects, IX. 165. their pre-eminence in it I VIII. 775.
Consults-rs, VII. 365. Cossics, VII. 877—Boswell's visit to, Cossyphus. insect, IX. 165. See Calender, Spinning, Weaving.
Cots/laws (John), VII. 365. V. 27—rcduced by the Romans, VI. Cos'ra (Christopher), VII. 383. Cotton-spinners, diseases of, XIV. 510.
Coassao (Luigi). VII. 365. 191 ; by the French, X. 37—language RICA, VII. 383; XI. 17, 19. Cotton-trade of Egypt, VIII. 524 —
Corners of the eye, II. 798; III. 23. of, XIII. 88—penal code, XVIII. 735 COSTAL, VII. 384. table of exports of cotton goods from
Corneaz, in botany, V. 115. _weights and measures, XXI. 852-— Cos'uazo (Angelo di). VII. 384. England, 774.
COINEILLE (Peter), VII. 365—Boileau‘s map of, Vol. X. Plate CCL-2. See Cos'rssn (George). VII. 384. Cottonian 14188., XIII. 285.
kindness to, IV. 738—his dramas, Theodore, XXI. 200. Coster (Laurence). his claim to the in~ Cottus, fish, XII. 173.
VIII. 159, 165; I. 135-eontrasted Corsican moss, V. 138. vention of printing, IV. 622. - Corona, or Cotyla, VII. 424.
with Shakspeare, 168. Coasxzn, VII. 378. Costiveness, VII. 562—among the do Coturnix, bird, XVI. 611.
(MICHAEL), VII. 366. Coasrosrniuz, VII. 378. mestic animals, XXI. 623. Cotyledons, in botany, III. 72, 74; V.
(Tnmus), VII. 365. Cost (Cornelius), VII. 378. Cor, or Cott, VII. 386. ‘ 51; XXI. 567.
COIIBLIA, VII. 866. Coars, in Corsica, VII. 378. Co‘rA (Rodriguez), VII. 384. , Cotyloid, cavity, II. 767,
Cornelian, V. 786-mines of, in Hindus Cortcreal, exploratory voyages of, X. Corsaossr, VII. 384; XXI. 370. Corrs, VII. 424.
tan, XI. 885. 399; XVIII. 216. Cotatis in Immeritia, XII. 254. Corn-1'0, VII. 424.
Cosax'r, VII. 366. Cos'rzs of Spain, VII. 378; XX. 500— Corcnuao, in Persia, VII. 384. ' Covers, in painting, VII. 424.
Coaazus, VII. 366. new constitution of the, 506, 508, Cornscsuxcns, VII. 384. COUCIIART, in heraldry, VII. 424.
Cornice, III. 461, 465 - corniccs on 513. ' Corr 0’ 0a, VII. 884. Coucax, in heraldry, V1]. 424.
houses recommended, V. 671 —rc (IIEIIIIAN). VII. 378; XIV. 766. Co'rnutaws (John Baptist), VII. 385. Consaox, French town, VII. 424.
marks on, 676—plaster cornices in (Martin), his treatise on navi Corsansuis, VII. 385. Cough, a symptom of various diseases,
rooms, 680—Dorie. III. 488, 450— gation, XV. 746. COTEBIE, VI]. 385. XVII. 483, 476 —chronic cough in the
Iouic, 439. 449—Corinthian, 44 I, 448. Cortical texture in plants, III. 63.See Co‘rns (Roger). VII. 385—his work upon domestic animals, XXI. 631.
-—-Caryatie, 44 l. Bark. the new analysis of Newton, I. 531— COULAN,171 Hindustan, VII. 424.
Communities, VII. 866. substance of the brain. See mathemntical discoveries of, 576—— COULOII (Cha. Augustin), VII. 424;
Conan Ammonia, VII. 366; XV. 345. Cineritious, Brain. his life and character, 598. I. 626—on electricity, VIII. 573, 581,
Cossucoru, VII. 366. Cortieus, insect, IX. 164. Cotesian Theorem, II. 499, 586, 588, 590—his torsion balance.
Cosswsst, VII. 866 —- Dr Borlase‘s Cosrousu, VII. 880. Corsswonn, VII. 385, 586—011 hydrodynamics, I. 610; XII.
 INDEX. 45
COU—COW COW—ORA CRA—CRE CRE—CRO
i, 76—on magnetism, I. 626, 627; Cowaan, in heraldry, VII. 434. Crassamentum of blood, VI. 493, 494. Casrnsnu. VII. 462.
XIII. 690. 705, 710, 718, 724, 757. Cowaamoz, Welsh town. VII. 434. Crassatella, in conchology, XV. 341. Crepuscnlaria, insects, IX. 243.
758, 763, 764—on mechanics, XIV. Cowdee-timber, XXI. 296, 309. Crassulaceaa, in botany, V. 112. Cazruseuwn, VII. 462.
354—on the force of torsion, ib., 401 Conn. (Dr John), VII. 435. CBASSUS (M. L.), VII. 449; XIX. 395 Cres, VII. 463.
-—on elasticity and cohesion in metals, Cowss, VII. 435; XXI. 882. his expedition against the Parthians, Casscss'r, VII. 462—Island, ib.
402—on friction, 407, at seq.—on Cown, or Coul, VII. 435. XVII. 100, 260. Cazscsu'rmo, Italian town, VII. 462.
human strength, 426—on the power Dooao, in Hindustan. VII. 435. Crateegus. species of trees. XVII. 788. Casscmssiu (John M.). VII. 462.
of windmills, 434. Cownsr (Abraham), VII. 435—remarks Can-an, in astronomy, VII. 449—of vol Cress, culture of, XI. 675.
COULOIIIRIB, in France, VII. 429; on his ode entitled Destiny, I. 270— cano, 450 ; XVII. 512. Caxssr, French town, VII. 462—battle
Coulter (Dr). on California, XIV. 820. poetry of. XVIII. 170. Craterus, XIII. 641. of, VI. 606; VIII. 728; X. 17—
COUNCIL, various kinds 01’, VII. 429—— Cow-pen, bird, XVI. 582. Macedo. antiquary, XII. 292. archers at battle of. III. 398.
ecclesiastical. X1. 489. Cowrsa (William). VII. 436—his opi CRATES, Greek philosopher, VII. 450. Cass'r,in armoury, VII. 462.
Consent, VII. 430. See Advocate. nion of Barclay's Argem's, IV. 376—— Casrlsus, comic poet, VII. 450. Canon, in heraldry, VII. 463 ; XI. 258.
Consumes, VII. 430. ' poetry of, XVIII. 173. ‘ CBATIPPUS, philosopher, VII. 450. Cretaceous system, in geology, XV. 207.
Cons-r, VII. 430. (Wm.), anatomist, II. 701—011 Cratistns, geometer, X. 424. - CRETE, VII. 463; X. 746, 748—castes
Comm-an, VII. 431—Counter-Changed the erectile tissue, 725. Cratylus, III. 496. in, VI. 22l—Dactyli Idari, VII. 582.
-—-Flory- Drawing -— Foil—Guard — Cowper's glands. II. 825. Craufurd (J.), on the origin of the po See Candia.
Light—March—Mine—Paled—Part-— printing-machine, XVIII. 571. pulation of the Indian Archipelago, CBE'I‘IO, VII. 466.
Passant—Pointed—Proof—Quartered Cow~pox, XXI. 535, 536. I II. 692—his account of Ava, IV. 24 0 Cases, in sculpture, VII. 466.
—Sa1ient, ib.—Time, 432. Cowry, bird, XVI. 568. 9—his embassy to Cochin China, VII. Cannsa, VII. 467. .
COUNTER-BEHINE, VII. 431; X1. 245. Cox (Richard), VII. 438. 14; and to Siam, XX. 324—his ac Casuss, in France, VII. 467.
Cons'rsa-rom'r, in music, VII. 431 Cox (Ross). his account of Oregon Terri count of the Javanese, XII. 532. Caavnza (J. B. L.), VII. 467.
double, XV. 638. tory, XVI. 525. Caavas'r, VII. 450—centre employed Caswannns, in Somerset, VII. 467. '
Counterpotance of a watch, VI. 786. Coxacmn, or Cocksackie, VII. 439. for the bridge of, VI. 284. Crex, bird, XVI. 627.
Cousraascaar. VII. 431; IX. 772. Coxal bones, II.,767. Crawfish, VII. 502. Cars. VII. 467 ~crib-biting, a disease of
Conn'rnasioswo, VII. 432. Coxz's ISLAND, VII. 438. Caawroan (Adair), physician, VII. 450 horses, XXI. 623. '
Counter-timbers, XX. 277, 283. Conn. (Anthony), VII. 438. —on heat, XI. 192. Caicanasu, VII. 467.
Common, VII. 432. Coznsiso, VII. 439. (John). VII. 451. Cricetus, in zoology, XIV. 134.
Cons-rat, VII. 432—love of, XV. 477. Coziomaucau Santa Rosade), VII. 439. (Dr Stewart), VII. 451. Crichton (George), VII. 469, n.
Cocs'rar naacs, VII. 432, 615. CozuusL, island, VII. 439. Crawfurd (David), his forged Memoirs (Janus), VII. 467.
Coca-rs, VII. 432. Crabs, VII. 501. of James VI., XIII. 24. (Mr), on the pyrometer, XVIII.
Coupar. Sec Cupar. Crab Island, XXI. 660. Crawhall’s rope-machine, XIX. 469. 758.
Conner, VII. 432. Crab‘s eyes, VII. 499. Crawley (Sir Francis), XXI. 724. Church and Castle, XVII. 120.
(MonsJ, on centres, VI. 282-— Cans: (George), VII. 439. Crawley-spring, near Edinburgh, III. ,Cricket, game of, XI. 96.
his hydraulic experiments, XII. 70— Crabro,,insect, IX. 230. ,U 321 ; VIII. 427; XVII. 527. , insect, IX. 191.
on the line of traction, XIV. 441. Crabronites, insects, IX. 230. Crax. bird, XVI. 605. Caicnana, in Wiltshire, VII. 471.
Courage not identical with prudence, I. Cascaros. island, VII. 440. Casrsa (Caspar de), VII. 451. Cricoid cartilage, II. 805.
379—obscrvations on, 380—why so Caacow, VII. 440—library of, XIII. CBAYON, VII. 451—Puu'riso, ib. Crieti‘, in Perthshire, XVII. 291.
highly esteemed. VIII. 28. 315—republic of,’ XVIII. 211, 212— Creadon, bird, XVI. 573. Can: Taa'raas, VII. 471. See Crimea.
Conaas'r, VII. 432. unirersity of, 213—taken by Charles Canaan, VII. 454; VI. 498. See Dairy. Crime,Becearia on,1 V. 503—punishment
Conaarsa (Peter Francis),‘VII. 432. the Twelfth, XXI. 22. of tartar, its use in dyeing, VIII. of, XII. 640; XIV. 512; in China,
COUBIIIS, VII. 432—ancient, III. 126. Cradock (Mr), on ship-building, XX. 302. VI. 555—prevention of, XVIII. 243
Conanaun, VII. 433; XVIII. 2l2. 243—on fir-timber, XXI. 295-6—his Cans-r, VII. 454. —prisons, 574—beneiit of clergy, VI.
Conarxaas, French city, VII. 433. measurements of merchant-shipping, Caaanos, VII. 454; XXI. 206—cra 7 39—penal colonies, VII. lI6—par
Court, VII. 433—Courts of Justice in 330-3. of the, VI. 656—possible to omnipo don, XVII. 68—crime in England and
England. IX. 29. See France, Scot Casio (John), VII. 440. tence, XIV. 697-—of a material sys Wales, VIII. 801-3; France, X. 218 ;
land. Ireland, 8:0. (Sta Tnoxas), VII. 440; V. 631. tem probable, ib. Glasgow, X. 541; India, XI. 451 ;
Conrr-Maarun, VII. 433; XV. 67; Craigleith quarry. VIII. 430. Crebillon (Elias P. J.), character of his Ireland, XII. 423; London, XIII. 529;
XVI. 54. CIAIL, in Fifeshire, VII. 443. novels, XIX. 354. Manchester, XIV. 227 ; the Papal
Courtesy, duty of, XV. 474. Crambus, insect, IX. 252. (Paosrsa JoLro'r on), VII. 457. States, XIX. 438 ; Scotland, XIX. 760;
Courtezans, the London theatres in Cramer (Dr). on the geometric proper Canaan-runs, VII. 457. Spain, XX. 522. See Criminal, Par
fested by, VIII. 179 —of ancient ties of bees’ combs. IV. 526—on mor Caanlslu'rr, VII. 457. don, Police, Prisons, Punishments.
Athens, XX. 437, 439. tality at Geneva, XV. 534. Casnrr. VII. 457—bad eii'ects of long Camsa, or Crim Tartan, VII. 471 ;
Cona'ruszos, French city, VII. 433. Crameric acid, VI. 430. credits, 170. XIX. 569—coasts of. IV. 661. '
Coua'raar, VII. 433. Casloun, Scotch village, VII. 444. Casnrros, in Devonshire. VII. 460. Criminal law of England, IX. 29, 33—
COUOIN, VII. 433. Cramp, XVII. 132—07 the stomach, Caam'roa, VII. 460. Sir James Mackintosh’s bills for its
Cop'rnlcss, in France, VII. 433. among animals, XXI. 623. Cazncu'rr, VII. 460. improvement, V. 554, 559 — acts
COUTIIUTLAUGII, VII. 434. Caaurouns, in heraldry, VII. 444. Cree, river, XVI. 182—its navigation, passed, 559. See Crime.
Coutinho (Vasco Fernandez), V. 189. Cannon, VII. 444. XVI. 11. Crimping of fish, IX. 726.
(Francisco Pereira), V. 189. Cranberry, culture of, XI. 652. Carson (Thomas), VII. 460. Crimson, mode of dyeing wool, VIII.
Con'raas, French city, VII. 434. Cassaoasl, in Dorsetshire, VII. 444. (William), XX. 402. 314 ; and cotton, 319.
Covadonga, IV. 112. Cassaaoox. in Kent, VI]. 444. Clean, VII. 460—the Apostlcs’, 111.292 Crinan Canal, XVI. 11.
Covn, Irish town, VII. 434. Cranchia, mollusca, XV. 353. —Athanasian, IV. 113—creeds reject Crinoidea, zoophytes, XXI. 1012.
COVILONO, VII. 434. Crane, bird. XVI. 617. I ed by the Independents, XII. 261—Dr Criocerides, insects, IX. 181.
Covsruu'r, in theology, VII. 434—bc , in mechanics, XIV. 431—fixed Taylor on, ib. Crispe (Sir Nicholas), XXI. 724.
tween God and man, an improper ex iron crane, 458—revolving jib, 459. (Tho.). printer, XVIII. 554. Calsrm and Caxsrurws, VII. 473.
pression, XXI. 214, n. Caasoasoas. in India, VII. 444. Creek, in geography, X. 407. Cairaoxasct, VII. 473.
, in Scotch ecclesiastical history, Crania, in conchology, XV. 344. Creeks of North America, II. 619. Cairns, VII. 473; IV. 160; XX. 449.
VII. 434; V. 316, 325. Craniology, XVII. 454. Creeper. bird. XVI. 588. Carriersx, VII. 473. \
(Solemn League and), VII. 434. Cranium. See Skull. Canaan, in Prussia, VII. 461. Cal'ro, Athenian philosopher, VII. 473
Covenanters (Scotch), V. 349, ct seq. Csaxx, VII. 444—its use in machinery, Creighton (Wan). on the law of the re. -friendship between him and Socra
353. XIV. 446—Watt’s application of it to Iation between the temperature and tes, XX. 438, 445, 459. 460.
Covent Garden market, XIII. 507— steam-engines, XX. 640—described, force of steam, XX. 595. Can-oases of 'I‘egea. VII. 473.
theatre. 533; XXI. 193-4—buildings 653—analysis of its action, 654-— Cannes (John). VII. 461. CaoA'ru, VII. 473; IV. 225.
in, XIII. 545. combinatiou of two at right angles, Cam“, in Lombardy, VII. 461. Crocisa, insect, IX. 234.
Covsa'rar. VII. 434—canal. XVI. 11 655—analysis of the action of com Cremastocheilus, insect, IX. 161. Crocodile, XIX. 133—bones of its head.
—-mannt‘actures of, XXI. 782. bined cranks, 656 — effect of the Calxa'rion, VII. 461. III. 14.—its power of resisting star
(Sir John), V]. 616. crank-rod on the crank’s action, ib.-— Cremocarpium, in botany, V. 49. vation, 167—letharg'y or summer sleep
Coverdale (Miles), his Bible, IV. 618. fallacies concerning it, 666-its prac CBIIOIIA, in Lombaliy, VII. 461— of, 168—its structure, XVII. 713.
Covered-way, in fortification, IX. 773. tical working. 669. school of painting of, XVI. 720. Crooodilopolis, VIII. 545.
COVIlIPANK, in India, VII. 434. Cassius (Tho.). VII. 444; VIII. 745. Crenatula, in conchology, XV. 343. Croconic acid, VI. 429.
COVERIPOBAM,111 India. VII. 434. 751, 753-1118 Bible, IV. 618—his de CanusLLa, in heraldry, VII. 461. Camsus, VII. 474; X1. 472; XIII. 608.
Covna'r, VII. 434—way, ib. gradation, VII. 678. Crenilabrus, fish, XII. I95. CROIsIas, religious order, VII. 475.
Covsa'rnaa. in law, VII. 434. Cannes. in glass-making, VII. 449. Cansornraax, VII. 461. Caomss, pilgrims, VII. 475.
Covilham (Peter), II. 52 ; X. 307. Caas'raaa, VII. 449. Creoceris, insect, IX. 181. Caou (F. P. de la), VII. 475.
Conn, VII. 434. CRAN'I‘OB, Greek philosopher, VII. 449. CIEODIBA, VII. 461. Crollius (Oswald), VI. 347.
Conso, in building, VII. 434. Cases, French city, VII. 449. Canons, VII. 461—ot' Mexico, XIV. Caouaa'rr, VII. 475; XIX. 483—Firth
Covington, in Kentucky. XII. 699. Craonne, battle of, X. 167. 809. See Bolivia, 8cc. 01‘, VII. 476 ; XIX. 483—flshery,
Covnws, VII. 434. Can-s, VII. 449. Canon, VII. 461. 487 ; IX. 601.
Cow, XIV. I66—efl‘ect of regular milk Craponne, canal of. XVI. 5. Creones, VI. 2. Caousa, town in Norfolk, 476.
ing on the productiveness of cows, II. Cnasnaw (Richard), VII. 449. CsarAucz. VII. 461. (Archbishop). XII. 362. '
653--miils of, VI. 498 ; XV. 75. See CIAIIS, VII. 449. CIIPIDH, VII. 461. Cromford Canal, XVI. II.
Dairy. Craspedosoma, in entomology, XV. 653. Crepidula, in conchology, XV. 349, 364. CIOILICII, VII. 476 ; III. 407
% INDE X.
CRO—CRU CRU—CUD CUD -CUN GUN—CU
Crompton (Samuel), X. 555—his mule Csussnrs, VII. 484; VI. 595; VII. Connanoss, VII. 527. Conn-z, or Cunitia (Maria), VII. 544.
jenny, VII. 402; XX. 537. 286; VIII. 479, et seq. 719; XI. Ccnnaran. or Curpa, VII. 527. Cunning distinguished from discretion,
Cromwell (Henry), his goi-ernment of 482; XVI. 755, ct seq.—1icentious Conn, VII. 527. VIII. 41. ‘
Ireland, XII. 878. morals introduced by the. VI. 600 Conwoa'rn (Ralph). VII. 527—on moral Cossmonsm (Alex), civilian, VII. 544.
(Ouvsa), VII. 476; V. 162, 315, -—their influence on geography. X. distinctions, I. 20—was the first suc (ALEX-l, historian, VII. 548.
325, ct scq.—invcstcd with the su 397—thcir effects in Italy, XII.'472. cessful antagonist of Hobbes, 43—on , district of, IV. 259.
preme command, 330—his military Crusaders, Gothic architecture probably perception. ib.—influence of his prin Cuaocsrnsu, VII. 549.
exploits in Ireland, 834; XII. 871; introduced by them from the East, ciples on theories of morals, 44—his Crsonos'rss. VI]. 549.
and in Scotland, V. 335—dcfeats the III. 420—their armies, 595-tbeir Intellectual System, ib., 825—his un C-unoniczn, in botany, V. 118.
king at Worcester, 886-dissolres the operations in Egypt, VIII. 479, ct seq. published MSS., 192—his T111111}? on Conn and Cums-Axons, VII. 549.
Long Parliament, 337 -— is declared --their wars with Saladin, 481, et- seq. Eternal and Immutable .Iforality. 826 Cuphic letters, XVII. 871.
Protector, 338—his death, 339—cha --wero the first Europeans who saw -on angels, III. 295, n.—on matter. Cupica bay, XVI. 787.
racter, ib.; XV. 100, n.-—indignitics Negroes, XX. 38 B—probably intro XI V. 645, 71.—on the substance of CUPID, VII. 549.
to his remains, V. 34 2—wcight of his duced sugar into Europe, 791. mind, 675, 678—0n atheism, 693—011 Corona, in architecture, VII. 549 ; III.
brain, 11. BOT—his agricultural im Causes, VII. 496. creation, 698—on the story of Pan's 466. See Dome.
prove-ments, XVI. 120 -— his navy, Crushes in collieries, VII. 80. death, XVI. 781—0n the Lord's Sup Currzs'I'OOL. in Hindustan, VII. 549.
XVI. 41; XX. 224. Causrscss, VII. 497; XVII. 587— per, XX. 818—his superstition, 813. CCPI’ING, VII. 550. See Bloodletting.
(RIcnIan), VII. 479; V. 340. distinguished from arachnides, III. Cosmos, VII. 528; XVIII. 798. Cupnliferm, in botany, V. 181.
(Tom) VII. 476; VIII. 747, 749. 847—structure of, XVII. 720. Cusszs, or Bamba, VII. 528. Cunacso, island, VII. 550.
Cronhelm (F. W.), his work on book Crutches, in shipbuilding, XX. 284. Cunnssnss'r (Theodore Van), VII. 528. Curassoes. birds, XVI. 605.
keeping, IV. 791. CBU'I‘II. or Crowth, VII. 504. Cesaro, V1]. 529. Coas'rz, VII. 550; VIII. 788.
Caouws, in chronology, VII. 479. Cruveilhier (111.), on latent cerebral dis Cora, VII. 529. Genres, VII. 550.
Csosossso, VII. 479. ease, XVII. 478—on aneurism, 482. Curr (IIenry). VII. 529. Conn, VII. 550—in building, V. 676—
Csoss'rnn'r, VII. 479, 430; IV. 880; Cruz (La). on the hydrography of La Cmnsss and Cmssssxsas, VII. 529. in veterinary science, XXI. 617.
XVII. 316. Plata, XVIII. 5. Cons, or Cujacius (James), civilian, CUBCas, VII. 550.
Crop of birds, III. 86. Caczsno, VII. 504. VII. 529—his editions of the Theodo Curculio, insect, IX. 178.
of insects, IX. 85. Csrours, a mineral, VII. 504; XV. sian Code, VI. 715—Fabrot’s edition Curculionites, insects, IX. I72.
Crops, difl'erent kinds of, II. 279—suc 140—specific. gravity of, XII. 28. of his works, IX. 474. Curd, VI. 498—curdling. VII. 550.
cession of, 297. Caroruoaos, VII. 504; X1. 191. Conan-3s, VII. 582; XIX. 704. Cuss'rss, VII. 550, 381. 463, 573, 582.
Caosisa. 0r Crozier, VII. 480. Carr'ra, VII. 505. Census, Roman measure, VII. 582. Coarzw, VII. 550—bell, ib.
Csosusr. in heraldry, VII. 480. Crypticus, insect, 1X. 164. Culex, insect, IX. Cuau, VII. 551.
Cuoss, VII. 480—perspective of. XVII. Cryptocephalus, insect, IX. 183. Culican, a Mexican town. XIV. 818. Cuau'rn, three brothers of Alba, VII.
281—In-zention of the, VII. 481—141: Cryptocerus, insect, IX. 228. CULLsx, town in Banfl'shire, VII. 582. 551; XIX. 303.
altation of the, ib.—Pectoral. ib.— Carrrooanu, VII. 505. (Dr WILLIAM), VII. 582—on Curirnata, fish, XII. 212.
Order of the, ib.—Maids of the, ib. Cryptogamous plants. V. 53. chemistry,IV. 655; VI. 349~Brown‘s CuaIo, VII. 551; XVI. 809; XIX. 896.
St George’s, ib. Carr'roonarnr, VII. 505. opposition to his medical doctrines. Curiosity, VIII. 55.
, in heraldry, VII. 481; X1. 250. Cryptonyx, bird, XVI. 611. V'. 598—on Stahl's system of medi ConIoscs, VII. 551.
Caoss-nsssss, VII. 481. Cryptopoda, crustacea, VII. 501. cine, XX. 559. CurisclI~Haf,lake, IV. 329 ; XVIII. 691.
Cross-bill, bird. XVI. 581. Cryptops, insect, XV. 655. CULLBIIA, Spanish city, VII. 535. Curlew, bird, XVI. 622.
Cross-bow, V. 155. Cryptusa, insects, 1X. 223. Culley (Mr), on the culture of rape, II. Curll, XVIII. 401, 402.
Cross-stone, XV. 151. Crystal, or flint-glass, X. 577. 290—on live-stock, 816, et seq. Cnsm, ancient liquor, VII. 551.
Crosse (Andrew), on the electricity of Cars'rsns, VII. 505—0fice. XII. I40— CULLODEN, in Inverness-shire, VII. 535; Consocs, a measure, VII. 551.
the air, VIII. 615—his electrochemi their property of dividing rays of XII. 3ilG—buttle of, V. 882. Carr's patent ropes. XIX. 465, 467.
cal researches, XXI. 680. light, XIII. 382—double refraction Conn, VII. 535, 80; V. 83. CUBBAH, in Hindustan, VII. 551.
Crossing of species, III. 161—0t' breeds of. XVI. 859, 868, 453. et seq. ,- XVIII. Cunmrnaous plants. VII. 535. Cunnsx (John Philpot), VII. 551.
of dogs. XX. 810. 225, 24l-refraction of Iceland crys CITLMINA'I'ION, VII. 535. Currants, VII. 552~culture of, X1. 650;
Cso'rs'um, VII. 481. tal, XIV. 70. CULNA, town in Bengal, VII. 535. in Greece, X. 727, 731; in the Ionian
Crotalus, serpent. XX. 151. CBYB‘I'ALIJNE, VII. 505—hearens, ib. CULPBE, town in Bengal, VII. 535. Islands, XII. 342.
Caoransraisz, VII. 482. lens of the eye, II. 799; XVI. Cunaoss, Scotch town, V11. 5115. Currency—supprc ssion of small notes in
Clo'rcsz'r, VII. 488. 868—in various animals, III. ‘22—— Cultrirostres. birds, XVI. 617. 1826, V. 565~its state in Locke‘s
CBO'I‘O or Crotona, VII. 488; XV. 699 specific gravity of, XII. 28—fibrous Cunvsnm, VII. 585. time, XIII. 414—bad efi'eets of alte
—Academy of Antiquities at, II. 75. structure of. XV. 56. CULvna'rAILsn, VII. 585. . rations on its value, XV. 401; XVIII.
Crotonic acid. VI. 430. CBYSTALLIZATION, VII. 505—system Cetus-z, ancient Italian city, VII. 535; 266 -— of Ava, IV. 245—Bi'azil, V.
Crotophaga, birds, XVI. 599. and series of. XV. 122. XV. 709~—sibyl of, XX. 828. 209—Bucn0s Ayrcs, 652—France, X,
Crouch river navigation, XVI. 11. Crystallography. XV. 112, ct seq. Cumszu. in Colombia, VII. 535. l98—Ireland, X11. 4 lO—the. West In
Caonsaz (J. P. de), VII. 482—influence Cshatriyas, caste. VI. 224 ; XI. 402. Cumanus (Marcellus), on the venereal dies, 504—Madras, XIII. 673—Mex1
of Locke’s doctrine on, I. 106 -his Ctenicer, insect, IX. 140. disease, XX. 828, n. 8. co, XIV. 803; XV. 263—Pcru, 268
principles mistaken by Pope and War— Ctenistcs, insect, IX. 187. Cvunsamun, VII. 536—its annexation Prussia, XVIII. 700—Russia, XIX.
burton, ib.—Gibbon’s estimate of his Ctenodcs, insects, IX. 178. to Scotland, XIX. 699. 574—New South \Vales, XXI. 721.
talents, ib.—on beauty, IV. 485. Ctcnophora, insects. IX. 261. , a town in Maryland, VII. 588; See Coin, Coinage, Commerce, Credit,
Crow, bald, XVI. 569 ; carriou. 584 ; Ctenus, genus of arachnides. III. 862. XIV. 278. Exchange, Money, Paper-money.
hooded, ib. ; red-legged, 591—instancc Ctesias, Greek physician, VII. 524—his , a river in the United States of Ctnass'rs ot'the ocean, VII. 552; XVII.
of reasoning in one, XII. 299, n. skill in surgery, XX. 822. America, VII. 538; XXI. 182. {HG—arctic, XVIII. 222.
, in mechanics, VII. 482. C'rssxnws, VII. 524—hydrodynamical (RICHARD), bishop of Peterho Cunmcuncs, VII. 552.
Caow’s BILL, VII. 482. inventions of, XII. 1. 96, 108—his rough, VII. 588 ——his work Dc Lrgibvs Conan: (Dr James), VII. 552 V. 601
rzs'r, VII. 482; IX. 786. pump, XVIII. 707. Naturai, I. 46, 323—the only professed -——on bathing, IV. 443, at gay—his
Crowgarth, iron mine at, VII. 587. CTESIPHON, architect, VII. 524. answerer of Hobbes, 828—his ethical Letter to Mr Pitt, VI. 311.
Clownaxn, VII. 482; XIII. 858. Cos, VII. 524. doctrines, 824. Cunnisas, VII. 556. See Currying.
CIOWLZ, in Lincolnshire, VII. 482. Cons. VII. 524—Freneh trade with, X. (Rlculuw), dramatist, VII. 541 Cranonasrasus, VII. 556.
Csows, VII. 483-in heraldry, X1. 256. 191—weights and measures of, XXI. --his comedies, VIII. 176—his novels, Curruca. bird, XVI. 576.
Crown-glass, X. 566. 852. XIX. 841. Cl‘asrmo of leather, VII. 556.
Crown-wheel of a clock, VI. 768. Conn, VII. 527 ; X. 460—duplication of (William, Duke of), his proceed Cunsi'ron. VII. 55?.
Csowss (John). VII. 483. the. XIV. 814—perspectivo of, XVII. ings in Flanders and Scotland, V. Cursoria, insects, IX. 189.
Growth, VII. 504. 278. 881-8, 3SF—-his death, 391. Cursorius, bird, XVI. 617.
CsoxsI. (Samuel), VII. 483. Cube iron-ore and spar, specific gravity CITMBRAY Islands, V. 752; VII. 544. Curt (Monsieur), V. 215.
Clot. or Crouy, island. VII. 488. of, XII. 28. Cumbrinn rocks, XV. 191. CURTAIN, in fortification, VII. 557.
Caornos, in Surrey, VII. 483—canal Cusaaoor, VII. 527—extraction of the, Cumino, XIV. 62 . Curtis, his botanical labours, V. 84.
XVI. 11; XX. 847. III. 566—its extraction discovered by CUMLY, in Hindustan, VII. 544. (Dr), his letter to D. of Welling
, in Indiana. XII. 266. the Arabians’r‘l. 588. Cumming (Professor), on thermo-clec ton on Catholic emancipation, V. 575.
CIOZIBB, or Crosier, VII. 480. Cubic equations, II. 454. tric rotations, XXI. 699. CUBTIUS (Marcus), VII. 557.
Cruccs, town. XVI. 784. Court, VII. 527; VIII. 509. (Mr), his scape-ment, VI. 774— (Quxsr'ros), VII. 557—his ac
Cruciferae, in botany, V. 97. , bone. 11. 787. his Elements of Clock Work, 775—on count of the Amazons. II. 589.
CIUCIPIX. VII. 488. Cuchullin hills, in Skye, XX. 380. wheel-carriages, XIV. 440. Cuscm: cusm, VII. 557.
ClUCII‘IXIOII, VII. 488, 480. CocsIso-sroon, VII. 527. Cumulo-stratus, cloud. XVII. 534. Cunnusu, in Hindustan, VII. 557.
CsuoIroau. VII. 488. Cuckoo. XVI 597. Cumulus, cloud, XVII. 584. Curutiba, XVII. 161.
Cruelty to animals, III. 165. Cucujus, insect, IX. 177. CUNDAPOOR, VII. 544. Convsrvnr of a line, VII. 557—07 the
Cruikshank on the lymphatic vessels, Cucullzea, in conchology, 'XV. 348. Cvsnmsxancs. VII. 544. conic sections, 254.
II. 703, 729. 730. Cucullanus, zoophyte, XXI. 998. Ccsnwsu. in Hindustan, VII. 544. Convss, VII. 557—transcendental. ib.
Cruikshanks (Mr). of Woolwich, his gal Cuculus, bird. XVI. 597. CUNEIFOIIM, VII. 544—bones, II. 791— ~geometrical and algebraic, ib.; II.
vanic battery, XXI. 666. Cucumber, culture of the, XI. 666. cartilagcs, 805. 483—‘mathematical. XIV. 319, et seq.
Gram (Walter), on bleaching-powder, Common, VII. 5'27. CUNEus, V1]. 544. -—caustic. VI. 252; XVI. 400—evo
IV. 686—on indigo. VIII. 825. Cucurbitacem, in botany, V. 110. CUNINA, goddess. VII. 544. lution and involution ol‘, VIII. 882-—
Cruppan, a disease of cattle, VIII. 113. Cudbear, VI. 484; VIII. 809, 310. Cunio, block-printing by, XVIII. 589. curve of equable approach, VII. 557
 INDEX. 47
CU R—CYA CYA—CYP CYP~DAI DAI-DAM ‘
— ot‘ the quickest descent, XIV. Cyanogen acid salts, VI. 456. Cyprinus, XII. l97—angling for differ Duns: (John), VII. 588.
388. Cyanomzrsn, VII. 572; XIV. 740 ; ent kinds of, III. 1467. Dun m. KAXAR, in Syria, VII. 588.
Curved motion, VIII. 379, ct seq. XVII. 530. Crraos, VII. 576; VIII. 472. Datat, Japanese pontiii', VII. 588.
Curwen (Mr), on the effect of the cottage Cyanurates, VI. 456. Cypsclus, bird, XVI. 578. Dsmr, VII. 588—dairiesin Cambridge
system in Ireland, VII. 390. Cyanuric acid, VI. 433. Craaso (Bergerac). VII. 576. shire, VI. 34—Cheshire, 510—Ireland,
Cnnrrol, in Hindustan, VII. 557. CYATIIUS, Greek measure, VII. 572. CYRENAICA, in Africa, VII. 576. XII. 407—Lanarkshire, XIII. 50—
Coazou, island, VII. 557. Craxaans, VII. 572; XIV. 489. Crasnucs, VII. 577; XVII. 431. Lombardy, 475—Somersetshirc, XX.
CUSA (Nicholas do), VII. 557—on geo Cranes, VII. 572. Crasnn, VII. 577; II. 236; VIII. 467, 475. See Butter, Cheese, Milk.
metry, X. 429—on the squaring of CYBELB, VII. 573. 472—dispute with Carthage, VI. 184. DAKIB, VII. 594.
the circle, XX. 553. Crnsnucun MABMOB, VII. 573. CYntL (St), patriarch of Alexandria, DALACA, island, VII. 594.
Cosco, VI]. 557; XVII. 294, 805. Cybium, fish, XII. 183. VII. 577—alphabet of. II. 548. Danaruu, island, VII. 594.
Cuscuta, in botany, V. 65. Cycadeze, in botany, V. 131. Cyrillus Lucaris, his account of the Dalby (Mr), employed on the ordnance
Cosn, VII. 557. Cycas, in botany, V, 69. Alexandrina 518., II. 414. survey, XXI. 854.
Cushat, bird, XVI. 613. Crcson, VII. 573. Cyrtandraeem, in botany, V. 121, n. Dansenanr (James), VII. 594.
Cnshim, XVII. 374. Cyehla, fish, XII. 196. Cyrtoma, insects, IX. 276. D’Alembcrt. See Alembcrt.
Cosmos, VII. 558. Cychrus, insect, IX. I39. Cyrtostyle, in architecture, III. 460. Danoaaso (George ), VII. {wt—profound
Cushites, XVII. 358. Crcmms, Greek dance, VII. 573. Cyrtus, insect, IX. 270. remark of, I. 248—his works. 284.
Cusr, VII. 558—in astrology, ib.—in Crcnsnss, islands, VII. 573. Crane, VII. 577; XVII. 259; X1. 472 Dalibard on the electrical nature of
architecture, III. 466. Cyclas, in eonehology, XV. 341. —his military achievements, III. 582 lightning, VIII. 618.
Cusriuun (John), VII. 558. CYCLE, VII. 573—ot‘ Indietion, ib.; VI. ——capture of Babylon by, IV. 270— DALKEITII, Scotch town, VII. 594.
Cusrost, VII. 558-.its influence in P—Metonic, VII. 573; III. 728; VI. his treatment of Crmsus, VII. 474— Dalkey, island, VIII. 235.
China, VI. 585—its efi'ects on the 7-solar, 8; VII. 573—lunar, ib.; hisWar against the Lydians, XIII. 609. DALxarts, VII. 595; IV. 228.
senses, XX. 97. See Habit. VI. 9—Druidical, VIII. 206-cycles the Second. VII. 578. Dalmatian alphabet, II. 548.
CUSTOM-DUTIES, VII. 562; XXI. 115. of weather, XIV. 718. ' CYS'I‘IC arteries and veins, VII. 579. DALMOW, Hindu town, VII. 605.
Cones-noose, VII. 562—t'allaey of Cycliea, insects, IX. 182. Cystica, zoophytes, XXI. 995. Dalriads, V. 296.
custom-house returns, VII. 161, 163. Cyclidium, animalcules, III. 188. Cysticercus,zoophyte, XXI. 995. Dalrymple (Alex). VII. 296 -—on the
('US'I'OS Brevium -— Rotnlornm —- Spi CYCLOID, VII. 573 ;I. 439—its properties, Cythcra, XII. 341. supposed southern continent, IV.
ritualium—Tcmporalium, VII. 582. XIV. 317, 318, 384. See Geometry. Crrnsaaas, VII. 579. 204.
Cn'rutt, in Hindustan, VI]. 562. Cyclomus, insect, IX. 173. , molluscum, XV. 342. ' (3111 Dunn), Lord Hailes, VII.
Cutbush’s electrical lamp, VIII. 661. Cyclopuean architecture, III. 413. Cytinete, in botany, V. 128. 601, 600—on the Scottish character
COTCII, in Hindustan, VII. 562—its CrcLormnta, VII. 573; VIII. 698. Cyxii, insects, IX. 203. for swearing. VIII. 273.
trade with Sindc, XX. 363. CYCLOPS, VII. 573—qnadricornis, 503. Crzu'sxs, VII. 579. ' (Sir Hugh). VII. 600.
Corn, or Cuthah, VII. 565. Cyclopterus, fish, XII. 221. Crsiet'n, or Cyzieus, VII. 579. (Janna), Lord Stair, VII. 595-—
Cuthbert's microscope, XV. 42. Cyclosis, XXI. 573. Czsa, VII. 579. on the reception of the doctrines of
Cuthbertson (Mr), his electrical appara~ Cyclostoma, mollusca, XV. 347, 357: CZABNIKAU, VII. 579. Spinoza and Hobbes, I. 105—his Phy
tus for oxidating metals, VIII. 627— Cyclostomi, in ichthyology, XII. 2.76. CzasLAti, in Bohemia, VII. 579. siologia: Nova Ezperinwntalis, 285.
his experiments with it, 628—his Cyclostylar, in architecture, III. 466. CZERNOWI'I‘Z, VII. 579. (Sir James), VII. 600.
electrical kites, 646—his electrical Cyder. See Cider. Czoa'raow, VII. 579. (Sir John), VII. 599, 600.
condenser, 65I—his balance-electrm Crone, painter, VII. 574. (Thomas). M.D., VII. 600.
meter, 657—his air-pump, XVIII. 90. Cydippo, zoophyte, XXI. 1019. DALTON, in Lancashire, VII. 605.
Cuticle of the skin, II. 750; VII. I90; Ctnuos, river, VII. 574. (Joan). D.D., VII. 605.
XVII. 606—oi‘ mucous membrane, Grooms, VII. 574. D , (Dr), XI V. 227—on the carbonic
II. 752—ot' plants, III. 65. Cresus, VII. 574; XVI. 635. ' acid of the atmosphere. IV. 133*
(futis, XVII. 606. Cylas, insect, IX. 172. D, letter of the alphabet, VII. 580. on aurora borealis. 198~his atomic
Cutlers, diseases of, XIV. 510. Gunman, in geometry, VII. 574; X. Dab, fish, XII. 220. theory, VI. 352, et seq.—-his chemical
Count, VII. 565—ot' Shetiicld, XX. 465—development of, 419; XII. 608. Danna, Prussian town, VII. 580. labours, ib.—on evaporation, IX. 426.
I95—grinding of, X. 777. See Steel. Cylinders, boring of, V. 4—mensuration DABIIINGSIIAUSEN, VI]. 580. ct seq.—on heat, X1. 188, ct 86'].-—0I1
Cutlu-Moses, VII. 283. of, XIV. 572—the forces employed in Danna, Hindu town, VII. 580. the mercurial thermometer, XII. 116
Curtaex, in Hindustan, VII. 568. breaking two, are as the squares of Dacca JsLsLroas, VII. 580—muslin —-on the mutual repulsion of particles
Conn, VII. 568 ; IV. 722. the diameters, XX. 778—of steam manufacture of, IV. 567; VII. 396. of the air, 120—on magnetism, XIII.
CUTTIIAH, in Hindustan, VII. 568. engines, 617, etscq. 695. Dace, angling for. III. 147. 696, 698, 740, 754—011 the atmos~
CUTTING, VII. 568. Cnlunaoin, VII. 574. Dacelo, bird, XVI. 593. phere, XVII. 532, 533——on the ca
Cutting's rope~machine, XIX. 467. Cyllenia, insects, IX. 268. Dacnau. in Bavaria, VII. 581. pacity of steam for calorie, and ebulli
Con-mos, VII. 568—propagation of (Jylon, his conspiracy at Athens, IV. 144. Dacu, V11. 581. tion in vacuo; XX. 573—his experi
fruit by, XI. 635. CYMA, VII. 574; III. 442, 450, 466. Dacians, their wars with the Romans, ments on the elastic force of steam,
Cattle-fish, XV. 352 ; XVII. 719. (31113711., musical instrument, VII. 574. XIX. 406, 407. 5S3won the law which connects that
Cnr'rs (John, Lord). VII. 568. Cymbirhynchus, bird, XVI. 577. DACIEB (Andrew), VII. 581. force with the temperature, 592, 596
COVETTB, In fortification, VII. 568. Cymbulia, mollnsca, XV. 355. '(Assn Lsrsvar), VII. 582. —on the specific gravity, generation,
Conn. (Baron), VII. 568—on Bonnct’s Cyme, in botany, V. 41. Dacne, insect, IX. 149. and density of steam, 602, 603.
definition of moral liberty, I. 268“— Crnnmz, in botany, VII. 574. Dacnis, bird, XVI. 583. Dalzicl, family 01‘, XI. 246.
his method of estimating the relative Cymindis, bird, XVI. 563. Dacotas, I-I. 617—their belief as to a (General), V. 349.
proportions of the skull and face, III. Cymophane, specific gravity of. XII. 28. future state, II. 620. DAM, VII. 605.
7—his work on Fossil Bones, 40 Cymothoada, crustacean, VII. 502. DAC'I‘YL, VII. 582. Daman, in zoology, XIV. 151.
-—on the differences between plants Crsssolaos, VII. 574. Dactylethra, reptile, XIX. 155. Duns, Arabian town, VII. 605.
and animals, l57-——on the harmony of CYNANCIIE, a disease, VII. 574. DACTYLI Inset, VII. 582, 463. Damascnuus (John), VII. 605. -
organs in animals, 159—on the clas Cynara Carduncnlus, V. 640. Dacrrntc, VII. 58 2—verscs, ib. Danasews, philosopher, VII. 605.
sification of animals, ib. 161, I62, Cyuarrhodon. in botany. V. 48. Dac'rruousscr, VII. 583. Damascus, VII. 605—sword-bladcs of.
170, I79; XVII. 586; of the arach Chums of Thessaly, VII. 574. Dactyloptcrus, fish, XII. I73. VII. 565-—taken by Ali Bey, VIII.
nides. III. 347 ; of animal functions, Cranes, VII. 574; XVII. 431. DACI‘I'LUS, VII. 583. 486—gun barrels of, XI. 36.
XVII. 590; of zoophytcs, XXI. 998 Cynips, insect, IX. 226. Dacus, insect, IX. 289. DAIABK, VII. 608. See Design.
—on the descent of all animals from Cynocephala, battle of, XXI. 197. Dado, in architecture, III. 466. DAXASKBENING, VII. 608.
progenitors, 111.162-on the. int‘usoria, Crxocsrnau, VII. 549. DADUCIH, VI]. 583. Dunes, in Hindustan, VII. 608. .
181—011 the great scientific utility of Cynoeephalus, in zoology, XIV. 93. DEDALA, in Lycia, VII. 583. Damsaen, French town, VI]. 608.
glass, 185-on the character of Mr (itsonosris, VII. 549. D.EDAI.US, VI]. 583, 464. DAMBLOPBS, VII. 608.
Cavendish, VI. 264, 265; and of Ray. CYNOPIIONTIS, festival, VII. 575. Damon, VII. 583—01‘ Socrates. XX. 456 Dumas, Persian town, VII. 608.
XIV. 77—on fishes. XII. 151-0n the Cynopolis, III. 276-7. —origin ofworship ofdxemons, XVIII. DAIIANISTS, religious sect, VII. 608.
mammalia, XIV. 79—on the varieties Cruoaexr, disease, VII. 575. 333. DAMIANO (St). Italian town, VII. 608.
of the human species, I99——-on the Crsossnoss, in ancient Athens, VII. Dszuonuc, VII. 584; XIV. 9. Dsmnss (Robert Francois), VII. 608.
mollusea, XV. 832—on birds, XVI. 575; IV. 125. Daendels (General). IV. 438. Dssunrrs, VII. 609 ; II. 230. '
549, 150—bit: merits as a zoologist, Crnoscsrustr, VII. 575. Datila, bird, XVI. 638. Damman (Adrian), VII. 545.
ib. -- on Pliny's Natural History, Crimson/l, VII. 575. Daonns'r's Isaasn, VII. 586. Dunlaariu, French town, VII. 609.
XVIII. 58—011 serpents, XX. 122. Crtn'nla, goddess, VII. 575; IX.242. Dscnss'rss, in Asia, VII. 586. Dames, German tovvn, VII. 609.
Cuyaba. XIV. 326. , molluscum, XV. 368. Daoo, island in the Baltic, VII. 587. Duran, VII. 609; VI. 1.
Cuyahoga river, XVI. 326. CYNTHIUS, VII. 575. Dugobert, X. 6. Damocedes' surgical school, XX. 821.
Cuyp, XVI. 722. Cypei'aceaa. in botany, V. 137. bacon, VII. 587, 696; XVII. 352. DASIOCLES, VII. 609.
Cuzco, VII. 577; XVII. 294, 305. Crrnou and Ctrnozusn, VII. 575. Duncan. island, VII. 587. DAMON, philosopher, VII. 609.
Cyami, crustacea, VII. 502. Cypraea, in conchology, XV. 346. Daher (Sheikh), VIII. 486; XXI. 64. Damp. See Dumps.
Cyanates, VI. 456. Cyprcadze, mollusca, XV. 364. DAIIIII, Arabian village, VII. 587. Dssirins (Wm.). VII. 610 --his 'l's
Cyanic acid, VI. 433. Cypress, XVII. 786—s1x gr. of, XII. 28. Dahlia, culture of, XI. 683. coveries in New Holland, IV. 205.
Cyanite, specific gravity of, XII. 28. CYPMANUB (Thascius CtUCIilUS), bishop Dahlia. VI. 476. 206—his account of the natives, 208
Cyanodides, VI. 456. of Carthage, VII. 575. DAIIOMEY, African kingdom, VII. 537. -—his visit to Papua, 211; New Bri
Cyanogen, VI. 372. Cyprin'idm, in iehthyology, XII. 197. Daillé (Monsieur). his edition of “ Sea tain, 212; the Dashce Islands. 425;
acids, VI. 432. Cyprinodon, fish, XII. I89. ligerana," II. 675. and the Ladronc Islands, XVIII. 317
Q INDEX.
, DAM-DAR DAR-DAU DAV—DEA . ~ DEA—DEC
—-on the bread-fruit, V. 211—0n the Danaronnl in Hindustan, VII. 628. pheric pressure on the level of the sea, Dunn, a town in Kent, VII. 659.
sea and land breezes, XIV. 745. DABAP'I‘I, in logic, VII. 623. XXI. 285. Deal-tish, XII. 189.
Dampicr’s patent balance. XXI. 378. Dararians, sect of, VIII. 478. DAVANAGIRI, Indian town, VII. 634. Dmnoon, in Hindustan. VII. 659.
Danrnan's Sruurs, VII. 611. Darby (Abiah), his iron bridge, V. 278. Davssax'r (Charles), VII. 635—on po DEAN, VII. 660 —and chapter, Ih—Ellf
Dampierre (General), X. 78. c! seq. Danna. Hungarian town, VII. 623. litical economy, XVIII. 266. lish deans, VIII. 788.
Dampncss, its cfi'ccts on the weights DAILDANELLBS, VII. 623. (Sin \VILLIAN), poet, VII. 634; , forest of, X. 588.
and dimensions of bodies, X1]. 111. DARDANUS, VII. 624. XVIII. 170—opera by, VIII. 171. of Faculty, XIX. 760.
Danes in mines, VII. 611, 80, 6-11. Darent river navigation, XVI. II. Davenport (Tho.), his application of Deane (Sir Anthony), his improvement!
Daxsnn, VII. 612. Danes, a Phrygian, VII. 624. electromagnetism as a mechanical on ships, XVI. 42, 44; XX. 225.
Daxsoso, in Hindustan, VII. 612. Danroa, in Africa, VII. 624; II. 236. power, XXI. 687. DEANEBY, VII. 660.
DAN, VII. 612. DABIC, gold coin, VII. 625. DAVENTBY, a town in Northampton Deanston system of draining, XX. 730.
Duns, VII. 612. DARIEN, province of, VII. 625. shire, VII. 635. Dzsacoex, in Hindustan, VII. 660.
Danaide (Dcctot’s), XII. 107. , gulf of, VII. 625. DAVID, VII. 635; XII. 568; XVI. 750 Dearnc and Dove canal, XVI. ll.
DANAIDES, VII. 612. , isthmus 01'. VII. 625; XVI. 781 ——Dr Chandler's Life of, VI. 317—— DEATH, VII. 660; XIV. 207; XVII.
Danais, insect, IX. 241. -—proposcd canal across, 11. 651. psalms ot‘, XVIII. 146. 581—from laughter, VIII. 212, n. 1—
Dunes, VII. 612. , Scottish colony of, VII. 625; 1., king of Scotland, XIX. 705. signs of, XII. 330; XIV. 497—me
Danby (Lord Treasurer), V. 348. V. 365; VIII. 414. ‘ 11., king of Scotland, XIX. 710. dico-legal examination of dead body.
Daseau, in Africa, VII. 612. DAnu, in logic, VII. 629. (Jacques-Louis), his style of ib.—from sutl‘ocation, 498 ; starvation,
DANCING, VII. 613~—I"rench Academy Darius, murdered by Bessus, XIII. 632 painting, XVI. 723. ib.; extremes of temperature, 499;
of, II. 75—muscles employed in, 707 —Persian kings of that name, XVII. up Gvvyllim, VI. 138. wounds, ib.; poison, 500_—s0ul after,
"—IIIIl'tIIOWII in China, VI. 586—much 259, 260. DAVIDISTS, heretics, VII. 635. 679~—utility of fear of, XVIII. 667-—
cultivated by the Cretans and Lace Danxsnxsn, in Prussia, VII. 629. DAVID'S (St), city in Pembrokeshire, considered theologically, XXI. 218,
demonians, VII. 465—on ropes, 615; DARKNESS, VII. 629. VII. 635; XVII. 183. 235— of plants, 588. See Mortaiity.
XIV. 380—dancing girls, VII. 615; Darling (General), his administration in Davie (Major), VI. 305. Death-tick, IX. 146.
of Egypt, II. 533; VIII. 529. New South Wales, XXI. 713. Davies‘s Tables of life-contingencies, Deben river navigation, XVI. II.
Dandalo (Count). his experiments on River, XXI. 715. III. 201. Dsnrsnan, in Suffolk, VII. 661.
silk-worms, XIII. 479. Danuno'ros, in Durham, VII. 629— DAVIO, town in Norway, VII. 635. Dsnzs'runn, VII. 661.
Dannsn, in Hindustan, VII. 616. “ Hell Kettles" near, VIII. 290. DAVILA (H. 0.), historian, VII. 635. Dmmncznt, Hungarian city, VII. 661.
DANDINI (Pietro), painter, VII. 616. Dsnxaroonan, Ilindu town, VII. 629. DAVIS (Sir John), VII. 636; XII. 367— Dznnmzsn, in heraldry, VII. 661.
Dune river, VI. 500. Danmsranr. German city, VII. 629. qnotation from his poem on the im Debt (National). See National Debt.
Danzcsn'r, a tax, VII. 616. DABMTAL, French town, VII. 629. mortality of the 80111, I. 253. Debtors, Roman law against, VI. 711.
Danes, character of the, VII. 728—Al Darnis, insect, IX. 204. (Joust). navigator, VII. 636— DECADE, VII. 661.
fred’s wars with the, II. 418—their Darnley (Lord), husband of Q. Mary, voyagcs of, XVIII. 217. Dnescox, in geometry, VII. 661.
magical standard, ib. n. I—massacre XIX. 737——murder of, 739. - (Mr), his translations from the Dncanoourz, VII. 661.
of. VIII. 706—England conquered by, Dunn‘s Isusn, VII. 62S). Chinese. VI. 568, 571—on ancient Deczuldolle (Mons) See Candolle.
ib.—-their invasions of England, VIII. Dances, Spanish city, VII. 630. Hindu astronomy, XVII. 428. DECANTATION, VII. 661.
702, et seq. 712; France, X. 4, et seq-, Danna, Hindu town, VII. 630. DAVIS'S ISLAND, VII. 636. Decanus, VII. 661.
the Hebrides, X1. 202; Ireland, XII. Dart river navigation, XVI. 11. Dzn'ison (Mr) on the pyramid of Cheops, Decapoda, crustacen, VII. 500.
853; Scotland, XIX.699 ; and Britain, Dan'rroan, in Kent. V11. 6230. VIII. 547, 557-8. Dzcarous, VII. 661 ; XVI. 745.
XX. 218—had a settlement at Water Dan'rnou-rn, in Dcvonshire, VII. 630. Dsvr (Sir Humphry), VII. 637—on DBCAPIIO'I'I, VII. 661.
ford, XXI. 809, 812. See Normans. , in Nova Scotia, XVI. 285. the use of lime in agriculture, II. 300 Dncss'rnz, in architecture, VII. 661;
Daxsr (Peter), abbot, VII. 616. DAM! (Comte (le), historian, VII. 630. -on the improvement of cLay-soils, III. 466.
Danforth's throstle, VII. 402; X. 556. Danuvanz, Austrian town, VII. 650. 615-011 the composition of the at Deccan, VII. 661; XI. 376.
DANIEL the prophet, VII. 616. Darvill (Mr), on the race-horse, XI. 575. mosphere, IV. 131—1115 connection Decebalus, X. 494; XIX. 406, 407.
(GABRIEL), VII. 617. DABWAII, in Hindustan, VII. 630. with Dr Beddocs, 515—his ozyhydro Dncrnnnn, VII. 661—gardening opera
(SAMUEL). Poet, VII. 616. DARWIN (Erasmus), VII. 631—Dr T. gen blowpipe, 716—his chemical dis tions in, X1. 601.
(Capt.), voyage of, XVIII. 219. Brown’s Observations on his Zoono coverics. VI. 351—on electrical light, DECBMPBDA. ancient measuring instru
Daniell (Profi), on evaporation, IX. 426, min, I. 394; V. 602—on physical in VIII. 585—011 electro~magnctism, ment, VII. 662.
430, 432—bit; hygrometer, XII. 122 fluences affecting the mind, VIII. 440 574—011 the torpedo, 611—on falling Dresuvmi. magistrates in ancient
,..;--on specific gravity of mixture of on instinct, XII. 305—on the semi— stars, IX. 587—on the salmon fishery, Home, VII. 662.
air and vapour, I31—his pyromcter, tive plant. XX. 101. 600-—on flame, X. 356—0n the Her DECENNALIA, Roman festivals, VII. 662.
xvili. 7&0 ——his voltaic batteries, DASAN, island, VII. 632. culaneum MSS., XI. 266—on irriga DECEX'IIITS, VII. 272.
XXI. 690—ou electro-magnetism, 685. Dascillus, insect. IX. I41. tion, XII. 456—on volcanoes, XV. 230 DECIIALES (Claudius F. 111.), mathema
Damnow, in Russia, VII. 617. . Dascyllus, fish, XII. 176. -his safety-lamp, X111. 46 ; XV. 245 tician, VII. 662.
Dauuoxn, VII. 617. Dasycerus, insects, IX. 176. --his galvanic battery, XXI. 665—— Drcincons, VII. 662.
Danneker, XX. 9. Dasypoda, insects, IX. 232. electrochemicalexperiments,677,678. DECIL, in astronomy, VII. 662. ~
Dannemora, mine of, VI. 750. Dasy pogon, insect, IX. 268. (Dr John ). on the electricity of Dcruun. ABITIIBIETIC, VII. 662—intro.
Dune (Alighieri), VII. 617-Bocca Dasyprocta, in zoology, XIV. I41. the torpedo, VIII. 611. duetion of, I. 435—fractions, III 559 ;
cia's commentary on, IV. 7 24-com Dasypus, in zoology, XIV. 143. Dawusn, in Devoushire, VII. 643. terminate, 560 ; approximate, 561 ;
pared with Milton, XV. 104—poetry Dasytes, insect, IX. I45. Dawson (William), the establisher of interniinatc, 562.
of, XVIII. 158. Dasyurus, X1V.I27—Ursinus, XXI.554. drill-culture of turnips in Scotland, DECIMATION, VII. 663.
Dunes (George-Jacques), French re DATA, in mathematics, VII. 632. II. 286—on the use of lime in agri Dnexrunmno. VII. 663; VI. 701 .
volutionist, VII. 619; X. 86. Dan, VII. 632. See Calendar, Chro culture, 301. DCCIIIS, XIX. 382.
DAN'I‘ZIC, VII. 622—eorn-trade of, VII. nology, Epoch. Era. Dax, in France. VII. 643. Mrs, Roman consul, VII.663.
362—eommcrec of Denmark with, Datc~plum tree, XVII. 789. DAY, VII. 643~siderial, III. 776—civil, Trnjanus, reign of, XIX. 411.
720—sicge of, in 1807, IX. 781— Date-tree, XVII. 452~dates, ib. ib.—-astronomical or solar, ib.; VI. DECIZII, French city, VII. 663.
- siege by Gustavus Adolphus, XXI. Datisccm, in botany, V. 128. 3—causc of variation in length of, Dam: of a ship, VII. 663; XX.288-—
17—trade of, XVIII. 694—Gulf of, Datiscin, VI. 476. III. 776—days of grace, IX. 454—oi'i sheer of, 277.
IV. 329—port of, 330. DATISI, in logic, VII. 632. gin of the names of days, XVIII. 337. Decker (Sir Matthew), on political eco
Danube, river, IV. 228, 459; IX. 407; DATIVE, in grammar, VII. 632; X. 642. — (John). Printer, XVIII. 554. nomy, XVIII. 267.
x. 453; xxx. 564; xxx. 418 Dntnia, fish, XII. 169. DAYMIEL, Spanish town, VII. 64;). (John), his work on anonymous
mouths of the, IV. 660—its naviga Datolitc, in mineralogy. XV. 150—spe Daze, a mineral, VII. 643. books, IV. 627.
tion, XI. 726—Trajnu's bridge over citie gravity of, XII. 20. BEACON, VII.VII.
644; XI.x 489. Dncxnann, Hindu town, VII. 668.
Dcaeossss, 644. ‘
the, XIX. 407. Datura, poisonous, XIV. 506. DECLA, Hindu town, VII. 668.
(Lowsu asn Urrnn), VII. 622. Daunnurou (L. J. M). VII. 633—on the Dracozvur, VII. 644. DECLAMATIOH, VII. 663.
Dao, island, VII. 622. Wood of palms, III. Gil—occipital angle Dead, Chinese respect for the, VI. 563 DECLINATION, VII. 664—in astronomy.
DAOUD, in Hindustan, VII. 622. of, 6; XVII. 701. -—interment of the, X11. 329—praycrs ib.; III. 755fl-table of the sun‘s, for
Daonocannr, in Hindustan, VII. 622. Daubeny (Dr), his geological account of for the, XII. 752, note. See Burial, every day in the year, VII. 780.
Daoemucun, in Hindustan, VII. 622. iEtna, II. 262—ou volcanoes, XV. 226, Death. DncmsA'ron, an instrument, VII. 665.
Daouria, mountains of, XX. 326. 230—0n thermal springs, XVII. 528. DEAD-BECKONING. VII. 644. DECOC'I‘ION, VII. 665.
Dumas. VII. 622. Daudin on birds, XVI. 549. Dean SEA, III. 703; XII. 546; XIII. Dccoits, Indian robbers, XI. 452.
DKPIINIs‘I-"OIIIA, festival, VII. 623. Daoonrsn, VII. 634. 27; XVI. 745, 746; XVII. 522. DECOLLATION, VII. 665.
Daphnin, VI. 467. - . Daouxxn, Persian village, VII. 634. Dunn I-‘EUD, VII. 644. DECOMPOSITION, in chemistry, VII. 665
Daphnomelus, VII. 283. I Dauu, river, VII. 684. —- nightshade, XIV. 506. -laws of, VI. 355—clectro-ehemical.
Daphnusa, siege of, VII. 287. Dunn (Count), XVIII. 674, ct seq. Dear AND Duns, VII. 645—.7. 0. Am XXI. 678th)“ thermo-electricity, 698
Dntrnn. VII. 623. Dauncy (\Vm.), ancient Scottish melo~ man‘s mode of teaching the, II. 657 --h_v means of the galvanic pile, 673.
Dapsa, inst-ct, IX. 185. (Ilt‘S published by, XX. 375. ~Hcomlnunieation of blind persons DECORATION, in architecture, VII. 665;
Daptrius, bird, XVI. 561. DAUPIIIN, VII. 634. with the, IV. 690—- Condillac on their V. 695. '1
Dar el Beida, in Morocco, XV. 506. ———A * (Port), XIII. 668. ideas, VII. 204—Dalgnrno on their DECOIICM, in architecture, VII. 665.
DABABJIBD, Persian town, VII. 623. DAUPIIINS, or Delphins, VII. 634 ; IV. tuition, 594—Edinburgh Asylum for Dzcooruz. in heraldry, VII. 665.
Danni, African river, VII. 623. 627. . the, VIII. 426—rights of the. XIV. Dncor, in naval \vnrfare, VII. 665—“!
, African country, VII. 623. Dannar (John). Poet, VII. 634. 494—heuring-trumpet. XXI. 398. vvild fowl. ib.; XX. 301, 7b
minus es, in Hindustan, VII. 623. Daussy (Mons.) on the effect of atmos DEAL, tir-plank, VII. 659. DEGREE, VII. 666.
 INDEX. 49
DEC—DEK DEL—DEM DEM—DEN DEN—DER
Dunzuzur, in heraldry, VII. 665. Dunn": (J. B. J.), VII. 679—sketch Dmm'rnws Phalcrius, VII. 708; IV. of, XV. 407, 409—ncwspapers, XVI.
DECBBPITA'I‘ION, in chemistry, VII. 665. of his life and scientific character, I. 127; XVII. 406, n. 2. 173—the Reformation in, XIX. 94-—
Decrepitudc, XIV. 493. 658, n.--his measurement of adegree Soter, VI. 125. religion of, 315—wars with Sweden,
DBCBE'I‘ALB, VII. 665; XXI. 488—001 of latitude, 659 ; and of the arc of the , philosopher. VII. 708. XXI. 13, et seq.; V. 451—tides, XXI.
lections of, VI. 92. ‘ meridian of Paris, IX. 550-on the , king of Macedon, VII. 707 ; 27 5—weights and measures of, 852—
Dacrsn, Hindu town, VII. 665. astronomical merits of Ptolemy, III. XIII. 642. Danish balance, IV. 306 ; ballads,
Dectot’s Danaide, XII. 107. 733; Dominic Cassini, 743; and La Dew, VII. 708. 320 ; Bibles, 617 ; language, XIII. 85
Dscmurrzs Anni, VII. 665. Iande, 746—his astronomical labours, DsMt-A'r'ricx, VII. 708. -map of, VII. Pl. 184. See Danes.
DECUPLB Paoron-rtos, VII. 665. 747—0n the solar spots, 781—on the Dem-cones, in fortification. VII. 708. Dennis, or Dionysius the Lesser. See
Dzcusto, Roman officer, VII. 665. orbits of comets, VII. lBB—on spheri Dcmilunc, in fortification, IX. 77 3. Dionysius the Lesser.
DECUBY, VII. 666. cal trigonometry, XXI. 378. Dmnovavsa. in music, VII. 708. (Joan), critic, VII. 731.
DECUSSATION, in'geometry, VII. 666. Delamere Forest, meridian of, XXI. 359. Denise, VII. 708. ‘ Dennys (John), on angling, III. 148.
Dncussoawx, VII. 666. DELAOUD, Hindu town, VII. 681. Dnmcaon, in mythology, VII. 708. DENOMINATION, VII. 732.
Danmsoros, in Oxfordshire, VII. 666. Delarive (Profi). on electricity,VIII.'581, Dmuuar, a Prussian city, VII. 708, Dssomsa'ron, VII. 732.
Dnnnax, in Essex, VII. 666. 617, n.-—on electricity of sun’s rays, Dznocnsct, VII. 708; X. 623—Aris~ Denon, his account of I’ompey’s Pillar,
DEDICATION. VII. 666. GUS-on voltaic currents, XXI. 676. totle on, III. 527—at Athens, IV. 14 3, II. 413; the ruins of Thebes, III.
Dan, rivers of that name. VII. 667. Dclasone, his anatomical researches, II. 159, 164—evils of, XVIII. 38—in the 409; and the Egyptian pyramids, 410.
, river in Cheshire, VI. 509—its 701—on cartilage. 747. United States, XXI. 480. Dusst'rr, VII. 732; XVIII. 778—0!
navigation, XVI. 12. Dclator, his hive, III. 283. Dsmocan'ns, VII. 708; X. 423—on the air, XVIII. 99—instrumcnt for mea
(Jous), mathematician, VII. 666 Delaval on electricity, VIII. 571—on moon's spots, I. 452—his atomic theo suring, III. 370.
—on optical instruments, XVI. 352. ink-making, XII. 277. ry, III. 294—said to have put out his Dentalium, in conchology, XV. 34.9.
Dun, VII. 667. DELAWARE, state, VII. 681—canals in, eyes, IV. 700—his anatomical studies, , worm, XI. 219.
Dem, VII. 667—battle of, XI. 436. ' . XVI. 26; XXI. HEB—railroads, 473. XVII. 724—was an atheist, X VII. 797. Dnn'rs'rus (Curius), VII. 732.
Dnzxs'rsas, Manxjudges, VII. 667. river and bay, VII. 682. Dzmowu: (Abraham), VII. 709—on the Dentex, fish, XII. 177.
DIBPING-MABKET, a town in Lincoln Indians, II. 619. calculus of sines, II. 494, 499—on the Denticrura, insects, IX. 137.
shire, VII. 667. Deanna, in the Netherlands, VII. 682. doctrine of chance. XIV. 322—on pro Dssriraict, VII. 732.
Deer, XIV. 157, 158—of Hindustan, XI. DELEGATE, VII. 682. bability, XVIII. 592. Dam-Ins, VII. 732; III. 466.
382—deer-hunting, X1. 746 —deer Dansrsntous, VII. 682. Demon. See Daemon. Dentirostres, birds, XVI. 567.
stalking, XX. 303. Deleuze on animal magnetism, XX.477. Demoniacal diseases, XIV. 9. DBNTISCAIJ’IIA, in surgery, VII. 732.
Dmzlwx, town in Flanders,VII. 667. DnLst'rosI. Spanish town, VII. 682. Demonology, III. 296, st seq. ’ DENTI'I'ION, VII. 732; XIV. 206; XVII.
DsEs, or Deesch, VII. 667. Dsnrsnavss, VII. 682. Dsnossrssnnn, VII. 709. 657—in man, II. 781 —in the lower
Danna-10s, VII. 667. DILIT, VII. 682—ware, ib. Dsuoss'ras'nou, in logic, VII. 709 animals, III. 33. See Teeth.
Denna-r, in law, VII. 667. IsLs, VII. 682. XIII. 454; XIV. 639—direct and in D’nu'rnscasrsavx‘s CnasssL,VII.732.
Dsrnc'rxou, VII. 667. Denna, VII. 683. direct, XIII. 456. Dszwscu'rlos, VII. 732.
Dsrzc'rivs, VII. 667. DELHI, VII. 683—inscriptions at, XII. Dzuoss'ras'rtvs, in grammar, VII. 709. Dsons'rauss'rs, in pharmacy, VII. 73‘).
Dsrescs, in fortification, VII. 667. 291—sackcd by Nadir Shah, XI. 411 Demos-rs. an Italian town, VII. 709. Deonasn, VII. 732.
Dunno, VII. 667. _taken by Timour, XV. 318. De Morgan (Mr), on probability, XVIII. Dzonnun, Hindu town, VII. 732.
Dsrszwsa of the Faith, VII. 667. DELIA, VII. 686. 594. ‘ Dnoonuc, Hindu city, VII. 732.
Dsrssnsas, VII. 668. Duncan Pnosnsx, VII. 686. Dsuosrnsnss, orator, VII. 709—his Dsooun, Hindu city, VII. 732.
Defensive passions, XV. 459, 461. See Dsussnss'ra, VII. 686. orations against Philip, XIII. 626— DEONBLLA, Hindu town, VII. 732.
Anger, Resentment. DBLIIIEBA'I'IVB, VII. 686. his conduct at the battle of Chmronea, Dnoroon, Hindu town, VII. 732.
Dsrnasss, in astronomy, VII. 668. DELILLE (Jacques), poet, VII. 686. 629—bratory of, XIX. 216—1anthorn Dsosta, in Hindustan, VII. 732.
Defi‘and (Madame du), X.'507, n. 2—on (J.), a blind author, IV. 699. of, III. 416. 496; IV. 119. Deparcicux (Mons.), on probabilities of
the origin of our knowledge, I. 72. Dznrousscescs, VII. 688. , Athenian commander, IV. 157. life, III. 199—his arteomcter, 371—
DBIILB, in fortification, VII. 668. Dzuooum, VII. 688. Dsnrs'rna (Thomas), VII. 710. on overshot-wheels, XII. 84—01: the
Dnrmtre, in grammar, VII. 668. Dlunwu, VII. 688. See Mental or COURT, VII. 716. line of traction, XIV. 44I—on mor
DEFINITION, VII. 668; XIII. 435— Diseases. Demsters, Manx judges, VII. 667. tality, XV. 514, 545.
causes of obscurity of, 436—requi Delislc, his astronomical labours, III. Dsxctcns'rs, in medicine. VII. 716. DBPIILEGMATION, VII. 732.
sites of, ib.—how to arrive at just 746—his thermometer, IV. 393. Dsncanacs, in commerce, VII. 716. DEPIILOGIS‘I‘ICA'I‘ED, VII. 733.
definitions, ib.—are a help to elem-ness Dsurzscn, in Prussia, VII. 688. Dsxcaasa, in law, VII. 716. Denna-oar Msmcmns, VII. 733.
and evidence, 444-their use in ma Delium, battle of, XX. 441. Dnssrcorr, IIindu town, VII. 716. Dcpolarisation of light, XVIII. 232, 236.
thematics, ib.—known before Socrates, Della Torre. See Torre. DENAIIIUS, Roman coin, VII. 716; XIV. Dsronstn', in grammar, VII. 733.
XX. 464—his fondness for, 465. DZLLAIICOTTA, in Hindustan, VII. 688. 473; XV. 397. DEPOPULA‘I'ION, VII. 733.
Dxnsn-ivs, VII. 668. Dsuxssnoss'r, in Germany, VII. 688. Dssnron and Denbighshire, VII. 716. Dsron'u'rios, VII. 733. -
Dnruoarnon, in chemistry, VII. 668. Dnnos, island, VII. 688. Dssnraa, in Egypt, VII. 718—ruins Derosi'r, VII. 733~LIosaic law respect
Deflecting forces, VIII. 379. Delphax, insect. IX. 203. near. VIII. 542—zodiac of, 555. ing, XV. 566.
DEFLBC‘I‘ION, VII. 668. DELPHI, VII. 689—the Amphictyons at, Dssnsanoilns, VII. 718., DEPOSI'I‘ABV, in law, VII. 733.
Defloration, signs of, XIV. 496. II. 667—oracle of, XVI. 515. Dnsnmcnarss, VII. 718. Derosrnox, in law, VII. 733.
Daron (Daniel). VII. 668 ; XX. 84—his Dolphin collection of the classics, IV. Dendrites. formation of. VII. 510. DEPIIECATION, in rhetoric, VII. 733.
novels, XIX. 335. 627; VII. 634. Dendrocolaptes. birds, XVI. 588. Derascxroar, in theology, VII. 733.
Dsronurtos, VII. 672. Delphinapterus, in zoology, XIV. 181. Dcndroides, insects, IX. 167. Dcpressa, inserts, IX. 138.
Dnronurr, VII. 672-efl‘ects of its pos DELPHINIA, ancient feasts, VII. 690. Dennaonnrsn, instrument, VII. 718. Dsrnzsslou, VII. 733.
session on the possessor's mind, VIII. Delphinizn, in zoology, XIV. 172. Dcndrophagus, insect, IX. 177. Dzrmvs'ros, in law, VII. 733.
442. See Beauty. Delphiuin, VI. 466. Dcndrophis, serpent, XX. 140. Dem-roan, in Kent, VII. 733—dock
Dnrossxos, burying alive, VII. 677. DELPHINIIJS, in astronomy. VII. 690. Dnsoaornoau, ceremony, VII. 718. and victualling yards of, VIII. 81.
DIGEIIIRA’I‘IOII, VII. 677. Delphinorhynchus, in zoology, XIV. 17 3. Dense, Arabian term, VII. 718. Dsruanlos, VII. 733.
Degerando (Monsieur). on the Kantian Delphinula, in concholog)’. XV. 347. Drama»: (Sir John), VII. 718—character Dnruru'ios, VII. 733.
schools of philosophy. 1. 200-1. Delphinus, XIV. 174. See Dolphin. of his poetry, XVIII. 170. Dsrcrn'ns. VII. 733.
Deglutition, or swallowing, XVII. 581, DELPHOS, Greek village, VII. 690. (Major), his discoveries in the DEPUTY, VII. 733—French Chamber ot
627—0f fishes, XII. 159. DELTA of Egypt, VII. 690; VIII. 458 interior of Africa, II. 238-his expe Deputies, X. 213.
Dego, X. 100. ——its formation, 507. dition to Bornou, V. 12. Derayeh, III. 326 —captured by the
Degoo, river, III. 705. of the Indus, XX. 361. DENIA, Spanish city, VII. 718. Turks, 3i6—dcstroyed by Ibrahim
Dscluns'rios, VII. 677. Deltas, formation of, XVII. 524. Deanna, French coin, VII. 719. Pasha, VIII. 501.
Degrandpre, his account of Angola, III. Deltuides, insects, IX. 250. Dnunu (C. J. M.), VII. 719. Dorie, insect, IX. 203.
152. Deluc. See Luc (Dc) Denis (Monsieur), his classification of Dsaazso, Persian town, VII. 733.
Dscass, VII. 678-of a circle, XXI. Dstncs, VII. 690; XV. 206, 220; XVI. books, IV. 631—his Introduction to DEM". VII. 734—canal, XVI. 12.
film—measurement of degree on the 234—Hindu traditions respecting the, Bibliography, 632. . Dnasrsmns, VII. 734—caverns in, X1.
earth’s surface, IX. 546. ct seq. ,- VI. XV. 677. See Antcdelm'ians, Deu DENIZEN, in law, VII. 720. 8--hot-hla.st at the Buttcrly iron
218; VII. 678; I. 656. calion. DENIZLEY, In Asia Minor, VII. 720. works in, XX. 409.
, academical, XXI. 487, 490, 498, Dclundung, in zoology, XIV. 118. DENMARK, VII. 720—IIoyal Academy Deans, Persian town, VII. 737.
504, 507, 510, 520, 524. Dmunss, Athenian orator, VII. 704. of Sciences, II. 72—colonics, 648; DERBIIAI. town in Norfolk, VII. 737.
, in music, VII. 678. DIMAIN, in law, VII. 704. VII. 126; X. 756—army of, III. 609 Deanne-rs, in civil law, VII. 737.
Dnnmnau, Hindu town, VII. 678. Deanna, lake, VII. 704. —-Baltic coast of, IV. 328-canals, Dzarnnnao, Prussian town, VII. 737.
Dehwars, IV. 558. , in Abyssinia, VII. 704. 33l—botanists, V. 79—British inva Dcrg (Lough), VIII. 111 ; XII. 391.
Deification, III. 293. Dunno, in Africa. VII. 704. sion of, in 1801, V. 501; XVI. 88 Duane, (Dr “7.), VII. 737—his ac
Dsirnos, VII. 678. Demembration, crime of, XIV. 496. seizure of fleet by the British in 1807, count of the death-watch, VII. 660.
DIISCAL, ancient ceremony, VII. 678. Dementia, XIV. 585. V. 523, 526; X. 148—separation of DEBIVA'I'ION, VII. 738. '
Dslsls and Drums, VII. 678. Daunaana, VII. 704. Norway from, V. 535, 536—corn DERIVATIVE, in grammar, VII. 738.
Dex-n, VII. 679. See God. Dnnssss. See Demain. trade of, VII. 363—settlem-‘nts in Dermestes, insects, IX. 149.
DBJANIIA, wife of Hercules, VII. 679. DISMETRIA, ancient festival, VII. 707. Greenland, X. 756—connexion with Dermestini, insects, IX. 143.
, Dsssc'rlou, in astrology. VII. 679. Dcmetrtis, insect, IX. 116. Iceland, XII. 143-jury trial in, 652 Dermot. king of Leiuster. XII. 354.
Dejoces, XIV. 489; XVII. 259. Demetrius, king of Antioch, III. 252. -—libraries in, XIII. ASH—variation Dernier Resort, XIX. 187.
Dekrungh, river, III. 705. I’ouoscs'rss, VII. 707 ; IV. 127. of the needle in, 733, 736 - coins DEBOGA‘I'ION, VII. 738.
 INDEX.
DhR—DES DES—DEV DEV—DIA DIA—DID
Dllvsx'rlo, river, VII. 738. DESERT. VII. 740; XVII. 501—deserts V. 613, 614—d'nseases supposed to be Dutooon, V111. l—dialogues ot'ancient
DBBVIS, or Dervish. VII. 738. of Arabia, III. 325. See Sahara. produced by them, XIV. 9—supersti philosophers, III. 508—philosophiml
Derwent, river, Cumberland, VII. 536. Dcsertion of sailors during war, XIII. tious notions respecting the den“. dialogues, XVIII. 41.
--—'=-—, river. Derbyshire, VII. 735— 142. XX. 81243. See Dmmon, DIL‘II'IUIIIIIC, DIALTIIIEA, in pharmacy, VIII. 8.
ita navigation, XVI. 12. Deséze. X. 74. Demonology, Satan, Witch. DIALYSIS, in grammar, VIII. 3.
--, river in Yorkshire—its naviga Desfontainea on the textures of plants, Devil-fish, XII. 234. Diaiyta, insect, IX. 2S4.
tion, XVI. 12. III. 60, 6'2—0n their cuticle, 66—his Dzvxxcrios, VII. 744. , DIAIASTIGOSIS, festival, VIII. 3.
Deriventwater, VII. 537. botanical labours, V. 87. Devisn, or Device, VII. 744. Duxzrna. in geometry, VIII. 3; X.
(Earlof), his rebellion, V. 375 Dssnacua, in heraldry, VII. 740. DEVlzrs. in Wiltshire, VII. 744. 488, 465—in architecture. 111. 466.
his execution. 376. Desiderude, XI. 12. DEVOLCTION, in law, VII. 744. Duncan, VIII. 3; XV. 155; X. 378
Desnguadero, river, XVIII. 739. Dnsmsau'vn, VII. 740. Devon ironworks, VI. 721. —determined by Newton to be in
Dssaemunasu. T. 1, VII. 738—his con Dl-sideri, his geographical discoveries in , river, VI. 720. flammable, I. 550—its properties, VI.
tributions to electricity. 1. 617—on Asia, III. 698. Dcvnnport. XVIII. 67. 368--sp.gr., XII. 29—structure, XVI.
Savary's steam-engine, XX. 617—0n DESIGN, VII. 74 0—in architecture, III. DEVOXSIIEBING, VII. 744. 368—gla/Ier's. X. 577—Pitt diamond.
Nevvcomen‘s steam-engine, (324—on 466—designs for manufactures, VII. DBVONSIIIBE, VII. 745—cattle of. II. XI. 249, a. 8—lenscs of, XV. 29—
Beighton‘s valve-gear, 627—his con 740; XVI. 727. 322—shecp, 329—fishcries, IX. 603— how ascertained to be genuine, XVII.
trivnnce for water-pipes, XXI. 795-— Dzsmxartox. VII. 740, Duke of; sec Cavendish (Wm). 662—-c:n-at, VI. 132—-diamond.mine|
on Barker's mill, 805. Dnslozu'roa. VII 740. Dtvorlos, VII. 747—11 principal fea of Brazil, V. 193,194, 199,207; XV.
Dzsuonn, a French town, VII. 738. Dssxosmo. VII. 740. ture in character of chivalry. VI. 593. 110; Bundelcund, V. 704; Hindu
Dcsaix (General), VIII. 489, 490. Desii, XXI. 809. DEW, VII. 748; XI. 185; XVII. 537 stan, X1. 385; Paracatu, XVII. 54.
DESAUL'I‘ (Pierre Joseph), VII. 788 Desire, XV. 466, in Egypt, XVIII. 514—— instrument type, XXI. 436.
his surgical improvements, XX. 829. Desmaret on birds. XVI. 550. i'or measuring, XIV. 743—Table of Harbour and Island, VIII. 7.
Damian, I‘Iindu town, VII. 739. Desmond family in Ireland, XII. 360-— dew-points, XII. 127. See Evapora DIAMPER, Hindu town. VIII. 7.
Dsseas'r, in music, VII. 739. rebellion, 364. tion. DIANA, goddess, VIII. 7.
Dsscanrns (Rene). VI. ISO—Condor Des‘moulins (A.), his division of the in Dzwaora, Hindu town. VII. 753. Dunn's anus, VIII. 7.
cet‘s character of, I. 56—not entitled digenous Americans, 11. 616, Duns. Hindu town, VII. 753. Drum: ARBOR, in chemistry, VIII. 7.
to be called the father of experiinen- ‘ Desolation (Island of), IV. 217. Dswnxxr, VII. 753. Dianchom. in conehology, XV. 844.
tal physics, but of the experimental Desormes (Monsieur), on evaporation. Dnwancorn, IIindu town, VII. 753. Duno, Italian city, VIII. 7.
philosophy of the mind, 67-8—his IX. 426-—his experiments on the heat Dawanccxnan, in Hindustan, VII. 753. DIAPASON, VIII. 7.
clear and precise conception of reflec— of air, XII. 118. Dswaaooson, Hindu town, VII. 753. Durswra. in ancient music, VIII. 7.
tion, 57—011 1.110 mind, ii). ct 861)., 24‘) Despard (Colonel), execution of. V. 513 De Winter (Admiral). his engagement Duran. VIII. 7. Sec Design.
-—thc articles of common belief which Delpencer (Hugh le), VIII. 726. with Duncan at Campcrdown, V. 482; Diapcralcs, insects, IX. 165,
he proposed to subject to severe scru Dzsror, VII. 741. VIII. 277; X. 107. Diapcring, in heraldry, XI. 252.
tiny, 59—on consciousness of exis DESPOTICAL, VII. 741. Dr: \Vir'r (John). VII. 753; V. 344— Diaperis, insect, IX. 165.
tence, ib.; XIV. 631—his argument Despotism, X. (324—in Asia, III. 694: on probabilities. III. 199—his inti Duruasous, VIII. 7.
for the existence of the Deity, I. 59 Ava, IV. 242; Dahomey, VII. 587; macy with Sir W. Temple, XXI. I76. Dmrnonzsw, in rhetoric, VIII. 8.
unjustly persecuted as an atheist, 60 Persia, XVII. 247 ; Sindc, XX. 362; Drwsnuar, in Yorkshire, VII. 754. Durnoan'rxcs. VIII. 7—t‘or the domestic
-his precocity of genius. ib.—princi Turkey. XXI. 420~its effect on litera Dexia. insect, IX. 28 animals, XXI. 614. n. 4.
pal articles of his philosophy, ib.—his ture, XVII. 412. Dsx'rass, Roman weight, VII. 754. Diaphorus, insect, IX. 277.
ciaima to the discovery of some lead DESPOUILLB, in heraldry. VII. 741. Dsxraa, in heraldry. VII. 754. Durnaaen, VIII. 7;“. 794—c‘l'ecta of
ing ideas ascribed to later metaphysi DESPBEAUX. Sec Boileau. Dextrine, optical properties of. XVI. electricity on the, VIII. 6394B ac
cians, (IS—progress of his doctrines in Desprctr. on latent heat, XX. 601. 505~mode of procuring. ih. n. tion in breathing, XVIII. 123.
England. 64—mcrits ofhisdfcliitatiom, Dessaignes on the phosphorescent effects Daxraocunan, in heraldry, VII. 754. Dunamua. in Asiatic Turkey, VIII. 8.
4:1—coincidcnces between passages in of electricity, VIII. 634. DB! of Algiers, VII. 754. Diarrhea in animals, XXI. 626. '
his works and the Nova»; 0rganon,_ Dessaix (General), V. 495. Dcycux on hairs of plants, III. 69. DIABTIIBORIS, in anatomy, VIII. 9.
244mhis errors. 68—on the conncc- 1 Dessaiincs. governor of Hayti. VIII. 106. Dnrusn, in Flanders, VII. 754. DIARY, VIII. 9.
tion between soul and body, ib.—on Dassau, German city. V1]. 741. DEYIIAII, Hindu city, VII. 754. I)uscmsu, in music, VIII. 9.
extension and figure. 245—on thepri Drsssn'r. or Desert. VII. 741. DI-JZPIIOUL, Persian town, VII. 754. Diastata, insccl‘IIX. 299.
ma ry and secondary qualities ofbodies, DESSICCA'I‘IVE, in pharmacy, VII. 741. Dnaaxa~Pcaau, VII. 623. Dus'rona, VIII. 9; XVII. 641.
63, 245 —reasons why he fixed on the Dnsrnaasaca, in Flanders, VII. 741. Dheras, XI. 32. Diastyle. in architecture, III. 466.
pineal gland as the seat of the soul, Dnsrun', VII. 741. Dhourra, a grain, XVI. 293. Dusromcs, in rhetoric, VIII. 9.
69 -ncver mentions Bacon, 70—crro Das'rnucrlos, VII. 741. Dunn'rns. VII. 754—urine in, VI. 500 DIATBSBARON, in music, VIII. 9.
neonsly called a. nullibist. 246—1118 Dcstructivcncss, XVII. 462. -—I)r Rollo's treatment of, VIII. 24 DIA'I'ONIC, in music, VIII. 9.
merits as a writer. 247—his doctrines DESUDA'I‘ION. in medicine, VII. 741. —in the domestic animals, XXI. 628. Diuz (Bartolomeo), X. 307.
concerning ideas misunderstood, 109. Dasuu'oa, VII. 741. Diaboius. See Devil. (Paulo de), traveller, III. 151.
251—-on the freedom of the will, 267 Dasoansxns, French town, VII. 741. Mezrnnconru. VII. 754. Diazona. mollusea. XV. 370.
*siipposition of Coleridge that he an Dnracaxrxr, VII. 741. Ducaus-nc Curve, VII. 754. DIBIILE, VIII. 9.
ticipated liobbes in his discourse on Detail, in architecture. 111. 466. Ducaraox. in pharmacy, VI]. 754. Dibdin (Rev. '1‘. F.). on early printed
MFUm'I erroneous, 428—in philoso DB’I'ERGENTS, in pharmacy, VII. 741. Dmcomuu, in pharmacy, VII. 754. books. IV. 624—on editions of the
phizing pursued a course opposite to Dr'rraloalirton. VII. 741. Ducoosncs, VII. 754. classics, 627-on works printed by
the Baconian, 468—comparison of his DETBRXIINA'X‘B Problem. VII. 741. Ducan, Athenian faction, VII. 754. Guttcnbcrg. XVIII. 545——on the sale
syatcnl with Bacon's, 469 — on the SECTION, VII. 741. DIADEM, VII. 755. of the Roxburghe library, 548.
theory of motion, 478—on the preser DETERMINATION, VII. 741. Dunne, in Armenia, VII. 755. Dibolia, insect, IX. 184.
vation of the same quantity of motion DZ'I'EBSIVES, V11. 741. DHEBESIS, in grammar. VII. 755. Dicazncnns, VIII. 9; X. 396.
in the universe, ib.—on centrifugal Darnwn, in law. VII. 741. Dua'rn'rzc. Grecian judges, V11. 755. Dicaemn, bird, XVI. 589.
force. ib.—the first who attempted to DETMOLD, German city, VII. 74!. DIAGLYPIIIC‘E, VII. 755. Dieas'e lactotneter, VII. 593.
reduce all the phenomena of the uni~ DETONATION, in chemistry, VII. 741. Ducnosls, in medicine, VII. 7553 XIV. DICE. VIII. 9—dice-box, V. 158.
verse to the same law,493—his theory DE'raIscns, in heraldry, VII. 7-11. 520—sourccs of difficulty and fallacy Diceras. in conchology, XV. 848.
of vorticcs. 494—his claim to the dis Dctritai deposits, XV. 220. in, XVII. 477—Ineans of overcoming Dichzuta, insect, IX. 289.
covery of the true law ot'rcfraction ill Detroit, XV. 8-—Fort, V. {137. difficulties in, 495. Dichlamydcm, in botany, V. 42—thala
founded. 511—his theory of light. Dnr'rummn, in Bavaria. VII, 741. Duo'uosrlc. in medicine, VII. 755. mitiorm, 94—calycitiorzc, 105, 114, 116,
512—his optical diseoveriet, 512-13, Dettingcn, battle of, V. 380. DIAGONAL, VII. 755; X. 433. 116—coroliiflorm, 119.
631; XVI. 358, 403-on the force ofa Daocauanomus Ocsascs, VII. 742. DIAGOBAS, VII. 755. Dtcno'rour, in astronomy, VIII. 9.
moringbodyJ. 568—hisiinprovemcnts DEUCALIOY, VII. 74?; VII. 692. DIAGIAM, VII. 755. .Diehroism. XV. 128; XVI. 494.
in, and new applications of, algebra, DRCCAII, IIindu town, VII. 742. Diagramnm, fivh, XII. I76. DICKEB, VIII. 9.
I. 444; II. 424 ; IX. 632—on the Drcsx, Roman weight, VII. 74‘). Dun. Diat, VII. 755. DICKINSON (Edmund), VIII. 9.
pressure of the atmosphere. IV. 386 DEI'TBIIOCANOXICAL, VII. 742. DIAIIEXAPLA,111 farricry, VII. 755. Diclines, in botany, V. 128. 131.
--his barometer, 389—his attempt Dncraaoxony, VII. 743. DIAKOVAR. Austrian town. VII. 755. Dieotyledonea, in botany, V. 90, 92, 94.
to aoivc a problem of Apollonius, III. DEUTEROI’O'I'MI. VII. 743. DIAL, VII. 755—horizontal. X. 412—— Dicotylvdons, IIl. 72—structurc and
289—his opinion of brutes, V. 613 Daurnnoms, VII. 743. Aitkin’s improved dial-work ot‘ciocks. evolution of dicotyledonous seeds, 79.
on magnetism, XIII. 688—his contri Dacrscnnaoxz, in I'rnesia. VII. 743. VI. 779. See Dialling. Dicotyicdonous plants, V. 51.
butions to mathematics, XIV. 317; DEVA. Austrian town. VII. 743. Dinia, river, VII. 755. Dicrania, insects. IX. 160.
I. 594—0n perception, XI V. 604—011 Dcvant (Madame du), character of her Dunner, VII. 755—Grcek dialects, Dicranoura, insect, IX. 248.
the trade-winds, 746—on pneumatic-s, novels. XIX. 355. XVII. 404. Dlc'u'ron, VIII. 9.
XVIII. 74—on force and velocity. Davarau'aoa. Hindu town, VII. 743. DIALECTIM. VII. 755—Aristotlc on, III. Diction. poetic, XVIII. 143. See Com
77!) —hin theory of the origin of Devaud, mmnamhuli-ft, XX. 477. 508-Tof I‘lato, XVIII. 24—dcfinition position, Style.
springfi. XX. 548. Development, anatomy of, XI V. 515. and induction known before Socrates. DICTIONARY, VIII. 9--ot' the English
, French town, VII. 739. Davzsrra, VII. 743. XX. 464 ; and much employed by language. ib— bibliographical diction
DlRCRSDAHT, VII. 739. DEVEREUX (Robert), earl of Essex, VII. him, 465. See Logic. aries, IV. 629.
Diurnalsmh', VII. 739. 743; VIII. 758. Dutu, in antiquity, VII. 756. Dlc'rnutu, feasts, VIII. 14. -
Durant, VII. 739, 740. DEVICOT'I'A, town in India, V11. 744. Dmurna, VII. 756. Dictyoptera, insects, IX. 141.
Dnwmr'rlou, VII. 740. DEVIL, VII. 744 —Iiougeant's notion DIALLINO, VII. 756. See Dial. Dicrn Cnxrassm, VIII. 14.
Ducal\no, Italian town. V'II. 710. that brute are minntcd by devils, Dumowx, in rhetoric, VIII. 1. Dunc'rlc, V111. 14.
 - INDEX. 51
DID—DIG DIG—D10 DIO—DIS ms
Didelphis, in zoology, XIV. 126. the alleged inventor of spectacles, Diomedea, bird, XVI. 632. Disnnom'rnssr (Islands ot'),VIII. 89.
Didemnum, molluseum, XV. 371. XVI. 351. Dioxnnzs, king of JEtolia, VIII. 36— DISC, VIII. 39—in botany, V. 4'2.
Dinssor (Denis), VIII. 14—on ideas, I. Dloons (Thomas). VIII. 27. character of, XVIII. 160. Disclruz, VIII. 89.
109-111—on liberty and necessity, 150 Dioomo, in mining, VIII. 27. DION, VIII. 35; XVIII. 15, ct seq.— Disclruun, VIII. 39—-Scotch Book of,
his atheism, ISI, 274—bit; theory of DIOI'I', VIII. 28; III. 543. Dionysius, king of Syracuse, dethroned 40 ; XIX. 785, 768.
beauty, IV. 4S6—on the blind, 699, Digital numeration, II. 8. by, XXI. 66. Discoboli, in ichthyology, XII. 221.
701—his novels, XIX. 354. Digitalin, VI. 467. CABSIUS, historian, VIII. 85. Discobolus, statue of the, VIII. Pl. 194.
Didier, Lombard king, X. 8. Digitalis, poisonous, XIV. 586. , philosopher, death of, VIII. 475. Discomyza, insect, IX. 290.
(St), French city, VIII. 16. Digitigrnda, in zoology, XIV. 108—struc Dlouis (Peter), VIII. 35—his anatomi Diseorbis, in conchology, XV. 845.
Didius Julianna, XIX. 409. ture of. XVII. 704. cal demonstrations, II. 698. Disconn, VIII. 40; II. 122.
Dino, VIII. 16; VI. 183. Dwuoor Nana, VIII. 98. Dionix, insect, IX. 187. Discocxr, in commerce, VIII. 40.
Didot's script types, XXI. 437. DIGLYPII, in architecture, VIII. 28. Dionusus, VII. 692. Discns'rs rsorosriox, VIII. 41.
Didymocarpcie. in botany, V. 1'..'1. Dress, in France, VIII. ‘28. DIONISIA, Greek solemnitics, VIII. 35. QUANTITY, VIII. 41.
Dwnws, VIII. 16; X1. 547. DIGNI'I‘ABY, VIII. 28. DIOSYSIACA, VIII. 35. DISCRETION, VIII. 41.
Dis, in France, VIII. 16. DIGNITY, VIII. 28—of character, ib. Dionysiacs of Ionia. III. 379. DISCUSSION, VIII. 41.
, in architecture, III. 466. DICNY, French town, VIII. 29. Dionysian Period, VI. 9. DISCUTIEII'I‘S, in medicine, VIII. 41.
for coinage, VII. 54; XIV. 478. Dreos, French town, VIII. 29. Diosrsms 1., VIII. 35; XXI. 65; DISDIACLASTIC esrs'rAL, VIII. 41.
Diebitsch (Count), III. 607. Du, VIII. ‘29. XVIII. 15, et seq—his war with the DIBDIAPASON, in music, VIII. 41.
Duncan. German city, VIII. 16. Dunnnns, in poetry, VIII. 30. Carthagininns, VI. 185. DISEASE, VIII. 41; XVII. I'll, 476—41.:
Diego Garcia, island, XI V. 833. Duos, in France, VIII. 30. 11., VIII. 85; XXI. 56. influence on the mind, VIII. 441——
DIELIIICII, French city, VIII. I6. 'Diu-z, VIII. 30—h: collicries, VII. 71-— . ABEOPAGITA, an ear ly Christian ctt'ccts of electricity on, VIII. 640-”
Disusnunosx (Inbrand), VIII. 16. construction of dikes for confining convert, VIII. 36; XV. 674. ~simulated diseases, XIV. 495—de
Diemrich. VII. 743. water, XII. 15. \ , or Bacchus, IV. 272 ; XVI. 6511 tinitions of, XVII. URI—proximate
DISPEXDEEK, in Limburg, VIII. 16. Diumnnios, in law, VIII. 30. —-mystcrics ot', XIV. 281 ; XV. 663. causes of, ib.—organic causes, 125-—
DIEPIIOLZ, in Hanover, VIII. 16. Dilatability, universally a property of , geographer, VIII. 36. t‘unctional or dynamic canscs,130-——
DIEPPE, in France, VIII. 16. bodies, XX. 751. IIALICAIINASSI'ZNBIS, VIII. 8 .; distinction of organic and dynamic,
DIBRDOBP, German town, VIII. 17, DILA’I‘A'I‘ION, in physics, VIII. 80. XVII. 406, n. 2—-n0tices of the works XVII. 481, 497-treutment of diseases
Dlss suacnmz. VIII. 17. Dilator, or speculum, XX. 822, n. of, III. 263-5; VI. 710. of the domestic animals, XXI. 612.
DIBSIS, in music, VIII. 17. Dru-2mm, in logic, VIII. 30 ; XIII. 4.32. Tue Lassen, VIII. 36—his col Sec Pathology, Physic (Practice of).
Dream-ran, VIII. 17. Dill, X1. 675. lection of canons and dccretnls, VI. Medicine, Medical Jurisprudence,
DIESSBNIIOI‘BN, VIII. 17. DILLENBUIIG, in Nassau, VIII. 30. 9.2»the Christian era first employed Surgery, Health. _
Diet, Polish, XVIII. ‘201. Dillcniaccm, in botany, V. 95. by, 655. Dissnsoous, VIII. 41.
Dmrs'rlcs, VIII. 17—flsh, III. 20, 21—— DILLENIUS (John James), VIII. 30. the Pericgctic, X. 396. Disrn'Ascniziso, VIII. 41.
relative nutritive powers of different DILLINGBN, in Bavaria, VIII. 31. Diornssriss PROBLEMS, in mathema DISGUIBE, VIII. 41.
kinds of animal food, 166 ——abstinence Dillwyn (William). his opposition to the tics, VIII. 36. Disn, VIII. 41.
least supportable by the young, 167— i slave-trade, XX. 3S4. DIOPIIAN'I‘US, VIII. 86—woik of, I. 441 Dishley breed of sheep, II. 329.
cases of abstinence, ib.—power of ab Dilophus, insect, IX. 264. -his system, 591—on algebra, I1. 4‘31 DISJUNCTIVE, VIII. 41.
stinence in animals, ib.—effects of Diners. VIII. SI. translations of his work, ib.—hi8 al DIBLOCA’I‘ION, VIII. 41; XVII. I29—
too luxurious diet on Luther, 298, Diluvium, VII. 702; XV. 221. gebraic knowledge com pared with that snrgical treatment of, XX. 836.
n. 1--dict ot' the Arabs, III. 83.3; of‘ Duucnrz, ancient horsemen, VIII. 81. of the ancient Hindus, 425—011 gc0~ DISNA, in Russia, VIII. 41.
the Chinese, VI. .579, 580, b86~—in DIMENSION, in geometry, VIII. 31. metrical analysis, X1 V. 315. DISPAB'I‘, in gunnery, VIII. 41.
tiucuce of diet on the mind, VIII. Dimscrros, VIII. 81. Diopithes, Athenian governor, his inva Disrxrcn, VIII. 4'2.
4 48 ; and on health, XIV. 50S—coarse Duurwrivs. in grammar, VIII. 31. sion of Macedon, XIII. 628. DISPAUPEB, VIII. 42.
food of the Tunquincsc, XXI. 409. Dunssonr Lz'r'rsns, VIII. 31. DIOPTARE,8 mineral, VIII. 86; XV. 146. Disrsxsun, VIII. 42—london dispen
Sec Cookery. Fast, Food, Nutrition. Dimitri Ivanovitch, XIX. 5‘83. DIUP'I‘BII, or Dioptra, VIII. 36. sarics, XIII. 517.
Disc ct mon Droit, VIII. 26. Dxnmru'mz, VIII. 81. Diorrsrcs, VIII. 86; XVI. 882. DISPERSION, VIII. 42—07 light. ib.;
DIBY, in France, VIII. 26. DIMOTIKA, Turkish town, VIII. 31. Dloscosinns, physician, VIII. 36—0n XVI. 408-—point of, VIII. 4‘:— of
(St). French city, VIII. ‘26. DIMSDALE (Thomas), VIII. 3i. sal-ammoniac, II. 660. mankind, ib.
Dim, in Nassau, VIII. 26. Dimyaires, mollusca, XV. 366. Dioseorincae, in botany, V. 134. DISPLAYED, in heraldry, VIII. 43.
Dirr. musical instrument, VIII. ‘26. DINAGEPOBE, in Bengal, VIII. 3?. DIOSCUBIA, ancient festival, VIII. "6. Disrosnss, VIII. 48.
DII-‘I'AIIIIEA'I‘ION, VIII. 26. Dnux, in France, VIII. 8‘2. Diosmeue, in botany, V. 104. Disqmsrriox, VIII. 43.
DIFFERENCE, in mathematics, &:e., VIII. DINAN'I‘, in the Netherlands, VIII. 32. Diosopolis. or Thebes, in ancient Egypt, Dies, a town in Norfolk, VIII. 43.
26—in heraldry, ib.; XI. 24 5. DINAPOOII, Hindu town, VIII. 32. XXI. 199. Sec Thebes. Disssc'rios, in anatomy, VIII. 43.
DIFFERENTIAL, VIII. 26 ——distinction Dinarian Alps, II. 559. Dioszm, town in Hungary, VIII. 36. Dressisw, in law, VIII. 43. '
between differentials and variations, Duuzuso, Italian town, VIII. 3‘). Diotimé, XX. 440. Drssssrnns, VIII. 43-in England, VIII.
I. 600. Sec Fluxions. DisoiccL, in India, VIII. 3‘2. Dip of strata, VII. 72—0f the magnetic 789—in Scotland, XIX. 764—thcir
EQUATION, VIII. 26. BINDING, island. VIII. 32. needle, XIII. 606, 780, 742-»dipping petition in 1779 for relhf. V. 395,
CALCULUS, VIII. 27; V. 787-— Dinctus, insect, IX. 229. needles, 767, rt “11.; VIII. 38. 396—thcir attempts in 1787, 1190,
hy whom discovered? XIII. 208. See Dmmtum, town in Ross-shire, VIII. Dlru'ruonc, in grammar, VIII. 36. and 1791, to get the corporation and
Fluxions. 32"Vitl‘iiiud fort near, IX. 756. Diphueephala, insects, IX. 159. test nets repealed, V. 44 3, 457, 459—
thermometer, VI. 757, 760 ; Dissensnuue, in Bavaria, VIII. 33. Diphyes, zoophytes. XXI. 1018. Earl Stanhopc’s hill in 1789 for their
VII. 60 ; XIV. 725; XXI. 239. I)I.\'XIIR, VIII. 33. Diploe,11. 741, 774, “0. relief, 455—rcpcal of the aboveomen
DIFI-‘ORM, VIII. 27. DINOCRATISS, architect. VIII. 33. DIPLOMA, VIII. 36. tioncd acts, 573.
Ditt'rnction of light, VI. 640 ; XVI. 433. Dinostratus, geometer, X. 424-—on the DIPLOMATICS, VIII. 36. Dissepiments, in botany, V. 45, 47.
Din-use, VIII. ‘27. squaring of the circle, XX. 558. Diploprion, fish, XII. 168. Disstnssrs, VIII. 43.
DIFFUSION, VIII. ‘27. DINSLAXEN, in Westphalia, VIII. 83. Diploptera, insects, 1X. 230. Dissmuu'rios, VIII. 43.
D1081 (Sir Kcnclm), VIII. 27~his son's Bio of Syracuse, apparition said to have Diplostoma, in zoology, XIV. 137. Disslru'los, VIII. 43.
blind preceptor, IV. 702. been seen by, III. 2517. Drrosmcs, VIII. 88. DISSOLVEN'I‘, VIII. 43.
DIGEST of Roman laws, VIII. 27. D10 Cnnrsosrox, VIII. DIPPING,111 mining, VIII. 38. DISSOLUTION, VIII. 43.
Digester, Pnpin‘s, I. 654; XX. 608, 577. Diocese, VIII. 33. Dumas-seems, VIII. 88; XIII. 767, Dissonance. See Discord.
Dionsrlox of food, VIII. 27, 17; XVII. DIOCLIIA, VIII. 38. et seq. DIBSYLLABLE. VIII. 4:).
581, 6‘28; XXI. 823-thcories of, Dioclcs of Carystus, II. 687; XX. 822. DIPPOLDISWLLDE,111 Saxony, VIII. 38. Dls'rArr, VIII. 43; XX. 536.
XVII. 629Win reptiles. III. 36—pc , mathematician, XIV. 315. Dipsacem, in botany, V. 116. DIITANCE, VIII. 48—mcssihle and in
culiar to animals, 157—I.uthcr’s vi DIOCLB’I'IANUS (C. V. J.). Roman em Dlrsss, serpent, VIII. 88; XX. I41. accessible, lb.—-ot‘ the hem only bodies,
sions the cfi‘cct ofderangcment of, 298, l peror, VIII. 33—his palace at Spain DIPTEBA, an order ofinsects, VIII. 38; ib.—mensuration of distances, XIV.
n- 1 -——comparative digestibility of‘ tro, II. 138—baths of. IV. 44l—era IX. 60, 2.55. 563; bysound, II. III—perception
difl'erentaliments. VIII. 21—influcncc of, VI. 660—81988 of Alexandria by, Dipterocarpcm, in botany, V. 100. of. XIV. 611.
of nervous energy on, XVII. 135—in VIII. 476—1't-ign of. XIX. 413. Dipterodon, fish, XIIl 180. DIS'I'AS'I‘E, VIII. 43.
serpents, XX. 130—Spallzmzani's ex Dior-trio, insect, IX. 268. Diptcros, in architecture. III. 466. Brennan, VIII. 43. See Disease.
periments on, XX. 524—organs of, in DIODA'I‘I (John). VIII. 88—his French DIP'I’OTES, in grammar, VIII. 38. DISTINSION, VIII. 43.
man, II. 814 ; brutcs, III. 32; XVII. Bible. IV. 617. DIP’I‘I’CIIA, VIII. 33. Disthcne, or kynnitc, electrical pro
702. ct seq.; the crustncca, VII. 498 Diodntus, his blindness, IV. 700. Dipus, in zoology, XIV. 136. perties of, VIII. 578. See Kyanite.
—insccts, 1X. 84; fishes. XII. 159; Diodcrmn, insect, IX. 176. Dipyrc, in mineralogy, X V. Hit-speci DISTICII, VIII. 48.
the mollnsea, XV. 326, 351. at 30].; Diodon, fish, XII. 228. tic gravity ot’, XII. 29. Disricuusis, VIII. 48.
birds, XVI. 554, 604 ; serpents, XX. , one of the mammalia, XIV. 182. Drum, in mythology, VIII. 39. Distichocera, insect, IX. 179.
130; zoophytes, XXI. 990—-dlscascs DIODOIIUB Sicnlus, VIII. zit—his ne Dirczcn, insect, IX. 166. Distichophoridm, zoophytcs, XXI. 1022.
of the digestive organs in the domes connt of thc Amazons, II. SSS—on Dinner, in arithmetic, VIII. 89. DISTILLA'I‘ION. VIII. 44—from potatoes.
tic animals, XXI. 621. Egyptian architecture, III. 409 —on' Drummer, VIII. 39. XVI. 267—in vacuo, XX. 376—1)]
, in chemistry. VIII. ‘27. Egyptian history, VIII. 460. Dulce-ton, VIII. 89. steam, 608 —-in Clackmannsnlhln,
Dress-rive, in medicine, VIII. ‘27. Droonuss, the cynic, VIII. 84; VII. Dnmn'ronss, VIII. 89. VI. 7‘21—in America, XXI. 465. .
Diggcs (Sir Dudley), V. 311. 574—on mysteries, XV. 673. ‘ Dlnronr'r, in geometry, VIII. 39. Dls'riscrion, in logic, VIII. 88.
(Lsosuw) VIII. 27—on Archi of Apollonia, VIII. 84; II. 686. D18, VIII. 39. Distoma, in zoophytcs, XXI. 996.
medes's burning glasses, V. 729-— LAII'I'IUU, VIII. 84; XIX. 779. Disnut'rr, in law, VIII. 39. Disrontios, in medicine, VIII. 53.
m INDEX.
DIS—DOC DOD—DOM DOM—DOR DOR—DOV
Dmun, VIII. 53—pleasure from, ib. Dodart's theory of voice, XVII. 683. architecture, 426 — ot' the Farnese Doacnss'rsa, VIII. 115. 292.
, in law, VIII. 55. Dodd (Ralph), on dry rot, VIII. 227. Palace, Rome, ib., 457—its beauty Doanocus, in France, VIII. 116.
Disraxanrion, VIII. 56—geographical (Dr WII.), VIII. 89; XII. 598. considered.4 5 7—construction of wood Dorfel on the cometary orbits, VII. 137.
distribution of animals, XVII. 549; Donnmnos (Philip), D.D., VIII. 89. en domes, XIX. 456. Doannm, in Hesse Cassel, VIII. 116.
III. 161; II. 652. Donncacox, Vlll. 89. Dons, or noon, VIII. 98. Donia (Andrew), VIII.116—his e
Dinner, in geography. VIII. 56. Donscansnaon, VIII. 89. Donna, in Tungquia, VIII. 98. tion against Algiers, II. 506.
DIs'rnIxoas, VIII. 56—juratores, ib. Dodeeastyle, in architecture, III. 466. DoxssIcmso, (Lampicri), Italian pain DOBIANS, VIII. 116.
Distylo, in architecture. 111. 466. Dodington (Babb). VII. 54 2. ter, VIII. 9S; XVI. 720. Demo, VIII. 118.
Drrcn. VIII. 56-in fortification. ib.— Dodo, bird. XVI. 616. Domorgue, VIII. 502. order of architecture, 111. 471,
IX. 772. Donona, town in Epirus, VIII. 89. Domery (Charles), voracity of, VIII. 23. ct scq.»its origin, 4 15—Roman, 418,
DITHYIAXIIUB, VIII. 56. Donosun. VIII. 90. Domnsnar BOOK, VIII. 99—King Al 443, “ii—modern Italian, 425, 451-—
Ditomus, insect, IX. I20. Donomnns. VIII. 90. fred’s, II. 419. Greck, 434, 437—remarks on, 460.
Drrons. in music, VIII. 56. Donaans, VIII. 90. DOIESTIC, VIII. 100—pleasures, ib.— DIALEC'I‘, VIII. 118; XVII. 404.
Ditriglyph. III. 466. Donsuzr (Robert), VIII. 90—his An afi'cctions, III. 261. MODE, in music, VIII. 118.
DI'raIIInnau, VIII. 56. nual Register, V. 713. Doxraon'r, in France, VIII. 101. Doridium, mollusrum, XV. 363.
DI'I‘TEAII, Hindu town, VIII. 56; V. 704. Dodson (James), his paper on bills of DOMICILE,111 Scotch law, VIII. 101. DOBINO, or Daring, VIII. 118.
DI'r'rrca'r, in Saxony, VIII. 56. mortality, XV. 515. Domrrmo, VIII. 101. Doris, molluscum, XV. 359.
DI'r'ro, VIII. 56. Donwsu. (Henry), VIII. 90—on bap Dosunanr, VIII. 101. DoaxIno, town in Surrey, VIII. 118.
DIT'I‘ON (Humphry), VIII. 56. tism, IV. 855—Dr Samuel Clarke’s Downs-non, in theology, VIII. 101. Doaaums, French city, VIII. 118.
D10, in Hindustan, VIII. 57. Letter to, V1. 729. Domnco (St). VIII. 102; II. (HS—army Doaxanr, in heraldry, VIII. 118.
Diurna, insects, IX. 240. Dona, Arabian seaport, VIII. 96. of, III. GIG—abandoned by the British Deanna, in architecture, VIII. 118.
DIVAL, in heraldry, VIII. 57. Doraar, Arabian town, VIII. 90. in 1798, V. MSG—French invasion of, Donal-roar, VIII. 118.
DIVALIA, Roman feast, VIII. 57. Dofrines, IX. 407. in 1801, 512—buccaneers of, 620— Dormousc, XIV. 182—its‘hybernation,
DIVAN, VIII. 57. Dog, XIV. 112; XI. 697—structuro of. length of the pendulum in, VII. 199. III. 167.
DIVANDUIIOW, islands, VIII. 57. XVII.704—-African, II. 228—“ worm" DoxIsIc ns Guzman, VIII. 107. , Donsasac, VIII. 118.
Divsnoss-r, VIII. 57—rays, ib. of tongue of, III. 27—vocal organs, DOMINICA, VIII. 107, 108. Donnman, in the 'I‘yrol, VIII. 118.
Divers, birds, XVI. 629. Sec Diving. 28 — venerated by the Egyptians, DOMINICAL, VIII. 108. Doasocn, VIII. 118; XXI. 11, 12.
DIvzasIrnxo, VIII. 57. 277—wild Asiatic, 682—instanco of Ls'r'raa, V111. 108; VI. 8. Puma, VIII. 119.
DivsasIos, in war, VIII. 57. prescntiment in a, V. 617—memory DOMINICANS, religious order, VIII. 108 DOROBA’I', Arabian town, VIII. 119.
Divssrino, VIII. 57. ot‘, XIV. 618—hite of mad dog poison -—-origin of the, XII. 285. Doaoooacsn, VIII. 119.
Divi-divi, XXI. 77. ous, 507—sporting dogs, XX. 309— Donnns (Mark Antony dc), VIII. 108— DoaoIIos, in Moldavia, VIII. 119.
Dtvnu'rion. VIII. 57; XIV. 579; IV. pointers and setters, ib.—spaniel, 311 on the rainbow, I. 510; XVI. 354. Doaosmsx, VIII. 119.
191, 257—Roman, III. 257—by mir -—I'etrievcrs, ib.—question as to the Douluwx mascrrn, VIII. 108. DOIII'A‘I', in Livonia, VIII. 119.
rors, VI. 249 — among the Druids, descent of all dogs from one common Domnus, VIII. 108. Dori-ego (Don Manuel), V. 660.
VIII. 209—in ancient Athens, XX. stock, 309—breaking ot', {ill—their Domitian, reign of, XIX. 406. Dorsal vertebrm, II. Nil—muscles, 793.
456—Sortilcge, 482. sense of smell, 404—peritonitis in, Demo n‘Ossoto, VIII. 1055. Dorse, fish, XII. 218.
DIVINE, VIII. 58. XXI. 625—hydr0phobia, 633. Sec Donna. Hindu town, VIII. 109. Doasrz'I-suias, VIII. 119—fisheriel of,
Divine right of kings, V. 632. Hound, Veterinary Science. Don, Russian river, VIII. 109; XIX. IX. COS—great oak in, XXI. 294.
DIVING, VIII. 59—for pearls in Ceylon, Dog-language, X1. 755; XX. 311. 564—Scotch river, VIII. 109 ; II. 29. Dorsibranchia, worms, X1. 219.
VI. 301. See Pearl. Dog-days, VI. 81. Don Kossacxs (land of), VIII. 109. DoasIrsaoes plants, VIII. 121.
DIVING-BELL, VIII. 63. Dog-fish, X1]. 233. Donabew, V. 567. Don‘t, in Holland, VIII. 12l-syn0d of,
Divmrrr, VIII. 70. See God. Doc ISLAND, VIII. 90. Donacia, insects, IX. 181. III. 577; XI. 3; XVIII. 515.
DIVIBIBILI'I‘Y, VIII. 70. Does, VIII. 90. Donald, king of Scotland, XIX. 702. Dorthcs (Mr), on a swarm of ants at
Dlvnnos, VIII. 71—in algebra, II. 429. Doccna and Dooosas, VIII. 91. Dosannsos (Walter), VIII. 109. Montpellicr, III. 213.
433—in arithmetic, III. 547—of vul Donna, VIII. 91. on Scotch husbandry. II. 261. Doa'rxusn, in Westphalia, VIII. I21.
gar fractions, 559—of decimals, 561, DOGMATICAL, VIII. 91. Donaldson’s Hospital, VIII. 425. Dory. fish, XII. 188.
562, 565—by Napier’s Rods, XV. 693. DOGMA‘I‘IS'I‘S. VIII. 91. Donaldsonville, Louisiana, XIII. 573. DOBY Hansona, VIII. 121.
of labour. See Labour. Doounu. (St), Welsh town, VIII. 91. DoIuau, VIII. 110. ' Doryccra, insect, IX. 289.
Divitiaticus the Eduan, VIII. 205. Dono, Hindu town, VIII. 91. Donut (Jerome), V. 17. Dorylus, insect, IX. 228.
Divodasa, V. 636. Dow (David). VIII. 9]. Donatello, his sculpture, XX. 8. Doryphora, insects, IX. 183.
DIVORCE, VIII. 71—in Arabia. III. 335 Dolabella. mollusca, XV. 362. DONATION, VIII. 110. DoarrnoIII, VIII. I2l.
-—liIilton on, XV. 93, note. DOLAII, lIindu town, VIII. 93. Doxarisrs, VIII. 110; II. 580. Doryphorus, reptile, XIX. 142.
Dxvps and DIVA, VIII. 73. DOLCI (Carlo), painter, VIII. 93. Donrrn's. VIII. 110. DOSITIIEANS, VIII. 121.
Dixa, insect, IX. 262. Dow, VIII. 94. Doru'ro, Italian town, VIII. 110. Dossrza, VIII. 122.
Dimn, Abyssinian town, II. 55. DOLIAII, Hindu town, VIII. 94. Dona-roar, in law, VIII. 110. DOTIS, town in Hungary, VIII. 122.
DIXIIUYDEN, VIII. 73. Dolichopodcs, insects, IX. 276. Dosart's (Elias). VIII. 110. Dotterel, bird, XVI. GIT—shooting of,
Dixon (Jeremiah), IX. 549. Dolichopus, insect, IX. 277. Dosansscmuonn, VIII. 110. XX. 307.
Dawn, French city, VIII. 73. Dolichurus, insect, IX. 229. DoIuwss'ra, in Bavaria, VIII. L10. Douar, VIII. 122—Biblc, IV. 618.
Djerash, ruins of, XVI. 745. Dolium, in conchology, XV. 347. Donax, in conchology, XV. 342. DOUBLE, VIII. 122—Employmcnt, ib.
Djezzar Pasha. VIII. 490; XVI. 741, DOLLAR, coin, VIII. 94. Doucas'rna, in Yorkshire, VIII. 110. —Fichy or FiclIE, I'M—Octave, ib.
759; XXI. 64. DOLLOND(J01111),VIII. 94; I. 633—his Dondour, temple of, XVI. 297. Entry, IV. 790.
Djidda, commerce of, III. 337. achromatic glasses, 634; II. 101; Dosnaanzan, in Ceylon, VIII. 111. Doublers, electrical, VIII. 652.
Djirdjeh, VIII. 544. XVI. 362—his variation transit, and Donsoaa, Irish county, VIII. 111. DOUBLE'I', VIII. 123—1enscs, XV. 33,
Djizeh, pyramids at, VIII. 547. diurnal variation instrument, XIII. Donoou, Nubian town, VIII. 114. Donans'rs, a game, VIII. 123.
Dingosz, Polish writer, XVIII. 213. 767—his double-image micrometer, Doni (G. B.), on melody, XV. 619. Dounuuo, VIII. 124.
Dmitri, XIX. 537. XV. 14»—his eye-glasses oftelescopes, DONKAW, in Russia, VIII. 114. Donsnoos, VIII. 124; XV. 408.
Dnieper, river, IV. 660; XIX. 564. XXI. 162, 168. Donkin (Mr), his invention of printing Donna, in France, VIII. 124.
Dniester, river. XIX. 564; IV. 660. (Peter), VIII. 95—his achro rollcrs, XVIII. 562. Doon'rrua ISLAND, VIII. 124.
D0, in music, VIII. 73. matic glasses, II. 103. Dons}: (Dr John), VIII. 115. Doua'rmc, VIII. 121. See Sceptica.
Dean, VIII. 73; II. 249. (George),his spherical crystal. Dosmxo'rox. in Lincoln, VIII. 115. DOUDEVILLE, V111. 124.
Doaann lunar, VIII. 73. micrometer, XV. 19. Donnington Wood Canal, XVI. 12. Dounrooa, Hindu town, VIII. 124.
Donasaan, VIII. 74. Dolomcdes, arachnides, III. 362. Donnybrook fair, VIII. 236. Douraaaa, Hindu town, VIII. 124.
Dobchick, bird, XVI. 629. Doromsu (Deodatus &c. dc). VIII. 95. Donovan on birds, XVI. 551. Donous (Carin), VIII. 124—011 Can
Dobenatis, IX. 378. Dolomite, a mineral, XV. 141—sp. gr. DONSKAIA,111 Russia, VIII. 115. ton's translation of Virgil, IV. 626.
Doberciner, his discovery of a property of, XII. 29—Ttnnam on the, XXI. 180. Doomsday Ilook. See Domesday. (Earls ol'), XIX. 713, 724.
of platinum, XXI. 679. DOLOBSKOI, VIII. 98. Doonau, Hindu town, VIII. 115. , Scotch town, VIII. 129.
Dosansnxa, in Bohemia, VIII. 74. Dolphin. XII. 187; XIV. 174. Dooxnmssas, Ilindu town, VIII. 115. , town in the Isle of Man, VIII.
Doascuau, in Hungary, VIII. 74. ISLANDS, VIII. 98. Doornick. Sec 'I‘ournai. 129; XIV. 209.
Dobson (Dr), on evaporation, IX. 428. or TIIE nasr, VIII. 98. Doors, in architecture, 111.1462 —— in Douusu. VIII. 130.
(WILLIAM), painter, VIII. 74. DOLscnr, in \Vallachia, VIII. 98. joinery. V. 689—hinging of, XII. 614. DOULENS, in France, VIII. 130.
Dobuni, VII]. 74. Don, or non, VIII. 98. Dooarnaooo, VIII. 115. Donna, in Pcrthshirc, VIII. 130.
Doce, river, XVIII. 458. Don AND Sou, VIII. 98. Dooarouaur, VIII. 115. Dora, VIII. 160.
Docsraz, religious sect, VIII. 74. Donn‘ (John), VIII. 98. DoosuAIt, VIII. 115; XX. 79. Douanas. French town, VIII. 130.
Docmuu, VIII. 74. Dombey. botanist, V. 82. Dooshce. X1. 710. Douro, river, VIII. 254 ; XX. 516.
Docnusrtc aar, VIII. 74. Donn, VIII. 98; III. 466—ot‘ Church of Don, VIII. 115. Donw (Gerhard), painter, VIII. 130.
Docnumnu Miaxon, VIII. 74. San Vitale at Ravenna, 260—invented Doracerus, insect, IX. 178. Dovan, river, VI. 720.
Docx. VIII. 74, 75—docks of Liver by the Etrurians, 379—01' Church of Doaano, constellation, VIII. 115. Dove. See Pigeon.
pool, XIII. 389 —ot' London, 493; St Sophia at Constantinople. 380—— DOIIAR, Persian town, VIII. 115. I'ivcr, VII. 735; XX. 558—D0'0
XV. 61. See Portsmouth, 8w. construction of, {HS—equilibrium of, DOBAN, Arabian town, VIII. 115. and Dearnc Canal, XVI. 11.
Docx'tnns, VIII. 78. Sec Dry Rot. 389—-0f St Paul’s, London, 388, 389 Doras. fish, XII. 202. ISLAND, VIII. 130.
DOO‘I‘OI, VIII. 88, Bil—degree of, XXI. -of St Peter's, Rome, 391, 426, 457 Dona-r, French town, VIII. 115. Dove-colour, dyeing 01', VIII. 343.
487, 490,498, 504. -—hcst form of, 391 ——of cathedral (John), VII. 684. Dovedalc, X. 331.
DOCUIIII'I', in law, V111. 89. at. Florence, 424—the bout of Italian Dorcadion, insect, 1X. 180. DOVl-TAILING, VIII. 130.
 INDEX. 53
DOV—DRE DRE—DRY DRY—DUK DUL-DUN
Down, in Kent, VIII. 130—sconring 63—his discovery of the mode of dye Dsnons, nymphs, VIII. 221. Dulong (Mons.) on the heat of elastic
ot' the harbour of, 194. ing scarlet, VIII. 297. Dannosa (Jonas). VIII. 221; V. 84. fluids, XII. 119; XX. 485—011 the
, in Delaware, VIII. I31.’ Dredge (Mr), his scheme for a suspen Dryburgh abbey, IV. 599. pyrometer, XVIII. 749, ct sap—ac
, in New Hampshire, XVI. 165. sion-bridge, XXI. 8. Dnross (John), VIII. 222; IX. 42— count of his experiments on the force
STRAITS, VIII. 130—111anchard's Dasoclso, VIII. 193. on the haughtinrss of Hobbes, I. 322 of steam, XX. 586.
aerial voyage across, 11. 189. Dasuscooar (Charles). VIII. 197. -on heroic plays, VIII. l71—his con Dulse, V. 138. .1.
Dowsoaa, VIII. 131. , anatomist, II. 699. fession of indecency in his dramatic Donvza'rou, in Somerset, VIII. 257.
Dowdal (Archbishop), XII. 363. Dars'rns, VIII. 198. works, 173—poctry of. XVIII. 171— Dulwich college, 11. 525, . .
Dowelling, in joinery, V. 687. Dnzsoss, VIII. 198—Napoleon at, X. on Shakspcare, XX. 171. DUIIAIIBAIS (Cesar Chesnan), VIII. 258.
Donna, V111. 131. 163—royal library at, XIII. 312—its Drying by steam, XX. 607. Dumb. See Deaf and Dumb.
Dowasrsnsn. V111. 131. suburbs burnt by the Prussians. Drylus. insect, IX. I44. Donnaa'ron, VIII. 258; XIX. 697.
Down, Irish county, VIII. 131. XVIII. 677. Drymeia, insect, IX. 284. Dousnsus, in I’erthshire, VIII. 260.
of birds, VIII. l34—cidcr, 561. Dress. See Clothing. Dryomyza, insect, IX. 285. Dousowrrssa. VIII. 261.
of plants. X1. 108. Datox, in France, VIII. 198. Dryophis, serpent. XX. 140. Dumeril, his classification of animals,
Dowsnsn. in Norfolk, VIII. 13-1. Dasvrr (Peter), VIII. 198. Dryopthorus, insect, IX. 174. III. 177; XVII. 586—his division of
Donuts, African town,. VIII. 134. Drcycr (Matthew), his works on anony Dar nor, VIII. 226; XVI. 47—in ships,» the works of nature, XV. 7 39—01: It
(David), V. 476. mous books, IV. 627. VIII. 77. 78; XX. 273—means ofpre zards, XIX. 140.
Downpatriek, VIII. 134—abbey of, 133 Daissss, Prussian city, VIII. 198. venting it, 274. Doxralzs, Scotch county. VIII. 261—
—Strucl Wells near, ib. DRIFFIELD, in Yorkshire, VIII. 198— Dschaulan, XVI. 746. fisheries of. IX. 602—town, VIII. 262
Downs. VIII. 134. navigation, XVI. 12. DSJABBIZ Tan, island, VIII. 233. Doxox'r (Etienne), VIII. 264—80!!
Down'ros, town in Wilts, VIII. 134. Drum, VIII. I98—sail, ib.—wood, ib. DSJABBEL, island, VIII. 23:1. tham’s obligations to. I. 386.
Dowar, VIII. 134. Dams, in mechanics, VIII. 198. DSJAB, Arabian port, VIII. 233. (Joan), VIII. 267.
D'Oyly’s Letters to Sir William Drum~ Drill-machines in farming, II. 267— DSJEBI, Arabian town, VIII. 233. Dumouriez (General). V. 465, 471 ; X.
mond, VIII. 215. soiving with, 280, 286. Dsjezzar. See Djezzar. 66, et seq. ,- XVI. 128, 124.
Doxonocr, VIII. 134. Danuso of soldiers, VIII. 198. Duos“, Arabian town. VIII. 233. Doxrsus, in Celebes, VIII. 267.
Drab, dyeing of, VIII. 343. Dams. VIII. 198; XVII. 625. Dsaor, Arabian province. VIII. 233. Don, or Burgh, VIII. 267.
Dssnusa, VIII. 134. Drinking, process of, XVIII. 125. Duaren (Francis). XIX. 778. note. Dun river navigation, XVI. 12.
Dnsss, VIII. 134. Dripstone, in architecture. 111. 466. Donun, VIII. 233—Royal Irish aca Dun-faced breed 01' sheep, II. 330.
Dsscnu, VIII. 134; XIV. 469. DRI88A,I11 Russia, VIII. 198. demy, II. 73—bridge built by Mr Ste Dilna, river, XIX. 566.
Dasco, Athenian law-giver, VIII. 135; DRIVING, VIII. I99. ven, VI. 290, n. l—univcrsity, XII. Doussoao, in Russia, VIII. 268.
IV. 143, 165. Dsoonsos. VIII. 199—ancient monu 365; XXI. 522, 506—‘I‘rinity College Dunadcer, vitrified fort at, IX. 755.
, constellation, VIII. 135. ment at New Grange, near. 111. 414— library.XIII. 304—Grand Canal. XVI. Dunal (Mons.). on .the floral organs of
, reptile, XIX. 143; XVII. 714. taken by Cromwell, XII. 371. 22—Itoyal Canal, 23—police, XVIII. plants, V. 53, n.
DIACONAIIIUS, VIII. 135. D8081C1'N,in Russia, VIII. 200. 253—early printing at, 549. Dounsa, V111. 268—battle of. V. 385.,
DIACONTIC month, V111. 135. Dsouosicz, in Galieia, VIII. 200. Dubloon. VIII. I24; XV. 408. (WILLIAM). VIII. 268—charac
Dssooaus, V111. 135. Daot'rvncu, VIII. 200—canal, XVI. 12 Donne, in Russia, VIII. 248. ter of his poetry, XVIII. 169.
Dragon, reptile, XIX. 143—— structure —-s.'ilt-inanui‘acture, XXI. 939. Donor, Hindu town, VIII. 248. (Profi), on Dr Hunter's gram.
‘of, XVII. 714. Dromas, bird, XVI. 620. Dubois (Jacques), anatomist, II. 691. matical views, X. 697. n. 2, 700.
Dragon‘s blood, sp. gr. of, XII. 29. Damon, in France, VIII. 200. Donos (Jean-Baptiste), V111. 24S. Dvscss (Adam, Lord Viscount). VIII.
11mm sso TAIL, VIII. 135. Dromecius, bird, XVI. 616. Donuts, VIII. 248. 275-his defeat of the Dutch at Cam
Dragonet, fish, XII. 194. Dromedary, species of camel, XIV. 157 Ducaila, in Morocco. XV. 506. perdown, V. 482; X. 107.
Dragon-fly, IX. 210—lives after decapi -—Asiatic, III. 682. 1)oc1:., VIII. 249. See Duke. (Charles). exploratory voyages
tation, 111. I64. Dromius, insect, IX. 116. Du Cange. See Cangc. 01'. XVIII 220.
DRAGONNEIS, VIII.135. Ditonoar. Irish town, VIII. 200. Docss, Greek historian, VIII. 249. (John). of Glasgow, his tam
Dragoon. See Cmalry. Daoss, VIII. 200. See Bee. Docsr, VIII. 249; XV. 407, ct seq. bouring-machinc, VII. 407.
Dragoon-horses, X1. 593. Daossao, Italian city, V111. 200. DUCATOON. silver coin, VIII. 249. ~——-~(51ark). VI. 39, n. I.
DIAGOONINO, VIII. 135. Daosristo, in Derbyshire, VIII. 200. DUCBNAIIUB, VIII. 249. Descss’s Sousa-L017. VIII. 279.
DIAGUIGNAN, VIII. 135. Drongo, bird, XVI. 571. Doczurrsms. VIII. 249. Dcscnoacu. in Warwick. VIII. 279.
Daslxs, VIII. 135—01“ farms, II. 306— l)ao.~('rnstx, in Norway. VIII. 200. Ducetius, II. 356. Duscouns (William). V111. 279.
oftowns, XIV. 512; building of, V. Drop-measurcr (Brewster’s), XII. 25. DUCIIAI.(J1\ID€8). D.D., VIII. 249. Dorm/11.x, VIII. 279; X111. 576.
670—aqucduct drains, XXI. 792. Drops, form of, XII. 51. Dccusxrsaan, VIII. 249. Dosnss (Henry). Viscount Melville,
.Dasnuuo, VIII. 136—in Cambridge in architecture, 111. 467. Docnowrscmss. V111. 249. VIII. 279—his measures relative to
shire, VI. 34—does not raise the Dnorsr, VIII. 201; XVII. I27, 488— Docnr, VIII. 249—court, 250. the affairs of the East India Com
temperature of a country, 764—07 state of urine in, VI. 501—111 cattle, Doc: (Stephen), VIII. 250. pany, v. 428. 429. 435, 442. 455, 470
collieries, VII. 76, 81—its relation XXI. 62". . Ducks, XVI. 636, 638—their voice, III. -—on the slave-trade, 461—his defence
to Irrigation, XII. 445—Mr Smith of Droseracezc, in botany. V. 98. 29—Chinese, VI. 580. of the expedition to Holland, 494—
Deanston's thorough draining, XX. Drosometer, XIV. 743. Duck-billed platypus, XIV. 145. his administration, 497—his defence
730—tilc-draining, 731. Drosophila, insect, IX. 290. Duck-feet oars. XX. 68 7, 688. of the management of the French
DBAIII'.‘ (Sir Francis), English admiral. Drososcope. VII. 749. 01108180, VIII. 250. war, 498 - charges of malversation
VIII. 142; IV. 262-Jiis expedition Dnosscs, Prussian city, VIII. 201. Docstasusnssszroon, VIII. 250. against him. 520—his trial, 521—htl
to Cadiz, VIII. 757. BROWNING, VIII. 201 -- death from, Docsor, VIII. 250. services to the navy, VIII. 87.
(N.). on Slmkspearc, VIII. 163. XIV. 498—110yal Humane Society of Duckworth (Admiral), V. 524; XXI. Donors, in I-‘ort'arshire, VIII. 280-—
Dan“. VIII. “Ii—Chinese, VI. 558. London, XIII. 518. 414, n. I. linen~manufacturc of, XIII. 360.
570—Greek. XX. 185. 447—Italian, Drug-shops, police of, XIV. 508. Dcceos (Charles Pineau), VIII. 250. — (James Graham, Viscount). See
II. 417 — Permian, 627 -— Spanish, Drugs, Mexican, XIV. 801. Sec Phar Ducoui'alie's hive, III. 234. Graham (James).
XVIII. 163; XX. 522—Aristotle on inacy. Ducr, VIII. 251. Dosrsimuss, VIII. 281.
dramatic poetry, III. 518 —- stage Dacoos'r, VIII. 203. Docriu'rr, VIII. 251; XX. 749, 752. Doug, use and management of, in agri
dances, VII. 614. See Comedy, Tra DBUIDJE. or Droinm, VIII. 203. DUCIOIORIP, in botany, V. 37, 138. culture, II. 299. See Manure.
gedy, Theatre. Dacros, VIII. 203—in Anglcsey, III. Donner. VIII. 251—canal, XVI. 12. DUNOALLY, in Cclebes, V111. 282.
Dnsunoao, V111. 179. 132—~Britlsh. V. 295. 296. 299—Ccl Lord Guildt'ord, V111. 752, 754. Dcsosssos, VIII. 282; XXI. 441.
DIAIIMIIN, in Norway, VIII. 179. tic. VI. 27 7—severities of the Romans (Eonoso), VIII. 251. Drsosavos, VIII. 282~flshery and
DIAN (Henri-Francois le), French sur against them, XIX. 403. 7.1mm) Duke of Nortliumber trade of, XXI. 811.
geon, VIII. 179; XX. 829. DRUM, VIII. 210 —-kettle-drum, ib.; land, V111. 251. Donors, Hindu town, VIII. 282.
Draper (Dr), of New York, on magneto XV. 617—bass-drum, VIII. 210. (Robert),Earl of Leicester, VIII. Dnnipacc, hills of, VI. 177.
clectricity, XXI. 694. Drums, list), XII. 176. 758. DUNKELD, VIII. 286—bridge at, V. 283
Drapetis, insect, IX. 270. Drummond (Alex.), his lectures on the (Sta ROBERT). Earl of Warwick. -—cathedral of. VIII. IZG—lareh-tim
Dras, river, VII. 623. civil law, VII. 545, n. 3. V111. 251. her at, XXI. 296.
Drassus. genus of araehnides, III. 359. (Dr James). on the generation DUEL, VIII. 252; VI. 601, 616, 617—— Domnax, V111. 282—sold by Charles
Duane medicines, VIII. 180—gum of intestinal worms, XXI. 993. n. 1. with the sword. IX. 501. ‘ II. to France, V. 343; XI. 769.
resins, VI. 491. (\VILLIAB). poet. VIII. 210. Dosao. river, VIII. 254; XX. 516. Dnnlcary, VIII. 234.
DnAVE, river, VIII. 180. (SIR \VILLIAM), V111. 214. Dufay (Mama) on dyeing, VIII. 297— Dunlin, bird, XVI. 623.
Dsuvnscx, VIII. 180. light, xx. 29; XXI. 302. (n electricity, 567; I. 617. Dunlop cheese, VII. 591.
Daunso, VIII. 180 —by the camera In Drumorc. battle of, V. 362. Dorr's osoor, VIII. 254. DUNMOW (Great), VIII. 283.
cida, VI. 36—07 miniatures, XV. 268 Dsoxsssusss, V111. 216—e17eets of, 24. Dooosu. (Sir William), VIII. 254. Dunn's improved Atwood‘s machine.
—drawings for joinery, XII. 606. See Intoxication. Dugong, in zoology, XIV. 170. XIV. 451i—air-pump, XVIII. 94, n.
Draw-100m, XXI. 828. Drupe. in botany. V. 43. Dnhaldc. See IIaldo. DUNNING (John ). Lord Ashburton, VIII.
DIAV, VIII. 185. Drury-Lauc Theatre, XIII. 533; XXI. Duliamel. See Hamel. 283—his motion in Parliamenton the
Dnsr'ros (Michael), VIII. 185. 193-4-r00f of. VI. 169. Dnlcinus, III. 293. influence of the. Crown, V. 410.
Dansus, VIII. 186; XVII. 459, 674, Dsosss. VIII. 217; XVI. 748; XXI. Dnles, fish, XII. 169. Dunnose. XXI. 355-6.
681; III. 307—of the blind. IV. 699-— 62, 63, 64, 65. DUILLIU! Nsros, VIII. 257; V1.190. Dnnnotar Castle, XII. 722.
interpretation of, XVI. 340. Dnosios (John), VIII. 220. Doissoao. Prussian city, VIII. 257. Doss (John), Scott". VIII. 288—doo
Drebell (Cornelius). his thermometer, Drusus. German expedition of, X. 476. Don, VIII. 257. trines of, I. 309, 413.
IV. 392—his submarine vessel, VIII. (Livius). XIX. 392. Donna, Austrian city, VIII. 257. Dnssn, in Bervvickshirc, VIII. 284.
;
o4
DUN—DYE
Dunstan“, VIII. 284.
Dons-nu (St), VIII. 284, 703-5.
DUIB‘I‘II, in Somerset, VIII. 285.
Dunsterville‘s block~machinery, IV. 704.
Dorms, VIII. 285.
Dnnvncn, in Suffolk, VIII. 285.
Dnodenum, anatomy of the, II. 815.
Duperrey (Monsieur). on the magnetic
equator, XIII. 743, 751.
Dorm (Louis Ellies), VIII. 285.
(Charles). on the military cha
racter of the English, III. 621—on
their artillery, 682, 633; dockyards,
VIII. 80; and navy, XVI. 54, 55
on Napoleon’s Code Civil, XIII. 184
—-on the hogging of ships, XX. 288.
Dornuscna, in Turkey, VIII. 285.
Dons, VIII. 285.
Dnrucs'rs, VIII. 2815.
DUPLICATION, VIII. 286.
DUPLICA'I‘UBB, VIII. 286.
Duronmrs, VIII. 286; XIV. 474.
Der“ (Brian), VIII. 286.
DUPPAU, Bohemian town, VIII. 286.
Dupnis (Mons), his mission to Ashantee,
III. 667.
(Cannes FIANCIS), VIII. 286.
Dupnytrcn on erectile tissue, II. 725.
Duncan“, VIII. 287.
Dura mater, II. 811; III. 32.
Dnnsnseu, VIII. 287.
DUIAXAII, island. VIII. 287.
Doasunns (William), VIII. 287.
Dnssnoo, Spanish town, VIII. 287.
, in Mexico, VIII. 287; XIV. 817.
DUBATION, VIII. 288. See Time.
Dnaannoaa, Hindu town, VIII. 288.
Durcltheim on insects, IX. 75, 96.
DUBEN, in Prussia. VIII. 288.
DUBBB (Albert). VIII. 288—his etch
ings, IX. 45-bis merits as a pain—
ter, XVI. 721—bit; improvements in
wood-engraving, XXI. 917.
Dnnusn, in law, VIII. 289.
D'Usnzv (Thomas), VIII. 289.
DUIIIAX, English county, VIII. 289*—
fisheries of, IX. 602.
, city, VIII. 291—university of,
XXI. 507.
Doaxazm, in Bavaria, VIII. 291.
Dunaaca, in Baden, V111. 291.
Dunocnsxoi, VIII. 291.
Dosou, island, VIII. 291.
Duaormons, VIII. 291.
Dnsooa's Isusn, VIII. 292.
Dnssusa. Hindu town, VIII. 292.
Dunasurooa, VIII. 292.
Dnsasus'rzm, VIII. 292.
Dnmsv, VIII. 292.
Don (John), VIII. 292.
Dnsx! Bay, VIII. 292.
Dossana, Hindu town, VIII. 292.
Dnsssunx (John), VIII. 292.
Dnssnanoar, VIII. 292.
Dust, unwholesome, XIV. 510.
, Persian river, VIII. 293.
Dust-ball in animals, XXI. 626.
Dutch. See Holland.
geneva, VIII. 51.
weight, XXI. 290.
Dn'rzns (Louis), VIII. 293—on the an
tiquity of the arch, V. 269.
Dutour on the colours of thin plates,
XVI. 433, 451. - Earue, river and lough. See Ernc.
Dntrochet on the capillaries, II. 725
on vegetable anatomy, III. 45, 50.
Dnttcab. V. 704.
Dos-v, VIII. 298; XV. 459, et seq.—
the Economists on, VIII. 400. See
Ethics, Ethical Philosophy.
, in commerce, VIII. 294; XXI.
115 ; VII. 562.
Dquxvlai, VIII. 294.
Duverney (Monsieur), his anatomical
discoveries, II. 700.
DIAL, in heraldry, VIII. 294.
Dwsssca, Hindu town, VIII. 294.
DIARY, VIII. 294.
Dwina (Western), trade of, IV. 830.
, river, XIX. 565; XXI. 914.
Dycoteles, in zoology, XIV. I49.
Dydimus of Alexandria, IV. 700.
Dunno, V111. 295—Chinese skill in,
INDEX.
DYE --EAR EAR—EBB EBE—EDE
VI. 577—01' fishing lines, III. 137— creation, VI. 656—tinal conflagration Belarus-nor, VIII. 398.
of leather, XIII. hill—boiling of of, VII. 211 -—creation of, 454— Roman, in Bavaria, VIII. 398.
liquids by steam, XX. 607. See Dye. its surface and general divisions, X. Eisenssacn, in Saxony, VIII. 893.
stuffs. 407—its magnetism, XIII. 730—1Ias Ennasnaao, VIII. 893*battlc of, X. 151.
DYE! (Sir James). VIII. 843. its figure changed I XV. 174—its den Esaasnonr, VIII. 393.
(Joan), VIII. 848-charactcr of sity, ib.; XVII. 499—temperature of liaasrauu, in Hungary, VIII. 898.
his poetry, XVIII. 173. its surface, XV. 175; and of its in Fauna, Persian town, VIII. 893.
Dyers, diseases of, XIV. 510. tcrior, l76—its materials, 178—its Eamoeu, Bavarian city, VIII. 398.
Dye-stuffs, red, VIII. Mil—yellow, 819 crust, 179, 277 ; XVII. 507—origin of EBION, hen-tic. VIII. 393.
4
-—bluc, 825—black, 329—brown, 331 materials ofcrust, XV. 232-origin of EBIONITFS, VIII. 394.
-—of St Domingo, 107—imports of, convulsive movements of crust, ib.— Elm Jounis, astronomer, III. 735.
into the United Kingdom, 783 - changes of form of its surface, 237— Eaosr, VIII. 394~sp. gr. of, XII. 29.
vegetable, VI. 483 -—shelI-tish, XV. rcfrigcration of, 238—its equatorial Eboulemcnt, III. 118.
374. Svc Anetta, Cochineal, 8w. and polar diameters, 751—use of the 153110, Spanish river, VIII. 394 ; III.
Dynamos, VII. 273. pendulum in determining its oblate 373; VI. 239; XX. 516.
Dnumcs, VIII. 844; I. 602-6. See ncss and density, XVII. 198, 217—its Ebsamboul, temple of, XVI. 296.
Motion, Statics. position in the universe, 498—-its EBUDIE, islands, VIII. 394; XI. 202.
Dvnaxonerna, VIII. 388—01' plough, surface, 499, ct seq. See Figure of Ebullition. See Boiling.
II. 267—of steam-engine, XX. 681. the Earth, Globe. Eburnea, in conchology, XV. 847.
Dnusrv, VIII. 389. Eaarns, in chemistry, VIII. 891 ; VI. Ecsnssu, ancient festival, VIII. 395.
Dynops. in zoology, XIV. 100. 436—somc kinds alimentary, VIII. 20. Ecss‘ron, VIII. 395.
Dyrrhachium, IX. 309—siege of, in 1089., Earthenware. manufacture of, XVIII. Heart-2.42.4, VIII. 395.
VII. 285~battle of, XIX. 897. 437; in England, VIII. 779; in Staf Esau-291s, Greek solemnity, VIII.895.
D7853, goddesses, VIII. 389. fordshirc, XX. 558. Ecs'rostsxzou, VIII. 895.
Breast, town in Fife, VIII. 889. Earthquakes near Etna, II. 204—nt Eiravnssami, VIII. 395.
Drscaasv, VIII. 889. AntiochJII. 252, 233—in the Azores, EPBATANA, Median city, VIII. 895.
Dysdera, genus of arachnidcs, III. 358. IV. 262; Chili, VI. 526; China, 573; Eccentric ofsteam-engines,XX. 652,698.
Dvsasrsav, a disease, VIII. 389 — in the Ionian Islands, XII. 340; Ja— ECCIIELLENSIS (Abraham). VIII. 895.
sheep, XXI. 626. maica, 497; Japan, 511; Lisbon, X. Rooms, in Lnncashirc, VIII. 395.
Dvsoaaxr, VIII. 389. 598 ; Luzon, XIII. 604 ; Merida, Eccr.as.\r.-Bn-:nt.ow, VIII. 895.
Drsrnrsr, VIII. 389. XIV. .593 ; Norway, XVI. 263»— EccLasru-ztn. in Yorkshire, VIII. 895.
Dvsrxou, VIII. 889. Quito, XVIII. 797 ; Sparta, XX. 526; ECCLESHALL,1U Stafi'ord, VIII. 396.
Dytilus, insect, IX. 167. Sumatra, 802—thcir connexion with Eccnrsusrss, Book of, VIII. 396.
Dytiscus, insect, IX. I34. volcanoes, XV. 229—changes on sur ECCLesus'rtcsL, VIII. 896.
Drvoon, in Scotch law, VIII. 389. face of earth, produced by, XVII. 511 History, summary of, X1. 486.
Dziggithai, in zoology, XIV. 152. -account of the principal, ib. Eccazsus'ricvs, .Book of, VIII. 896.
Earth-Worm, XI. Wit-hermaphrodite £001.00, city in Flanders, VIII. 396.
nature of, III. 158. El‘COI'BO'I‘ICS, in Medicine, VIII. 396.
Earn-ash, river, VII. 735. Ecoau, town in Bengal, VIII. 396.
Ear-wax, II. 801. 1360101. VIII. 396.
E Earwig, IX. 189—methods of destroying Ecdysis, IX. 91.
it, XXI. 602. Ecnaunuss, in Switzerland, VIII. 398.
E, letter of the alphabet, V III. 389. Essex. PIECES, VIII. 391. Ecnara and Returns, VIII. 396.
EACIIARD (John), divine, VIII. 889. Easixo, sca term, VIII. 891. Echeneis, fish, XII. 222.
(Laurence), historian, VIII. 889. Easxucwou), in Yorkshire, VIII. 391. Echidna, in zoology, XIV. 145.
EADIEBUS, or Eadmer, VIII. 889. Easr, VIII. 39I-Islnnd, ib. Echimys, ih'zoology, XIV. 132.
Eagle, bird, XVI. 562—its power of East India Company, X1. 159, 412, et Ecumanns, islands, VIII. 396.
fasting, III. 167. seq. 441; XIII. 500—its encourage Ecnuure, or Ecmra'ran, VIII. 896.
, in heraldry, &c., VIII. $90-— ment of botany, V. 77, n. 2—its go Echinides, zoophytcs, XXI. 1008.
orders of knighthood, ib. vernment of Ceylon, 299, 305—par ECIIINI'I'ES, fossils, VIII. 396.
Isuun, VIII. 390. liamcntary inquiry into its affairs in Echinococcus, zoophyte, XXI. 995.
Eaonns, base Irish coin, VIII. 890. 1772, 896—subscqucnt proceedings, Ecnmoneaurra, zoophytcs, VIII. 890;
Eagle-stone. II. 199. 397--charges against it. ib.—Mr Fox's XXI. {MU—structure of, XVII. 721.
EAGLET, VIII. 390. bills relative to its affairs, 429-its Echinorhynchus, zoophytc, XXI. 997.
Eaheinomawe, IV. 215. misgovernment in India, 429, 440- Echinus, in architecture, III. 466.
Esnnsaxnt, Saxon title, VIII. 391. Mr Pitt’s bills, 432, 434, 435—Mr ,zonphytc, XXI. IOOB—structure
EALINO, in Middlesex, VIII. 391. Prancis‘s bill, 44l—dispute with Go of. XVII. 722.
,Ealred, II. 365. vernment in 1788 about the payment Reno, VIII. 396—eause of. II. 111, 119.
EAB, VIII. 891—musclesof, II. 794— of soldiers sent to India, 449—re< Ecuoxerna, in music, VIII. 307.
anatomy of, XVII. 665, 800-compa newal of its charter in 1793, 470— ECIJA, city in Spain, VIII. 397.
rative anatomy of, III. 25—pain of, Burmcse war, 567; XI. 440—colo ECKII‘S, or Echius (John), VIII. 897.
in diving, VIII. 64—ot' fishes, XII. nies under its dominion, VII. 12!— Ecnac'rxcs, VIII. 397.
158—of quadrupeds, XVII. 703—— its mercantile character, XI. 459-— Ecursa, VIII. 398 - eclipses of the
function of, 665—discases of, in the }Icrtford College, XI. 283—exportn moon, I-V. 7—of the sun, IX. 12—
domestic animals, XXI. 636--musi tion of bullion by, XVIII. 263. number of, in a year, ll--of Jupiter‘s
i cal, VIII. 891 ; XV. 607. See Hearing. East India Docks, VIII. 76. satellites, 82—-tables for the calcula
Ear-trumpet, II. 118. East Indies, commerce of, III. 701 ; X. tion of lunar, 72—projcction of lunar,
Ear-wax, II. 801. 191—coins of, XV. 408.412—serpents 86, 93—elcmcnts for the projection of
EARIHO, sea term, VIII. 891. of, XX. I‘M—woods of, XX]. 299-— solar, 90—eclipse of the sun in the
3.431., British titlc, VIII. 891. map 01', vol. XII. Pl. CCCVII-2. your 1748, XIII. 227.
Earle (Bishop), his description of a EASTBOURNE, in Sussex, VIII. 891. Isnaa'ns, VIII. 39S.
sceptic. I. 51. Bursa, VIII. 391:, VI. 8—dctermina Ecur'ric, VIII. 898 ; III. 765; X. 406—
Earn, loch, XVII. 289—rivcr, 290. tion of its date, l4—Easter term at its obliquity, III. 765.
Oxford, XXI. 498. ECLODE, Hindu town, VIII. 398.
EABNBS'I‘, VIII. 391. Isusn, VIII. 892; XVIII. 328 Ecnoona, in poetry, VIII. 898.
Earnshaw's scapcment, VI. 793. —-pcopling of, II. 638. Ecoxoms'rs (French),VIII. 898; I. 183;
Baa-re, VIII. 391—spcculntions as to its Eastland Company, VII. 182. XVIII. 790.
internal structure, I. 67 5—its annual Easros, in Pennsylvania, VIII. 892. Economy (Political). See Political.
motion round the sun, II. 32—diseo Essrroar, in Maine. VIII. 392. Ecs'rasv, IX. 468.
very of the nutation of its axis, 111. Eastwick’s galvanic battery, XXI. 665. ECB’I‘ATICI, divincrs, VIII. 410.
745—measurement of the, ib.; VII. Rating, instinctive, XII. 301. Ecrunsxs, VIII. 410.
678, 199 ; I. 501, et seq.,- 557, ct 307., Eaton. See Eton. Ecrnursxs, in prosody, VIII. 410.
III. 752; V. l44—its motions, III. (John), his visit to the Ladrone Ectopistcs, birds, XVI. 614.
756; XVII. 498—f0rm, III. 758; ~ Islands. XVIII. 817. £0.01, island, VIII. 410.
IX. 546; X. 404;xv.174; XVII. 498 EAUZE, French city, VIII. 392, Enannavanuu. VIII. 410.
—magnitude, III. 759; IX. 546; X. Eaves, in architecture, VIII. 392. Enos, VIII. 410; XV. 683.
893; XV7. 49; XVII. 498—nutation EXVES-DBOPPEBS, VIII. 392. Eddy explained, XIV. 728.
of its axis, 111. NIB—motion of its EDDYS'I‘ONE lighthouse, VIII. 411 ; XX.
EBDOMARIUS, or Hebdomarius, ecclesi
translation, 773—ei‘fects of its motion astical officer, VIII. 392. 16~erccted by Smeaton, XX. 899.
on the appearances of the planets, Eanosnc, festival, VIII. 392. Edelkrantz's lamp, X111. 48.
IV. IG—variations of its orbit, 58— Ebcnncete, in botany, V. 119. Evan, garden of, VIII. 411; XVII. 56.
Mr Cavendish’s experiments to deter Essanacu, in Germany, VIII. 892. I , river, VII. 536; IX. 543~its
mine its density, VI. 263—date of its Esaansan (John Augustus), VIII. 892. navigation, XVI. 12.

EDE—EDU
\
Ens! (Sir F.) quoted, VII. 933, 334.
Edentata. in zoology, XIV. 141--their
bones, III. 8. ct scq.—orgnns of smell.
21--ears. 26—intestines 37.
ED“, Hindu town, VIII. 411.
Bonus, in Macedonia. VIII. 411.
Edi'ou. IX. 375—temple of, III. 432—
antiqulties at. VIII. 535.
Edgar, king of England, VIII. 704—hls
fleet, XX. 214.
. king of Scotland, XIX. 702.
Atheling. .VIII. 708, 713, 715.
Bdgehill, battle of, V. 324.
Edgeworth (It. Lovell), IV. 514—his
telegraph, XXI. 138.
(Miss). her novels, XIX. 347.
Enovunn, in Middlesex, VIII. 411.
EDIIILIHO, VIII. 4 l1.
O
EDIC'I‘, in law. VIII. 411.
Entnavaon. VIII. 411—works for sup
plying it with water, III. 32l—Ar
thur’s Seat, 632—azimuth and altitude
circle in Observatory. IV. 109—ve
terinary school. 378—Ilible Society,
620—Asylum for the Blind. 697—
botanical school, V. 83, 84—North
Bridge, 271—Dean Bridge. 283—re
sistance to Episcopacy in 1637. 315—
sicge of Castle in 1689. 361—antt
Catholic disturbances in 1779, 412-—
political prosecutions in 1793-4, 471,
47 B—Collegcs of Physicians, Surgeons,
and Justice, VII. 69—publication of
the Edinburgh Review, 267—prnt‘es
sorship of civil law, 545—dairies. 589
—Deafand Dumb Institution, 657~St
Bernard's Well. X. 318 ——irrigated
INDEX.
EDU—EDW
XI. 628—promoted by the Jesuits.
XII. 554—views of Bacon. I. 38 ;
Locke. XIII. 408, n. 410; Milton,
XV. 90, 93; Dr Parr, XVII. 94;
Plato, XVIII. 39; Socrates. XX. 440
—schools as meeting health, XIV.
512. See Blind. Deaf and Dumb.
Universities—Education in Armagh.
III. 573—Austria, IV. 285—Bnvaria,
461—Belgium. XVI. 124, I29—Bogo Edwardsville, in Illinois, XII. 248.
ta, IV. 734—Bolivia, 753—Brazil, V. Edwin, or Edwy. king of England, his
205—Bucn0s Ayres, 654—Calcutta,
790—Carlow, VI. 144—Cavan. 257—
Chili, 586—Clare. 7 26—Colombia, VII.
92 —- Connecticut, 264 -- Constanti
nople, 271—Cork, 331—Crete, 465
-—Denmark. 7.30—Donegal. VIII. 112
—- Down. 132 -— Dublin. 235. 242-—
England, 789; XXI. 529- Ferma
nagh, IX. 517-— Franee. X. 203-—
Georgia. 470—Gcrmany, 487—01115
gow, 545—ancient Greece. XX. 452—
IIindustan, XI. 465—Hungary. 724—
Iceland, XII. I44—Illinois. 249—Ire
land, 380. 424 ; XXI. 529—Italy,
XII. 486—Jamaica, 504—Japan. 516
—St John’s. 594—Xentucky, 699
Kerry, 703—Xildarc, 712—Kilkenny,
715—King's County, 727—Kirkcud
brightshire, 736—Leitritn, XIII. 223
-Limerick, 349—London. 53:'-Lon
'donderry, 551—Longt‘ord. 556—Loui
siana, 575—Louth, 575-Isle of Man.
XIV. 212—Maryland, 272—Massa
chnsetts. 303—5111) 0, 338—Meath, 346
-——.\Iexico, 807—M0naghan, XV. 380
-—New Hampshire, XVI. 165—New
EDWLEGY
scheme of necessity, I. 148. 341——the
only eminent American metaphysi
cian, 230—moral and intellectual cha
racter of, 340—makes virtue consist
in love of order. 341.
(Dr W. R), his experiments on
the spawn of frogs. XIII. 340—on
animal tissues, XVII. 596—on cere—
bral globules. 660.
tory of the reign of, VIII. 703.
EECIIAAK, Hindu town, VIII. 455.
Erasmus. VIII. 455.
Eels, XII. 223—tishing for, III. 148
bobbingfor.IV. 722— Dublin eels,VIlI.
235—electrical ; see Gymnotus.
Esrcooss, Hindu town. VIII. 455. ~
Efat, in Abyssinia. II. 58.
Eran. island, VIII. 455.
Errsmru'ra, VIII. 455.
Errzsm, VIII. 455.
Errsavsscsncz, VIII. 456.
Errwr. VIII. 455.
Efiingham (Lord), V. 402.
EFFLOIISCBNCI, VIII. 456.
Errnoanscsu'ru. VIII. 456.
Ernuvwx. VIII. 456.
Eifodentia, in zoology. XIV. 14 2.
Errnourlzs, heretics, VIII. 456.
EFFUSIOI. VIII. 456.
Egalite, execution of. X. 83.
Egbert, king of England, VIII. 701.
Egelnoth. II. 243.
EGENO'I‘ISO, island. VIII. 456.
Eel-:11. in Bohemia. VIII. 456.
Eosau, nymph. VIII. 456. . Egyptians. See Gypsies.
55 .
EGY—ELA
471—army, 580—geographlca1 dis
coveries in Asia. 696—astronomy. 722
-—religion, IV. 169; VIII. 551; VII.
691, 694; XII. 492; XV. 676, 680;
XVIII. 333, 337, 341—D1d they bor
row their superstitions from India!
V. ISI—their beer, 230—bricks, 258
—calendar, VI. 3. et seq.; 658, 660;
VIII. 554-—-the Chinese not descended
from, VI. MEI—practised circumci
sion. 7 05—uscd cofl‘ins, VII. Iii—their
mode of cooling water. 58—day. 643
—gnomons, 757—dyeing. VIII. 295
calico-printing. 338—embalming. 676;
XVII. 724—hierog1yphics. XI. 294;
II. 540; IV. 774; XIII. 253; XVII.
876—funeral rites, X. 257—geometri
cal knowledge, 422—respect for the
dead. XII. 329—irrigati0n, 454—phy
siognomy. XIII. 92—language, ib.;
XVII. 373, 376; its affinity to the
Indian, XIII. 71—locks. 407—frce
masonry. XIV. 281—mysteries. ib.;
XV. 658. et seq. ,- 676—commerce. 7 45
--canals. XVI. 1—neeromancy, 72—
Osiris, 654—paintings. 693—paper,
XVII. 7—papyrns. 49—alphabetical
characters, 377—philosophy, 429—ci
vilization, XIX. 109—sculpture, VIII.
180; XX. 2—surgery, 820, 822—ba
lance. XXI. 835—measures, 846—
weights. 848—110“! far they resembled
the Chinese. XVII. I63—eolonized
India, 385; XVIII. 339—hypothesis of
Dr Spencer that the Hebrew ritual was
mainly borrowed from the, XX. 533.
~ .: l v
’9

meadows near. XII. 452~libraries in, Jersey, XII. 544—New South Wales, Eco. VIII. 456; XVII. 686, 712-trade Egyptian thorn, II. 64. . ..‘.( ~ _ 4‘ 9“., -
XIII. 300, ct seq—School of Arts. XXI. 719—-.\'ew York. XVI. 191— in eggs. II. 311—use of white of eggs wheel. XII. 1. '- “f , . ,:.:..'$_i.'

XIV. 460 — erection of Infirmary,
XV. 420—Uniou Canal. XVI. 12—
newspapers, 168—school of painting,
728 — Crawley spring, XVII. 527 ;
III. 321; VIII. 427—society, XVIII.
49—early printing. 549. 554-dome
0f the Register Office, XIX. 456—
foundation of. 697—university. 765 ;
XXI. 518—Socicty of Antiquaries.
XX. 402—Royal Society, 434—pro
fessorship of the law of nature and
nations, 782-3—medical school, 830,
11.4; 831.
Emsnononsmns, VIII. 429.
Edingtonite, sp. gr. of. XII. 29.
EDIEI, VIII. 389.
Enuou'rox, in Middlesex. VIII. 431.
Edmund. king of England. VIII. 703.
Ironside, VIII. 707.
Bdolius, bird, XVI. 571.
Even. or Idumma, VIII. 431.
Edrcd. king of England, VIII. 703.
Ennssos, VIII. 431.
Edriophthalma, crustacea. VII. 502—
their nervous system, 498.
Entusr, Arabian geographer, VIII. 431.
EDUCATION, VIII. 433—extent of the
subject, and different questions which
it involves, ib.—theory of the human
mind ; its importance in the doctrine
of, 434-qualities of mind to produc
tion of which it should he directed. 4 38
-happlness its end, 439—instrumcnts
and practical expedients ot'. ib.-phy
sical circumstances which operate on
the mind in the way of, 440—m0ral
circumstances which so operate. 445
—domestic. ib.—technical, 447—social,
449—politica1. 450—physical. XI. 95
--classical, XVIII. 451—its eti‘ects
used as an argument against free
agency, I. 269—study of medicine
titted to develope the intellect, 101
—cu1tivation of the domestic affec
tions, III. 261-utility of knowledge
of the civil law, 26." ; and of ancient
mythology, 267—culture of the ima
gination. ib.—eti'ect of edumtion on
taste. IV. 492—11rougham‘s educa
tion bill in 1821, V. 551—its import
ance in a manufacturing country.VIll.
415—the economists en, VIII. 403
study of natural history, IX. 60—
importance of association of ideas in,
h
Norway, 273—Ohio, 328—I’ennsylva~ in clarifying, VI. 727—serpent’s egg herring, XII. 201. ' -'# =4“
nia. XVII. 223—-I‘ersia, 253—I’ortu of the Druids, VIII. 208—eggs of in Emsoss and ERNINOBN, VIII. 561. "
gal, XVIII. 481—Prussia, 688, 697— sects. IX. 87—preservation of. 729, Ehrard's burning mirrors, V. 735.
Queen‘s County. 786——Rome. XIX. 731—test of freshness of. XVIII. 98. Ehrhart on botany. V. 74, 78.
437—Itoscommon. Nil—Russia. 581 EGGENFELDBN. in Bavaria, VIII. 456. Ehrenberg, his discorery of fossil infu
-Sardinia, 647-Scotlnnd, 765; VIII. Bonus, village in Surrey, VIII. 457. soria, XV. 56—his classification of
789; I. 249~Sligm XX. 393—Spain. Remnant), historian, VIII. 457. polypes. XXI. 1021.
52l—Sparta, {HR—Sweden, XXI. 30 Egmont (Count). XI. 511, et seq. Ehrenbreitstcin, VII. 10.
Switzerland, 50—Tennessce, 1834— Istnm, VIII. 457 ; IV. 213. Ehretiete, in botany. V. 122.
Tipperary, 314 --Turkcy. 426—Ty Return, Italian city. VIII. 457. Enon. the Benjamite. VIII. 561.
rone, 499—Van Diemen's Land. 555 Eonsxoxr, in Cumberland. VIII. 457. Eta or Ev, VIII. 561.
—Venezucla, 592—Virginia, 659— Egret, bird, XVI. 619. EIBENSTOCI, Saxon city. VIII. 561.
Watert'ord. 810—‘Vestn1eath. 861 Enter, VII-I. 458—physica1 geography Illcs'r 1n. heretics. VIII. 561.
Wext‘ord. 866—Wicklow, 879—Wur of. 507—publieations relating to. 556 Etcnsrnn'r. in Bavaria, VIII. 561.
temberg, 945. —-Dolomieu on physical constitution Eider Duck. XVI. 687-ot‘ Iceland, XII.
Eductulosm, in botany. V. 37, 38, 138. of, 96—pyramids of, II. 21; III. 410. 148—down ot‘, VIII. 561.
EDULCOBA'I‘ION, VIII. 450. 431; XVIII. 745—dew in, XVII. 573 Eidograph. XVII. 1.
Edward the Martyr. VIII. 705. —serpents of, XX. 148. \ Eikon Basilike. authorship of. X. 370;
the Confessor. VIII. 707. —_
(ANCIENT). VIII. 458—hlstory of. VIII. 286; X111. 22; XV. 96.
I.. reign of, VIII. 725—charac 459 ; X. 470. ct sup—the ten plagues EILAU-I‘RUSSIAN. VIII. 561.
ter of, 726—his war with France, X. in. XV. 570; VII. 629—libraries in, Etnsxsuao. Saxon city, VIII. 561.
I4—his Scottish wars, XIX. 708—his XIII. 286—Alexnndcr's invasion of, Elxnscx, or Binbeck. a city in Hano
tieet. XX. 215. . 632—Plato's visit to. XVIII. 14 -— ver, VIII. 561 ; VI. 460.
— II., reign of, VIII. 726—murder Czesar’s proceedings in, XIX. 397-— Eimeo, Captain Cook at. VII. 301.
of. 727—his constitution of the Mint, reduued to a Roman province. 399 Etxouovmr, VIII. 561.
VII. 32—his treatment of the Irish. See Egyptians, Hieroglyphics, Pha Emsasut, in Baden. VIII. 561.
XII. 356—his invasion of Scotland, raoh. Etsstucu. VIII. 561; XIX. 666. \
XIX. 709. ' (nouns). II. 230—hist0ry of, EISlNlUlO, German city. VI". 561.
III.. XI. 742—reign of,VIII. 727— VIII. 476—politica1 geography and Brenna, Saxon city. VIII. 561.
his encouragement ot'chivalry.VII. 612 actual state of, SUI—monumental and Earcrxss'r, in law. VIII. 562.
—his wars with France. X. 16. et seq.— other antiquities. 530; III. 261 ; XI. Elarsatuooaan. VI". 562.
his navy. XVI. 39; XX. 2,16—woollen 336—singing and dancing girls, II. Ekeings. in ship-building. XX. 284.
manufacture in his reign. XXI. 926. 533; VIII. 529—mannt'aeture of sal Exaon, in Palestine, VIII. 562.
IV., reign of. V111. 736—charac ammoniac. II. Gill—management of Elaeate. fish, XII. 186.
ter of, 737—his laws for the promo bees, IV. 535—cataeombs, VI. 238~ Elaagneze. in botmy. V. 127.
tion of archery, III. 399. cotton wool and manufacture. VII. Elmoearpete. in botany. V. 100.
V., reign of, VIII. 738. 406—— French trade with, X. I9I—si ELazo'rnsswx, VIII. 562.
VI., reign of, VIII. 751—state milarity of antiquities to those of Elaine, VI. 442—is one of the compo
of the currency under. VII. 34—sta Mexico. XIV. Sll—invaded by the nents of fat. II. 716.
tutes against forestalling and engross Crusaders, XVI. 578—Bonapnrte’s ex Elaiodic acid, VI. 480.
ing corn, 334—religions persecution, pedition to. V. 485; X. 109. 119. 121; Esau. VIII. 562; XVII. 380.
447—the Reformation Promoted by. XV. 725~Sir Ralph Abercrombie’s Bland. African animal. II. 228.
XIX. 95—his fleet, XX. 221. expedition, V. 504—British invasion Elanns, bird. XVI. 563.
, son of Alfred, VIII. 702. in 1806, 524—recent declaration ot’ Burnssoua, Greek festival. VIII. 562.
the Black Prince. VI. 604. 611; independence, XVI. 759—plague in, ELAPRBBOLIUI. the ninth Athenian
VIII. 728—1118 expedition to Spain, XVII. 773, ct sop,- II. 2I—niusic, month. VIII. 562.
XX. 497. XXI. 325—weights and measures. 852 Elaphrus, insect. 1X. 132.
(Prince). Island, XII. 590. —-map of. VIII. Pl. 208. Elaps, serpent. XX. I47. 134.
Edwards (Bryan), on the negroes. XVI. Egyptians (ancient), whether Negroes, El Arish, convention of, VIII. 492.
78-dn the cultivation of the sugar II. 223—their skulls, 784—vcncration , in Morocco. XV. 505.
cane, XX. 792. for the dog, III. 277; the cat, XIV. ELAU'I'IC, VIII. 562—Bernoullli's pro.
(GEORGE). naturalist, VIII. 450 122; and the ibis, XVI. 621; XVIII. blem ot' the elastic curve, XX. 762.
—-on birds. XVI. 548. 337—were ignorant of the arch, III. force of steam, XX. 576—expo
(Joss'rass), VIII. 453—1118 379—their architecture. 408, 415. 4 31. riments on, 577, et seq.
m INDEX.‘
ELA—ELE ELE-EDL ELL—EMB EMB—ENC
ELAO'I‘ICI'I‘Y, VIII. 562—13 a property Eledona, mollusca, XV. 354. ELLEIIEIJ, in Shropshire, VIII. 671. Exsnsun, in architecture, VIII. 681
of hi bodies, 11. 112; XX. 749—mo ELEEMOSYNA Carucarum, VIII. 663. canal, VI. 509—aqueducts of Ennnomnar, VIII. 681.
dulus of, VI. 154—01' metals, XIV. Ennsuosrssnics, VIII. 663. the, III. 322. Exsson, in France, VIII. 681.
402; air. XVIII. 70, 77, 97, 100, 108; ELEGANCE, VIII. 663. and Chester canal, XVI. 12. Enaai'o, in physiology, VIII. 681. See
difl'crcnt kinds of timber, XXI. 300-3 ELEOI'I' in law, VIII. 663. ELLICIIPOOB, Hindu town, VIII. 671. Fmtus, Generation.
--motion of elastic fluids, 117. ELBGY, VIII. 663 -— Roman elegiac Elliot (Sir Gilbert), V. 459—his letters , in botany, III. 74, 99; V. 56, 51.
ELA‘I‘EA, city of Phocis, VIII. 562. poets, XVIII. 154. to Hume on causation, I. 287—0n Embryonatze, in botany, V. 58.
Elater, insect, IX. 140. ELEMENTS, in physics and astronomy. the alien bill, V. 467. Embryonate. plants, V. 92.
Elaterides, insects, IX. 189. VIII. 663—in chemistry, VI. 358. (Hugh), V. 451. ENDBN, in Hanover, VIII. 681.
Elatcrite, in mineralogy, XV. 172. Eleiny, specific gravity of, XII. 29. (J. 51.), his repeater, VI. 797. EMERALD, VIII. 681 ; XV. 156—11111111
ELA'I‘EBICM, in pharmacy, VIII. 562. ELENCIIUS, VIII. 663. (George Augustus), Lord Heath guisbed from beryl, I V. GOO—Egyptian.
ELATII. or Eloth, VIII. 562. Eleotris, fish, XII. 194. field, VIII. 671. VIII. ISIS—specific gravity of, XII. 99.
Elatincae, in botany, V. 99. Elephant, XIV. 147—of Africa, II. 228 ; Ellipse, VII. 227. Ensssxou, VIII. 682; XV. 155.
ELBA. Italian island, VIII. 562—iron Asia, III. 682; Ceylon. VI. 302; In ELursls, in grammar, VIII. 672. Excason (\Viliinm). VIII. 682; I. 597.
mines in, XV. 250. dia, XI. 381; Nepaul, XVI. 95; Su Ellipsoids, attraction of, IV. 184. (Dr), on the mortality at Phila
ELBB, river, VIII. 563; X. 483; XI. matra, XX. 803—its trunk, III. 27— Ellipsolithes, in conchology, XV. 345. delphia. XV. 522.
137; XVIII. 690; XIX. 669—00111 ivory, 32—tecth, ib.—— successive den ELLIPTIC, or elliptical, VIII. 672. Emsar, VIII. 682; XV. 155.
trade of the, V11. 363. tition, Elli—length of its intestines, 37 transcendents, IX. 640. Emcw, bird, XVI. 616.
El-Bcrba, VIII. 543. -its tasks, XII. 490 —-— structure. TURNING, VIII. 672. Ex‘lons'rlon, VIII. 683 -—— to Bnenos
ELBERI‘ELD, Prussian city, VIII. 563. XVII. 706—elephant-shooting, XX. spheroids, IV. 175. Ayres, V. (HG—Canada, VI. 67—Chm
ELBBUF, French city, VIII. 563. 302. See Ivory. ELLIPTOGBAI‘II, VIII. 673. 538—Cololnbia, VII. 91, III—New
Enema, Prussian city, VIII. 563; IV. (Kxmnrs or TUE), VIII. 663. Ellis on Dunbar's poetry, VIII. 271. South \Vales, XXI. 7 ill—New Zealand,
_ 330—trade 01‘, XVIII. 694. ISLE, VIII. 663. —(1\Ir), his observations on ani 975—thc United States, 460; XVIII.
ELBOW, VIII. 564; XVII. 617. ELEPHANTIASIB, a disease. VIII. 664. malculcs and mucor, III. I91—ou co 408—its insufficiency to keep down
Elbow-joint, II. 789. ELI-:rusnrxss, island, VIII. 664—anti chineai, VIII. 307—0n sponges, XX. population, 412. See Colonies.
Elburz mountains, XII. 708; XVII. 242. quities in, 532—quarries of, ib. 547-—on vegetable physiology, XXI. EMINENCE, VIII. 691.
ELCESAITES, heretics, VIII. 564. nooas, VIII. 664. 578, ct seq. EMIB, VIII. 691 ; III. 332.
ELCHB, Spanish town, VIII. 564. Elephas, in zoology, XIV. 146. ELLMOIIE, Hindu town, VIII. 673. EMISSARY, in politics, VIII. 691.
Elder-tree, XVII. 789—specitic gravity Elethya, in Egypt, ruins of, VIII. 533— ELLOBE, Hindu town, VIII. 673. Emly. XXI. 314.
01‘ its wood. XII. 29. tonibs near, 533-4. ELLBICII, Prussian city, VIII. 673. Emma, wife of Canute. VIII. 707.
ELDEas, Jewish, VIII. 564—ot' the pri ELEUSINIA, Creek festival, VIII. 664; ELLWANGEN, in Wirtemberg,VIII. 673. EMMANUEL, VIII. 691.
mitive churches, XII. 263. See Pres XIV. 281; XV. 658. 667, et seq. Ellwood (Thomas), his intercourse with , king of Portugal. XVI. 655.
byterians, XVIII. 523. ELEUSIS, city in Attica, VIII. 666. Milton. XV. 102. Estusnlcu, Prussian city, VIII. 691.
El Descabczado, VI. 523. ELEUTHEIIIA, festival, VIII. 666. ELLYB (Dr Anthony), VIII. 67 3. Emnexaooo css, VIII. 692.
Eldred on gunnery, XI. 42. \ ELEUTIIEBOLACOSES, VIII. 666. Elm, XVII. 780, 783. 789. Emmett (Robert), V. 545; VIII. 2‘87;
ELBA. or Elis, in Greece, VIII. 564, 669. ELEVATION, VIII. 666—of'thc host, ib. Elm-timber, XXI. 294—spccific gravity XII. 387. '
ELEATIC sect of philosophers, VIII. 564; -—in architecture, III. 466. of, XII. 29. Ensues (Ubbo), VIII. 691.
XVII. 431. Euwaroa muscles, VIII. 666. ELMACINUS (George), VIII. 674. Exotusu'rs, in medicine, VIII. 692.
Eleazar, XII. 574. ELEVA'I'OBY, in surgery, VIII. 667. Iii-\Iina, XI. 29. EMULUMEI'IT, VIII. 692.
ELECT, VIII. 564. Eusvs. VIII. 667. Elmis, insect, IX. 150. ElO'I‘ION, VIII. 692. See Ethical Phi~
Etzc'rios, VIII. 564. Eur, VIII. 667—eIf-arrows, ib. Elmo (St), fire 01’, VIII. 623; XVII. 54 2. losophy.
ELECTIVE, VIII. 564—franchise, X. 629 Elti Bey, VIII. 497. Eloch, river, X. 483. Euour, or Amoy, island, VIII. 692.
—attraction, VI. 356. Elficld, early printing at, XVIII. 548. Elocution. See Declamation, Reading. EMPALEMENT, punishment, VIII. 692.
ELzc'roa, VIII. 564. Elfrida. VIII. 705. Elodes, insects, IX. 141. Exrsnocnns, VIII. 692~taught the true
ELEC’I‘OBA'I‘E, VIII. 564. ELrsnono, in Sweden, VIII. 667. Enoor, VIII. 674. theory of lunar light, I. 452.
Electric shock, VIII. 638—01' the siiurus, ELGANDEL. Hindu town, VIII. 667. ELoul, Eloi, or Elohim, VIII. 674. Eurnnon, VIII. 692.
XII. 203. ELGIN, Scotch town, VIII. 667. ELOINED, in law, VIII. 674. of Japan, fish, XII. 179.
eel, XII.225.162. See Gymnotus. usaau-zs, VIII. 668; III. 646; ELONGATIOI'I, in astronomy, VIII. 674. Empctrcae, in botany, V. 129.
fishes, XVII. 717. IV. 129; XVI. 728; XX. 7. Elops, fish, XII. I96, 216. EMPIIASIS, in rhetoric, VIII. 692.
telegraph, VIII. 582; XXI. 138. Elginshire. See Morayshire. Eloquence of the Druids, VIII. 209. Sec Eurnrsssu, in surgery, VIII. 692.
apparatus, VIII. 641. Elgiva. VIII. 704. Rhetoric, Cicero, Ste. Empidim, insects, IX. 269.
bells, IV. 547. ELI, Jewish priest. VIII. 669. ELOBA, VIII. WEI—pagoda of, VII. 696. EMPIRE, VIII. 692—German, 693.
—— machines, VIII. 641, 576—con Eliac sect of philosophers, XVII. 431. Elphin, XIX. 480. EMPIRIC, VIII. 693.
struction and use of, 643. Euun the Tishbite, VIII. 669. Elphinstone (IIon. Mountstuart) his ac Enmis, insects, IX. 270.
Enscraicrrr, VIII. 565; XVII. 568 Eliot (Sir John), V. 314. count of Afghanistan, 11. 211—on Eurnzss, VIII. 693.
history of, VIII. 565; I. 544, 617— Ems, or Elca, VIII. 669, 564. the monsoous, X1. 378; XVII. 540 Exraos'rno'rouos, VIII. 693.
624—phenomena and laws 01'. VIII. Elisa, or Dido, VIII. 16; VI. 183. -—-his account of the Indus, XII. 270. Empusa, insect, IX. 191.
575—011 the electricity produced by Eusns, Jewish prophet. VIII. 670. (\VILLIAM), bishop of Ross, Eurrnscn, VIII. 693.
heat, pressure, and separation of parts, Eusron, in grammar, VIII. 670. VIII. 674 ; XXI. 515. , EMPYBEI'MA, in chemistry, VIII. 693.
595; and by change 01 form, 603— ELIXATION,111 pharmacy, VIII. 670. ELPISANN, in Asiatic Turkey,VIII. 675. Bars, V111. 693.—baths of, XV. 737.
changea produced by it on organic Euxm, in medicine, VIII. 670. ELSFLE'I‘II, German town, VIII. 675. , river, X. 483; XI. 137.
and inorganic bodies, 624 —.Epinus ELIZABETH, queen of England, VIII. 670 ELBINEUE, VIII. 675; IV. 328 ; VII. 725. Emu. XXI. 716.
on, II. 174—ob5ervations of Biot and --reign of, 756—archery in her reign, ELSNAI'I'EN, Swedish town, VIII. 675. Eaves-nos, VIII. 693—is the nurse of
Gay-Lussae in a balloon, 193 —-G. III. 399, 401—restrictions on com. ELTIIAM, term in Kent, VIII. 675. genius, XVII. 412.
Beccaria on, IV. 507—discoveries of merce, V. 303—prosecution of Catho ELTMANN, in Bavaria, VIII. 675. RMULGEN'I‘ or rcnel arteries, VIII. 698.
Mr Canton, VI. 104 — Cavallo on, lic priests, VI. til—did not object to Ennis, town in Portugal, VIII. 675. Estcscrosr. in anatomy, VIII. 693.
252—Mr Cavendish on, 261—electri deformity III her counsellors, VII. ELY, VIII. 67 5—conventuai church and Emys, reptile, XIX. 12S.
cal theory ofchcmical attraction, 351, 674—her friendship for the Earl of cathedral of, VI. 34—Islc of, 33. ENALLAGE, in grammar, VIII. 698.
357, 459 --Coulomb’s Memoirs on, Essex, 743—quarrel with him, 744— Elymze, VIII. 562. ENAMEL. VIII. 693—01‘ the teeth, II.
426-7—its supposed agency in the dramatists of the age of, VIII. 167— Elymas, king of Libya, VI. 188. 746; III. 32.
Deluge, 701—its use in resuscitating trial by battle, 253~her committal to Elymus arcnarius, VIII. 678. ENAMELLING, VIII. 693—01' porcelain.
drovmcd persons, VIII 203—its influ the Town in Mary’s reign, 754—— Eusion, VIII. 675; XV. 671. XVIII. 438.
ence in the formation of clouds and death and character, 7 59—aid to the Elytra, IX. 74. Eucmsu, Jewish festivals, VIII. 694.
rain, VII. 2; XVII. 534, 535—elcc Netherlands, XI. 517, 519 — policy Enzyme, printers, VIII. 675. ENCAI‘S'I‘IC and Escsosruu, VIII. 694.
trical theory of sensation, XVII. 673. towards Ireland, XII. 864—rcligious EMANATION, VIII. 675. PAINTING, VIII. 694.
See Voltaic Electricity. persecutions in her reign, XIII. 415 EMANCIPATION,III Roman law,VIII. 675. Escnm'rn, in fortification, VIII. 698.
Enscrinnxs, islands, VIII. 663. -—her navy, XVI. 41 ; XX. 221-— Emanuel, king of Portugal, XVI. 655. Enccladus, insect, IX. 119.
Electripeter, XXI. 689. poetry of the age of, XVIII. 169— Emarginuln, mollusca, XV. 349, 365. Esczrnau, in medicine, VIII. 698.
Electro-chcmistry, Sir IIunphry Davy‘s date of her death, 392. n.—Protestant EMATIIIA, VIII. 676. Encephalitis, XVII. 479.
discoveries in, VII. 638, et seq. See ism maintained by, XIX. 96 — her Ematin, VI. 465. ' ENCIIASING, or Chasing, VIII. 698.
Voltaic Electricity. policy towards Scotland and Queen EMIIALMIUG, VIII. 676; XVII. 724—by Enchclis, animalculcs, III. 186—7.
Electrograph, Ronalds', VIII. 661. Mary, XIX. 732, elSe‘1].——EIIYIII)QIIIIIII the Guanches, VI. 78. Enchelyopus, fish, XII. 226.
Electro- magnetism, XXI. 683; XIII. style of architecture, 111. 428. EMBANRMENTB, VIII. 676. Encke’s comet, I V. 38.
752—discovered by Professor Oersted, —, empress of Russia, XIX. 547. -- of rivers, XVII. 025; XIX. 284 ENCLITICA, in grammar, VIII. 698.
VIII. 637. Elizabethtown, New Jersey. XII. 54 3. ~thcir pernicious effects on naviga~ Encoubert. in zoology, XIV.‘143.
Eiectro-magnets, XIII. 761. Euzoxno, Spanish town, VIII. 671. tion, VIII. 193. ENCBA'I‘ITES, IIL'I‘cIICS, VIII. 698.
Electrometers, VIII. 654, at $07.; XIV. Elk, XIV. 158—1'ossil Irish, XII. 394— EMBABCADEBO, VIII. 680. Encrinitcs, zoophytcs, XIX. 1011.
743—uses of, I. 622—Voltri’s condens~ _ Norwegian, XVI. 264. EMBARGO, in commerce, VIII. 680. EXCI’CLOI‘JEDIA. VIII. 698; I. preface—
ing electrometer, VIII. 651. Rl-kAb, antiquities at, VIII. 533. linear. \Vssxs, VIII. 680. ' the first probably written by an Ara
Electrophorun, VIII. 643. Elkington‘s mode ofdraining, VIII. 137. Enibct'iza, bird, XVI. 580. bian, II. 415—Chinese, VI. 568.
Electroscopcs, VIII. 654, at seq,-—I'Ia11y’s ELL, a measure, VIII. 67L EMBLEM, VIII. 680. Britannica, VII. 268; XV. 80;
595—Bohnenberg's, X X1. 673. Iillagic acid, VI. 429. Ennoussws, VIII. 681. XX. 401 —contributions to, by Dr
BLL'Q'I’UABI', in pharmacy, VIII. 663 BLLBOOZN, in Bohemia, VIII. 671. Eunoasmo, VIII. 681. Doig, VIII. 93; Leslie, XIII. 248;
 INDEX.‘ 57
ENC—ENG ENG—ENT ENT—EPI , EPI—EQU
Playfair, xvm. 46 ; 1)." Young, xx. ' ~poor-laws, 364, 368 ; VII. 335, 336, Entom0straca, crustaces, VII. 503— Epidii, VI. 2.
' 971. .. n.—increase of population, XVIII. thcir nervous system, 498—orgnns of Erioo'un, deities, IX. 310.
Encyclopmdical tree, D'Alembert's, I. 1. 411—-expectation of life, 424—porce reproduction, 499. Epidote, in mineralogy, XV. 154.
Encyclopedic (French), VIII. II—con lain-manufacture, 434—introduction Entozoa, zoophytes, XXI. 991‘2; XVII. Epiglottis in man, II. 805; XVII. 682
m tributions of D’Alembert to, II. 398. of printing, 550—prisons, 583—pcnal 128—structure of, XVII. 722. --in brutes, III. 28.
B ' :Iopsedists, French, X. 47. Q-' law, 737—the Reformation, XIX. 95; Entrecasteaux (D’), his discoveries in Erioom, 1X. 310.
B I lfiislsnd. IX. 624. VII. {IL-romance, XI‘X. 332, 834— Australasia, IV. 206, 210, 211, 212— Erloiuui. in poetry, 1X. 311.
Em"! diseases, VIII. 69 A royal family. 513—sculpture, XX. 9 his Channel, VII. 732. EPIGIIAPIIE, IX. 311.
Bibfl'n, Persian town, VI -. 698. A -—lightbouses, 29—-shipping, 214, et Esra: Dunno s Mmno, 1X. 302. Epigynous stamens and petals, V. 41.
ndive, culture of, XI. Gig-tum“! seq. —— slavery, 383—suieide, 798 — Esrncras, IX. 302. Epllcfwy in the horse, XXI. 632.
of its stem, III. 82,_
.
, o. P-surgery, 829.ct seq.—land-taxcs, XXI.
I ‘71 Entre Rios, in La Platn, XVIII. 7. EPILOGL'II, 1X. 311.
humus, VIII. 699. -, a j u,“ 102 —~timber, 291—Roman roads, 821 Entrophic organs, II. 813; III. 32. Epimachus, bird, XVI. 591.
Bndocarp, in botany, ’ ‘
_ -universities. 491—sheep and wool, ENTRY, in law, IX. 302. \ EPIMBNIDES the Cretan, IX. 311.
Endogenous plants, V. ,' 32, 134, 136. 922-woollen manufactures,926-map ENUMEIIA'I‘ION, IX. 302. EPIMETIIEUS, IX. 311.
Endomychus, insect, IX?“ , 4 s of, Vol. VIII. Plates CCXIX—I and
416 Esvnnorrz, in fortification, IX. 302. Eruun, in France, IX. 311.
Endopleura, in. ' . _ ~ CCXIX-2. See the Chronological Euvuonun, in heraldry, IX. 302. Epipetaltc. in botany, V. 114.
Eunos,town 111m , >_ H. Table, VI. 669. ct seq. ; also Britain. Envor, IX. 302. Enrnanws (St), IX. 311-011 the Ebion
of, 111. 307; 1071.11; r, , ,.., Englefield (Sir 11.), his portable baro Envr, IX. 302—analyzed, XII. 304-dc ites, VIII. 394.
'Endorhim, in be V. 31. meter, IV. IOU—his filter, IX. 581—— formed persons subject to, VII. 676. Enrnaxr. Christian festival, IX. 311 —
Bnnosssn, in he '_ , VIII. 699. on heat. XI. 183—on the spectrum. Enzsnu, Persian town, IX. 302. in Abyssinia, II. 62.
‘Endorsemjt. Skiersement. XVI. 419. Eolipile, IV. 715. Eruws, in Greece, IX. 312.
Bu ‘ 1' In bot v. 50. .0. Enoun Lanonaos, IX. 38; XIII. 86 Eomans, fanatics, IX. 302. EPISCOPACT, I X. Slit—favoured by James
1: .~'_ “. in up 111. 699 ——its superiority over the French as Boos. or Eaoowe, island, 1X. 302. 1., V. 304—attempt of Charles I. to
scones-ii;_ Lana, III. 699. ,4, ,
Blasts, VII
Ennnuon,
Busininl I
‘
.
.
up
1 an instrument of thought, I. 229— Eonu, Athenian feast, IX. 302.
wnnt of good translations of ancient Bonus, Saxon goddess, 1X. 302.
classics, III. 263—biblcs, IV. 618— Epacrideze, in botany. V. 118.
set it up In Scotland, 315—the king
the head of the Church, XVIII. 528
~convocations, ib.—Presbyterian ar
specimen of dictionary of, VIII. 10. Eracrs, in chronology, IX. 302; VI. guments against. ib.—~rise of, 525.
Bassoon" . ' , Channel. canal from it to the II—tables of, 12. 13. Emscoran, IX. 317.
Runes, VI , 699.‘ |'~
.. Bristol Channel, XVI. 13. Bramnoxnas, Theban general, IX. 302; EPISCOPALIANS, 1X. 317.
Esssva'rme. VIII. 699. s type. XXL-135. XXI. 195-9 —-his army, III. 588— Eriscorws (Simon), IX. 317.
Eunsxr, Siberian river, VIII. 699. Englishmen, their tendency to dread a anecdote of, IX. 577. - Episinus, genus of araehnides, III. 60.
ENEBEISK, Siberian town, VIII. 699.‘ French invasion, V. 473 — distin Eransn, IX. 303. EPISODE, in poetry, IX. 317.
Enrans Prunes, VIII. 699. guished as sportsmen, XX. 802. Eraunnsirur, IX. 303. Episperm, in botany, V. 50.
Esrintn (William), LL.D., VIII. 699. Engrafting, in gardening. X1. 635. Eraunsr'rns, IX. 303. Epistaminczc, in botany, V. 128.
, in Middlesex, VIII. 700. Engrailed. in heraldry, IX. 43. Epéc (Abbé de 1‘), on the education of EPIS'I‘EMONARCII, IX. 317. _
Burinann, in war, VIII. 700. Engraulis. fish, XII. 216. the deaf and dumb, VII. 648, 651. Epistilbite, specific gravity of, XII. 29.
ENIINB, Egyptian city, VIII. 700. Enoaavmo, IX. 44—on gems, 55— Epeira, genus of arschnidcs, III. 361. ErisTLs. IX. 317.
Enrsancntssnnn'r, VIII. 700. aquatinta, III. 315—of dies, VII. 54 Ernn'rnnsls, in grammar, IX. 303. Epistropheus, II. 760.
Enoano, island, VIII. 700. -on glass, X. 581—mezzotinto, XV. 2; Bpeolus, insect, IX. 234. EPISTYLE, IX. 317; III. 466.
Enoasramrrm, VIII. 700. XIX. 522flmultiplication of engraved Ernmss, Hungarian city, IX. 308. Erirnu, IX. 317.
BNGEN, in Germany, VIII. 700. copperplates by voltaic electricity, Erna, or Ephah, a measure. IX. 304. EPITIIALAXIUM, IX. 318.
Enonnnsnmo, VIII. 700. XXI. 683—wood-engraving, 916. Ernnsarm, IX. 304. Errrnn'r, 1X. 818.
Buomsn, city in Flanders, VIII. 700. Engrossing of corn, statutes against, EPHEBI, IX. 304. Eriroxs, in history, IX. 318.
(Duke d'). VII. 201—oxccution VII. 334. Erasmus, IX. 304. Epitrngus, insect, IX. 166.
of, X. 129; XV. 730. Enounaa, Spanish town, IX. 56. , insects, IX. 211—their use in Eri'rai'rns, in prosmly, IX. 318
ENGINE, in mechanics, VIII, 700. Esomcm-z, in heraldry, IX. 56. angling, III. 135. Errrnorcs,judgc, IX. 318.
ENGINFEM. "1U- 700—French corps of, Enharmonic. See Music. EPIIEMEBIDES, IX. 304 ; XIII. 560. Erocua. IX. 318; VI. 652—dlfl‘erencs
III- 600 ' Austrian. 604—British,62l Enicocerus. insect, IX. 150. ErnssusJX.304—ehnrchot',XVIII.524. between mm and epoch, II. 176.
-—-academical rank of civil engineer at Enicurus. bird, XVI. 572. Ernn'raz, Athenian judges, IX. 305. Erom-z, in lyric poetry, 1X. 318.
Durham,-XXI. 508. ENIGMA. II. 173. Ephialtcs, insect, IX. 224. Erortnia, in poetry, IX. 318.
Engitides, insects, IX. 148. ESKIIUI‘ZI-ZN, in Holland, IX. 56. Ephippus. fish, XII. I79. Errmc, town in Essex, 1X. 318.
Esonaun, VIII. 701—history of, ib.— Enlistment of soldiers, Mr \Vindham's Ernon. in Jewish antiquity, IX. 305. . EPPINGIZN, German city, IX. 318.
statistics, MID-agriculture, 11. 252-3 act respecting, V. 520. Ernoal, Doric magistrates, IX. 305., Eproboscideae. insects, IX. 292.
—expcditions against Algiers, 506— Enneacrunus, IV. 124. Ernoscs, Greek historian, IX. 305. Ersou. town in Surrey, IX. 318.
American colonies, 637, 647, 648 Exnnaoou, in geometry, IX. 56. Ernnaus, IX. 306. Epsom Salt, in mineralogy, XV. 139.
archery, III. 398, ct seq.—pointed ar~ Earns, Irish town, IX. 57; VI. 727. Ernsrn Swans, IX. 306. Salts Cave, in Indiana, XII. 266.
chitecture, 422, 454—later architec Enmsnumx, IX. 57, 518. Ernroon, Athenian otiicer, IX. 306. Brusasns. IX. 31.8.
ture, 4‘28—recent pointed architec Exams, Roman POI'I, 1X. 56—works of, Ephydra, insect, IX. 290. Erono. IX. 318.
ture, USO—Saxon and Anglo-Norman XVII. 411; XVIII. I53. Erma-r112, IX. 306. Eruum, ant-it~nt<t‘cast, IX. 318.
Gothic architecture, 451 -—wi~ights Ennui, VIII. 55. EPIBA'I'SIIION, IX. 806. EQUABLI, IX. 318.
and measures, {HI—army, GIG—ar Enoplosns, fish, XII. 168. Eric poetry, IX. 306; XVIII. 148. EQUAL and Eqcau'rr. IX. 318.
tillery, 632—painters, 650—baking, Enoan, IIindu village, IX. 57. Epicarides, crustacea, VII. 502. I'louamnrrr, IX. 318.
IV. 29 b—laws respecting baking, 300— Enos, city in Turkey, IX. 57. .Epicarp, in botany, V. 47. Equation of time, III. 776—table of, for
bell-ringing, 547 -- botanists, V. 82, 91 Eno'rssvsx, Russian town, IX. 57. EPICEDION, in poetry, IX. 307. crery day of the year, VII. 780.
—-canals, 288—union of its crown with lisow-rawxau, in Russia, IX. 57. Encnntt'x, in poetry, IX. 307. — clock, VI. 782.
that of Scotland, 302—-history after Ra's. IX. 57. 58. Epicharis, insect, IX. 234. EQUA'rtons, IX. 319~--homogcncous. I.
that union, ib.—union with Scotland. Bun-11:11:11,111 falconry, IX. 58. Ertcnaanns, Greek poet, IX. 307. 529—absolute, II. 44—in algebra, 440,
370—attcmpt to dissolve that union, Enscnada. dc Barrngon, V. 640. Ericmnoronu, IX. 307. ct snq.—quadrati . Nib—cubic, 154—
373—castles in former times, VI. 233 Ensnam, in Oxfordshirc, IX. 58. Ericmxn, in grammar. IX. 307. rcciprocal, 460—itsolution of those
-influcnco oftho wars oftlie Roses 011 Ensit‘orm cartilage. II. 764. Epicorollm Col-isantherm, in botany, V. whose roots are rational, Mil—reso
chi\'alry,615—1he Mint, VII.32~—com Eamon, IX. 58—11aval,ib. lution of, by approximation, 461—
ll5--Synanthcne, 116.
Ensishcim, meteoric stone of, XIV. 707.
merce, 160—111“ igation-laws, I22, 160 EPIC‘I‘ETUS, philosopher, IX. 307.
loci of, 482—difl'crcntial, XIV. 322.
-—-tlic mercantile sy~tcm, 163--losses
EXT (Sir George), IX. 58. Ericnaran philosophy, IX. 1107; XVII. Eons-run, or [Equatnn IX. 351—astro
from that system, lGI—trading‘com Entablature, III. MiG—Doric, 438, 450, 431; I. 302—Bncon‘s admiration of nomical, III. 755*geographical, X.
panics, 181, ct seq --Lord High Con 451—I0nic,439,449,451—Corinthian, Epicurean physics, 7I—Gussendi’s {OI—magnetic. XIII. 743.
stable of, 266—corn laws and trade, 441, us. 451—Caryatic. 441. partiality for, 70. Equatorial instruments, IV. 108.
333; IV. 301—influence of the cot Enruns, Scotch, XXI. 70; II. 264—1111 Ericcnus, IX. 309—character of, I. 808 Eorzar or Repair, IX. 351.
tage-system, VII. 392—efl'ects of the favournble to agriculture, 342. —respect paid to his system by his Bonus Annarus. IX. 351.
cotton-manufacture, 396--history of Entasis, in architecture, 111. 466. followers, 305—his definition of mo Equcs, fish. XII. 176.
that manufacture, 398, 407—Condj Enterion, worm, X1. 222. tion, I50—cxplanatlon 01' light, 505— Eocss'rnu, among the Romans, IX.351.
l
tion of, during the Crusades, ~188— Eurauazasn, IX. 58. materialism, III. 294—Canoniea, VI. EQUESTRIAN, IX. 351.
law of divorce, VIII. 72—dockyards, Esrntuznn, IX. 58; XIII. {HI—Aris 94 -— dialectic, VII. 756 ~— atheism, Eqcuucuua, IX. 1352.
78—the drama, 153, 156, 166—duel totle on, III. 515. XVIII. 665. Ecumls'ranr. IX. 5152.
ling, 253—title ot' duke, 257—govern Exrunenn, in Switzerland, IX. 58. Ericrcnns, IX. 309—system of. IV. 15. EQUILATEIIAL, IX. 1152.
ment and laws, IX. I—fisheries, 602 Exronowor, IX. 50—not so cruel a EPICVCLOII), in geometry, IX. 309. Ecmuamun. III. 352; XIV. 1156—0!
-—glass-making, X. 565 —- hunting, pursuit as is commonly imagined, III. Ermauncs, in Illyria, IX. 309. human body, 11. 706 —-ot‘.tiuids. XII.
XI. 740, 71 l—lunntic nsylums, XIV. 164 -— use of flies in angling, 133. EPIDAIFRUS. Greek city, IX. 310. 10-— of moving bodies, XIV. 378—01'
587 —coal, XV. ‘Z-I-i—coins, 399, 401, ct-seq.——tenacity ot'iil‘c among insects, Ermnma. Greek festivals, 1X. 310. arches, &c., 395; V. 266 —-ot' forces,
404, 407, 409—navy, XVI. 38 --news Ilili—thcir insensibility to pain, 164 Erinnnic diseases, IX. 310. XIV. 455—coxisti'uction of the arch
papers, 168 ~history of art, 721— —F:ibricius on, IX. 473—comparatiw Eriusnms of skin, IX. 310; II. 750; of, XXI. 640. See Arch, Balance,
banking, XVII. 22—old sports, 112— 7 physiology of insects, XVII. 720—how XVII. GOG—of mucous membrane, 752 Statics.
heights of momitains, 506, 557—lakes, some walk on water, XX. 753—mc ---of plants,lII. 65. EQUIMITLTII'LEG, IX. 352.
623—poetry, XVIII. 168—police, 249 thods of destroying them, XXI. 602. EPIDICASIA, IX. 310. Equuioc'run, IX. 352—points,1b.
tn
INDEX.
EQU—ERI ERI—ESK ESL—ETH ETH—ETI
Bemsox, or Equinox, IX. 852—cere Eriometer, VI. 640; XI V. 750; XVI. 450 Eslon (Monsieur d'), on animalmngnet attention paid to, at the era of the
monies at, in China, VI. 559. Erioptern, insects, IX. 260. ism, XIV. 12, et seq. Restoration, I. 46—Barrow 0n,ib.-Dr
Equinoxes (precession of the), III. 767; Eriphia, insects, IX. 284. Esmunus, Egyptian deity, VIII. 554. Law's system, 171-2—Din'sion of the
XVIII. 507—discovcred by lIippar Emu-urns, IX. 360. Esna, III. 702. subject, 296-7—Paley’s views, 298-—
chus, III. 731—Laplace’s discoveries Ems, goddess, IX. 361. Essa, or Esneh,in Egypt, IX. 867—an retrospcct of ancient ethics, 299—
relative to the, III. 752. Eniswu'ruou, IX. 361. tiquities at, VIII. bfii—zodiuc at, 565. cthical philosophers of Greece, 300—
Equinoxial line, X. 401. Eristalis, insect, IX. 275. Esocydze, in ichthyology, XII. 199. Plato, ISM—Aristotle, 802 —Epicu
Eocnronsnses, in logic, IX. 352. Eristic sect of philosophers, XVII. 431. Esoteric, IX. 466. reans and Stoics, ib.—Epicurns and
Equnna, Roman festival, IX. 352. Extra, town in Kent, IX. 360. Esox, fish, XII. 199—angling for Esox Zeno, 303—system of Stoics, 304-—
Equisetacem, in botany, V. 37, l-‘iS—or EBIVAN, Persian province, IX. 360. Lucius, III. 144. estimatc of the practical philosophy
guns of reproduction in, V. 54. Eanssoss, Bavarian city, IX. 361. Esrsuou, in France, IX. 868. of Greece, SOD—literature of Alex
Equitable Life Assurance Society. III. EBLAU, Hungarian city, IX. 361. Espartcro (General). XX. 512-14. andria, 306—scholastic ethics, 307.
201, 202, 209 —its valuable tables. Human (31.). on the electrical relationsEspinel (Vicente), his novel, XIX. 352. 313—Jewish and Mahommedan wri
XV. 527, 555. of fhunc, VIII. 606. Espiritu Santo, river, XVIII. 456. ters, SOB—Augustin's system, 809—
Barnes, in ancient Rome, IX. 352. Basins, in heraldry, IX. 36] ; XI. 245 ESPLANADE, in fortification, IX. 368. doctriues of Aquinas, Scotus. and
Econ-1r, IX. 353. -—ordcr of knights, IX. 861. Esrovssns, in law, IX. 368. Bradvvardine, ib.—William of 00k
EQUIVALENT, IX. 353. Y Enmsss,'in heraldry, IX. 361. Esquiline hill, XIX. 424, 426. ham and John Gerson, 310-— Aqui
EQUIVOCAL. in logic, IX. 353. Esulaois, in heraldry, IX. 361. Esoumu'x, IX. 868; II. 619, 634; X. nas, ib.—the Mystics, 811- tempta
EQUIVOCATION, IX. 3.53. Ermont, antiquities at, VIII. 535. 759 —their language, II. 633~of La tions and errors of the scholastic age,
Eqnula, fish, XII. 189. Ensaru, IX. 861. brador, XIII. 5. 312—nominalists and realists, ib.—
Eoocsses or Ecccu-zns, IX. 353. Eruc, river, VI. 255; VIII. 111; IX. Emma, IX. 368; VI. 178, 603. extensive influence of Aquinas's syl
Equus, XIV. 151. See IIorse. SIG—Lough, IX. 516; XII. 300— j Esssr, 1):. see. tein, 312-13-Spanish wn'ters on scho
Era, or JEra, II. 176; VI. 653—of the river and laugh navigation, XVI. 22. I Essayiug. See Assnying. lastic ethics, 314, 4 ‘22—Grotius's views
foundation of Rome, Gait—Christian, Esunsrl (John Augustus), IX. 361. Esssnann. gladiators, IX. 366. of Carneadcs's principles and argu
655—of the creation, 656; VII. 45.3 Ernulph, III. 621. § Essen, Prussian city. IX. 36$. ments, 316—Hobbes's principles; see
—— of Constantinople, VI. 658 —of Erodion, genus of arachnidcs, III. 358. Essnscs. in metaphysics, 1X. 368—01' Hobbes—ditl'erence between the acts
Alexandria, ib.—0f Antioch, 669—01' Erodius, insect, IX. 163. bodies, XIV. 648. resulting from reason and passion,
Nabonassar, 659—of the Seleucidw, Erodona, in couchology, XV. 342. Essnsss, IX. 368; X. 636. 331—sclf-love, 342, 366—difl‘crence
659—01‘ Macedonia, ib.—of Alexander, Enos, in mythology, IX. 363; VII. 549. EsssnruL, IX. SSS—oils, ib. between it and benevolent afi‘cctions,
660—of Tyre, ib.—Czesarean of Au Enoslos, IX. 363. Esssoeino, IX. 368; VII. 704. 344—definition of moral sentiments,
tloch, ib.—Julian, ib.—of Spain, ib.— EnO'rlA. 'I‘hespian festival, IX. 3613. East-2x, IX. 369—fishcriea of, 602. 346—conscicucc, ib., 402, 407-14—
of Actium, ib.—of Diocletian, ib.—r of Euo'ric, IX. 363. (Robert, Earl of), VII. 743; II. avarice, 366—principle ofhoarding, ib.
martyrs, ib.—of the Armenians, 661 I-Irotylus. insect, IX. 185. 14 ;~VIII. 758—bit; failure in Ireland, —0rigin of benevolence, 367—pity one
-—of the Iiegira, 661—ot’ the Yezde EaoUAD, Hindu town, IX. 363. XII. 365-his friendship for Bacon, of its sources,ib.—orlgin of sense ofj us
gird, or Gelalzean, 662—Jewish eras, Esrssius, or D'Erpe (Thomas), IX. 363. XXI. GOG—Bacon‘s ingratitude, 607. tice, ib.—crime and duty, ib.—power
(FM—Chinese, Mil—Hindu, 661. Erpetology. See Reptilia. (Earl of), in the reign of Charles of association in regard to remorse, 368
Eaausoo, island, IX. 3513. Errnrd on fortification, IX. 769. the First, V. 323, ct seq. —moral faculty uniformly spoken of
Esszuacus, Greek oflieer, IX. 3.33. ERRA'l‘IC. IX. {EM—blocks, XV. 220. Essling, battle of. X. 152. as one, ib.-moml approbation, ib.—
ESASISTBATUS, IX. 353—IIIB anatomical Enaousxoo, island, IX. 36—1. Essuxcss, in Wirtemberg, IX. 371. right and wrong, duty and virtue, ib.
knowledge, II, 688.; XVII. 752—bit; Esaoon, town in India, IX. 361. Essonitc, in mineralogy, XV. 169. wcomparative merits of various reli
skill in surgery, XX. 822. Ennos, in philosophy, IX. 361. Es'rscnsn, Persian town, IX. 371. gions, 374 - ethics should contain
Enasaws (Desiderius), IX. 353-i(~fi‘cct EBSKINB (Tho.), Lord Erskine, IX. 36-1. Estain (Admiral d'), V. 40.5. principles recognIScd by every reli
of his writings in accelerating the Ile (Ebenezer). XX. 62. Esrunss, French city, IX. 371. gion, ib.— honour, cowardice, and
formation, 1. Ifi—his humorous advice Eruthra, templcof Hercules at, VII. 694. Esraswouc, Arabian tonn, IX. 371. duclling, 375—social affections and
to Ammon how to push his_fortune. Erxlcbcn, merits of his classification of Esrs'rn, in law, IX. 371. malevolent passions, 880—huinility,
II. 659—his controversy with Luther animals, III. 170. EsTB, Italian city. IX. 371. 381—love of praise, 382~utility and
on free-will, XIII. 599—at Oxford, Erycina, insect, IX. 242. ESTELLA, Spanish city, IX. 371. virtue, ib,, 383, 401-2, 409—d'u'cct ob
XXI. 494. , in conchology. XV. 342. Esrnross, Spanish town, IX. 671. ject of ethics, 88-1—intimatcly con
Esssruss, religious sect, IX. 3158. Eavuss'rnns, IX. 36.3. Eseusa, Book of, IX. 371. nected with law, ib.-Stewart's ethical
fi
Eratcrium, in botany, V. 49. Eiti'slrssas, a disease, IX. 365; III. 218 , Esruosu, a Russian province, I 07? theory, 39 S-principal object of con
Esaro, a muse. IX. 358; XV. 603. -—surgical treatment of, XX. 838— --language of, XIII. 89. science to govern our voluntary exer
ElA'ros'rnsxss, IX. 358—011 astronomy, in sheep, XXI. 666. Estimation of motions and forces, in tions, ib.—manner as an index of cha
III. 730—his catalogue of Egyptian Earrnsxs, in JI-Jtolia, IX. 366. dynamics, VIII. 363. racter and disposition, 395—Dr 'I‘.
kings, VIII. 460—on the Egyptian Enrrnsscru suns, IX. 366— periplus Estivation, in botany, V. 4‘5. Brown on sympathy and conscience,
calendar, 554—on the earth‘s size, IX. of the, II. 220. ESTOILEI, in heraldry, IX. 372. 309—defcct of the terms association
546; XXI. {52—011 geography, X. 392, Erythrreus, nrachuides, III. 368. I Esrorrnn. in law, 1):. 312. and suggestion, 401—the laws of God
394—0n geometry, 426—1115 know Erythrin, VIII. 309. i Estrees (Admiral d‘), V. 847. founded on principle of promoting
ledge of the Nile, XVI. 225. Erythrinus. fish, XII. 216. { Es'rssxsncas, IX. 372. happiness, 402—question why evil ‘ex
Essros'rss'res, IX. 358. Erythroxylcte. in botany, V. 102. F Eszsx, Hungarian city, IX. 372. ists, ib.—virtue must be loved for its
EIBIL, Persian town, IX. 358. Enrx, IX. 366—serpent. XX. 138. 1 Etaerion, in botany, V. 48. own sake, 408—primary pleasures,
Esmxo, in Bavaria, IX. 356. Eazssuu, in Armenia, IX. 366. ‘i Eranrrs, in France, IX. 2172. pains. and appetites, 405-their num
Erdman on magnetism, XIII. 724. Esaanannos, IX. 366. E'ruvsu, Hindu town, IX. 37 . ber not determined, ib.—two sects,
Ensues, IX. 358—inscct, 248. I-Zscsuns, 0r Sealade, IX. 861‘. i E'rcumo. IX. 872, H. 45—on stone, the partisans of the selfish principle,
Erechtheus, IV. 142—- tcmple of, I23. Escullanieie, in botany, V. 113. XIII. 386—-voltaic, XXI. 6811. and the advocates of benevolence, ib.
Erect posture of man, XVII. 699. Escape, in architecture, III. 466. Ersnssr, Arabian town, IX. 7374. —-sccondary desires or pleasures, 406
Erectile tissue, II. 725 ; XVII. 640. Escape-ments of clocks, VI. 768, ct seq. Etelis, fish, XII. 168. —angcr, 407—maguanimity. ib.—ope
EBEKLZI, IX. 358. —of watches, 789. ETEOCLES, IX. 374; VII. 461. ration of conscience in reference to
Ensures, French city, IX. 059. Escarpe, in fortification, IX. 772. Eteocrctes, VII. 466. religious systems, ill—ethical philo
EnslosvuLs, French village, IX. 35!). EscnI-zar, in law, IX. 366. ETERNITY, IX. 374 ; XIV. 667. sophy of Scotland, ib.—of Germany;
Eresus, genus of arachnides, III. 663. Escussnscn. in Bavaria, IX. 366. Erssus winds. IX. 875 ; VIII. .515. Kant, 412. Sec Ethics.
Ereteson, in zoology, XIV. 137. Escher (Mr), lost in a glacier, II. 560. Etfu. See Edt'on. Ermcs, IX. 375—Aristotle on, III. 518
'Ess'rau, IX. 3.59 ; IV. 150. Escnsnsuscsss, IX. 366. Ethel, VI. 44 1. -practlcal, XV. 481—of the Hindus,
Eretriac sect of philosophers, XVII. 431. Esensvis, or Echevin. IX. 366. Ethelbald, king of England, VIII. 702. XVII. 428—01' the Egyptians, 430.
Brewush Canal, XVI. 13. EscunAslTES, IX. 366. Ethelbert. king of England, VIII. 702. See Ethical Philosophy, Moral Philo
Enrcsr, Prussian city, IX. 859—Elccto Eschscholtz's arrangement of the cilio Etheltieda, VIII. 703. sophy, Duty, Conscience. .
ral Academy at, II. 73. grades, XXI. 10l9. Ethelgiva, VIII. 704. ETHIOPIA, IX. 375; II. 49—Ethiopian
Esossrcum, IX. 359. Esehscholtzia, in botany, V. 67. Ethelrcd, king of England, VIII. 702— race of man, 709; XIV. 200; XVII.
Eric, kings of Sweden, XXI. 13, 16. BSCUWEGB, Hessian city, IX. 366. rcign of, 705—his fleet, XX. 214. 554, 697—caleudar, VI. 660—ancient
Ericxe, XI. 686. Esconnt, Spanish ton-n, IX. 366. Ethehvold, VIII. 7015. paintings, XVI. 693.
Ericeze, in botany, V. 118. Escusos, IX. 366. Ethclwolf. king of England, VIII. 702. E'rmorus' NATIONB, IX. 875.
Ericht (Loch), XVII. 289. EsCULLNT, IX. 866. Ernsn, IX. 375; XV. 574—caoutehouc Ethiopians, their origin, XVII. 874—
Erichthonius, king of Attica, IV. 142. Esccnian, IX. 367~library of the, XIII. dissolved by, V. IOI—sulphuric, VI. intercourse with the Egyptians, 375.
Ericincw, in botany. V. 118. i 307—Arahic KISS. in the, v1. 214. 438—acid ethers. 439—h0w to inflame Ethiopic alphabet, II. 549; XVII. 875
Ericson (Gustavus), XXI. 13. Escurensos, or Seutcheon, in heraldry, it by electricity, VIII. 626—spccitic -—Bibles, IV. GIG—language, XIII.
Ericson's weighing-machine, XXI. 839. IX. 367; XI. 244—funcral, 260. gravity of, XII. 29—poisonous quali 83; XVII. 374, 375.
ERIDANL'S, IX. 3319. ‘ Esdraelon. plain of. XVI. 743. ty of, XIV. 607. Ethmoid bone, 11. 771 ; III. 21.
Eats, lake, IX. 3339; VI. 58, 64 ; XVII. ‘ Esbuss, Jewish priest, IX. 2167, Ether-in, in conchology, XV. 346. ETHNARCIIA, or Ethnarch, IX. 382.
622; XXI. 455. Esnsu, town in Surrey, IX. 367—grove Ernssmcs (Sir George), IX. 375. E'rnuornnosrs, heretics, IX. 882.
Canal, XVI. 24; XXI. 470. at Eshcr Place, X. 325. Etheritication, VI. 489. Etienne (Charles), his anatomical 1‘0‘
lillozmt (Joannes Scotus), IX. 359. Esx, rivers, IX, 867—111 Cumberland. Ethcrow, river, VII. 73!». searches, II. 694. - , .1
Eslooss. IX. 360. VII. MIG—in Edinburghshire, VIII. Ethical philosophy, Bacon’s disquisi (ST), in France, IX. 882. ""
Eriuaceus, in zoology, XIV. 102. 429—Forfarshire, I X. 74.5; XIX. 7-17. tions on, I. 35—11obbes’s principles, Etiolation of vegetables, XIII. 840. “i ‘
Eriogoneae, in botany, V. 126. Bill-IIISIAB, Turkish town, IX. 367. t2—Cudworth’s system, fl—Iittlol liriqesrrn, IX. 1582. C‘- *
 INDEX. 59
~ETN—EUL EUL—EUT EUT—EXC EKG—EXP
Etna. See Etna. columns, XX. 760, 771-his modifi— En'rsorws (Flavius), a Latin historian, Excsascsncs, in surgery, IX. 46).
Bronx, French town, IX. 382. cation of Barker’s mill, XXI. 806. IX. 423. " Excretion, XVII. 583, 654.
Brena, in ancient Greece, IX. 383. Euler (Albert ), on overshot wheels, XII. Eurrcnuns, heretics, IX. 423. Excsa'roax ducts, IX. 462; XVII. 646.
Eros, or Eaton, IX. 383—college at, V. 85—his water-mill, 94. Eo'ncmus of Alexandria, IX. 424. Excosuz, Roman guards, IX. 462.
635—fagging at, VIII. 447. Eulogy, IX. 400. Euxenides, Greek painter, XVI. 701. EXCUSA'I‘I, IX. 462.
Ersusu, IX. 883—the arched dome in Eulopa, insects, IX. 204. EUXINUS Pou'rUs, or Black Sea, IX. Exn, river, IX. 435; VII. 745—its na
vented in, III. 379—Etruscan li Eumachus, VI. 188. 424, 408; IV. 658; XVII. 520. vigation, XVI. 13.
braries, XIII. 289. Eouasmss, IX. 400. Evmsthetus, insect, IX. I37. linear, in church discipline, IX. 462.
EravscsssJX. 383; XIX. 376—their Enunsss, IX. 400; XIII. 640, et seq. , Evsoaws Scnousrlcus, IX. 424. Excess-non, IX. 462.
alphabet, II. Pl. 19—art, III. 261; XVII. 228, 229. Evanoss. king of Arcadia, IX. 424. Executions for crimes in England and
.~ XVI. 695—architecture, III. 417-— , Athenian orator, IX. 401. Evasosus'rs, IX. 424. Wales, VIII. 803—pleasure from wit
Ianguage. XIII. 87 ; XVII. 408-— , insect, IX. 231. ' Evania, insect, IX. 218. nessing, 54.
coins, XIV. 472—wars with the R0 Eumenia, insects, IX. 242. Evaniales, insects, IX. 218. EXECUTIVE rowan, IX. 462.
.'-‘mans, XIX. 868, at seq.—sculpture, Eons-moss, the Furies, IX. 401. Evans (Mr) his journey into the interior Exscu-ros and Bxxcu'rax, IX. 462.
XX. 3. . Eousmms, Greek festivals, IX. 401. of New Holland, IV. 207. Excess, IX. 462.
E'rscn, in Austria, IX. 389. “JFK-7' ' Eumerus, insect, IX. 273. (General), XX. 512, 513. Exnozsls, IX. 463.
E'r'ruuoan, German city, IX. 889. Eoxonrmss, priests of Ceres, IX. 401. (Oliver), inventor of the high Exaos'rss, IX. 463.
E'r'rnuums (Michel), IX. 389. Eumolpus, insect, IX. 183. pressure steam-engine, XX. 642. Exsoxrics, in algebra, IX. 463.
Ettrick, river, XX. 85. Eumorphus, insect, IX. 185. (Rice), prophecies of, XX. 813. Exembryonatie, in botany, V. 53.
Etymander, river, II. 212. EUNAI'IUS ot' Sardis, sophist, IX. 401. Evsn'rss, IX. 424. Exembryonate plants, V. 92.
E'rruosoox, IX. 390. Eunice, worm, X1. 219. Evaroas'rlox, IX. 424; X1. 190; XIV. Exsurua, IX. 463.
Eussoss, Celtic priests, IX. 890. EUNOIIANS, heretics, IX. 401. 729—of fluids from plants, III. 57— Human, IX. 463—conducive to health.
Eusma, island, IX. 390; II. lO—invad Euuocns. IX. 401; VI. 236——said by I.cslie’s atmometer for measuring, IV. XIV. 509—teora or gestation, II. 174
ed by Philip of Macedon, XIII. 628. Lord Bacon to be envious, and good Iill—cold produced by, VII. 58, 62, —racing, IX. 502—riding, XI. 608—
Eubulides. his dialectic, VII. 756. spies, VII. 676. 504; XIV. 730-principle of its fri excrcises in Sparta, XX. 530—in mi
Eucalyptus globulus, IV. 209. Euonymem, in botany, V. 105. goritie povvcr, VII. 60—crystalliza litary atfairs, IX. 463.
EUCIIABIS'I‘, IX. 390; VII. 179; XX. 813. Ecra'ramaz. IX. 401. tion by, 506—electricity developed by, Exssoux, among antiquaries, IX. 463.
Eucnl'rss, ancient heretics, IX. 390. Eupelix, insect, IX. 204. VIII. 604-spontaneous, XVII. 532— Exs'rm, IX. 463—cathedral of, III.
Euchlora, insect, IX. 159. Eursn, Prussian city, IX. 402. in air-pump, XVIII. 87—from the 456; VII. 747—canal, XVI. 13.
Euchlorine, VII. 640. r Enphonia, bird, XVI. 571. sea, XX. 549—by steam, XX. 606— EXI‘OLIATION, IX. 463.
Eucaonoowu, IX. 390. Eurnoxv, in grammar, IX. 402. statistical tables of evaporation in Exhalants of the human body, II. 727—
Euchroite, specific gravity of, XII. 29. Euphorbia, in botany, V. 66. steam-boilers, XX. 685. of plants, III. 56.
Euclase, XV. 156—sp. gr. of, XII. 29. Euphorbiaceze, in botany, V. 129. EVATEs, Druids, IX. 433 EXIIALATION, IX. 463.
Eocuo of Alexandria, IX. 391; III. Euphorbium, VI. 491—specific gravity Evchestcr, VIII. 290. Exnsus'nonsdn mathematics, IX. 463.
\ 730; X. 425—his Elements of Geo of, XII. 29. Eva, mother of mankind, IX. 433. EXHEBIIDATION, in law, IX. 465.
metry,I. 435, 584; XIV. 314; XX. Eurnoasus, a Trojan, IX. 402. Evection of moon’s orbit, III. 789. Exnisrrlos, in law, IX. 465.
359—on angles, III. I29—his personal EUPUORION, IX. 402. Evan's (John). IX. 483—~on agricul Exhibitioners at Oxford, XXI. 496.
character, 239—his Data, VII. 632; Euphranor, Greek painter, XVI. 704. ture, II. 258—011 erratic Spiders, III. Exnos'rs'rios, in rhetoric, IX. 465.
XX. 359—on proportional numbers, Eoraas'rss, river, IX. 402; IV. 279,280. 362—on the English stage, VIII. I71. Exloss'rnas, IX. 465.
XII. 258-011 optics, XVI. 348; I. 504 Euphrosiue, worm, XI. 219. ‘
I72—on shipping, XX. 224 —his Sylva, EXILE, IX. 465.
-—his Porisms, XVIII. 441 ; XX. 358. Euplocampus, insect, IX. 252. XXI. 289. Exis'rsxcs, IX. 465.
' or Mneass, IX. 391; XVIII. Euplocomus, bird, XVI. 610. (Sir G. 8.), his barometrical mew EXIT, IX. 465.
I3—his dialectic, VII. 756—his ad Eupoda, insects, IX. 180. surcments, IV. 399, 400. EXITEIIA, oblations, IX. 465.
miration of Socrates, XX. 445. Ecrous. Greek poet, IX. 402. Eventuality, faculty of, XVII. 465. Exmoor sheep, II. 329.
Eucnemis, insect, IX. I40. Eupompus, Greek painter, XVI. 701. Evssosrzs. or Energetcs, IX. 434. forest, XX. 475.
Eucaelium, molluscum, XV. 371. Eons, in France, IX. 402. Evergreens, VII. 672; XI. 678; XVII. Rumors, in Devonshire, IX. 465.
Euctemon, Greek astronomer, III. 728. sun LOIBE, in France, IX. 403. 780, 785. (Lord). his expedition against
Eudemus on astronomy, III. 729—on Eurhinus, insect, IX. 172. EvssaauJX. 434—battlc of, VIII. 725. Algiers, II. 510.
the mathematics, X. 425. Euric, Gothic king in Spain, XX. 493. Evwsscs, IX. 434—Dr Beddoes on de Exocarpeaa, in botany, V. 128.
Eudialyte, specific gravity of, XII. 29. Eurina, insect, IX. 288. monstrative, IV. 514—the Economists Exocetus, tish, XII. 201.
Eumousrsa, IX. 392; VI. 262; XVII. Eurinorhynchus, bird, XVI. 624. on, VIII. 401—law of, IX. 35; XII. Exonuar, in Roman tragedy, IX. 465.
53l—Dr Ure's detonating, VIII. 660. EUEIPEDES, IX. 403—tragedics 01', VIII. 464—sources of, XIV. 636, (t seq. Exomou, IX 465.
Eudocia, empress, II. 538 ; VII. 284. I48—danced on the stage. l52—inti EVIL, IX. 434—origin of. I. 402; III. Exonns, book of, IX. 465.
EUDosla, Athenian lady, IX. 392. macy of Socrates with, XX. 439. 297;XIV. 700; XVIII. 667; XXI.209. Exogense, in botany, V. 94.
Euooxuss, heretics, IX. 393. Eenocuwos, wind, IX. 404. Evolution, in algebra, II. 433. Exogenous plants, V. 83.
Eudoxus of Cnidus, geometer. X. 424; Evaora, in fabulous history, IX. 404. Evoaa, Portuguese city, IX. 434. Exoncisx, IX. 465; XX. 812—curc of
III. 503, n. 8—his astronomy, 728. Eusors, IX. 404—balance of power in, Evasuoxp (C. de St Denis), IX. 434. diseases by, XIV. 9.
of Cyzicus, voyages of, X. 390. IV. 308—inland navigation of, XVI. Evremoniana. II. 676. Exoscxs'rs, IX. 465.
Evasive (Prince), IX. 893; V. 143—11111 4—birds, 644—heights of mountains, Evasox, in France, IX. 435. Exclnwl, or preamble, in oratory, IX.
military exploits, IV. 220; XXI. 413 XVII. 505, 557—volcanoes, 512-— EWANPILLY, IIindu town, IX. 435. 465; XIX. 213.
—-at the battle of Blenheim, V. 369. lakes, 523-course of rivers, XIX. EWIJLL, town in Surrey, IX. 4:35. Exorhizm, in botany, V. 51.
Eugenius, Roman usurper, VII. 280. 252—serpents, XX. 184—map of, IX. Ewes, milking of, injurious, II. 334— Exostosis, XXI. 615.
Euglossa, insect, IX. 235. Plate 243. milk of, VI. 499. See Sheep. Exercise and Esoteric, IX, 466,
Euonsun TABLES, IX. 397. Euaran, in mythology, IX. 421. Ex, or Exe. river. See Exe. Exorlc, IX. 466.
Eulabcs, birds, XVI. 573. Eurybia, insect, IX. 242. EXAOGEIIATION, IX. 435. Expansibility of air, XVIII. 78, 97.
Eons (Leonard), IX. 398—his supre Eurychora, insects, IX. 163. Ex ALTA'I'ION, IX. 455—ot‘tho Cross, ib. EXPANSION, IX. 466—prodnced by elec
macy as a mathematical analyst, I. Enarmcs, IX. 421. EXAMINATION. IX. 435—ncmlcmical exa tricity, VIII. 624; by heat, X1. 187.
578—the real founder of the theory of Eurylamus, bird, XVI. 577. minations at Oxford, XXI. 498; Cam Exrncxsrlou,IX.466. Sec Probability.
continued fractions, 589—his applica Evanssnou, river, 1X. 421. bridge, 504; London, 507; Dublin, of life, IX. 466; XV. 560—in
tions of it, ib.-—his extension of the Eurypyga, bird, XVI. 618. 524, 525. ' different countries, XVIII. 420—111
properties of the angular sections, 596 Evaxs'rusos, king of Argos, IX. 421. Exsncn, IX. 435, 436. England, 424.
——his invention of a method to de Eusssuss. sect of Ariana, IX. 421. Exam-'croas'rxo, IX. 436. Expenditure of the United Kingdom,
termine particular integrals. 599— Eusssws, bishop of Caesarea, IX. 421 EXCALCEATION, IX. 436. VIII. 794.
his explication of the principles of his character, XIX. 635. I~lxcsLLsxcr, title, IXI-136. Exrsaisscs, IX. 466—as a ground of
partial difi‘erences, GOO—on dynamics, the Asiatic, his blindness and Excnsnuc, in geometry, IX. 436. human judgment, XIII. 439, 440—
603, 608-on the principle of magnet erudition, IV. 700. EXCEN‘I‘IICITY, in astronomy, IX. 436. evidcnce from, XIV. 639—its testi
ism, 626—his attempt to destroy the Eustace (Reverend Mr),his character of Excess, IX. 436. mony slighted by Plato, XVIII. 29.
coloured margin of a focal image, Bossuet, V. 26. Excnsnos, in political economy, IX. Exrsautss'rn. PHILOSOPHY, IX. 466;
633 —calculations and discoveries Eustachian tube, II. 601. 436. See Bills of Exchange. XVII. 439, 572.
of, regarding the planetary motions, Eustachius (Bartholoinco). his anatomi , or burse, IX. 461; V. 74 5—of Exrsausss'rnx cancis, IX. 466.
665-6—his character, 11. IOI—on cal discoverics. II. 696, 698 ——his London, XIII. 501—London stock Exru'rios, IX. 466—i'east 01‘. lb.
achromatic glasses,ib., 103—employ Plates, XII. 727. exchange, 502. Expletives, Greek, XVII. 401.
ments of his last days, 185—on the EUs'rs'rnlAus, IX. 422. Excnnouan, IX. 461 -— origin of the EXPLOSION, IX. 466—engines moved by
arithmetic of since, 485, 493—011 au Eusrarmos, IX. 422; XIII. 293—his word, II. 7—Scotch Court of, VIII. explosion of gas, &c., XIV. 437.
nuities, 111. 199—011 the problem of commentary on IIomer, XI. 547. 4 19 ; XIX. "77 04 . Exrosss'r. IX. 468.
the three bodies, 750; IV. 57—his EUITA’I‘IA (St). island, IX. 422. Islands, IV. 213. Exrosss'nu. quantities, IX. 468; II.
mathematical labours, III. 751—on Eustatius (St). island, V. 417. Exclss, IX. 461 W Sir R. \‘v'nlpole's 470—calculus, IX. 468; V. 787»
hydrostatics, XII. 10—on the polarity Eustrophus, insect, IX. 166, scheme of, V. 378 —cxcise-lavvs inju curve, IX. 468—equation, ih.
of the needle, XIII. 680—on mecha Eusrxts, IX. 423; 111.460. rious to distillation, VIII. 45. Exportation, taxes on, XXI. 115.
nics, XIV. 354, 855 -—on wind~mill Enrssra. a Muse, IX. 423 ; XV. 003. EXCLUSION, bill of, IX. 461. Exports from the United Kingdom,
sails, 433-on mortality, XV. 546— Eutllydemus, XX. 445. ' Exconnuslcs-rlos, IX. 461; XI. 493. VIII. 780, 782—decline of real and
on music, 605—on the resistance of Eoraxau. IX. 423. Excasnms'r, 1X. 462—voiding of, not increase of otiicial value. 785.
fluids, XIX. 178—on the strength of EUTUI, city of Oldenburg, IX. 423. instinctive, XII. 302. See Excretion. Exrosnvo, IX. 468—01‘ children, lb.
w INDEX.
EXP-FAB
EXPOIITION, IX. 468.
Bxrosl'roa, or Expository, IX. 468.
Bx-ros'r-rac'ro, in law, IX. 468.
Bxros'rnLn-xoa, IX. 468.
Exrassssn OiLs, IX. 468.
Bxramlou, in rhetoric, IX. 468 ;paint
ing, ib.; engraving, 51 ; music, XIV.
542; sculpture, XX. lO—oi' counte
nance, XIV. 195.
Bxpurgatory Indexes, IV. 628.
EXOICCA'I‘IOH, in chemistry, IX. 468.
EXPIIA'I'ION, in physiology, IX. 468.
EXTASY, IX. 468.
Bx'rsnsioa, IX. 468 ——perception of,
XIV. 609.
Ex'rassoa muscles, IX. 468.
Exrsar, in law, IX. 468.
EXTERNAL, IX. 468.
Bx'rlsrszx, in antiquity, IX. 469.
EXTOBTION, IX. 469.
EXTRACTION, IX. 469_-0t' the square
and cube roots, III. 566.
Extracts, vegetable, XII. 628.
Errasoamssan, IX. 469.
Bxraaoanuust, IX. 469-couricrs,ib.
EXTIAVAOAN‘I‘IS, IX. 469.
Exrasvssanos, IX. 469.
Exrssnz, IX. 469.
Exraissic, in metaphysics. IX. 469.
Exnvm: of animals, IX. 469.
Er. IX. 469.
Eye described, XIII. 841; XVI. 511—
its structure first analysed by Kepler,
I. 509—muscles of the, II. 794, 800—
anatomy of the, 798; XVII. 667—
ezpression of the, XIV. 196—its state
in making microscopical observations,
XV. 53_-its functions, XVII. 667—
allegcd reading by somnarnbulists
without the aid of. XX. 477—its dis
eases in the domestic animals, XXI.
634—efi'ects of galvanism on the, 681
-—eyes of albinos, II. 888—07 the
lower animals, III. 21—of ants, 240
—of the arachnides, 848—those of
spiders phosphorescent, 858, n.-oi'
the crustacea, VII. 498—0t‘ insects,
IX. 79—07 fishes, XII. 151~of qua
drupeds, XVII. 708. See Eyeball,
Eyelids, Optics, Sight.
, a town in Suti'olk, IX. 469.
river navigation, XVI. 21.
Eyeball, its form in difl'erent animals,
Ill. 22.
Eyk (Van), XVI. 710.
Bylais, arachnides, III. 869.
Eylau, battle of, X. 145; XIX. 559.
Eyelids, II. 800 _their motion not in~
stinctive, XII. 802—third eyelid, or
nictitating membrane, III. 25.
313100111, in Berwickshire, IX. 469.
Bye-teeth. II. 780.
Enurooa. Hindu town, IX. 469.
Brain, in falconry. IX. 469.
Byteiwein on the motion and velocity of
water, X11. 6, 65.
Bill!!!" IX. 470—13001: of, 469—stylc
of, XVIII. 147.
Baa-revs. Russian river, IX. 470.
Ban, XVII. 864—Book of, IX. 470—
the Scriptures collected by, IV. 612
-—hi supposed additions to them, 613
—his canon, VI. 90.
F FALssnA. IX. 481.
1‘, letter of the alphabet, IX. 470.
Faber (Tanaqnillus). IX. 628.
PAIIAN (Robert). IX. 470.
Fssn, Roman family, IX. 470.
Fsaws Pic'roa, IX. 470.
Msxuws Verrucosus, IX. 471 Falconidze, birds, XVI. 560.
-—his war with Hannibal, VI. 198.
Paul, IX. 471 -—orlgin of, II. 197; Falcunculus, bird, XVI. 568.
XV. 675.
Fabliaux, French, XVIII. 164.
Fabretti on inscriptions, XII. 292.
I-‘aaauao (Gentile da), IX. 471.
, Italian city, IX. 471.
Paaaxcws (George). Poet. IX. 471.
(Jnon: ), sb Aquapeudente, IX.
FAB—FAL FAL—FAR FAR—FEC
472—his anatomical discoveries, II. FALKLAND (Lucius Cary, Lord), VI. 208 FAIRBAI, town in Surrey, IX. 488
697—0n surgery, XX. 829. ——death of, V. 325. Royal Military College at, II, 79.
Fabricius (John), on the sun's spots, , FALL, IX. 483. Fassovuns, heretics, IX. 488.
III. 778. or IAN, IX. 483; XXI. 215— Faauwoarn, IX. 488.
(Joan ALanar), IX. 472. its consequences, 216. Faao, in Portugal, IX. 488.
(Joan CRIUTIAN), IX. 478— Fallenia, insect, IX. 267. FAKOE IsLasns, 1X. 489—ballads of the,
merits of his entomological system, Falling-sickness. Sec Epilepsy. IV. 320. ‘
III. I70—publication of his notes of Falling-stars, VIII. 623; IX. 587. Faaqcasa (George), comic writer, IX
Linnzeus‘s lectures, V. 89—on the FALLOI’IAN Tunas, II. 826; XVII. 689. 489; VIII. 172.
crustacca, VII. 500. FALLOPIUB (Gabriel), IX. 488—n0ticcs Farquharson (Rev. James), on aurora
(Otho), on entomology, IX. 97, of his anatomical discoveries, II. 696, borealis, IV. 197, I98, 200.
at seq.—on ornithology, XVI. 549. 698 ; XVII. 727. Panama, IX. 490.
(VINCENT), IX. 478. Fallow-deer, XIV. 160—sh00ting of, I-‘asmxn, or veterinary science, IX.
Rumor (Charles-Annibal), IX. 474. XX. 302. 490; XXI. 612; XI, 606.
Fabry on aeronautics, II. 179. Fallowing, in agriculture, II. 277. FABIINGDON, in Berkshire, IX. 491.
FABULOUS, IX. 475. FALMOUTII,171 Cornwall, IX. 484. . Fans, in Persia, IX. 491.
Facade, in architecture, III. 467. . in Jamaica, XII. 501. Fsa'racn, Arabian sea-port, IX. 491.
Faca'rs, seaport in Japan, IX. 475. FALQE, IX. 484. FAITBING, IX. 491.
Face, IX. 475—human, XVII. 614,701 False-quarter, XXI. 620. Fasczs, IX. 492.
—constituent parts of, II. 757—hones FALSI Catalan, IX. 484. I-‘ascn'rs, in glass-making, IX. 492.
of, 776, 784—muscles of, 794—bones FALSIFY, IX. 484. Fascia, IX. 492—in anatomy, II. 740—
of, in mammalia, III. 5; in birds, 12 FALs-rsa, island, IX. 484; IV. 328. in architecture, IX. 492; III. 467.
-its expression, XIV. 195. FALU,111 Sweden, IX. 484. Fasciculus, in botany, V. 41.
Facial angle, II. 785; III. 6; XVII. 701. Falx of the dura mater, II. 811. FASCINA'I'ION, 1X. 492.
Factis Hirrocau-ica, IX. 475. Fans cuuwss, IX. 484. FASCINBB, IX. 492.
I-‘ackerdin, XXI. 64. Fans, in mythology, IX. 484. Fasciolaria. in conchology, XV. 847.
Fae-non, IX. 475. , love of, X. 584; XV. 468. Fashion, its effect on taste, IV. 493.
FACTI'I‘IOUS, IX. 475. FAXIA, or Famich, IX. 485. FAST, IX. 492; II. 45; III. 167; VIII.
Faeroa, IX. 475. FAMILIABS of the Inquisition, or Cross 22—Mahommedan fasts, XIV. 88-—
Faeroaaoz, IX. 475——calculation of. bearers, IX. 485. dcath from fasting, 498.
III. 556. FAMILY, IX. 485. — Fasrsauaas. IX. 493.
Facroar, IX. 475. IsLsaDs, IX. 485. Fun, IX. 496—Dies Fasti. ib.
regulation laws, XXI. 938. Famine, XI. 781—at Antioch about Fss'rou' (Sir John), IX. 493.
FACULB, in astronomy, IX. 475. the year 331, III. 252—in Egypt, in FAT, IX. 498; II. 716; XI. 732; XVII.
FACULTY, IX. 475—in universities, the year 1066, VIII. 479. ' 583, 597, Mil—tissue containing, II.
XXI. 485, n. 5. Fan, IX. 485. 715—alimeutary qualities of, VIII.
Fwnus. insect, IX. 218. FANA'I'ICS, IX. 485. 20—spccitic gravity of, XII. 29-111
Fanuza, Italian city, IX. 475. Fancy, poetic, XVIII. 142. SQ. T8586, insects, 1X. 84. See Putting.
Fssasv (Gabriel), IX. 475—his edition Apparitions. , or vat, IX. 494.
of Terence, XXI. 185. I-‘an-tish, XII. 184. oils, VI. 442. See Oil.
Fagging at Eton, VIII. 447. Fangs 01' serpents, III. 40. \ Far/i Moaosxu, IX. 494; XIV. 750; ,
Faooor, IX. 476. Famous, IX. 485. XV 698-- in the Sahara. XIX. 612.
Fagnani (Count do), on fluxions, IX. Fasnaas, IX. 485; XVIII. 136. Fara, IX. 494~1stoical, XVIII. 514.
640; XIV. 322.‘ Fano, IX. 485; XVII. 4. Fates (the), XVII. 68.
Fahlberg‘s experiments on the gymno Faxsnaw: (Sir Richard), IX. 485. Farrscn, in Russia, IX. 495.
tus electricus, VIII. 618. Faa'rasu, in music, IX. 486 Farnsmrss, IX. 495.
Fahlan, in Sweden, mines of, XV. 251; Fantecs, III. 667. I-‘arnsa, 1X. 495.
XXI. 81. FANUM, IX. 486. Father lashcr, fish, XII. I74.
Fahrenheit, his arzeomcter, III. 871— Faraday (Michael). his electrical disco I‘nnou. III. 495.
his thermometer. IV. 393; XIV. veries, VIII. 574—his new law of Fatio dc Dnillier, IX. 633.
724 ; XXI. 287, 239-bit! hydromcter, electrical conduction, 581 - on the FATSISIO, island, IX. 495.
XII. 22. pyro-elcctricity of oxalate of lime, Putting of cattle, II. 326—of sheep, 8146.
Fun, Arabian town, IX. 476. 598—0n the electricity of the. sun’s FA'I‘UAIII. 1X. 495.
Pure, in Cochin-China, IX. 476. i rays, 608—on electro-chemical de Faugher, battle of, XII. 857.
FAILSWOB'I'II, in Lancashirc, IX. 476. composition, 630—1118 apparatus and Fanlls (II. and A.). See Foulis.
FAIN'I‘ ACTION, IX. 476. experiments for that end, 681—on Faults in rocks, XV. 187, I98, 276.
Fan; WIND, IX. 477. ' Mr Barry’s experiments, 6 32~on elec Fauna, IX. 495.
Fun IsLs, IX. 477. tro-magnctism, 688; XXI. 684—his Fauasua, IX. 495. '
Fuss, IX. 476—in Ava, IV. 244; improvements on the electrophorns, Fauna, 1X. 495.
France, X. 193; Hindustan, XI. 386; VIII. 645—his instructions for using FausswNY, in Savoy, IX. 495.
Hungary, 726; Hurdwar, 760; Leip electrometers, 654—on chemical fil FAUS'I‘ (John), X. 278; XVIII. 548.
sic, X. 487 ; Stourbridgc, or Stur tration. IX. 582—on magnetic metals, I-‘avms'ans, island, IX. 495.
bich. VI. 34. XIII. 700—:his voltaic trough, XXI I"A\158.R, IX. 495.
Faxsrax (Edward), poet, IX. 477. 667—his voltanieter, 674—on conduc FAVONIITS, IX. 495.
~ (Tnosus, Loan), IX. 478; V. tors of electricity, 675—his \electro I’Avomxrs, orator, IX. 495.
825, et seq. chemical discoveries, 678—on mag Fumes (Francis), poet, IX. 495.
Fanaroao, IX. 480. neto-electricity, 690. (Guy). v. 306.
Faun, IX. 480-—circle, ib. FAR-AHA, Arabian town,IX. 486. FAWN, 1X. 496.
Fairy-tales, XIX. 352. Faasxmuu, 1X. 466. colour, dyeing of, VIII. 982.
Fans, in theology. IX. 480—justifica Faxes, IX. 486. Fay (M. du), on dew, VII. 749, 750.
tion by, XXI. 230. Farcy a disease of horses, XXI. 631. Fayal. one of the Azores, IV. 263.
FAITHORN (William), IX. 481. Faaoarooa, Hindu town, IX. 486. Fayetteiillc, in Tennessee, XXI. 183.
Fasssnsu, in Norfolk, IX. 481. Fardlcbound. a disease, XXI. 625. Fayrer’s clock, VI. 778.
Fanas, Indian monks, IX. 481. FABEIIAM, in Hampshire, IX. 486. Fr: (Santa), Spanish city. IX. 496.
Falnba, African town, XII. 759. Faaswsu. (Cape), IX. 487. Fe, F0, or Fohi. See Fohi.
FALslsa, in France, IX. 481. Farcy's elliptograph, VIII. 673. I"I>J.\I.TY,1II law, IX. 496.
Farina. XVII. 625. Pius, IX. 496—its tendency to make
FALCADE, IX. 481. Fario, angling for, III. 188. nations take excessive precautions
FALCATED, IX. 481. Fsauw, IX. 487. against enemies, VII. 122-.41'0 in
Falcinellns, bird. XVI. 624. Fans, IX. 487—subdivisions of farms. fants susceptible 01' it? XII. 308.
Falcon, XVI. 565. II. 273-— size of, 346—5116- of English, FEA‘K‘I‘. or Festival, IX. MIG—excellent
FALCONBB (William), IX. 481'poctry VIII. 766—large and small farms com etl'ccts of ancient feasts, III. 257—
of, XVIII. 178. pared, VII. 887. their utility, ib. diancing at, VII. 614.
Farm-cottages, II. 27 3. , or banquet, IX. 497.
FALCONBY, IX. 482; XX. 800. Farm-houses, II. 270. Fsarnsas of birds, IX. 498; XVI. 555
Panama, IX. 487——_British, II. 842. See -—plucking of, XIII. 351.
FALKIRX, IX. 482; XX. 783—battlcs Agriculture, Corn-laws. Featherings, in architecture, III. 467.
of, V. 382; XIX. 709; XXI. 723‘ (Iiuon), IX. 487. Fsaairnos, IX. 498.
carsc of, VI. 178; XIX. 746. (Rica/inn), IX. 487. Fsaausair, IX. 498—gardcning opera
FALKLAND, town in Fife, IX. 483. Farming of taxes, XXI. 100. tions in, X1. 688.
FALKLAND ISLANDS, XVII. 119; V. 143 FARNABIB (Thomas), 1X. 488. Feburicr‘s hive, III. 283.
wdispute bctWecn Britain and Spain Farncse (Cardinal), VI. 132. I-‘scaur, I-‘rcnch city, IX. 498.
about them, V. 391. Palace, III. 426, 453, 459 Fscniaoss, Chinese city, IX. 496.
 INDEX. 61
FEC—FER FER—PET FEU—FIG FIL-FIN
Front”, Roman priests. IX. 498. Fnonaou (Adam), IX. 510—on the his~ Fnucn'rwano, IX. 522. view of earth’s figure, I. 6564mm
Fecundation of flowers, XXI. 582. tory of language, I. 176—011 Dr Reid’s Faun, IX. 522. suroment of degrees of latitude under
Fecundity of vegetables, XXI. 585. works. 219. Fsunu. LAW, IX. 522—Sir Thomas equator and within arctic circle, 6575"
Feddfin. VIII. 523, n. 2. (Jun), IX. 514—his clock with Craig on the, VII. 441. 8; V. 144 ; VII. Nil—measurement
' Fu, 1);. 498—fee~farm, 499. few wheels. VI. 777—1115 lunar and oystem, agriculture under the, ' of degree of latitude by La Caille, I.
Feeding-apparatus of boilers, XX. 680. tide clock, 778. II. 252, 347—a11egiance, 519—armiee, i_‘._
_.L_.-.
658—measuremcnt of degrees by De- ‘
Fssans Isnasna, IX. 499; XVIII. 322. (Ronna'r), poet, IX. 514. III. 595 —eti‘ect ofthe Crusades on the, lambrc, &c., 659—various estimates
Fooling, Dr 'I‘. Brown’s application of (11.), “ tho plotter,” VII. 599. V11. 491—ita influence on poetry. of amount of depression at poles, 660
the term, I. 397. See Emotion. (Robert), ot‘ Raith, his observa XVIII. 156. -—-measurement of a perpendicular to
(sense of), XIV. 608; XVII. 579, tions on subterranean temperature. Feuillants, X. 66. the meridian by Brousaeaud, ib.—ea
661—111 bees, IV. 523—weak in in VI. 745. Fever. prevalence of, in marshy districts, timate of earth's figure by vibrations
sects, III. 164. Fergusonite, a mineral, XV. 162—6116 IV. 138 -—trmtment of, in the do of pendulum, ib.—Xater’a convertible
FEET—BIZARRE, IX. 499. cifie gravity of, XII. 29. mestic animals, XXI. 613. pendulum, ib.—Ivory's estimate of
Fcnnanan, Persian town, IX. 499. Frau, IX. 515. Fzvsnsnam, town in Kent, IX. 528 earth's ellipticity, (Nil—analytical in
Feinaigle( G.dc).his mnemonics,X V. 390. Fania, IX. 515—Latinze, ib. Jamcs II. at, V. 859. vestigations to determine earth‘s
Felahi, VIII. 115. FERIANA, African city, IX. 515. Fnvnn (Tannegui Le), IX. 528. figure, by Clairaut, Legendre, and La
FILANICIIE, Spanish town, IX. 499. Fcrioniens, insects. IX. 126. Fez, in Africa, IX. 528 ; XV. 503—1113 place, ib.; III. 752—thc demonstra
Fanarron, in logic, IX. 499. Fsnxaxaon, IX. 515—e11'ects of the cot nut'acturea of, IV. 365. tion completed by Ivory, I. 661—dis
FELnorazA, in Hungary, IX. 499. tage-system in, VII. 890. Fuzzan, IX. 530; II. 236. cussions regarding earth's figure led
Flunnm (Andi-é),lX. 499. Fxnuxr (Pierre (10), IX. 518, 632»his Fur, in law, IX. 533. to an examination of the theory of the '
FELICI'I‘AS, IX. 499. ' method of drawing tangent-s to curves, Fiber, in zoology, XIV. 135. tides, 662—corrigcndum in this article,
I-‘sucnm. island, IX. 499 ; XIII. 870. I. 445—on refraction, 512—his edi FIBBABIE, IX. 533. XXI. 361,.n. 2. Sec Trigonometrical
Fella, XIV. I‘m—bones ot‘ the foot in tion of Diophantus, II. 421—~his dis Franz, IX. 533—fibres of human body, Survey. '-'"'- ‘
thi genus, III. 9—organs of voice, 28. putes with Descartes, VI. ISI—not 11. 711—colours of, XVI. 450. Ftuonnu IX. 579; XX. 805. '-“'
Felix V. (Pope), II. 582. the discoverer of the differential cal Fibric acid, VI. 427. FILAMBNT 1X. 575—vegetable, ib.—of
Fell (Bishop), his scandalous treatment culus, XIII. 208—1110 mathematical Fibrin, VI. 494; XVII. 621, 622—its flowers, III. 95, 97—in botany, V. 43
of Locke, XIII. 412. discoveries, XIV. 817-—on probability. qualities as an ailment, VIII. 18— -—filamcntous tissue of the humaw
Fellahs of Egypt, VIII. 022. XVIII. 591. fibrinous secretions, XVII. 650. body, 11. 713.
Fellatahs, X1. 711. Fannxnr, IX. 519. Fibro-cartilage, II. 748—ot' the verte Ftuunlaa, 1X. 575.
Felicnbcrg (Monsieur), XXI. 50 FBBIBNTA'I‘ION, IX. 519—of bread, IV. bra, 760. FILANGIERI (Gaetan), political econo
Fsno m: 8:, IX. 499. 299—in brewing. V. 247. 255—thcory Fibrolite, in mineralogy, XV. 155. mist, IX. 575; I. 237; XIII. 192.
FELON,111 law, IX. 499. , of, 247—vinous, VIII. 52—in distille Fisnocs, IX. 533—tissues of animals, Filaria, loophytes, XXI. 998* in the
FILONY, IX. 499, 29; XVIII. 73 . ries, 47—influcnco of blectricity on, III. 158; XVII. 581. 603—strength domestic animals, 63?, 636.
Foloops, XX. 94. , 9633. of fibrous bodies, XX. 755. Filbert-tree, lpeciflc gravity of, XII. 29.
Felspar, XV. I52—sp. gr. of, XII. 29. , in wine-making, XXI. 894—-cir FIBULA, or leg-bone, IX. 533; II. 790, FILE, a tool, IX. 576.
FELT, IX. 500. cumstnnccs and phenomena of, 895—— 792—in the mammalia, III. 9—in Fm“, IX. 576 -piety, 577 -duty.
Fin-mo, IX. 500; VIII. 299; X. 265; management of, 896. birds, Iii—in reptiles, 15. XV. 471.
XXI. 925, 930-, 933. Fsnxo. in Italy, IX. 519. ~, ancient button, IX. 533. F1LICAIA(VIDC€IIIO da), IX. 578-poctry
Felton on Dryden, VIII. 223. ,FsnuosBLu-z, in Spain, IX. 519. FICIITB (John Theophilus), IX. 533-— of, XVIII. 161. \
— , assassin, V. 313. Ferns, V. 37. 138—orgaus of reproduc on meaning of the pronoun I, I. 200. Filiccs, 0r ferns, V. 37, 188—0rgane of
FELUCCA, IX. 1500; IV. 722. ~ - \tion in, 54. FICINUS (Marsilins), IX. 536. reproduction in, 54.
FELUDJE, IX. 500. .Fernaud (John), blind author, IV. Ficoidem, in botany, V. 112. Internal. IX. 579; XX. 805.
FELUDsJE, island, IX. 500. 700. Ficus. See Fig-tree. Fun» n’Aaono, 1X. 579.
Fsuanz, IX. 500. See Woman. Fernando. See Juan Fernandez. Finn, IX. 536—»hammer, ib. Filistata, arachnides, III. 358.
Fem-21m, island, IX. 500. n: Nonozuul, IX. 519. Fmnns (Richard), IX. 536. Finnzr, IX. 579—in architecture, III.
Fsulxmz, in grammar, IX. 500. P0, island, IX. 519. Fiddle. See Violin. 467—in joinery, V. 687.
Fauna covert, IX. 500—sole, ib. can D‘Arcnn, IX. 519. FIDE-JUSSOII, IX. 537. FILM, IX. 579.
Fcmur, or thigh-bone. II. 789 -its upper Ferncl, measurement of arc of meridian Finer-coxxissun, IX. 537. FILOTI, IX. 579. '
joint, 791—in the mammalia, III. 9— by, I. 502; IX. 547; XIV. 317. From, IX. 587. Fin-run, IX. 580.
in birdd, liiwin reptiles, 15. Panama (John), IX. 519. Flmus, IX. 537. Fimbria, XVIII. 352.
PEN, IX. 500; XV. 572—fens of Lin Franny, French town, IX. 520. Fmnn, in heraldry, IX. 537. Pm, of fishes, IX. 585; III. 17; XII.
colnshire, XIII. 351, 352. Fznon Islands, IX. 520—Fcroese bal (Mr), on canal-locks, XVI. 33. I54, 157—Fins; see Finns.
FmmcsJX. 590-in gardening, X. 331— lads. IV. 320. Field’s Bible, XVIII. 558. FINAL, IX. 585—cause, ib.—letters, ib.
t'ences of farms, II. 273. Frnoxanan, 1X. 520. FIELD-800K, IX. 537. Ewan, Genocse port, IX. 585.
FENCE-MONTH, IX. 500. Feronia, insect, IX. 124. FtnLn-conocns, IX. 537. Fmancm, IX. 585.
Panama, IX. 500. Fsnozsonn, IX. 520. Field-fare, XVI. 571—shooting, XX. Finati (Giovanni), on the Arabs, IV.
FENIILON (F. de'S. de L.), IX. 504; Fsnozrrooa, IX. 520. 307. ‘ 319—ndventurc8 of, VIII. 499, n. I.
XVIII. 792—1118 works, I. 82, 83— Brennan, IX. 520. Field-glass of telescope, XXI. I64. ‘ lFmcn (Hencage), IX. 585.
his contest with Bossuet, 335; V. 25 Feaauo-Pon'ro. IX. 520. FIELD-PIECES, IX. 537. (Sir John), V. 314.
——‘his character I. 83, 335i—why dis Fsnnaaa, in Italy. IX. 520. FIELDING (Henry), IX. 537—merits of Finches, XVI. 561.
trustcd by Louis XI V., 335--his de Ferrari ( Lewis), discovery in algebra by, his novels, XIX. 338. FINE, IX. 585.
fence of Madame Guyon, 336—his ba II. 423. FIEBI FACIAS, IX. 542. Fm: An'rs, III. 645—academles of the,
nishment from the French court, and Ferrars (George), IX. 520. Fissouz, Italian city, IX. 542. II. 74, 75—utility of public exhibi
condemnation by the Pope, ib.—his FIIBEANAII, IX. 520. FIFESIIIBE, IX. 542—cattlc of, II. 324— tions of the, III. 266. See Antiquities,
comparison of Demosthenes and Ci~ Fcrrcin’s theory of voice, XVII. 633. ferries on the Forth, IX. 767. Painting. Sculpture, 8:0.
cero, VII. 710. Ferrerius (J.), V. 159, n. 3. Fig, V. 50-sugar 01‘ figs, VI. 473. Finn-naawnm, IX. 585.
Fenncc, in zoology, XIV. 117. Ferret. XIV. 109. Fro-nu, IX. 536—culture of the, X1. FINE-STILLING, IX. 5S5.
Fennel, X1. 675. Fsnnr'r'ro, IX. 520. 640. 659. PINEIIS of gold and silver, IX. 585.
PENNY S‘I‘RATFOIID, XX. 747. Fauno, a Canary island, IX. 520. FIGEAC,111 France, IX. 545. Fineering. See Veneering.
FENTON (Sir Gcoti'rey), IX. 508. Islands. See Fcroe. Figites, insects, IX. 226. Fint'oot, bird, XVI. 629.
(ELIJAII), poet, IX. 508. Fannon, Spanish city, IX. 521. Figuuredo (Jonge de). V. 189. Fingul. XII. 851.
Fenngrcck, yellow dye-stuff, VIII. 321. Ferrous (Scipio). his improvements in FIGOERAS, Spanish town, IX. 545. Fingers, calculation by, 11. S—bones of,
Food. Scc Feudal Law. algebra, n. 422. ‘ FIOUIATIVE, IX. 545. 788 —joints, 789 —-muscles, 798 -
Fcodor, XIX. 541. Ferriar (Dr) on apparitions, III. 302, ct language, VII. 186. motions, 795—0pposition of thufnb
-- Ivanmitcll, XIX. 537.. scq.—on hysteria, XVII. 487—his Il Bronze, IX. 545—perccpt1'0n of, XIV and, 796—cascs of supernumerary.
Fronosu, in Russia. IX. 509. lustrations of Sterne, XX. 721. 609, 611. 612. See Form. XV. 422.
Fsornacx'r, in law, IX. 509. Ferrocyanodidca, VI. 456. Figures, in rhetoric. XIX. 214. Finger-alphabet, VII. 650.
Fun or: Fonncnm'rr,1X. 509. I‘nnncomons, 1X. 521. Ftocnr: no SIZE or The EAn'rn, IX. Fiuial, in architecture, III. 467.
Form, in zoology, XIV. 98. Fmrrnta-Minox, IX. 521. 546; VII. 678; X. 393, 404; I. 591 Fixis'rnlnn, IX. 586.
Faun, Persian town. IX. 50!). Finn's sous Jonannz, IX. 521. -—no correct information of. derived Fmxnnwnnnsn, island, IX. 585.
FEIAIJA, Roman festival, IX. 500. Fsanna, IX. 521. from antiquity, ib.—attempt of Ern Finlaison (Mr), his tables of mortality
Ferdinand and Isabella, XX. 498. Frzscsnma, IX. 521. tosthcncs to measure an arc of the and.annuitics, III. 203—table of de
—- 111., 01' Leon, XX. 496. Fsscncnmr: vnnsss, IX. 521. meridian. ib.—first modern mcasnro crcment of life, XIV. 206, 208—0n
——-— VI., of Spain, XX. 504. Fess, in heraldry, XI. 249. ment of any accuracy, by Snellins, mortality, XV. 527.
'— V11., of Spain, XX. 505. FEST! mas, IX. 521. {SM—measurement of an are by Nor FINLAND, IX. 586—Gulf of, IV. 325——
Ferdousi, Persian poet, XVII. 252. 382. Fnsrlxo, in logic, IX. 52 . wood, Fcrncl, and Picard, ib.; V'I. coast of, BIN—variation of the needle
FEM; (La), French town, IX. 599. Festival. See Feast. 218~Ilicher’s observation that a pen in, XIII. 736—acquisition of, by Rui
Fmumraan, 1X. 509. I-‘ssroon, IX. 521. dulum beats slower at the equator, I. sia, XXI. 28. See Finns.
Fsusrnms, IX. 509. Fssrns (Pompeius Scxtus). IX. 521. 503—expianation of this by Newton Finlay-son (John), his plough and bar'
FBIETIIUM, IX. 509. Fetiche, VII. 215. and Huygens, ib.-Hlctcrmination of row, 11. 267, 350.
F2110 (Francis Paul), IX. 509. Fetid gum-resins. VI. 490. from of the earth by Newton. 561» Finmark, XIII. 103.
Fergus. river, VI. 724—ita navigation, I-‘nrLocx, IX. 522. measuroments by Cassiui and Fonte Finns, VI. 274; IX. 410; XIII. 107.
XVI. 22. Fettltcin, specific gravity of, XII. 29. nelle, 569; VI. 218 — Maclaurln's Fiunleh language, XIII. 89, IIS-many
62
FIN-PIS
words common to it and the Ameri
can languages, II. 619, n.
Finow, canal of, IV. 381.
Finsbury, borough of, XIII. 536.
Fiord. XVI. 260. ' Fistulana, in conchology, XV. 349.
Fiorin. culture of. II. 295.
Fir-trees, XVII. 747, 781, 785—culturo
of, 792—t'ound in hogs, XV. 572.
Fir-timber, XXI. 295—lneasurement of.
298—weight of seasoned and unsca
soned, 308~9—its expansion by mois
ture. 352—spcciflc gravity of, XII. 29
-its use in joinery, 618.
Firdousi. Persian poet, XVII. 252. 382.
Fire, natural. in Persia, IV. 302—bap
tism by, 355—great fire of London. V.
345; XIII. 488—wild, or Greek, IX.
586—insnrance against, XII. 307. See
Combustion, Flame, Heat.
Flns-ssnu,ineteors, IX. 567; VIII. 623.
Fire-bricks. V. 261.
Fire'damp, VII. 611, 80, 641.
Fire-engines, XII. 99.
Fire-escapes, XIII. 821.
Fire-ordeal. XVI. 519.
Fus-rauosornnas, IX. 588.
Fire-places, XI. 195. See Chimney.
Furnace, Smoke.
Fire—raising, or arson, crime of. XII.
257; XIV. 495; III. 630.
Fina-sair, IX. 588.
Fire-works, XVIII. 756.
FIIKIN, a measure. IX. 588.
Filter, a measure. IX. 588.
FIIIIAMEN‘I‘, IX. 588.
FIIXAN, IX. 588.
Famous (Maternus Julius). IX. 588.
Firmness. faculty of. XVII. 463.
Frau-sons, IX. 588.
Flasr-rsmrs, IX. 588.
Free and FISCAL, IX. 588-9.
Fishes. XII. 151 -—acnteness of their
hearing. 11. 111. 112—killed in Lap.
land by striking the ice, 112—use of.
as a manure. 305; as an article of
food, III. 2021; VIII. 771 ; IX. 725
——poisonous species, ib.; XIV. 507,
526—castration of, IX. 725—lumi
nousness of, XIII. 337—showers 01'.
XVII. 586; XIX. 60-—-in heraldry,
IX.589—fish-ponds,ib.—supply offish
toLondon, XIII.506. SeeIchthyology.
Fish-eye stone, sp. gr. 01'. XII. 29.
F1snzn(Johu)bishop,IX.589;VIII.745.
I N D E X.
FIS-FLE
Fissurelladse. mollusca, XV. 365.
Fissoass. IX. 609.
FIBTULA, IX. 609—01' the wethers. XXI.
616.
Fistularia, fish. XII. 196.
Fistularidm, fishes, XII. 196.
Fistulides; zoophytes. XXI. 1001.
Fits in the domestic animals, XXI. 632.
Frrcuns, a sort of pulse, IX. 609.
Frrcasr. IX. 609.
Fires“, in heraldry, IX. 609.
Frrsno, Spanish town. IX. 609.
Fitzgerald (Lord Thomas), his attack
on Dublin, VIII. 286.
(Vesey). V. 573.
Fitzharris, Irish adventurer, V. 352.
Fitzherbert on agriculture. II. 254.
(Sm Au'rnosr), IX. 609.
(Mm. v. 443.
Fitzroy (Capt.) on the tides, XXI. 286. Fnsun! (Claude), IX. 621.
Flrzs'rzrnsn (\Villiam).historian. IX.
610; XVII. 112. n. 9.
FIUMB, in Austria. IX. 610.
FIXA‘I‘ION, IX. 610.
Fun!) nomas. IX. 610.
—---—— stars. IV. 41; 111.756.
FIXI‘I‘Y, in chemistry. IX. 610.
Ftxunnssss (Placidus). IX. 610.
Fnaccus (Cains Valerius), IX. 611.
(Lucius Valerius), XVIII. 352.
Flacourtianem. in botany, V. 97.
Fun, IX. 61 l—of England, II. 154.
FLAo-orrlcsas. IX. 611.
FnsosnssnrnsJanatics, IX. 611.
Flagellations at Sparta, VIII. 8.
Fasosotzr. IX. 612; XV. 614.
Fans. IX. 612.
Fans. IX. 612.
Fnsunaau. IX. 612.
Fnsunonouon Hssn, IX. 612.
I-‘Laxa. IX. 612-electrleity developed
in. VIII. 605. See Fire.
Fnsxss, IX. 612.
Flamingo, bird, XVI. 628.
Fauna“ VIA, IX. 612.
Fausnnns (G.), IX. 613.
(T. Quincrms),lX.613; V1.19?” Floko. voyage of, XX. 212.
Flamma (M. Calpurnius). VI. 191.
Fumsrsn, in Hertl‘ordshire, IX. 613.
Fsausrsan (John), IX. 613——his astro
nomical labours and discoveries, Ill. FLoos. IX. 623—construction of, V.
748—his projection, X. 418.
Flanches, in heraldry, XI. 251.
FLE-FLO FLO—FOG
Fssltnmass. IX. 619; XIV. 1561. Flower-bud. III. 90. 1
Familial! language, IX. 619—Bibles, IV. Flower-garden. XI. 676—ea1endar, 687.
617. See Flanders. Fnowsas, IX. 629; V. 39—strncture
Flemming, poetry of. XVIII. 167. and uses of. III. 95—ohanges in. from
Fusssnuao, Danish city. IX. 619. fecundation, 98—preserving of, IX.
Flesehier (J.), on the rainbow, XVI. 853. 629—functions of. XXI. 581—colours,
Fansa, IX. 619—its structure, II. 787 ib.—odour, 582—savour, ib.—fecun
--dili'erent kinds of. as articles of food, dation. ib.—their influence on the
III. 166. See Muscles. air. Mil—spontaneous movements of,
Furs. IX. 619. XXI. 587—florists‘, XI. 681.
FLB'rcann (Andrew), IX. 619—the Da Fluates, VI. 456.
rien project encouraged by. VII. 627. Fauna (Robert), IX. 629—on animal
(Glass), poet. IX. 621. magnetism, XIV. 3.
(John), IV. 480——his dramatic Flues of steam-boiler. XX. 683.
works, VIII. 169. Funns, IX. 630; XII. 9—compressi
(PIINBAB). poet, IX. 620. bility of, II. 114—claritication of, VI.
Fnsrswoon (William). IX. 621. 727—propagation ofheat through, 759
Fleur de lis, in heraldry, XI. Pl. 277. —-eohesion of, VII. 20, 428 —pressure
Fleurant, aeronaut. II. 188. and equilibrium of. XII. IO—motion
FLsuaus, IX. 622-battle of. XVI. I24. of. 51—resistance of. 76; XIX. 165;
'XX. 267—oscillation of, XII. 81—
(Cardinal). X. 35. efl'eets of passage of a body through,
, in heraldry, IX. 628. XX. 246—07 animal bodies, 11. 705——
FLEXIBLE, IX. 622. 01‘ human body. 712. See Capillary
Fnsxoa muscles, IX. 622. Action. Hydrodynamics.
Fleyder on the art of flying, II. 178. Fluidity, XI. 189; XVII. 567.
Flight and Robson (Messrs), their Apol Fluke, or Flounder. XII. 220.
lonieon. XVI. 533. Fluke-worm. XXI. 993—in sheep, 628.
Flinders (MattheW), his discoveries in Fluoborates, VI. 456.
New Holland, IV. 206—his account Fluoboric acid, VI. 373, 432.
ofits natives, 208—on coral reefs, 218. Fluochromic acid, VI. 482.
—- IsLAIsD, IX. 622. Fluocolumbic acid, VI. 432.
Flint, XV. 157—sp. gr. ot', XII. 29. Fluomolyhdic acid, VI. 432.
, Welsh town, IX. 622. Fluor. in mineralogy, XV. 140. '
Flint-glass, X. 577. Fluor-spar. crystallization 01', VII. 521—
Fuursmss. IX. 622. of Derbyshire, 735—phosphorescent
Fur, a sort of drink. IX. 623. efl‘ects of electricity on. VIII. 635-6.
Flit-milk, VII. 592. Fluoric acid, VI. 362, 364.
I-‘Los'r, IX. 623. Fluorides, VI. 456—of antimony, 385 ;
Floating. means of. XIII. 323. arsenic, 384 ; manganese. 407 ; phos
Booms. IX. 623. phorus, 381 ; sulphur, 376.
Floatstone, in mineralogy. XV. 157. Fluorine, VI. 862.
Floddombattleot'), VIII. 124, 743; XIX. acids. VI. 432.
720—“The Flowers of the Forest," a acid salts, VI. 456.
song occasioned by, VIII. 129. Fluosilicates, VI. 456.
Fine, XVII. 519. Fluosilicic acid. VI. 874, 432.
Flogging. punishment of, XIV. 512. Fluotitanic acid. VI. 432.
Flnotungstic acid, VI. 432.
FLoon, IX. 623. See Deluge. Flushing taken by the British, V. 528.
(Mr), XII. 383—his motion on FLUTE, IX. 630; XV. 618.
Parliamentary Reform. V. 457. , or FLUY'I', IX. 630.
, in architecture, III. 467.
684. 687; XII. (HIS—measurement of Flute-player. Vaucanson’s mechanical,
flooring, V. 690. III. 123.
4

Flsnsauzs. IX. 590—of Aberdeenshire,
II. 29—America, V. 401 —Antrim,
III. 276 —- Argyleshire. 484 -- the
Baltic. IV. 326—Banfl'shire, 845-—
Brazil, V. 209—Caithness. 781—the
Caspian Sea. VI. 217—Chili. 526—
China, 580—Clare, 726—Cornwall,
VII. 368—Devonshire, 74 5—Donegal,
vm. 1 lS—Dorsctshire, 120-50“,
133—Dubiin, 235—Dumbart0nshire,
259 — England, 769—the Firth of
Forth, IX. 766—France, X. 195—
Irciand. XII. 408; XI V. 339—Italy,
XII. 488—Labrador, XIII. 4-—-Lap
land. ill-Isle of Man. XIV. 213—
Naples. XV. 703—Newi'oundland.
XVI. 160; V. 403—Norway. XVI. 269
-—Nova Scotia, 288—Ross-shire, XIX.
487—Russia, 576—Scotland, 769; III.
II2—Sibcria. XX. 326—Sligo. 944—
Stirlingshire, 730 —— Sufi'olk. 789 -
Sutherland; XXI. ll—Sweden, 31—
Tnscany, 4 32—Waterford. 811—Wex
ford, 867*Wick, 878—Wicklow, 879
Yarmouth. XVI. 245—t‘or pearls in
Ceylon. VI. 300; VIII. 60 —for
crabs, VII. bOO—for shell-fish. XV.
372—nets for, XIX. 188. See Her
ring, Pearl, Salmon, 8m.
Fisherrow, XV. 647.
Pnaouaan, Welsh town, IX. 609.
Flsalna. IX. 609—in carpentry, VI.
166. See Angling.
Fishing-rod, III. 136. V
Fishmongers' Hall, London, XIII. 536. Fsasr, IX. 618. See Navy.
Fissilabra. insects, IX. 137.
Fissipedes, crustacea. VII. 502.
Fissirostres. birds. XVI. 577.
Fissurella, mollasca. XV. 348.
FLANDEas. IX. 614—eommerce 01'. VII. Fnons, IX. 628. '~ ‘ FLUX, IX. 630.
158—agriculturc, XVI. 142—school Fnoasc, in France. IX. 624. Fnexwss, IX. Mil—discovery of. I.
of painting. 721; III. 648. See No FLonsuzs L001, IX. 624. 519; XIV. 818, 321. Sec Calculus,
therlands, Flemish. Fnoaaus, IX. 624. _ Geometry (New).
Flandrians. sect. IX. 619; XIV. 561. FLosssez, IX. 624; XXI. 432—Aca Fly. in entomology, VIII. 38; IX. 60.
Fuss, IX. 615. demy of Arts. 11. 74; of Umidi. 76; 255--how prevented from injuring
Fasszuu Isnssns, IX. 615. della Crusea, ib.; VII. 497—-cathe turnips, XII. 294.
Fnsnssn. IX. 614. dral, III. 424 -1ibraries, XIII. 310‘ . in mechanics. IX. 709.
Flasques, in heraldry, IX. 251. schOol of painting, XVI. 708. et seq. Isnssn. IX. 709.
Flat, in music. See Interval. -—bridge of the Santissima Trinita, rams. IX. 709.
Isassn, IX. 615. XX. 37 7. Fly-catcher, bird, XVI. 569.
Flat-fish, XII. 219. , an old English coin, IX. 624. Fly-fishing. III. 133, I39—rules for, 135.
Flangergues. on the oscillation of waves, Florence-glass, or thermometer. IV. 393. Fly-wheel, XIV. 418; XX. 653.
XII. 4. 82. Florentine academicians the first to use Ferns, Mexican, IX. 709.
FLAVEL(JOII11), IX. 615. a dense fluid instead 01‘ air in thermo Farina, IX. 709—artificial, lb. II. 177.
Flaws (Capt.), voyage of, XVIII. 219. meters. I. 640. Flying-fish. XII. 173. 201.
Flax, culture of. II. 294; in Prussia, marble, VI. 706. Lemur, XIV. 102.
XVIII. 692—Mr Lee's mode of bleach Flores. one of the Azores, IV. 264. F0, or Fohi. See Fohi.
ing, IV. 688—steeping of. 689-—dyes -, or Exes, island. IX. 624. Foss, or colt. IX. 709.
worse than wool and silk, VIII. 298 Florianus. reign of, XIX. 413. Focnsn, Chinese town, IX. 709.
-watering of. 802—strueture of, ib. FLoainA. IX. 624-Iudinns of. II. 619 Focus...“ geometry, &c., IX. 709—of
"dyeing of. ib.—New Zealand flax, -emigration of the Minorcans to, burning-glass, V. 725.
XXI. 823. 720. See Hemp. , XV. 281—proposed canal in, XVI. I-‘onnsa, IX. 709.
Flax-spinning, XX. 588, ct $071.,- IX. 544. 27; XXI. 472 ~railroad, 474. Fmsns Nso'ncusi, IX. 709.
Fun“! (John), IX. 615—his charac Florida, Italian algebraist, II. 422. Fm'ros. IX. 709.
ter as a painter, XVI. 727-his sculp Fsoalsson, 1X. 628. Fm'rus, IX. 709 —- developmell of
ture, XX. 9. Fnoant, IX. 628; XV. 400. 409. et seq. nerves in, II. 736—bones of, 744——
Flea. IX. 294—its agility, XX. 770-— Fnoauusm. heretics. IX. 628. teeth, 747—-dimensions. 757—height,
destruction of, XXI. 603—fleas on the Fnons (Francis). painter. IX. 628. Mil—vertebrae, 760-cranial bones.
domestic animals. 637. Faoais'r, IX. 628. 783: viz. frontal. 770; ethmoid, 771;
Fuzcns: (La). in France. IX. 617. Fnonns (Lucius AA. historian. IX. 628. sphenoid, 773; occipital. 774; tem
Fuzcmsn (Esprit), IX. 617. FLoar. in heraldry, IX. 628. poral, 776—iower jaw, 779—mem
FLICKNOE (Richard). IX. 618. I-‘Lorsors, IX. 628. branes, 827—anatomical peculiarities,
Fumes. IX. 618. See Wool. Flounder, XII. 220. 828—evolution of, XVII. 693.
FLous. IX. 628; IV. 295—constituent Foo. IX. 710; XIV. 748; XVII. 535
Fleetings, vn. 592. ' elements of. 297 —- adulteration of, fogs in Newfoundland. XVI. 159. , ~
Fanarwoon (\Villiam). IX. 618. XIV. 508. Fog-sickness in cattle, xxr. 624. V“
Fleming (Dr). his History of British Ani (Sr). in France. IX. 629. Fooaaas. Hungarian town. IX. 710. 1
mals, XVI. 553. Flourencourt on mortality, XV. 547. Fooou. Neapolitan city. IX. 710.
 INDEX. 63
FOG—FOR FOR FOR—FOU FOU-FRA
Foggo (J.), his observations on the elec heat, XI. 187—on magnetoelectri Foasrss (J. 11.).114. 752—011 the aurora Fonscaor (Antony Francis de). IX.798.
tricity of clouds, VIII. 618. city, XXI. 092. australis.1V. 197—his botanical la Fourdrinier's paper-mailing machine.
Fons, or Fora. island. IX. 710. Panama (Ions). IX. 738. bours. V. 78-un Coptic. X1. 815-— XVII. 17. e. ~:a__
Four. 1x. 496; W]. 697; xv. 676— ( Wlssuu ), bishop of Edinburgh. on birds of paradise. XVI. 585. Fourier on intemal heat of globe. XV.
religion of. 677, 678; VI. 560. IX. 787. (John George Adam). IX. 753. 176—on thermo-t-lectricity. XXI. 697.
Fetus. IX. 710. ——-— (Dr), on the mortality of Pen (Mr). his rebellion, V. 815, 876. Fooauou'r (Stephen). IX. 797. p». .g,
FOIL. IX. 710. with. XV. 530. Forsyth's percussion-lock, XI. 88. Fooausss. in Lancashire, IX. 797.
Folx. in France. IX. 710. Forbin (Count de), his treatment of Bel Fear, IX. 754—vitritied. ib.; II. 29. Fourway cock, XX. 647. ... . "in?
(Earl of). VI. 603. soni. VIII. us. m—his description See Fortification. Fortresses. Foo‘rcnaso. IX. 797. ~ t ." .171
Foslsu, in China, IX. 710. of the tire of St Elmo, 624. Fos'r Auonsros. IX. 762; XII. 888. Foo-reason. 1X. 797. we - 1.
Fosscaam. IX. 710. . Foscs.IX.741; 1V. in; 10711.net Fear Gaoaos. 1X. 768; XII. 336. Fewer. town in Cornwall, IX. 797. .'.
Fosssn (Jean-Charles dc). IX. 710. XVIII. 778—composition a'nd resolu Fort Gratiot, XV. 8. ‘ Fowas. IX. NIL—fattening of, 728. ~.
Foacuuns, or Folklands. IX. 714. tion of forces, VI. 157 ; VIII. 857— Foam 81‘ DAVID, IX. 763. _ Fowler (William), VIII. 210. n. 1.. .\
Foscuo'rs. or Folkrnote, IX. 714. estimation or reduction of. 863—ac Foa'r WILLIAI. IX. 768; XII. 886. Fowuno. IX. 797; III. 811. .311: “.4
Folds for sheep, II. 835. celerating and retarding, 370'; XIX. FOBTALICE. IX. 768. Fowling-piece. XX. 804. 1;...36; ,3»?
Fossuoo (Theophilus). IX. 714—his 487—deflecting, VIII. 379—centrsl. Fos'ravsu'rnsa. island. IX. 763. Fox. XIV. 116; XI. 1511.111. 143
Macaronics. VIII. 273. 88l—moving' distinguished from ac Fortescue. family of, XI. 248, n. 1. i'ox-hunting. X1. 742. ‘ .H
Foua'rmo of looking-glasses. IX. 715. celerating, VIII. 879. See Dynamics, (Sir Jous), IX. 768. Islands. 11. 402, 4040 . .~:
Foliations, in architecture. 111. 467. Strength of Materials. Fos'rn. river and tirth. IX. 764; XIX. River. XV]. 255, 256.
Fououo. Italian city, IX. 715. Foscsrs, in surgery, IX. 741. 747; XX. 729—its windings. VI. 720 (Cnasmzs Jusss). IX. 798—on
Fouo. IX. 715. Foscss, in mechanics. IX. 741. -—elevation of its shores, XV. 218— the balancing system. IV. 813; V.
Fonsss (Martin). IX. 715. Foscusni, in Bavaria. IX. 741. its navigation, XVI. 13—canal from 447—the Coalition joined by, 426—
Fouuuonns. IX. 715. Forcing of vegetables, XI. 658. it to the Clyde. ib.; X. 550; VIII. his East India bills, 429, 449—parlia
FOLXB'I‘ONE, in Kent, IX. 715. Fosnlsosamon, IX. 741. 258; XIX. 75l—land reclaimed from. mentary conduct, 429, at seq.—ruin
Follicles. in anatomy and physiology, II) Fords, how rendered impassable in war, 747—tides in, XXI. 282. of his political fortunes, 434—elected
749. 750; XVII. 608. 648. IX. 787. FOI'I'IFICA'I'IOI. IX. 769. member for Westminster. 4 85--on the
, in botany, V. 48. Fosnus (John), IX. 741. Fos'nnsn Isuzu). IX. 787. Germanic league. 438—on the sink
FOLLICULUB, IX. 715, 716. Fosnrcs (David and James), IX. 74 2. Fortin’s balance, IV. 805—his improved ing-fund. 439—on the commercial
Fouls. IX. 716; XIV. 478. (Gsoson). IX. 743. Atwood’s machine. XIV. 452. treaty with France. 442—lns denial
Fouanaur. a star, IX. 716. Foascasran of a ship, IX. 748. Fos'rxssnso. in music. IX. 787. ‘ of the Prince of Wales's connexion
Fomartin, II. 29. Fosnox and Fossieuss, IX. 743. Fort-Irons. IX. 787; XV. 465, 470. with Mrs Fitzherbert. 444—on the
Fosssu'rartou, in medicine, IX. 716; Foauunoss, IX. 743. Fortore, XVII. 8. ‘ Prince of Wales's right to assume the
XXI. 618, n. 2. Fore-knowledge, divine, XIV. 699. Fortresses, mode of attack of, III. 637 ; regency, 452—011 the slave~trade. 454
Fouc-nos-rcuxso, IX. 716. Fossuun.IX.743—Northand South.ib. IX. 776—their use in war, XXI. 742. -—on increasing the army. 456—on
FOIG-‘I'CIIINO, IX. 716. Foss-Loon. IX. 748. Fox-runs. goddess, IX. 787. the corporation and test acts. 457—
Pose-ruse. IX. 716. FOIIIAST ot‘ a ship, IX. 748. Fos'rmu'rm Inseam. IX. 787; VI. 73. his quarrel with Burke. 458-on the
Four, IX. 716. 792. Forensic Medicine, XIV. 498. Fossous, IX. 787—Islands. 788. relief of the Catholics. 459—on par
Porn-nus. (Jean de La), IX. 716—poe Foreskin, II. 825. F0308, IX. 788—Roman. XIX. 427 liamentary reform, 464. 470—on the
try of, XVIII. 165. Fosss'r, IX. 743; XX. 301. m—intiu Bacon's “ idols" of the. I. 456. king’s speech in 1792. 466—011 treat
(Augustus La), character of his ence of climate on the distribution of Foscolo (Ugo), XIX. 850. _ ing with the French Republic. 467—
novels, XIX. 856. forests, II. 6iI—Bavarian, IV. 459 Foss, IX. 788—navigation, XVI. 13. on the French war, 469. 473. 477, 499
Forrramss (P. F. G. Des), French cri —-Austrian, 280 —— French, ib.; X. Foss-dike navigation, XVI. 13. —-on the expediency of peace with
tic. IX. 717. 17 7—subterranean.X V. 225—Russian, Fossa. IX. 788. France in 1800, 492—on the peace of
Fours!“ (Felix). IX. 717—on the struc XIX. 568—their effect on climate, Fossauo, Sardinian city, IX. 788. Amiens, 508—Canning's attack on,
ture of the muscles. XVII. 609. XVII. 544—royal. in Britain, XXI. Fossasu, IX. 788. V1. 82—speeches of, XIX. 219.
———~—- (Gaseous). IX. 718—011 the 289 ; in Northamptonshire, XVI. 251. Fosse, in fortification. IX. 772. (Gsoaos). founder of the Qua
microscope, XVI. 356. Forest-flies. IX. 292. Fossia. IX. 789 —- shells, XV. 376— kers, IX. 798; XVIII. 765, 768.
Fontanelle, in anatomy, II. 771, 784. Fosss'r-Laws, IX. 744; XX. 800. trees. 205. 256, 11., 572; XXI. 916; (Joan). martyrologist. IX. 797.
Fosrsuar. in France, IX. 719. FOIIS'IALLING, IX. 744—laws against, XII.148—animals, xvu. 508. 587; (Luke), voyage of, XVIII. 218.
Foursusau: (Bernard 1e B. de). IX. II. 254, 258; VII. 384. II. 653; V. 641; VII. 500; XX. 326 Fox's dipping-needle deflector. XIII. 769.
719; I. I56—maxim of. 23—works Fosss'rsa, III. 744. —-plants, xvn. 5081 Fox-glove, a poison. XVIII. I78.
of, I57-9—sspired to be the philoso Fosns. 'IX. 744. Fossombrone. XX. 345. Foxhound, X1. 699, 742. 752.
pher of the Parisian circles, 159—his
Fosrsrruss, IX. 747. Fossores, insects, IX. 228. Fox-tail wedging. VI. 166.
character. I60. Fosrsx. IX. 747. Fosrsa (James). IX. 789. Foy (General). on the military character
FONTINOY. IX. 720—batt1e of, V. 381. Forficula. genus of insects, IX. 189. (Captain Henry). on the pendu ofthe French and Brit ish,III. 601, 622.
Foursvaaon. order of. IX. 720. Fosos, IX. 747—anchor-smiths', III. lum, XVII. 212. Foyers, fall of. X11. 835. ‘
Forums“. Roman feast. IX. 720. 106—iron. XII. 443. See Furnace. (Sir Michael), on duelling. VIII. Foyle, Irish river, VIII. III—its navi
Foo». IX. 720—selection of. ib.—pre Fososar, IX. 747; XIV. 495. 254—on impresnmcnt, XII. 255. gation. XVI. 22. .
servation of. 727—preparation of, 735 Fosoluo. in smithery. IX. 748. (Saxon). IX. 789. Faacas'rosws. IX. 807—his poem “ Do
-—ot' the American aborigines, II. 682 Forgiveness. duty of. XV. 474. Foster-brother. V. 592. Morbo Galileo." XX. 828.
——its relation to the teeth of ani Foslsrnuua'riou. IX. 748. Fo'rnssciu. (Dr George). IX. 790. . Flucnss. IX. 808.
mals, 703 —the young of animals pro Foss, IX. 748. (Dr Jous), IX. 790. Fsacnoss. IX. 808—aigebraic, II. 430
duced when it abounds. III. 169—-ot' Fosuurorou. in Italy. IX. 749. (Mr). on the insensibility of in continued. 475; I.~ 589—vulgar, III.
the crustacea, VII. 499—efi'ccts and Fossosu non, IX. 749. sects to pain, III. 164. 557—decimal.559-62 ;VII.662 ;I.435.
cases of excessive consumption of. Form, various meanings of the word. Fothergill's rope-machine, XIX. 464. Fsac'ruas. IX. 808; XXI. 615—surgi
VIII. 23—~of horses, XI. 604—ot' in VIII. 10. See Figure. Fouché. XVIII. 254. cal treatment of. XX. 887.
fants. XIV. 205—instinct of. XII. , in physics, IX. 7 48—peripatetic Foucazsoz. Persian town, IX. 790. Falls, IX. 808.
301--it8 efl'ccts on health, XIV. 508 doctrine respecting. XIV. 644. Foooasss. IX. 790. Framing. in joinery, V. 688—measurs
-—adultcration of, ib.—necessity of, , in carpentry, IX. 749. FOUL, IX. 790-Islands, ib. ment of. 691.
XVII. 618—properties of. 624—ani , faculty of, XVII. 464. Foo“ Isusn, IX. 791; XXI. 987. Fasuuaonax, in Suffolk. IX. 808.
mal. ib. 'vcgetable, ib.—man omni Fosxsm'rs. IX. 749. Fousaas, IX. 791; XX. 93. Fsauuasssacn. IX. 808.
vorous. 700- its preparation b steam. Fosuau (Andrew). IX. 749. Foulis (Sir David). V. 815. Fsnsrros on 88915314, IX. 808.
XX. 608—ot' plants, XXI. 5 0. See Foaxa'rlos. IX. 750. (Robert and Andrew). X. 552-; Fsauc X. 221;_ XV. 409.
Aliment, Cookery, Dietetics, Diges Foausnos, in law. IX. 750. XV. 445. 448; XVIII. 555. Franc-quarter. in heraldry, X1. 251.
tion. Fast. Nutrition, Voracity. Foalss'rsssnsland. IX. 750. Foumart. XIV. 109. FIANCAVILLA, IX. 808. _
Foosn'r. island. IX. 736. Formey on dreams, VIII. 188-on phy FOUNDATION, IX. 791—ot‘ buildings. V. Fasscs. X. I—history of, ib.; X1. 480.
Foot, human. its structure, XVII. 616 siognomy. XVII. 576. 663; XIV. 296. ct sfl]. ,- see also Chronological Table.
-bones of. II. 79l—archcs. 792— Formic acid, VI. 427; III. 243. Founder (acute), in horses, XXI. 619. VI. 669.ct seq.-—ststistics.X. 169 ; IX.
muscles, 794. Formica. insect. IX. 228. See Ant. Founding. See Foundry. 413-'its progress in literature and
--——— of mammalia, bones of. III. 8— Foalnlo. IX. 750. Foundlings in Paris. XV. 581. , philosophy during the 17th century. I.
its diseases in the horse, XXI. 618. Fosuosa. Chinese island. IX. 750—lan Foundling Hospital, London. VII. 321 ; 49—Addison's censure of the French
. in poetry, IX. 736. guage of, XIII. 92. XIII. 587—Dublin, VIII. 244—mor writers of his day. 55istei'ility of
, a lineal measure, IX. 736—its , African river, IV. 571. tality in hospitals, XIV. 512. invention in the metaphysical writers
length in difl‘erent countries, XXI. Fosswn. IX. 750. Fonsnsr. IX. 791. See Cannon. Cast between Descartes and Condillac, 172
846—Roman. VII. 200. FOIIULAIY, IX. 750, 751. ing, Furnace, Gunmaking, Type flaiispositiun ot' philosophers of 18th
Foota Torra. XX. 94. Foszucaua. festival. IX. 751. t'ounding, Brass, Iron. 8w. century to push their theories to ex
Poo-rs (Samuel). IX. 736 —merits of Fosutcarlos. IX. 751. Fouu'rnu, IX. 792. See Spring. tremes. 180-81 —- literature of 18th
his comedies. VIII. 176. Foams. in' anatomy. IX. 751. Fousruit-rass. IX. 792. century divided into two eras. 277
For. 1x.1a1. ‘ Foros. gult‘ of. IV. 660. ‘ Feuquieriacese. in botany. V. 111. - writers on mental philosophy. I84
Ii‘osaos. IX. 737. FOIQUALQUIID.111 France, IX. 751. Foos-sosooons’ Cous'r, IX. 793. — French and German schools of phi
Foramen ovals, II. 666; III. 39. Fossss. Scotch town. IX. 751. Foes-cases Isusn. IX. 793. losophy contrmted. 186-7-—missions
i-‘ossss (Duncan). IX. 787. Forrest. his visit to New Guinea in the Foes-saunas Istasn, IX. 793. to Ahyssinia. II. 54-agrisulture,842;
(Prof. James), on polarisation of year 1775, IV. 211, 212. Fooscuss. in heraldry, IX. 793. IV. 282; VII. 89I—Wars with the
t
 64 INDEX.
FRANCE FRA FRA—FRE FRE—FRO
Algerines, II. 506-8. 5ll—manui'ac launching ships, 295-cultivation ot' seq. ,- of Duekhara, V. 696, et seq. ,- of Sculpture, 73 — Royal Academy of
ture of alum, 577—West India colo the silk-worm, 352—former connexion Persia, XVII. 241, ct seq. Music, 74——Academies of Architec
nies, 648 —collections of hon-mots, or with Navarre. 497—war with Spain Fassnasuacn, X. 225. I ture and Medals, 75.
Ana, 675 —cultivation of anatomy. in 1823, 509—snrgery in. XX. 827. Fratcrcnln, birds, XVI. 630. French Academy, II. 77—expeditions
694, 700 —-aqueducts, III. 320 -— et seq.—invasion of Switzerland in Fraternal duty, XV. 471. sent by them to determine the earth‘s
pointed architecture, 422—influence 1797, XXI. 44—defcct of the taxation Fasrsssrrv, X. 226. figure and size, IX. 508; I. 657-8; V.
of the Italian school upon architec under the old regime, 98, 99, 103, 121, FRATBIAGE, X. 226. 144; VII. l99—their experiments on
ture, 427—army, 598—painters, 650 ; 123—1and-tax. 104—computation of FRATBICELLI, X. 226. the force of steam, XX. 586-formula
XVI. 722—voyages of discovery to tonnage of ships. 328—universities, FBATRICIDE, X. 226. representing those experiments, 595.
Australasia, IV. 205, 206-Hvvar with 483. ct seq. ,- XVII. 77——weights and l-‘aA'rrA-Mmoions, X. 226. _—— berries, dyestufl', VIII. 321.
Austria, 22l—comparative culture of measures, XXI. 852, 847; their com Faacssacao, X. 226. 1—-—- Institute, XVII. 77.
Britain. Austria, and, 230—polities of plication, 841—superiority of wines, Frannhot'cr (Joseph), achromatic glasses language. XIII. 88—Bibles,IV.
Austria towards, 237—loat‘ in, 296 — 897—wine-making; sec Wine-making, improved by, I. 635--superiority of GIG—Norman, IX. 38.
law against the use of yeast in bak passim—maps of, vol. X. Pl. CCL-I the flint-glass produced under his in Frenicle on magic squares. XIII. 681.
ing, 297—trade with Barbary, 365— and CCL-2. See French. spection, ib.—Dorpat telescope made Fresch-Ilati‘, IV. 329; XVIII. 691.
beards and whiskers, 472, 473—man France (Isle of). Sec. Mauritius. by, IV,102—on electrical light, VIII. Fatsco rarsrlso,X.231; XVI.699,707
agement of bees, rim—bleaching, 680 Franceur, on mechanics, XI V. 355. 584~his micrometers, XV. 24—his Fresh-water serpents, XX. 141.
--botanists, V. 86, 90—wars with FRANCHISE, X. 220. microscopes, 39 ~-Ahis optical disco Passnzs, X. 231.
Britain, 366, 368. 380, 383, 404-— Francia (Dr), II. 643; XVII. 58. veries, I. 636; XVI. 371, 415, 437. Fresnel (Mons) on chromatics, VI. 632,
conquest of Minorca, 384 ; and of FRANCIS (Philip), poet. X. 220. Fasusrurr, in Posen, X. 226. ct seq.—on magnetism, XIII. 724—1115
Hanover, 385—league with America (Sir Philip), V. 434. 441 ; X. 220. PRAY, X. 226. optical discoveries, XVI. 370, 426,
against Britain in 1778, 404—com I. king of France. VI. 605—reign Fans, or Frigga, X. 226. 435, 459, 465, 485, 497, 502—011 po
mercial treaty with Britain in 1786, of, X. 30—his wars in Italy, XII. 476. Fnaars, or Frcits, X. 226. larization of light, X VIII. 24 3-6—h'ts
442; VII. 161,166, 414-“Revolntion, II. emperor of Austria, history Fascsuzs, X. 227. sea-lights, XX. 21. et seq.
V. 456, 460, 463; VII. 620—revolu of the reign of, IV. 221. Fredegonde, X. 4. Passive! (Charles Alphonsedu), X. 231.
tionziry war with Britain, V. 467, ct (Cars), X. 220. Frederic, Elector Palatine, V. 307. Fasr, in architecture, X. 232—in heral
seq.,- X. 773—peace of Amiens, V. Faasctscaas, X 220. Frederick I. of Prussia, XVIII. 672. dry, XI. 251.
506-8—expedition to St Domingo in Faasclsco (St), X. 221; XVII. 236; II., emperor, his invasion of Pa FIST-WORK, X. 232.
1801, 512—war with Britain renewed XIX. 642. lestine, XVI. 758—-his patronage of Fr'éteau (Monsieur), X. 43.
in 1802, 515—Peninsular war, 542, ct Franco (Matteo), VIII. 274. the University of Bologna, XXI. 488. I-‘as'r'rs, in mineralogy, X. 232,
seq—peace of 1814, 535—Napoleon‘s Francolin, bird, XVI. 611. II. of Prussia, XVIII. 672. Fretty. in heraldry, XI. 251.
return from Elba, 539 — battle of Fans: LANGUAGE, X. 221. III., the Great, X. 227—rcign Faeonsxarac, X. 232.
Waterloo, 540; XXI. 751—policy of FRANK, or Franc, X. 221; XV. 409. of, XVIII. 672-—chnracter of, 683— Fattrmzusran'r, X. 232.
British participation in the revolu— (Dr Louis), on the plague, XVII. his army, III. 597---his opposition to Frey (Jachimo). IX. 52.
tionary war considered, V. 54l—Cas 772, et seq. the plan of Joseph II. for the acquisi~ Freyberg. See Freiberg.
sini's chart of, VI. 219—former trade FBANK-ALMOIONli—FI‘IIIIk-(‘IltlSé—Fl‘tlnk tion of Bavaria, V. 437-his military Fasnwao, in Baden, X. 232.
with Chili, 539 —-influence of the fee—Frank-law -- Frank-marriage— tactics, XXI. 738, 747, rt seq. , in Switzerland. See Freiburg
French civil wars on chivalry, 614—— Frank-pledgc. X. 221. IV. of Denmark, VII. 723. Freyre, VI. 543.
morality of the court in the 16th cen Faasxsa (Franciscus). X. 222. _— Barbarossa, XVI. 757. Panama, X. 232.
tury, 615—colonies, VII. 126; II. 648 Faaa'xssnauszx, X. 222. , Prince of Wales, his death in FBIABS, X. 232—preaching, VIII. 103
—-mercantile policy, VII. 164. 166 Frankeniacere, in botany, V. 99. the yenr1751, V. 383. —at Jerusalem, XII. 551.
—iron-manufactures, 166; X. 559, 11. Faasxassrsm, X. 222. , town in Maryland, X. 230. Faxesssrs, X. 232.
—short credits. VII. l70-1—the press Fassxsarnan, X. 222. Frederick-William, Elector of Branden Fate-nos, X. 232—C0ulomb on, VII.
under Bonaparte. {HS—copyright, 317 Faasxronr-os-Tnadtiusn. X. 222, 597 burg. XVIII. 671. 426, 4284hcat from, XI. 195»nt‘
- books published, 320 — corn-trade, —-coins of, XV. 407—commercial ‘ Frederick-William II. and III., kings water in pipes, XII. Gila-laws of. and
363—coudition ot‘ the agriculturistsfi league of, with Prussia, XVIII. 686— of Prussia, XVIII. 683, 684. mode of diminishing. XIV. 407, 443,
391—eti‘ects0t the millute division of weights and measures of, XXI. 853. Frederick‘s 00rd, in Holland, poor-c0 ——communication of power by, 446
land, ib.—cotton-manut‘acture, 416-— os-ras'Onsa. X. 222. lonies at, II. 347. of railway-carriages, XIX. 46.
condition at period of the Crusades, , in Kentucky, X. 222; XII. 698. Panoraicssansen, X. 230. Friction-wheels, XIV. 416.
488—persecution of the Protestants, Freaking of letters,V. 389; XVIII. 493. I-‘rederickdiall, siege of, XXI. 25, 32. Fitness, X. 232—origiu 01‘ the word.
VIII. l35—the drama, 153, 154, 156, Frankincense, VI. 492. Faznsntcxsnax, X. 230. XVIII. 337.
159, 177—duelling, 252—t-itle of duke, Faasxurw's ISLANDS, X. 222. Fasnsaicxs'ran, X. 230. FBIDEIIK‘A, Danish city, X. 232.
257——dyeing, 297 —-the Economists, Faaxxun (Benjamin), X. 223—1118. Frederickton, a town in New Brunswick, FBIDBTOL, X. 232.
398—Bonaparte’s expedition to Egypt, theory of electrical phenomena, I. 818 XVI. 149. Faisnasao, in Bavaria, X. 232.
488; XI. 305. 333. 11.,- XVI. 759; and -—his talents and acquirements. ib.— Fare. X. 230—bench, ib.—cities, ib. FBIEDLAND, Prussian town, X. 232-
Palestine, 7 59 —invaded by Edward his plan of a floating anchor, III. Free trade, VIII. Mel—advantages of, battle of, I46; XIX. 559.
the Third, VIII. 728; and by Henry 106—his controversy with Nollet. VII. 166, 414, 421. Fainnalcusaoao, X. 232.
the Fifth, 733—trade with England, V. 290—his friendship with Canton, Free will, XX. 88. See Liberty and‘ FRIENDLY Isa/mas. X. 231; XVIII. n.t._, .p-q

779—trade of Britain with, IX. 447— VI. 104—his clock with few wheels, Necessity. Friendly Societies and Savings Banks in
fairs in, 477—fisheries of, 594—glass 777—his discoveries in electricity, I. Faasaoorra, X. 230. Scotland, XIX. 766.
making in, X. 564—contests with the 618; VIII. 569—proved the electrical Fassnou, X. 230. See Liberty. Friends of the People, societies of. in
English in India, XI. 413—invasions character of lightning, I. 619; VIII. I-‘assuoan, X. 230. 1791, V. 463, 466; VIII. 415.
of Holland, 525, 527 - interest of 618—on the magnetic effects of elec Freeman's letter-balance, XXI. 840. Faissnsmr, X. 233~—Aristotle on, 111.
money. XII. 323, 327 —invasion of tricity, 637—his electrical kite, 646, Free-Martin, II. 326. 521—ingredients of, XV. 473.
Ireland, 381, 385, 386—Jevvs in, 583 ——on the Leyden jar, 650—011 musical Fans-Masosar, XIV. 280—the Diony~ Faissmisn, X. 234—I-Jast, ib.
-Code Napoleon, XIII. 184; X. 132 glasses, XI. I49—his magic square sincs 0f Ionia, III. 379. Frieze, III. 467—Doric, 438, 450.--Ionic,
—state of the law, XIII. 200; XVIII. and circle, XIII. 683—on population, Freethinkers, VII. 678. 439, 449—Corinthian, 44 1, 448—cn
736-libraries, XIII. 304—Locke's ac XV. 514—on smoky chimnies, XX. Faszvvlu. Isnsnns, X. 230. richments of Roman, 451.
count of the government, 409, 410— 419, ct seq.—0n the art of swimming, Freezing. See Congelation. FBIOA'I‘B, X. 234; XIX. 75—the first
variation ofthe needle, 733, 736— XXI. 40—on the laws of nature, 586 Fregilus, bird, XVI. 574, 591. built. XX. 222.
state of masonry, XIV. 287—medieal —his character of \Vhitefleld, 875— Fasrasac, in Saxony, X. 230e—silver Frigate-bird, XVI. 634.
jurisprudence. 491, 492—mincs. XV. anecdote of, ib. mines of, XV. 255—battle of, XVIII. Balears-aun‘r, X. 234.
250, ct“ scq.—seignorage on coined (Sir John), on aurora horealis, 682. FRIQATOON, X. 234.
money, 891—money, 399, 400, 407, IV. 199, 200, 201—his arctic expedi Famauao, in Switzerland, X. 240— Faloln, X. 234—zones, 408.
409 -inland navigation, XVI. 5; XIX. tions, X. 401; XVIII. 220, 222. suspension-bridge at. 218. Fiueim'rr, X. 234.
226—eonqucst of Belgium, XVI. 123, (Tnoxas). X. 222. Fastest, X. 231. Faieoalrlc PABTICLBS, X. 284.
I24—newspapcrs, 171, 174—Bank of, , town in Tennessee, XXI. 183. FRIEND (John), physician, X. 231. —— saline powders, VII. 60, 02. 840
XVII. 46—University ot‘, 77—height Institute, their experiments Faissmc, in Bavaria, X. 231. Congelation.
of mountains, 506—hail-storms, 538 on the elastic force of steam, XX. Fauna. French town, X. 231. Panama, X. 234.‘
—poetry, XVIII. 164—police. 253 588—t'ormula representing the law of French, their skulls, II. 784—thcir no~ Fringilla, birds, XVI. 580.
political economists. 268. 278—p0rcc the relation between that force and tion of ancient mythology, III. 257— FIJRGYBAZAB, X. 234.
lain'manut‘acture, 434—invasion of the temperature, 596—experiments want the feeling of the antique, 268 Fairrnar, X. 234.
Portugal, 472—post from Britain, on the strength of boiler materials, —their military character, 601—— Friseh on birds, XVI. 546.
489—post-oflice, 495—prisons, 583 677—on fusible plugs. 682. intellcctual character, IV. 1634—» Frisch~Haf, IV. 329; XVIII. 691.
penal code, 736—the Reformation, Franklinite, specific gravity of, XII. 29. nine-tenths of them desirOus of peace Fats: (Paul). X. 234.
XIX. 94—registration of births, &c., FBANKS, X. 225—~lavvs of the. VI. 123 with England, VII. Nil—contrasted Fatsu, X. 236.
IOB—roads. 299; XXI. 102—religion, wars of the Romans with the, V11. with the Germans, VIII. 177 -tltcit° Parr, or Fritt. X. 286.
XIX. 315—romance, 331, 352—wars 275 —- Duboo on their entry into gallantry, XX. 178, n.-supcriority in Fnrrn (John). X. 240; VII. 446.
With Russia, 558, ct seq.-—sculpture, France, VIII. 249—their conquest of ship-building, 223', 288—French Ca Fritigern, XIX. 419.
XX. 10—sea-lights, 25, 30—shawl Gaul. X. 2; of IIelvetia, XXI. 42— nadians, VI. 65-68. See France. FBITZLAB, X. 237.
manufacture, 19 3—rise of naval power, Leibnitz on their origin, XIII. 205. Academies—Royal Academy of Fans, or Freeze, cloth. X. 237.
' 226—royal navy, 228—peculiarities FIABCATI, Italian town, X. 225. Sciences, II. 69—pr0vincial Acade Frobenius (John), X. 237.
of ship-building, 294 —- method of Fraser's account of Arabia, III. 324, ct mies, 70—Academy ot‘ Painting and Faoatsuna (Sir Martin), navigator, X.
 I N D E X. 65
FRO—FUL FUL-FUR FUR-GAI GAL-GAL
287—his north-west voyages of disco Foams, X. 242—0! wool, VIII. 299— Fon'rn, Bavarian city, X. 277. Gaisl’ord’s edition of Suidas, XX. 799.
very, XVIII. 217. of cloth, XXI. 938. Fon'rncoumo, in Scotch law, X. 277. Gait, muscles employed in, II. 797.
Faonisusa‘s STRAITS, X. 287. Fuhnar, bird, XVI. 632. 'Fusanouz, in mhitecture, X. 277. Gains, or Cains, Institutes of, VI. 712,
Faonsnsu, town in Cheshire, X. 237. Fulminary tubes, VIII. 621. Fuss, or Fusee, in artillery, X. 277. 715, 716; XVI. 768.
Frogs, IX. I52—their bones, III. 13, et Fulminntcs, VI. 456. Four, in clock-work, X. 277—ofa watch,. Gajrat. XI. 80.
seq,-—showers of, XVII. 536; XIX. FULMINATION, X. 243. VI. 786. 787 ; XIV. 86.5. Gala Water, VIII. 429.
57—structure of, XVII. 714. Fulminic acid, VI. 433. Foszu (Hem-y). painter, X. 277—merits Galacinem, in botany, V. 112.
Froissart. his account of the Earl of FULNEK, in Moravia, X. 248. of his works, XVI. 726-7. Gsnsc'rorusor, X. 282.
Foix, VI. 603—an enthusiastic dc FULTA, Hindu village, X. 243. Fusi, mountain, XII. 511. Galago, in zoology, XIV. 97.
scriber ot' the combats of knights, 607 Fulton (Robert), his steam-boats, XX. Fests, in heraldry, X. 277 ; X1. 252. GALABBIELS, Scotch town, X. 282.
-—instances of chivalry quoted from, 688. 689; XXI. 469. Fvstmsas, or Fusileers, X. 278. Gans'rau, sea-nymph, X. 282.
608, 609, 611. Fulvius, siege of Ambracia by, II. 599. Fusiuicri on electrical light, VIII. 585 Galathea. in conchology, XV. 341.
Faosls, river and town, X. 237. Fumaria, in botany, V. 80. -on the transport of ponderable sub GALATIA,1I1 Asia Minor, X. 282.
Faosnnscsuru, X. 237. Fumariaceee, in botany, V. 97. stances by lightning, 620. GALATZ, city of Moldavia, X. 283.
Fnou'r, X. 237. FIJMIOATION,111 chemistry, X. 243. Fuelee era, VI. 664. GALAXY, or Milky Way, X. 283; IV. 48.
Faou'rsn, X. 237. Fossnsows, X. 248. Fuss (Monsieur), on the strain of co Gama (Sergius Sulpicius), Roman em
bone in man, II. 7 70—suture of Funccius on the progress of the Latin lumns. XX. 760. peror, X. 283—reign of, XIX. 404.
the, 7 82—in the mammalia, III. 4—in language, XII. 292. Fear (John), X. 278; XVIII. 543. , insect, IX. 140.
birds, 12. FUNCIIAL, X. 243; XIII. 67l—maximum , in architecture, X. 279. Galbanum, VI. 491—sp. gr. of, XII. 29.
sinus, II. 785. and minimum dew points at, IV. 138. Fnsrun, X. 279. Galbaud, governor of Ilayti, VIII. 105.
I-‘aoa'rrss, X. 238. I-‘nscrtox, X. 244—animal functions, Futic, yellow dyc-stufi', VIII. 319. Galbula, bird, XVI. 594.
Fsos'rloiuu, French city, X. 238. 11'. 711. See Physiology. Fns'rtos'rto. Roman punishment offree Galbulum, in botany, V. 50.
FRONTINUS (Sext. Julius). X. 238—on FUND, X. 244. men, X. 279. GALE, in nautical language, X. 284.
the Roman aqueducts, III. 317—on Fosnsnmrran, X. 244—bass, ib. Fusus, shell-fish, XV. 873. (Dr Joan), X. 284.
hydraulics, X11. 1. Foam, town in Latinm, X. 244. Futteh Mahommed, VII. 564. (Tusornnms), X. 284.
FBON'I'ISPIECE, in architecture, X. 238; Fnsnrso Srs-rsu, X. 244—difiiculties For'rsnouua, Hindu town, X. 279. (Da Tnonss), X. 284.
III. 467. in 1796-7, V. 480, 483—national debt For'rsurooa, I-Ii LtIlI town, X. 279. Galeazzo of Mantua, VI. 608.
Fsox'ro (Marcus (3.), X. 238—dicovery of the United Kingdom, VIII. 796; Furrocxs, in a ship, X. 279. Gauss (Claudius), X. 284—bit! anato
of his works by Maio, XVI. 766. of Spain, XX. 521—Dr Hamilton on Ferrrrooa, town of Hindustan, X. 279. mical knowledge, 11‘. see; xvu. 726
Faos'r, X. 238—why scarcity of water the, XI. I25. FUTUBs, X. 279—tense, ib. 660. —character of his works, II. 691—on
from springs is occasioned by, XVIII. Fundulus, fish, XII. I99. Future state, VI. 624, 625—heliet‘ ot’ bathing, IV. 444, 445, 4474—on in
121. See Congelation, FUNBN, X. 257; IV. 328; VII. 725. the North American Indians in, II. sanity. XIV. 579—his attainments in
Fso'rn, X. 238. Fons“. Iii-res. X. 257—in Abyssinia, 620. See Immortality. physiology, XVII. 726—his.skill in
Fawn Srrr, or Cuckoo Spit, X. 238. II. 62—of the N. American Indians. Furwa, Hindu town, X. 279. surgery, XX. S24.
Faowns (Philip), poet, X. 238. 620—in Denbighshire, VII. 717——ot‘ Fynach, falls of, VI. 137. Galena, in Illinois, XII. 249.
Faozsx Ocean, X. 239. See Polar Seas. the ancients, V. 712, 724; XII. 329 ; Frzassn, Hindu town, X. 270. , a mineral, XV. 169.
Fanc‘rsscsx'rrs, X. 239. XX. 528—coronach, VII. 372—func GALENIC,111 medicine, X. 285.
Faoc'rlrsaovs, X. 239. ral games, X. 259—-oration, ib.—ser Gassms'rs, X. 285.
FBUCTIFICATION of plants, X. 239. mons, ib.—eseutcheons, XI. 260— Galcodes, genus of arachnides, III. 866.
Faoirs, X. 239—structure of, III. 98-— pile, XVII. 743—dead bodies exposed Galcopithecidze, in zoology, XIV. 102.
in botany, V. 47—preservation of, to be demured by birds in Tibet, XXI. G Galeopithecus, in zoology, XIV. 102.
IX. 728—maturation of, XXI. 584-— 258. See Burial, Tomb. Gsnsaicoum, dress, X. 285.
their influence on the quality of the FUNFXIBCIIEN, X. 260. G, letter of the alphabet, X. 280. Galerius, Roman emperor, XIX. 413,
air, 584—cfi‘ect of light on their co FUNGI,1!1 botany, X. 260; V. 39, 139— GanALE, in mythology, X. 280. 414; XI. 491.
lour, ib.—their constituent princi reproductive organs of, 57—several Gasaas, in antiquity, X. 280. Galeruca, insect, IX. 184.
ples, 894. species of them poisonous, XIV. 506 ; Gaaaaniss, a dress, X. 280. Galerucitzn, insects, IX. 184.
Fruit-garden, XI. 631—-calendar, 687. XVIII. 178. Gabbronite, specific gravity of, XII. 29. Galena, fish, XII. 233.
Fruit-trees, protection of, from insects. Fosornnss, in Scottish law, X. 260. Gauss, French tax, X. 280. Galgacus, V. 300; XIX. 405, 695.
XII. 293. 294. Fungic acid, VI. 429. —-, or Gablona, in Bohemia, X. 280. Galgnius, insect, IX. 198.
Faun-stones, swallowing of, X. 239. Fungicolm, insects, IX. 185. GABINIAN Laws, X. 280. Gauss: (Ferdinand), Italian writer, X.
Fanirsar, X. 240. Fungin, VI. 481. GABINIUS (Aulus), X. 280; VIII. 475. 285—on free agency, I. 197, n. 2-
Fsounn'rscsons, in botany, X. 240. Fungus. See Dry Rot, Fungi. GABION, in fortification, X. 281. on wealth, XVIII. 274, n.
Fannnarsau. soldiers, X. 240. Funiculi, in botany, V. 46, 50.. GABLE, or Gabel-end, X. 281; III. 467. Gamma, Spanish prbvince, X. 287.
Fsoxss'ra'rlos, X. 240. Fnnnsn, X. 260-tiltering, IX. 582. Gsssns, or Guebres, X. 281. Galien (Joseph), on aeronautics, II. 180.
Frumentius, Christianity introduced Funzha, river, IV. 732. Ganslss, angel, X. 281. Galicnus, XIX. 412 — his massacre of
into Abyssinia by, II. 50, 51. Furs, in heraldry, XI. 245—Siberian Gasman-res, religious sect, X. 281. the Byzantines, V. 761.
Fans'rms, in mathematics, X. 240. XX. 325. Gan. X. 281. GALILEANS, Jewish sect. X. 288.
Fso'rsx, a shrub, X. 240. Fun-runs, X. 260—Russisn, II. 406; Gadd‘s patent ropes, XIX 467. GALILEE, X. 288; XVI. 742.
Far, in zoology, X. 240. XIX. 588 -—of Canada, VI. Gil—Hud Gaddesden (John of), XX. 827. Gautno GALILEI, X. 288—his appli
Fryburg. See Freiberg. son’s Bay Company, VII. 184—im Gaddi. painter, XVI. 709. cation of the law of continuity con
Far'ru (John), X. 240; VII. 446. ports of furs into the United Xing Gadcni, VI. 1. fined to physics, I. 258—Hume's com
Fuses, old English tax, X. 240. dom, VIII. 783. Gums, Spanish city, X, 281. See Cadiz. parison between him and Lerd Bacon,
Focuses Laces, in Italy, X. 240. Fossrsnsa, X. 268. Gad-fly, IX. 279. 469 —on the acceleration of falling
Fucos, ancient dyc, X. 241. Fnsca, in antiquity, X. 268. Gatlidas, in ichthyology, XII. 217. bodies, 476; II. 81——estimate of his
Fnsoo, or Fogo, island, X. 241. Forums, in heraldry, X. 268. Gadolin ot‘ Abo, consequences of his genius, I. 477~his discoveries con
Fvsoos Ian, X. 241. Fourmss (Anthony), philologist, X. introducing the term specific heat into firmed the Copernican . system, ib.
FUEL, X. 241 ; XIV. 511—that employ 268—his Table-Talk, II. 675. science, I. 64 5. 492-3—his telescope, 490; II. '98;
ed in generating steam, XX. 602—of Furcocerca, animalcules, III. 191. Gadolinite, XV. 160—-sp. gr. of, XII. 29. XVI. 355—bit: astronomical disco
steam-engines, 629~—cconomy of, in Furcula, a bone of birds. III. 13. Gadus, fish, XII. 217. veries, I. 491 ;.III. 740—hrought bs~
steam-boilers, 684. See Coal. Fumes (the), X. 268 ; IX. 401. Gaelic language, V. 295 ; XIII. 86—— fore the Inquisition, and made to re
FUENTE-RBABIA, Spanish city, X. 241. Foauso of sails, X. 269. XVII. 378, 414, 415—its structure, cant, I. 492—011 the lover, 535—011
Fuentes, VI. 544. Fosnosc, English measure, X. 269. 416—dictionaries and grammars, 417 gravitation, 559—on musical strings,
de Honor, battle of, V. 529. Fnaaouon, X. 269. —Bible, IV. 619. II. 122-on the sun's spots, III. 778
(Count). XVI. 114. Foazucs, X. 260—for assaying, III. Gael-ther on the seeds of plants, III. 72, --his discoveries in pneumatics, IV.
Fuerte (Villa del), capital of Sinaloa 710—bellows used in blast~furnace, ct scq., lOO—on buds, 89—his botani 885; I. 476; XVIII. 71—-Descartes‘s
in Mexico, XIV. 818. IV. 714; XVIII. I BO—brass-maker’s, cal labours. V. 80. low opinion of, VI. 181~—on-the pen
Fees Ins, X. 241. V. 186—-for casting cannon, VI. 86 Guns, X. 281—bay of, XV. 698. dulum, 767 ;‘I. 476—on projectiles,
Fnesnu, Roman feast, X. 241. blast~furnaces, 88, XII. 432; XVIII. GAI-‘FABEL (James), X. 281. XI. 42; I. 476—on hydrodynamics,
I-‘noi'rns, X. 241. 129; XX. 406—coining, VII. 46 Gsoa, island, X. 281. XII. 2-—on ice, 140—011 mechanics,
F0003, in music, X. 241; XV. 639. glass-making, X. 566—hot-blast, 559; Gsos, X. 281, 282. See Wind-gage. XIV. 350, 360; I. 475—his micros
Foncsox, in mechsnics, X. 241. XII. 439; XV. 246, 250, 11.; XX. 406 Gsnaan, Hindu town, X. 282. cope, XVI. 856—on the pump, XVII.
FULDA, X. 241; X]. 287. —hot~house, XI. 653-for reducing Game, wood of, XVI. 681. 444—011 moving forces, XX. 565.
Fulgora, insect, IX. 202 ; XIII. 338. quicksilver, XV. 259—current of air Gannon, in Wurtemberg, X. 282. Gsurom, city in Turkey, X. 206.
Fonnus, in Middlesex, X. 242. in, XVIII. 129. Gailenreulh, cave of, XV. 223. Galipot, specific gravity of, XII. 29.
Fulica, bird, XVI. 627. Furneaux (Tobias). his voyage of dis GAILLAC, in France, X. 282. GALL, X. 296. Sec Bile, Galls.
Fuligula, bird, XVI. 637. covery, IV. 205; VII. 298. Gaimard on birds of paradise, XVI. 586. (Faaxcols Josnn), X. 296;
Fulke (Dr), his work against the Douay Isnsnns, X. 276. Gun, X. 282. ' XX. 55 I—his phrenological doctrines,
Bible. IV. 618. Foaa'ss, city in Flanders, X. 277. Gsnuos, X. 282. XVII. 454-on cerebral fibres, 660.
Pusan and Fastest, X. 242. Possess, in Lancashire, IX. 797. Gnussoaonon, in Lincoln, X. 282. (St), in Switzerland, X. 298.
(Da Tuonss), X. 242-on the Fonsrrnss, in dialling, X. 277. (Thomas), English painter, III. Gall-bladder, II. 817 -mucus of the, VI.
ships of the 17th century, XX. 224. Furnival (Lord), in Ireland. XII. 359. 252; XVI. 726. 497-—disease of the, XVII. 478.
Fnnnls’s Ean'rn, X. 242; IV. 690. Furnival's Inn, London, XII. 282. Gainza (General), VI. 540. Gasman (Antony), X. 298.
Thistle, culture of, II. 29 5. Fussocxsnsn, Hindu town, X. 277. Gan-loch cod'fishcry, IX. 601. Gallss, Abyssinian tribe, II. 822.
 II‘
4.

66 1N UL X.

GAL—GAN GAN—GAS GAS—GAY GAY—GEM

Gallaxias. fish. XII. 200. Gaucss. river. X. 313; III. 676; XI. condensation of. XI. 192—speciflo GAYA. island. X. 374; XVI. 374. ‘
Gaileas. XX. 218. 376 —resort of pilgrims to. IV. 560— gravities of various kinds of. XII. 29. Garau. Hindu town. X. 374.
Gallegos. painter. XV]. 722. innudatious. 564-. XVII. 525—navb ISO—its application in moving en Gayal. in zoology. XIV. 167.
—. river. XVII. ll7. gatiou. l V. 568; V. 790; XVI. 3—fer gines. XIV. 437—gaseous poisons. Gay-Lussite. specific gravity of. XII. 30.
Gannon. ship. X. 299 ; XX. 218. tilising mud. XII. 4 54—discolours the XIV. 503. Gay-Lusaac. his asrial voyages. II. 192.
GALLIO'I'. small galley, X. 299. sea. XVII. 524—the Sunderbunds. GAS-LIGHT. X. 348; VI. 372; XIII.45— I93—his portable barometer, IV. 400
Galleria, insect. IX. 252. XX. 809. in Glasgow. X. 561—its efl'ect on the -—his analysis of sugar. V. 247—his
Gaussv. X. 299. Ganglia. XVII. 661, 677—lymphatic. II. whale-fishery. IX. 608—vrhether de theory of volumes of gases. VI. 354
Gauss. X. 299—ancient galleys. XX. 730—nervous. 733—0! brutes. III. 163 sirable in lighthouses. XX. 28. on the electricity of the torpedo. VIII.
210—ot' the middle ages. 2i3—Eng -—ot' the invertebrate. 172—ot' insects. Gascolons (George). poet. X. 368. 610—on electricity. 6i7—on evapora
lish. 217. I X. 77 -ganglionic system. XVII. 680. .inventor ot‘ micrometer. XV. 10. tion. IX. 426. 427—on capillary at
Ganu. ancient priests. X. 299. GANGOUTII.111 Hindustan. X. 314. Gascon (John). his expedition against traction, XII. 42. 45. 49—00 solar
Gallic alphabet. II. Pl. I9. Generous. in Hindustan. X. 314. the Algerines. II. 506. light. XVI. 421—his eudiometer.
acid. VI. 429; VIII. 305—its use Gangrene. XVII. l28—surgical treat Gasometer. X. 353. XVII. 531—his hygrometer. 533—on
as a morilant. ib. ment of. XX. 837. Gaspar Scares. iron works at, V. 208. latent heat. XX. 601—-on the specific
Gallichtys. fish. XII. 186. Gau-Knto-Foo. in China. X. 314. Strait. X. 368. gravity of steam. 602—his Table of
GALLICIA. in Austria. X. 299; IV. 227; Gamers. Hindu town. X. 314. GAISENDI (Peter). X. 368—eontrast be the density and volume of steam. 603.
X VIII. 212. Gannet. bird. XVI. 634; III. 168. tween him and Descartes. I. 70— Gaza (Theodore). X. 374.
GALLICISI. X. 300. GAITLET. or Gauntlet. X. 314. studied Bacon. ib.—his partiality for . in Palestine. X. 374; XVI. 741
Gallicolaa. insects. IX. 226. Gasruzns. in mythology. X. 314. Epicurean physics. 71—his argument —taken by Alexander. XIII. 632.
Galiienus. reign of. XIX. 412—his mas Gaon. X. 314-gaoLdclivery. ib. against Descartes. ib.-—Did he disco Gazelle. XIV. I62.
snore of the Byzantines. V. 761. Gaons. Jewish dOctors. X. 314. ver the doctrine concerning the ori Gazer-rs. X. 374; XVI. 168.
Gallinnceous birds. XVI. 604—pairing GAP, in France. X. 315. gin of our knowledge? 72—his advan Guns. city in Asia. X. 374.
of. III. 168. Gapers. shell-fish. XV. 373. tages over Descartes in renouncing Gassroox. in Hindustan. X. 374.
Galiiui on dancing. VII. 613. Gara (Lough). XIX. 478; XX. 392. the doctrine of innate ideas. 73—his Geary (Admiral). V. 415.
Gallinsecta. insect. IX. 206. Garama. IX. 532. merits as a philosopher and writer. Gebel Mokst’teb. ancient inscriptions
Gallinule. bird. XVI. 627. Gaasuoun (Claude). X. 315. ib.. 109-his orthodoxy as a Roman at. XII. 291.
Gallio of Ravenna. V. 301. GAIABII (Francis). X. 315. Catholic. 248—his followers. 107.108— Geber on chemistry. VI. 341.
GALLIPOLI. X. 300; XV. 700. Gasawss. Hindu town. X. 315. his doctrine of ideas. 109—his astro Gebres. X. 281.
Gallo-cents. Spanish lake. III. 37 3. Gases. in heraldry. X. 315. nomical labours. 495; III. 741. Gxsr. or Gibby. island. X. 374.
Gantots (John). French author. X. 300 Garcia (Don Manuel Jose). V. 659. 660. Gassiot (LL). chemical power of the elec Gxar Zsn. or Gebsa. X. 375.
—his opposition to the new geometri GAICILABO de la Vega. Spanish poet, X. tric pile exhibited by. XXI. 673. Gecko. reptile. XIX. I46. _.— _ ._ _

cal analysis. I. 534. 315; XVIII. 162. Gassner’s exorcismal cures. XIV. 9. Geckotidaz. reptiles. XIX. 146.
Games. measure. X. 301; XXI. 841. Gene. in France. X. 317. Gasteropelecus. fish. XII. 212. Gan (William). X. 375; XVIII. 564.
844—standard gallon. 84 6. GAIDA. Italian lake. X. 317; XII. 484 ; Gasterophilus. XXI. 627. Gsnnss (Dr Alexander). X. 375—on the
Galionde’s scapement. VI. 775. XIII. 469. Gasteropoda. mollusca. XV. 355—struc Scottish language. IX. 42.
GALLOP. X. 301. Gasoazr'r. in heraldry. X. 317. ture of. XVII. 719. Gedrosia. march of Alexander the Great H_

Gallopagos Islands. XVIII. 798. Gasnssncns. Prussian city. X. 317. Gasterosteus. fish. XII. I75. through. XIII. 638.
GALLowAY. X. 301—horse. II. 317; XI. Gssnsu (F.). Lord Gardenstone. X. 317. Gaston. earl of Foix. VI. 603. Gedumah. XX. 94.
59l—catt1e. II. 323; XII. 736. (Dr). of Charlestown. on the Gasrslc JUICE. X. 369; XVII. 628. Geer (De) on ants. III. 239.
GAttovvs. X. 301. gymnotus electricus. VIII. 612. Gastritis. in cattle. XXI. 62 5. Gefie. IV. 327.
GALLs. X. 296—their use in dyeing. . fruit. XI. 63i—kitchen. 631. Gastrobranchus. fish. XII. 237—its re— Gsrutsoso. in Sweden. X. 376.
VIII. 301. 304. 317—oak-bark a sub 667—fiowcr. 676—hanging gardens of spiratory organs. III. 40. Genres. in Bavaria. X. 377.
stitute for them in dyeing. 328. n. 3. Babylon. IV. 267. Gastrochaana. in conchology. XV. 340. Gsassna. X. 377.
329. 330. Gardener’s calendar. XI. 687. Gasraossaucr. X. 369. Gehlenite. specific gravity of. XII. 30.
Gallus. VII. 273—reign of. XIX. 412. Gssnsiuac, X. 318—history of. ib.— Gas'raoaarur. in surgery. X. 369. Gsnsxu. German town. X. 377.
(C. Coassuns). poet. X. 301. principics of. 323—execution ot' the Gas'rao'ronv. in surgery. X. 369. Geisler( Frederick).on anonymous books.
. bird. XVI. 606. general subjects. 337—Chinese orna Gastrus. insect. IX. 280. IV. 627.
Galtee mountains. XXI. 313. mental. VI. 585—use of stoves in heat. GATAKBI (Thomas). X. 369. Gstsuucxs. in Wurtemberg. X. 377.
Galvan (Edward). his embassy to Abys ing walls. XVIII. 128. See Horti GATE. in Palestine. X. 369. Gela taken by Carthaginians. VI. 185.
sinia. II. 52. culture. Gatrone. IX. 533. Gelalman era. VI. 662.
Ganvast (Louis). of Bologna. X. 301— Gssmuss (Stephen). bishop of Winches Gatun. river. XVI. 783. Gelatine. VI. 502 ; XVII. 620. 622-—
his discovery of gnlvanism. I. 623; ter. X. 343; VIII. 751. 753. et seq. Gansws (Jerome-David). X. 369. abounds in some fishes. III. 20—its
VIII. 572; XXI. 664. Gardiner's Tables of Logarithms. no Gsonsn (John). X. 369; X111. 22. quality as a nutriment. VIII. I9—its
Galvanic apparatus described. XXI. 665. tice of. XIII. 420. Gau-el-kebir. ruins at. VIII. 544. extraction from bones. XX. 609—
Ganvultsn. X. 302; XXI. 664—Sir Gasoaxlsl. or Gargle. X. 343. Gauging. See Mensuration. gelatinous secretions. XVII. 650.
H. Davy’s chemical discoveries by the Garget. in animals. XXI. 629. Gamma-Ron. X. 371. Gssnsss. Prussian town. X. 377.
aid of. VII. 638-9—discovery of. I. Gar-fish. XII. 200. Ganxaaua. Hindu town. X. 371. . or GUILDIII. X. 377.
623 ; VIII. 572; XXI. 664—Is nervous Garioch. II. 29. Gaus. X. I. 372-ot-igin ot' the word. Gelieu. his hive. III. 283.
energy identical with it 7 XVII. I36 Gasman. X. 343. XVII. 417—druids 0!, VIII. 204— Guests (Christian Furghtegott). Ger
-—Wheatstone’s telegraph. XXI. 138. Garlic. culture of. XI. 672. Greek colony at Marseilles. ib.—Cie man author. X. 377.
Galvanometer. Ritchie’s torsion. XXI. Garnerin (Monsieur), his descent from a sar's exploits in. XIX. 396. (Monsieur). on capillary attrac
688—Loeke’s thermoscopic. 700. balloon with a parachute. II. 190. Gauls. V. 293; XVII. 414—their belief tion. XII. 40.
Galvanoscope. XXI. 688. Gasser. X. 343; XV. I59—crystalliza. in immortality. VI. 625. 626—their Gun (John Baptist). X. 377.
GALWAI. Irish county. X. 302. tion of. VII. 522—specific gravity of. language. XVII. 4i4—Rome taken by Gnussaan (Henry). astronomer. X.
. Irish town, X. 306. XII. 29—ienses of. XV. 31. the. XIX. 374—their human sacri 378—on logarithms. XIII. 420—oa
GAIL (Vasco dc). X. 307 ; XVIII. 465 Garnet-blende. in mineralogy. XV. 170. fices. 605. the compass. XV. 749.
——-his fleet. XX. 219. Gsann'r Dnuus. island. X. 343. Gacuoxa. district of Berar. X. 372. Gnucs (Aulus). X. 378; XVII. 413.
Gamaliel. Jewish patriarch. XVII. I41. Garnet's telegraph. XXI. 138. Gauntlet. X. 314. Gxuluanssu. Hessian town. X. 378.
Gamarra (General). IV. 760. Garnier (Marquis). on agriculture, Gauss (Mons. ). curious discovery of. in 681.014. king of Syracuse. X. 378—his
Gamasus. genus of arachnides. III. 368. XVIII. 283—on price. 290—on indi geometry. I. 585—on the general theo defeat of the Carthaginians. VI. 184
Gambasio. a blind sculptor. IV. 702. rect taxes, XXI. 110. ry of quadratic factors or impossible —reign of. 55.
Gamma. river. X. 309 ; XX. 92. Games: (Upper). X. 343—river. 169. roots. 596—on equations. IX. 343— GEIO. X. 378; XV. I54—sltill of the
Gusslzs's Isnauns. X. 309. Garouste’s burning-mirror. V. 734. on magnetism. XIII. 700, 750—on the ancients in cutting them. III. 259—
Gamble (Rev. J.). his telegraph. XXI. Genres (David). X. 344; XVI. 238; micrometer. XV. 12—on the method ancient imitation gems. 261 —gems
NIB—quoted. 139. XXI. 193—the stage improved by. of the least squares. XVIII. 638—on of a“. w. 241; Ceylon. vi. soc;
Gamboge. VI. 491-sp. gr. of. XII 29. VIII. 176. the projection of the sphere. 658. Egypt. VIII 518—mode of cementing.
Gals. X. 309—secular games. XX. 72. Gasslsoit. X. 345—artillcry. III. 638. Gautams. V. 637. VI. 278—crystallization 04'. VII. 515.
Gaul-Laws. X. 309—qualitication for Garrot. bird. XVI. 636. Gauthey (Mr). his experiments on the 522—countert‘eit. VIII. I23—magnet
killing game. XX. 301. Gaxxows. in Hindustan. X. 345. strength of stone. XX. 759. ism of. XIII. 709—1enses of. XV. 29. at
Gannua. nuptial feast. X. 311. Garrulus. bird. XVI. 584. Gautier on substitutes for cars. XX. 687. sap—microscopic cavities in. 57. See
GAIILIOI. Athenian month. X. 311. Gass'rsuo. in Lancashire. X. 345. Gauze. X. 372. the geographical articles generally.
Gssnxo. X. 311—bills for gaming debts. Gax‘rxx. in heraldry. X. 347. GAVIL and Gavan-nun. X. 372. GBIAI'PI. X. 379. See Jemmappes.
IX. 458. See Chance. Probability. (Oanss or tax). X. 345—its in Gaveston (Pierce). VIII. 726. Gsustocx. town of Namur, X. 379.
Gamla Carlby. IV. 330. stitution. VI. 612. Gavials. reptiles. XIX. 134. Gaunu. constellation. X. 379.
Gnntoimvc. X. 313. Gears (Sir Samuel). X. 347. Gsvo'rra. a kind of dance. X. 373. Gunman. musician. X. 379.
Gamostyie. in botany. V. 45. Gasvs (Christian). X. 347. Gawntovs, in Hindustan. X. 373. Gmusnxnnui. in Asia Minor. X. 380.
Gamrie. church of. IV. 345. Gas. X. 347—transmisaioa of sound Gavvnagh (Lough). VI. 255. Gemma. a species of bud. III. 90.
GalU'r. in music. X. 313; III. 480. through diti'erent gases. II. 116 — GA! (John) poet. X. 379.—tendency of Gemmation of leaves. V. 36.
GANDICOT‘I'A. in Hindustan. X. 313. methods of determining relative den his Beggar’s Opera. VIII. 175. Geminus on the ancient Egyptian calen
Ganusa. Hindu mathematician. II. 425. sities of. I. Gil—coal-gss. VI. 372 (Rev. Mr). his dissertation on dar. VIII. 554.
Ganga. bird. XVI. 611. propagation of heat through. 759— virtue. I. I70—suggested to Hartley Gemimus of Rhodes. X. 426.
Minnelli (Pope). See Clement XIV. efi'ects of electricity on. VIII. 632— the idea of association. 364. IGBIOIIB Sena. X. 380.

GEM—GEN
Gommule, in botany, V. 51.
Gempylua, fish, XII. 183.
Gunners, in the Netherlands, X. 380.
Gendarmerie, X. 220.
Gasman, in grammar, X. 380, 641, 683. Gsuurasxiou, X. 385.
GINIALOGICA Anson, X. 880.
Gsussaoov, X. 380.
GIIIIAL, X. 380.
General Assembly of the Church of Gsocssralc, in astronomy, X. 385.
Scotland, XIX. 763.
Gsusaaussmo, X. 380.
Gsusaars, in music, X. 380.
Gsnzaa'rso. or genited, X.-380.
GINIIATINO line, in geometry, X. 380.
GIIBIIA'I‘ION. X. 380.
ofanimals, XVII. 684; XIV. 515 Gsoeasrur. X. SST—history of, ib.—
—of vertebrated animals, II. 706;
the mammalia, 708 ; animalcules, III.
185; ants. 242; bees, IV. 529, 532;
plants, V. 39, 43; XXI. 583 ; insects,
IX. 108; the mollusca, XV. 352. et
seq. ; frogs, XIX. 152 ; serpents, XX.
132; zoophytcs, XXI. 990; intesti
nal worms, 992, 994, st seq.—points
of resemblance and difference in re
production of plants and animals, III.
I57—hybrids generally barren, 161
—Have all animals progenitors? 162 ;
XXI. 992—gonus said to be produced
from vegetable seeds, III. 187, 191
--succession of blind children in fa
milies, I V. 698—castration, VI. 236. Gsonoer, XV. 173—earth's internal
See Callipaedia, Reproduction.
(organs of), in man, II. 823;
XVII. 687—their muscles, II. 794—
iu brntes, III. 40—in plants, 95, 97.
Gsana'roa, in music, X. 381.
Generosity,why much esteemed, VIII.28.
GIIISIS, book of, X. 381.
, in geometry. X. 381.
Gsns'rnus, ancient solemnity, X. 381.
Glusruuact, in astrology, X. 381.
Genetta, in zoology, XIV. 118.
GIIIVA. X. BBL—independence of, IV.
312—Bible, 618—politlcal troubles in
the year 1782, VIII. 264—coins, XV.
407, 409—population, 534.
(ass: or ), X. 381; XVII. 523;
XXI. 46—its temperature at different
depths, VI. 749.
, or gin, X. 381; VIII. 51.
GIIIVIIVI (Fathers of), X. 381.
(St). in Missouri, XV. 304.
GINIVOIS, province of Savoy, X. 381.
(J. A.), of Berne, his duck-foot
propellers, XX. 687.
Genghis-Khan, III. 688; XI. 409, 482;
XV. 316; XXI. 82—his destruction
of Bokhara. V. 699—his invasion of
China, VI. 550, 552—La Croix’s His
tory of, VII. 475.
Gssur. eons, X. 381.
Gsuu, among the orientals, X. 382.
Gssrrss, among the Hebrews, X. 382.
Gsarrivs, in grammar, X. 382, 642.
Games, good or evil spirit, X. 382— Gsouaucl'. X. 421; VIII. 58.
Greek and Roman belief respecting GBOIITRICAI. proportion, II. 439.
genii, III. 296. See Dmmon.
,in literature, &c.. X. 882—its
relation to insanity, III. 307—Sir J.
Reynolds on, XXI. 90.
of a language, XIII. 64.
Gluus, or Senlis. in France, X. 382.
Gennes (M. de), on weaving by mechani
cal power, XXI. 830.
Gennesareth, lake of. XVII. 522.
Gennets, in zoology, XIV. 118.
Genoa, X. 382—Academy of Sciences
at. II. 69—commerce of, VII. 157;
XV. 7 45—Bouaparte's seizure of, X.
136—coins of, XV. 407, 409—weights
and measures of. XXI. 853. 848.
Gsnovssl (Anthony). X. 383; I. 202.
Genseric the Vandal, XIX. 422-3.
Gss'risa, in Hindustan, X. 384.
Gentianin. VI. 468.
Gsu'ritz. X. 884.
GBNTILBSCIII (Horatio), painter, X. 384.
Gss'rlus (Albericus), X. 384—merits
of. as the precursor of Grotius. I.
25-6—an apologist for Machiavelli. 23 3.
(Seine), X. 385.
GII'I‘LIIAI. X. 385; VII. 178.
I_ND E X.
GEN—GEO
Gentleman's Magazine, VI. 259.
Gentoos. See Hindustan.
Gents on the balance of power, IV. 308.
309, 311.
Games, X. 385—in botany, V. 59, 60, 62
-—in natural history, XV. 738—ge
nera and species of things, XIII. 447.
Geocorisze, insects, IX. 195.
Gsorraor or Mormonru, X. 385.
(Srsruss Faastcxs), X. 386—
a bad authority on ants, III. 239—his
chemical arrangement of bodies, VI.
356—on conchology, XV. 331.
mathematical, 403—physical, XVII.
498—Venetian Academy for the im
provement ot‘, II. 68—D‘Anville's im
provements of, III. 278— mode of
teaching it to the blind, IV. 697—im
proved by the Crusades, VII. 493,
494—Edrisi’s work on, VIII. 432—
utility of medals in, XIV. 464—pro Geometry (New), state of the sciences
jection of the sphere, XVIII. 656—
geographical distribution of plants,
XVII. 545; ofanimals, 549; III. 161;
II. 652; of insects, IX. 97; fishes,
XII. 237; serpents, XX. 133. See
Earth, Physical Geography, and names
of countries, tovms, &C.
structure, I. 675; cases of subsidence
of its surface, II. 45—geology of
Mount Etna, 202; of America, II.
609, 614; of the Andes, III. 116; of‘
Egypt, VIII. 517—t'ossil remains of
the mammoth, 8w. in America, II.
653; V. 641—emergence of islands ib.—Descartcs’ application of algebra
from the ocean near the Azores, IV.
264—Falls of Niagara, VI. 59—allu
vial plains, or carses, 178—internal
heat of the earth, 745—date of the
creation,¢VII. 454—final conflagra
tion, 211—cxtinct crustacea, 500—the
Deluge, 702—crratic blocks, 703—
scratches on rocks, ib.—Dolomicu on
geology, VIII. 96, 97—knowledge of
it necessary in draining, 136—silting
of seas and rivers, 193—geological re
lations of insects. IX. 106—earth’s
figure proves its former fluidity, 574
—t'ossil infusoria, XV. 56—elevatiou
of Norwegian shores, XVI. 263—basis
of geology. XVII. 508—epochs of, ib.
—circumstances affecting the present
order of phenomena, 510—t‘ormation
ot‘ deltas, XVII. 524 ; VIII. 507—ap
plication of physiology to, XVII. 587
—fossil bones in Siberia, XX. 326—
large quantities of limestone and
chalk produced by animalcules, XXI.
1021. See Colliery, Fossil, Physical
Geography. and the geographical ar
ticles generally.
Gsoxs'rav. X. 422—history of, ib.—
plane, 432—oi'solids. 457—the genius
ot‘ the Greeks beautifully displayed
in, I. 435, 580-81—contributions to, by
Euclid, Archimedes, and Apollonius,
435—geometrical analysis, ib.—works
of Regiomontanus, ib.—introduction
of trigonometry and decimal fractions,
ib.—Werner, Benedetto. Maurolycus,
and Cavalieri, 436—exhaustions of
the ancients, ib.—idea of quantities
infinitely great and small introduced
by Kepler, 438—generation of solids
by means of, ib.—Kepler’s view of
the composition of circles, ib.—obser
vations on lines and areas. ib.—pur
pose served by the doctrine of quan
tities infinitely small in size, and in
finitely great in.number, 439—the
cycloid, ib.—results of introduction
of algebra, 444 -Descartes’ Geometric.
ib.—Fermat’s method ofdrawing tan Geomys, in zoology, XIV. 137.
gents to curves, 445 — geometrical Geophilus. insect. XV. 655.
and algebraic method of treating
quantity, ib.—high value set on the George 1., his reign, V. 873—dsath. 378
geometrical construction of problems
67
GEO GEO—GER
by the Greeks, I. 583—attempts to as George II., at the battle of Oudenarde,
certain relation of diameter to the V. 372—his reign, 378—death, 385—
circumference, ib. —- incommensura— navy, XVI. 42~~Sir R. Walpole's ex
bility of the circle, 584—best elemen cise-scheme in reign of, XXI. 99.
tary works on, ib.—elementary plane 11]., his reign, V. 385—first ill
rests on the combined properties of ness, 390-opp0siti0n to Mr Fox’s
the straight line and the circle, ib.—in India bill. 43l—attempted assassina
struments required in solving the tion by Margaret Nicholson. 442—
common problems, 585—best manner illness in 1788,451—recovery in 1789.
of treating lines and curves of the 454—insulted by the mob in 1794,
second order, ib.—improvement made 478—his anti-Catholic feelings, and
in trigonometry during the last cen opposition to Lord Howiek's bill, 521
tury, ib.—Descartes‘ discoveries, 594 —illness in 1810, 532—Duke of York
application of algebra to, II. 424, vested with the custody of his person.
480—Dr Beddoes on the nature of 544—his death, 545—eharacter, 547
evidence in, IV. 514—characters ofab insanity, XIV. 586—navy, XVI. 43—
breviations in, VI. 323—intimate con corn-acts of 1773, 1791, 1804. and
nection of dynamics with, VIII. 381 1814, VII. 339. 340—snbsequent his
—applications of the fluxional calcu tory of the corn-laws in his reign,
lus to, IX. 705—Egyptian knowledge 341.
of, X VII. 4 30—ancieut geometrical an IV., his establishment as Prince
alysis, XX. 359. See Angle, Circle, ofWales, V.428-his pecuniaryembar
Trigonometry. 8Lc. rassment in 1787, 443—discussions
on his right to the regency, 452—his
when Newton arose. I. 518—problem debt-s, 477 -—appointed regent, 532
of quadrature of circle solved by him, —-conduct of his wife. 543—his acces
ib.—Wallis’s Arithmetic ot' Infinities, sion to the throne, 545—history of
ib.—discovery of Fluxions by Newton, his reign, 447 - his hatred -of his
519 ; XIV. 318, 32l—Newton the first, wife, 549—his dislike to the Catholic
and Leibnitz the second, inventor of question, 575—his death and charac
the new infinitesimal analysis, I. 520 ter, 578—corn-laws in his reign, V11.
-- controversy relative to the dis 341—his visit to Ireland, VIII. 237;
covery, 521, at seq.—steps by which XII. 888; to Edinburgh, VIII. 415.
the mathematical sciences were pre (S100! Cappadocia, X. 467, 468.
pared fer the new analysis, 525—this (St). one of the Azores, IV. 268.
analysis first appeared in the method (St), or Madras. See Madras.
of exhaustions, ib.—advanced a step (Kama-rs or Sr), X. 467, 468.
in Cavalieri’s method of indivisibles. (Lass), X. 468; XXI. 455.
, the Olympian, X. 744.
to geometry of curves, ib.—method (Sr), Caoss or, X. 468.
of Cavalieri improved and extended Gsosos's (limo) Isaasns. X. 467.
by 'I‘orricelli. Barrow, &c., ib.—lastly (St) Island, X. 468.
appeared Newton and Leibnitz, who Canvass, X. 468.
made their discoveries separately, 526 (St) Hospital. London. XIII. 515.
—rejection of the higher powers of Glossarowu, in Columbia, X. 469—
the difi‘erences of the variable quanti in South Carolina. ib.—in Prince of
ties by Leibnitz, liable to objection, Wales' Island, ib.; XVIII. 535—in
ib.—the two problems into which the Grenada, X. 771—iu Kentucky, XII.
analysis, thus constituted, is divided, 699—in Maryland, XIV. 274.
526~8-—manner in which Newton pro Georgi on Coptic. X1. 315.
ceeded, 526—the fluxionary and dif Gsoaeu, Russian province, X. 469—
ferential calculus, two modifications conqnered by Alp Arslan, II. 538——
of one general method, 527—the in alphabet of, 549—language of, XIII.
troduction of the analysis greatly en 90—annexed to Russia, XIX. 551.
larged the domain of the mathematical , North American state. X. 469 -
sciences, ib. —problems of marina: canals in, XVI. 26; XXI. 472—rail
and minima, to which it was extended, roads, 474.
ib.—is peculiarly adapted to physical Georgian Islands, XVIII. 324.
researches, 528—problem of integra 6303010, in poetry. X. 470.
tion. 528~9—calculus first published Georgina, flower, X1. 683.
by Leibnitz, 530—writers by whom it Georgium Sidus. See Uranus.
was explained and improved, 531-2 Georychus, in zoology, XIV. I35.
its firm establishment in Europe, 532 Geotrupes, insects, IX. 155.
—English mathematicians fell behind GBPIDB, a Gothic people, X. 470.
the French in the integrations of dif Gssa, a city of Reuss. X. 471.
ferential or fiuxional equations, 533 Geraniacem, in botany, V. 103.
—opponents of the new method, ib. Gssaan (Alexander), of Aberdeen, X.
—contributions to the science by 471—on beauty, IV. 485. 487.
Cotes. Taylor, Bradley, Maclaurin, (Dr) on the Himalaya mountains,
&c.. 576, 598-9—the Italian mathe~ X1. 374.
maticians contributed to the advance Gsasans (John), X. 471; V. 81.
ment of the higher calculus, 599-— Gerasa, ruins of. XVI. 745.
Euler's method of determining parti Gerbert. the Arabic notation introduced
cular integrals, ib.—extension of the into Europe by, I. 441 ; III. 541.
modern calculus by that of partial Gerhillon's geographical discoveries in
differences, ib.—application of it by Asia, 111. 608.
Euler and D'Alembert. 600—calculus Gerbillus. in zoology, XIV. 434.
of variations, ib.—distinction between Gerdesius on rare books. IV. 625
differentials and variations. ib.—in Gsaoouo, city of Assam, X. 471.
tegration of differential equations.ib.— Gergonne, his investigation of a problem
modifications of theory ot'infinitesimal of Apollonius, III. 289.
calculus, ib.—the method of prime Gerinim. XI. 487—temple of. XIX. 631.
and ultimate ratios preferred by New Germ of buds, III. 91.
ton. Mil—improved by Robins and Germa, IX. 532.
Lauder. ib. — method of derivative Gssusns-sa-Lns (St). X. 472.
functions, ib.—works on prime and Germaine (Lord George). V. 419.
ultimate ratios, 602. See Calculus, Gssuuus (St) in Cornwall, X. 472.
Fluxions, Newton, dtc. German philosophy contrasted with that
of France. I. 186-7—censure of the
terms employed by the philosophers
, bird. XVI. 614. of Germany. 219-20—ethical philoso—
phy. 412. See Kant. 8:0.
x VI. ‘20 language, XIII. 84 -‘
% INDEX.
GER—GET GEV—GIF GIF—GIZ GLA—GLE
philosophical discussions, I. 295 — Gcvosbewy, island, XIX. 590. 211—his edition of the works of Mas Gucisns, X. 529; II. 560—not found
Academy for its improvement. II. 76 Geysers, XII. 146 ; XVII. 528. singer, XIV. 311. among the Andes, 111. 117.
-improved by Adelung, “ti—German GM. 1X. 207. GII-"I‘, X. 518—New Year’s, ib. GLaci-s, X. 530;1X. 779.
Bibles, IV. 617—Low and High Ger Ghaleb, III. 344. Gig~horsc, XI. 595. Gunsacn. Prussian town, X. 590.
man, X. 485-6. Gnasss. city of Bootan, X. 495. 6100, Gigga, or Jig. X. 518. GLADIATOBS, X. 530; II. 668—insur
German Empire, VIII. 693. GBAU'I‘S, X. 495; XI. 376. GIGLEWICX, in Yorkshire, X. DIS—well rection of Roman, XIX. 594—statue
theologians, their opinion of Je Gheelan, X. 496. of, XVII. 5‘29. of Dying Gladiator, VIII. Pl. 195.
sus Christ, XII. 562. Ghengis Khan. See Genghis. Guou, X. 518; IV. 112. Gladstones‘s reaping‘machine, II. 270.
stove, XX. 739. Guns-r, X. 496—political disturbances Ginssa'r (Dr William), X. 518—onelec GLAHOBGANSIIIIII in Wales, X. 531—
, in genealogy, X. 472. there in 1579, XVI. 108. tricity, VIII. 565; I. 544—on magne canal, XVI. 13.
Germania. See Germany. Gun, or Gheep, X. 496. tism. 454, 625; XIII. 687, 750; XIV. GLAIOUB, X. 533.
GERIANICUS, X. 472; XIX. 401. Gherad-el-bahir, fish, XII. 174. 2; XVII. 572. Glance, in mineralogy, XV. 168.
Genuine (St). city of Naples, X. 247. Ghergong, III. 707. (Sin Humrnanr), X. 518; XVI. Glance-coal, XV. 172—sp. gr. of, XII. 30
Germans (ancient), VI. 123; X. 473— Gunman. in Hindustan, X. 496. 162—exploratory voyage of, to North Gland, in botany. V. 49—smbiguity of
origin of chivalry among, VI. 592— Gnunoun, Hindu town. X. 496. America, XVIII. 217. the term, 111. 70.
their appreciation of the female sex, Ghctaldus, geometer, X. 429. GILBEBTINES, religious order, X. 519. Glands, structure and classification of
59 6—Iloman wars with the,VII. 273; GUIDELINES, X. 515; XII. 470. Gilbertus Anglicanus, XX. 827. the, II. 748; XVII. 647—t‘uuctions of,
XIX. 400. rt sap—human sacrifices Ghibcrti (Lorenzo), sculptor, 8. GiLcunis'r (Dr Ebenezer), X. 519. ib.—lymphatic, II. 730; XVII. 653—
by, XIX. 605—slavcry among, XIX. Guinninow, town in Bengal. X. 49'6. Gild, or Guild, XI. 28. lachrymal, II. 800; XVII. 668—sali
605; XX. 383. Guinnons, in Bengal. X. 496. GILDAS, British historian. X. 519. vary, II. 804 ; XVII. 663—mammary,
(modern), X. 485-6—their intel Gurus. Persian province, X. 496. Gilder and carver, V. 692. 11. 827—01‘ vegetables, III. 70—me
lectual character, IV. I'M—contrasted Ghirlandaio (Domenicho), XVI. 709. Gnome, X. 519; V. 692—ot‘ porcelain, senteric, XVII. 653—prostate, 688-—
with the French, VIII. 236—character Gnlzxi, X. 497—empire of, III. 687. XVIII. 436—voltaic, XXI. 683—gilt poison-gland of serpents, III. 40.
of the Austrians, IV. 236. Ghoober, X1. 719. wire, 904. Glanders, disease of horses, XXI. 631.
Gnamax'rown, in Pennsylvania, X. 472. Gnoossosn, X. 498. GILEAD, X. 522—ba1m of, IV. 321. Glanibanta, VIII. 291.
GERMANY, X. 473—history of, ib—sta Ghoorcah, X. 615. Gilgal, III. 413. GLANVILL (Joseph), X. 533—his Scepsis
tistics, 4S2; IX. 419—anabaptists in, Gnonaouaur, X. 497. 498. GILIBANTA,1811111d, X. 522. Scientiflca, I. 42—his illustration of
II. 679—swarms of ants, III. 248— Guoas, or Ghour, X. 498. Gm. (Dr John), X. 522—on divinity, Descartes' doctrines, 64.
pointed architecture, 421. 422—intlu Gnossooso. town of Bengal, X. 498. XXI. 211, ct seq. Glanville on vn'tchcrat't, XXI. 907.
ence of the Italian school of architec Gnosrons, Arabian sea-port, X. 498. , a measure, X. 523. (Ranulph), his work Do Legibus
ture, 427—army of the Germanic Guosrs, X. 498; III. 294. See Daemon. (Lough), XX. 392. 4rc. Anglia, XX. 374.
Confederation, fill—canals of the Bal Ghurka. See Aurungabad. , in flax-spinning, XX. 538. Glaphyra, VI. 126.
tic, IV. 331—botanists. V. 79-Ger Garsmnan, Hindu town, X. 498. Gilles pic’s Hospital, a charitable institu Glareola, birds, XVI. 628.
manic League, 438-concubinage in, Guon, in chronology, X. 498. tion in Edinburgh. VIII. 425. Gnaaos, in Switzerland, X. 534.
VII. l97—copyright, 317—publica Giambelli, XVI. 110, 113. Gillie-sew, in botany, V. 134. GLASGOW, X. 534—a1um-works near,
tion of books, 320—cotton-manufac Gummy: (Peter), X. 498. GILLINGIIAX, X. 523. 11. Mil—observatory of, IV. 109—
turc,-4l9-—its state at the time of the Gum-r. X. 499. Gills of fishes, XII. 153, 161—temporary, quantity of vapour in the air at, IV.
Crusades, 489—drama, VIII. 177— Gum'r's Causeway, in Ireland, X. 500; of tadpoles, III. 40. 137—canal to Johnstoue, 260; XVI.
trado with England, 779—classical III. 274; XII. 899. GILLY SINDE. river, X. 523. 13 --statistics of cotton-mills, VII.
learning, IX. tlfil—fairs, 477—Frcnch Giaours, X. 281. Gilmerton, near Edinburgh, limestone 404, 409—cottou-manufacture, 407,
invasions of, X. 101, ct seq.-French Gunrrcnas Isms, X. 502. quarry at, VIII. 429. et seq. - Mr Harley’s dairy, 590-—
trade with, 189—glass-makiug in, 569 Guvzno. Italian city, X. 502. GILOLO, island. X. 523. drcdging of the Clyde, VIII. 198, 197
—persecution of the Jews in, XII. Guest, X. 502. Gilot on gunpowder, XI. 86. -—turkey.red dye-works, BIG—iron
579, 583—libraries, X. 487 ; XIII. 61313014 (Edward). X. 502—1115 estimate Glumi (Bernard), X. 524. making, XII. Mil—university library,
{Ill—variation ot‘ the needle, 736— of the talents of Crousaz. and account (Mr), on Hogarth, XI. 505. XIII. SOB—mortality. XV. 526—
mcdicaljurisprudence, XIV. 490, 491, of his own studies in 1775, I. 106— Gilt-head, fish, XII. 177. Monkland canal, XVI. 16—university,
492—mines, XV. 250, ct seq. ; X. his propensity to be indecent in his Gin, X. 381—manufacture 07, VIII. 51. XIX. 765; XXI. 511—water-works,
485—history of money, XV. 400— writings, I54—~on the works of St Ginckel (General) his Irish campaign, 819. See Clyde.
newspapers, XVI. Uzi—birds, 550— Ambrose, II. 602—-his unjust censure V. 864. GLASS, X. 562—anaclastic glasses, II.
school of painting, 721, 723~poetry, of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, III. Games, in the Caruatic. X. 525. 680—its vast utility to science, III.
XVIII. 166—prisons, 584—Commer 264-his style, ib.—converted to P0 GINGEBAII, island, X. 525. 185—annealing of, 196-—ancient ma
cial League, 686, 694—the Reforma pery by perusing Bossuet, V. 25—on Gingerbread, baking of, IV. 300. nufactures in, 261—burning glasses,
tion in, XIX. 78—roads, 299—reli~ the secondary causes of the propaga Ginkgo tree, XVII. 790. V. 725; XI. 195—engrnving on, X.
gion, 315—romance, 329, 356 —in tion of Christianity, VI. 624—Lord GIOIA (FIIIVIO), X. 525. 581—musical glasses. XI. 149—spe
vaded by the Romans, 400, eta/1.— Hailes's Answer to, VII. 603, 604— Giordano (Luca). painter, XVI. 720. cific gravity of, XII. 30—analogy be
literature, 680; X. 486, 596~sculp ou the future safety of civilized men GIORGIONE, or Giorgio Barbarelli, X. tween magnets and unaunealed, XIII.
turc, XX. 10—wars of Gustavus from barbarians, VIII. 686—his me 528 ; III. 648; XVI. 717. 706——found at Pompeii, XVIII. 345—
Adolphus in. XXI. 17—weights and rits as a historian, XI. 497, 498—cha Giotto, painter, XVI. 708, 717. pulse-glass, XX. Nth-alternations of
measures of, 853—wool imported from. racter of W. Law by, XIII. 152; of Giovanni di Bologna, XX. 8. attraction and repulsion observable in
923. 924—map of, X. Plates 264 and Leibnitz, 207—on the destruction of Gippen river navigation, XVI. 13. particles of, 753—measurement with
265. See German, Germans. the Alexandrina library, 287, n.—on Gipsies. See Gypsies. glass rods‘ in the trigonometrical sur
GIIIBN, in botany, X. 490; V. 45. Ossian, XVI. 658—on the history of Giraffe, XIV. 156, 161; II. 227; XVII. vey, XX. 352. See Barometer, Glaz'
GEIIINATION of seeds, X. 490; III. 76; the Jews, 758 —- on the crusaders, 709 --erectilc arrangement .in its ing. Lens, Mirror, Telescope.
XXI. 567. 759—0n ancient pantomimcs, XVII. tongue, III. 27. Glass-blowers, diseases of, XIV. 510.
Geron. insect, IX. 267. 2 —on hereditary monarchy, XXI. GIRALD, Barry, or Giraldus Cambrian GLASS-MANUFACTURE, X. 566—01' Eng
Gssozu, Spanish city, X. 490. 480—Wbitaker’s review of his Roman sis, IV. 410. land, VIII. 778; Ireland, XII. 405;
Gsnon-rns, Spartan judges, X. 490. History, 871. GIRALDI (Lilio Gregorio). X. 528. Petersburg, XVII. 318—glass-blowsr's
Gerrald (Joseph), XIII. 21. (Capt). voyages of, XVIII. 218. GIBAB, fortress of Hindustan, X. 528. bellows, IV. 714 —- water-pressure
Gerris, insect. IX. 198. Gibbons, in zoology, XIV. 91. Girard (Albert), X. 429—his discoveries biowpipe, 715—use of brass in colour—
Gene, in France, X. 490. Gisnous, X. 515. in algebra, I. 443, 592; II. 428—1115 ing glass, V. lBG—glass-cutting, X.
Gerson (John). doctrines of, I. 910. Gibbs (James), his style of architecture, character, I. 592—on'21ydrodynamics, 578-current in furnaces, XVIII. 129.
Gersten on dew, VII. 749. III. 429. XII. 5, 76. Glass (Mr), his opinions concerning the
Gsnrouu, town in Thibet, X. 491. Gibby, island, X. 874. Girasol, specific gravity of, XII. 30. primitive church, XII. 262.
Gsauxn, in grammar, X. 491. Gibel-el-Birkel, temple of, XVI. 296. Gmmms, in architecture, X. 528; V. 685. Glassites, XIX. 638.
Gsnvuss of Tilbury. historian, X. 491. Gisstmns, X. 515; XII. 470. GIRDLE, X. 528—Maiden’s, ib. Gus'romwar, in Somersetshire, X. 581
Glass, German city, X. 491. GIBION, in Palestine, X. 515. Girgé, VIII. 544. —navigati0n, XVI. 18.
Gnsssa (Conrad), X. 491—on botany. Guns-rs, X. 515. GIBGBN'I‘I, X. 528; II. 856; XV. 702. GLATI, Prussian city, X. 581.
V. 71—ou animals, XIV. 76—on or GisaAL'ria, X. 515—taken by the Bri GIBONDE, in France, X. 529. GLAUBII. (John Rodolph), X. 581.
nithology, XVI. 545. tish in 1704, V. Mil—attacked by the Girondists, X. 71, et seq, Glauber salt, in mineralogy, XV. 138.
(Sotouos), X. 493—eharacter Spaniards in 1705, XIII. 157—siege Giaous (ST), in France, X. 528. Glauberite, XV. l39—sp. .oi' XII. 80.
of his poetry, XVIII. 167. of, in 1780, III. 476; V. 414, 422; Gisour, Hindu town, X. 529. Guucus, Saxon city, X. B2.
Gesneriaccm, in botany, V. 117. VIII. 672-— wcights and measures of, Girshi", temple of, XVI. 296. Glaucina, specific gravity of, XII. 80.
Gessler, XXI. 48. XXI. 853. Gisuosocou, in Yorkshire, X. 529. Gnaocoxa, X. 582.
Gestation, XVII. 691—period of, IV. (Straits of), XVII. 517, 520— Gisco, VI. 193. Glaucopis,insect, IX. 244.
434, n.—ot' different animals, III. 169. currents in, IX. 427. Glseke on botany, V. 79—his notes on , bird, XVI. 585.
Gzs'roan, X. 494—language ot‘ gestures. Grams (Richard), painter, X. 516. Linnmns’s lectures, 89. GLAUCUB, X. 582.
VII. 648, 651. (Da Epnnsn), X. 516. Gitona, insect, IX. 291. Guzin, X. 582—g1azier’s work, in
Geta, XIX. 410—proscription of his GIDEON, son of Joash, X. 516. Girri'rn, X. 529. building. V. 694.
name by Caracalla, VIII. 534, n. 8. Gieseckr’i on aurora borealis, IV. 201. Gmaaswo, Turkish city, X. 529. Glazing calender, VI. 19.
Gs'raz, X. 494, 618; XVII. 418. Gieseckitc, specific gravity of, XII. 30. Givors, canal of, XVI. 5. GLAZINO of earthen-ware, X. 582—0!
Geteriuo, XI. 269. Classes, German city, X. 516. Gizch, VIII. 519. windows, 574; V. 694—of porcelain,
Gs'rmu (Lady Grace), X. 494. Girrosn (William), X. 517—his censure Gizzard of birds, 111. 36; XVII. 711— XVIII. 430, 486, 501.
Gs'rnsmunz, X. 495. ot‘ Drummond of Hawthorndcn, VIII. | of insects, IX. 85. Gun, X. 583.

GLE—GNO
Gleditseh on shoals of ants in Germany, Gnoo, animal, XIV. 163; II. 227.
III. 243—on botany, V. 81.
Gleet, nasal, in animals, XXI. 629.
Glenco, massacre of, V. 364.
Guznnsuou, X. 583; XXI. 879, 880.
Glendower (Owen), VIII. 732.
Glenelg (Lord). See Grant (Charles).
Glenkenns Canal, XVI. I3.
Glenluce, XXI. 883.
Glen-Lynden, X. 613.
Glilla, VI. 527.
Glires, in zoology, XIV. 129.
Gusson (Francis), X. 583—his anatomi GOALPARAH, Hindu town, X. 594.
cal labours, II. 699.
Gross, X. 584. See Earth.
Globe-animal, III. 186.
Globes, artificial, X. 584—for the no of
the blind, IV. 698—description and
use of the, X. 409.
Globicephalus, in zoology. XIV. ,179.
Globularinere, in botany, V. 124.
Gnooau, Prussian city, X. 584.
Gloma, insect, IX. 269.
Glomach waterfall, XIX. 485.
Glomeris, insect, XV. 653.
Glomerulus, in botany, V. 41.
Glommen, river, XVI. 262.
GLORY, love of, X. 584.
Glories, colours of, VI. 637.
Guess, X. 585.
Gnosssnr, X. 585.
Gnossors'ras, a fossil, X. 585.
Glossophaga, in ecology, XIV. 101.
010m... in man, 11. son; xvn.‘cs2
in other animals, III. 28.
Gnoucss'rsa, X. 585—sicge of, in 1643, 'Gocklans, XXI. 84.
V. 324—ship-canal, XVI. lS—eaual Gen, X. 594—Deswrtes' argument for
to Hereford, 14.
in the U. S., X. 585; XIV. 305.
GLoucss'rsasmss, X. 585—cheese, VII.
561—woollen-manut'ucture, XXI. 928
—wages ot‘woollen-manufncturers,9 36.
GLOVE, X. 588—glove-trade of‘England,
VIII. 777.
GLovss (Richard). X. 588—eharacter
of his poetry, XVIII. 173.
Glow-worm, IX. 141; XIII. 338.
Glui'ina, VI. 399—salts of, 447.
Glucinum. VI. 399.
Canon (Chevalier Christopher), X. 589
—-his imitative music, XV. 641.
Gnuoxsrsn'r, German city, X. 591.
GLUE, X. 591 ; VI. 502—0btaincd from
skins, II. 750—its use in joinery, V.
690; XII. 612. See Gluten.
Gluma, III. 96.
Glutncllaa, in botany, V. 40.
Glumes, in botany, V. 40.
Glutzeus maximus in brutes, III. 19.
Gluten (animal), XVII. 624.
(vegetable). IV. 298; VI. 478;
VIII. 19—11 constituent of wheat
'flour, IV. 297—its nutritious power.
VIII. 19.
Gluts, cause of, XVIII. 306.
Glutton. in zoology, XIV. 108.
GLUTTONI. X. 591. See Voracity.
Glycera, worm, X1. 220.
Glycerius, XIX. 423.
Glycirneris, in conchology, XV. 341.
Glycerine. VI. 474.
Glyphisodon, fish. XII. 176.
Gmsuu (John George). botanist. X. 591. Godot'roy. See Gothot‘red.
(SAMUEL T.), X. 59I—his classi Godcrich (Lord), his brief administra
fication of animals, III. 170 -— on
fishes. XII. 152—on the varieties of
the human species, XIV. l99—on na Goors'rusas and godmothers, X. 595.
tural history. XVI. 549.
Gmelinite, specific gravity of, XII. 30.
GNUND, in Wurtemberg, X. 592.
Gnat, IX. 258—prevention of bites of. Gonnsncnnsrna, town, X. 595.
XII. 293.
Gnathium. insect. IX. 170.
GNA'I'IA, VIII. 457.
GnaWers, in zoology. XIV. 129. Sec
Rodentia.
Gneiss, in geology, XV. It‘ll—metals
found in. 277.
Cnsssu, circle in Prussia, X. 592.
Gnome, insect, IX. 179.
GNOBEII. imaginary beings. X. 592.
GNOION, in dialling. X. 592, 392.
Gnomouics, V11. 757.
INDEX
GNO—GOE
Gnoriste, insect, IX. 262.
GNOSTICS, X. 592—their opinions of a
hierarchy of angels, III. 297.
Gnu, in zoology, XIV. 163 ; II. 227.
G011, X. 593—arrack of, III. 627 lib'
rary at, XIII. 318—weights and mea
sures of, XXI. 853—de 1a Goa Bay,
II. 233.
Goacu, in Celebcs, X. 594.
Goagnazes, V. 188, 189.
Goahautee, III. 707.
Gossn, in Hindustan, X. 594.
Goands, IV. 730; XI. 35.
Goat, XIV. 168; II. 340—of America,
II. 653; Cashmere, VI. 218; XI.
382; Tibet. XXI. 256—milk of, VI.
499 ; XV. 76.
Isnssn, X. 594.
Goatfield, V. 751.
Goatsueker, bird. XVI. 578.
Gonss, island and town, X. 594.
GOIIELIN (Giles), X. 594.
Gobies, fish, XII. 193.
Gobiesox, fish, XII. 221.
Gosmeusos, in Bengal, X. 594.
Gobio, fish, XII. HIS-angling for, 111.
147.
Gobioidze, in ichthyology, XII. 192.
Gobioides. fishes, XII. 193.
Gobius, fish, XII. 193.
6011113, or Gobelet, X. 594.
Gehrias, XXI. 196. ‘ Gold'bcatcrs, IV. 474.
Gocsos, Hindu town, X. 594. - Gnu) Coas'r, X. 605; XI. 29.
the existence of. I. 59—Clarke's and
Newton’s reasonings, 140-1 ; VI. 729
——our idea of, associated with those of
infinite space and endless duration, 1.
141—impossibility of finding proper
language to describe the nature and
attributes of, 147—Epicurcau doc
trine that God concerns not himself
with the affairs of the world or its
inhabitants, III. 176, n. 184—views
of the ancients respecting, 504—
vicws of the Athenians, IV. 163, 169;
Pythagoras, XIV. 679; Plato, XVIII.
30. 33, 37, 39, 40—blasphemy against,
IV. 675—Christian view of, VI. 622—
being and attributes of, XIV. 692;
XV. 478; XXI. 204, 208—duty to,
210; XV. 477-8—revealed by the uni
verse, XVII. 561, 575, 588—prayer
to, XVIII. 504—sourcc of belief in
the existence of, 330— Socrates on Geno PLATES, for enamelling, X. 605.
the evidence of his existence and at
tributes derived from final causes.
XX. 469—— supcrstitious notions con
cerning, till—unity of, XXI. 204—
Trinity, 205—manifestati0n of. in the wire, ib.
works 01' creation and providence, Goanar, in Prussia, X. 605.
206. See Atheism, Devotion, Poly
theism, Providence, Trinity.
Gods and goddesses, how represented on
Greek and Roman medals, XIV. 484. Goldfinch. XVI. 581.
Goosuuso, in Surrey. X. 595.
Gonsvsnr, river, X. 595.
Gonnsan (Jonathan), X. 595.
Gonnsss, X. 595.
‘tion, V. 570.
, in Canada, VI. 57.
Godfrey, murder of, V. 348.
of Bouillon, a Crusader, VII. G01.ics(Jaxm-s), X. 608—some of the
485; X. 595; XVI. 755-6.
Godoy (Don Manuel), X. 149; XX. 505. Govrzuvs (Henry), engraver and paint
Gons'rous, town in Surrey, X. 595.
Gonwm (Francis), X. 595.
(Earl). VIII. 707.
(William), his novels, XIX. 345 Comer, XVII. 474~ descendants of,
--on the royal prerogative of pardon,
XVII. 68.
lights, XIII. 493.
Godwit, bird, XVI. 6‘23.
(iOELWABAII, in Hindustan, X. 596.
(lot-s (Pedro del, V. 189.
Uossr, Prussian city, X. 596.
69
GOE—GOM GOM-GOR
Gos'rm: (John Wolfgang von), X. 596’ Gompertz on the value of life-contin~
486—his plays, VIII. 177—p0etry’ gencies, III. 201.
XVIII. 167—novels. XIX. 358. Gomphocerus. insect, IX. 194.
Goo sun M11000, X. 603. Gomul, river, II. 212.
Gooonau, Hindu river, X. 604. Gosnsa. X. 609; II. 231—Bruee’s resi
G000, Hindu sea-port, X. 604. dence in, 57.
Soccer (Antoine-Yves), X. 604—on the Gondi. See Retz (Cardinal d8).
origin of writing, II. 540—011 castes, Gounons, X. 609.
VI. 220. Gonds, X1. 397.
60301), Hindu town, X. 604. Gong, XV. 617.
Goiana, XVII. 237. Gongora, poetry of, XVIII. 163.
Goncosns, in Hindustan, X. 604—dia Gongylus, a species of bud, III. 90.
monds of, VIII. 3. Goniu, insect, IX. 282.
GOLD, X. 605—in chemistry, VI. 420— 6081211, Turkish town, X. 609.
in mineralogy, XV. 165—assaying of, GONIOIBTBY, X. 610—the name under
III. 709—-carat, VI. 132—transmuta which Euler's arithmetic of series is
tion of the baser‘ metals into, 344— cultivated in Germany, I. 597.
sterling gold of Britain, 421~salts of Gonium, genus of animalcules, III. 188.
peroxide of, 452—coinage, VII. 35— Gouoxo Ares, X. 610; IV. 340.
recoinage in 1774, 38—routinc of Gouoso TBLLOO,1I1 Celebes, X. 610.
coinage at the mint, 44—supply of, Gonoplax angulata, VII. 501.
in early ages, 159—etl'ect of its in Gouorhynchus, fish, XII. 199.
crease on productive industry. ib.— Goxonnuma, X. 610.
recent decrease in the supply of, 162— Gontran, X. 4.
its value in the early part of last cen Gonzago, Brazilian poet, V. 205.
tury, BIN—painting in enamel on, Gonzalvo, voyage of, IV. 211.
VIII. 693—speeific gravity of, XII. Goocuzue'ru, X. 610.
30—gold coins, XIV. 470, 476; XV. G001), X. 610; XV. 466; XX. 464—
384, ct scq.-—dcbasement 0f, XIV. 496 chief, or summum bouum, III. 519.
—its poisonous quality, 5027—why more (John Mason) on origin of name
valuable than silver, XVIII. 289 of Macaronic poetry, VIII. 273, n. 3.
cohesion of, XX. 756. See Gilding, Goon's Isnanc, X. 610.
Gold~mines, Gold-wire, Ste. Goon I-‘oa'ro'xs, island, X. 610.
GOOD-FRIDAY. X. 610.
Goon Hers (Cape of), X. 610; V. 76;
Gold-colour, dyeing of, V111. 342. II. 233—unt-hills at, III. 241—dis
Gold-coloured varnish, XXI. 561. turbances at. in 1825, V. 562—La
Conn-Ls“, X. 605. See Gliding. Caille‘s astronomical observations at,
Gold-mines, XV. 252—of America, II. 777—diseovery 01', VII. 159; X. 307;
646; XV. 264—Ashantee. III. 669— XVIII. 465 -emigration to. VIII.
Assam, 706—Ava, IV. 241-— Bam 689—taken by the British, X. 104—
bouk, 338—Bolivia. 746—Brazil, V. variation of the needle at, XIII. 738
192. 199. 207; XII. 587; XV. 109; --weights and measures of, XXI. 852
XVII. IGO—Bukhara, V. 696—Cele —wool imported from, 924.
bes, VI. 270—Chili, 529, {BM—Europe, Goon-Hess lsunn, X. 614.
IX. 409—Hindustan, XI. 381—Hun Goodenieie. in botany, V. 117.
gary, IV. 230—Ireland, XII. 394— Goodcnoviw, in botany, V. 117.
Japan, 512—Jaragua, XVII. 160— Goodlet's method of evaporating by
Mexico, XIV. 802; XV. 260—Pcru, steam, XX. 607.
XVII. 305—Itussia, XIX. 578, 587-— Goooous, Hindu tovm, X. 614.
Sibcria, XX. 327—Sumatra, 804— Goodwin lights, XIII. 493.
Thrace, XV. 242—Tibet, XXI. 256— Googe on agriculture, 11. 256.
Transylvnnia, V. 9—United States of Gooaav'r, town in Cabul, X. 614.
America, XXI. 454—Vcnezuela, 592 Goons, in Yorkshire, X. 614.
-Virgiuia, 658—What advantage ac Goonouuos, Hindu town, X. 614.
crues to a country from colonies pos Goou’ossns, in Nepaul, X. 614.
sessing gold-mines? VII. 122. Goonsua, Hindu tovm X. 614.
Goomrr, Hindu. river, X. 614.
(Susan). X. 605. Gooumrooa/ix, X. 614.
SIZE, X. 605. Goosn, Hindu river, X. 614.
Tuscan. X. 605. Goonacxrooa, in Hindustan, X. 615.
Wins, X. 605; XXI. 947-gilt Goosandcr, bird. XVI. 639.
Goose, XVI. 636—mode of enlarging its
liver, IX. 724.
Gosnssae, in Prussia. X. 605. Gooseberry, culture of, X1. 651.
Goansx, X. 605—Calf, ib.—Fleece, ib.- Goose-macs. X. 615.
Number,ib.; VI. 9, 12—IIule, X. 605. Goose-skin, II. 750. '
GOOSE-WING, X. 615.
Gowoau (Charles), X. 605—his come Goon, in Hindustan, X. 615.
dies, VIII. 158. Gopher wood. III. 567.
Getosun-n, X. 606. GOPPINOEN,111 Wurtemberg, X. 615.
(Ouvsn), X. GOG—his comedies, Gonsosu'r, Hindu town, X. 615.
VIII. 176—birthplaee, XIII. 557 Genus IsLs. X. 61.3.
poetry. XVIII. 172—Viear of Wake Goncsu, in Hindustan, X. 615.
field, XIX. 340. Goaouu, city of Holland, X. 615.
GOLF, Scotch game, X. 608. Goamas suo'r, X. 615; X111. 68].
Goliathides, insects, IX. 161. Goanusos, Roman senator, X. 615.
Goliathus, insect, IX. I61. , Roman emperor, X. 616—history
ot' the reign of, XIX. 411.
works of Apollonius brought from Gordius, VI. 126—worm, XI. 226.
the East by, 111. 288. Gordon (Adam), VI. 606.
(ALEXANDER), X. 616—on hiero
er, X. 609. glyphics, X1. 602.
Gomarists, III. 577; XI. 521. (Lord Geo.), his riots, V. 412.
Gounoos. X. 609; V. 706. (Professor) of Ert'urt, on electri
city. VIII. 568.
V1. 275. (Dr John), hitI System of Ann
GoxsasALL, in Yorkshire, X. 609. tomy, II. 704—on the lymphatics.
Gomez (General), XX. 513. 729—46! controversy with Dr Soun
(Estevan), his voyage of dis ln-ini. XX. 551.
covery. XVIII. -.'16. --~—— ('l‘uouss). X. 616—his transla
Genes. in Hungary, X. 609. tion of Tacitus, XXI. 69.
GouosaAu, X. 609. Goal, in heraldry. X. 616.
m _INDEX
GOR—GOV GOV—GRA GRA GRA—GRE
Gorec, XII. 682; XX. 94. with respect to trade, 899—ofl‘ences Grand Junction Railway, XIX. 28, ct seq. Gxsvmsn, town in Kent, X. 716.
Gort'ou, bird. XVI. 631. of the press with respect to, XIII. 276 Surrey Canal, XVI. 14. Gravesende (Mr), on the pressure of
Goaos, X. 616. —Paley on, XVI. 761 —— Plato on, Trunk Canal, V. 289; VI. 609; fluids, XII. 76.
Goaosn, X. 616. XVIII. 87. See Aristocracy, Demo XVI. 20; XX. 668. Gssvnu (John Vincent), X. 716.
Goscsr, in dress, X. 616. cracy, Despotism, Economists, Mo Union Canal, XVI. 14. , city of Naples, X. 717.
Gorgiss oi' Leontlum, IV. 166. narchy. Grande (Rio), XVI. 788; XIX. 244. Craving-dock, VIII. 76.
Gosooss, in mythology, X. 616. Governor of steam~engine, XX. 662. Terre, XI. 12. Gaavrra-nos, X. 717 ; XVII. 488, 666
Goring (Dr), his microscopes, XV. 88, Gowns (John), X. 684 ; VI. 838—poetry Gaanoss, X. 707. -—Nevvton’s discovery of, I. 664 ; IV.
42, 46—on illumination of microsco of, XVIII. 169. Gsasnxua, X. 707. I74—the cause of acceleration of fall
pic objects, 62—on test-objects, 64. Gown, X. 684. Grandi (Abate), on the origin of the ing bodies, II. 8I—its action in the
Gonnmus (Abraham), X. 617. Gowrie, carse of, VI. 179; XIX. 746. modern copies of the Pandects,VI. 7 18. planetary system, III. 749 ; IV. 49—
Goatss-ros, town in Suffolk, X. 617. Gowrie’s conspiracy, in Scotland, VII. Grandipalpi, insects, IX. .180. Hooke on, XI. 666—known only as a
Gosu'rz, Prussian city, X. 617. 608; XIX. 748. Games, X. 710. fact, XVII. 666. See Dynamics, Gra
Goro, XVII. 4. Goyeneche (General), IV. 766. (La). See Lagrange. vity.
Gou, Austrian city, X. 617. Gozo, XIV. 62—plague in, XVII. 777. Grsngemonth, XX. 788. Gravity, use of pendulum in measuring
Gossss'ron, in Lincolnshire, X. 617. Grant“ (Regnier de), XVII. 728—his ana GRANGER (James), biographer, X. 710. intensity of, XVII. 188, l98—its efl'ect
Gosnss, in Egypt, X. 617. tomical labOurs, II. 699. Gasul, X. 711. on projectiles, XVIII. 641.
GOSLAI, city of Hanover, X. 617. Gsssx (John Ernest), X. 684 — his Gsnucns, river in Asia Minor, X. 711 (centre of), in mechanics, XIV.
GOSPIL, X. 617. Greek Bible, IV. 614. —battle of, XIII. 681. 849, 860, 872, 442.
Gosroa'r, in Hampshire, X. 617—auro Gasccnns (Cains 8.), X. 685 ; XIX. Gsasrrx, X. 711-of Aberdeenshire, II. (sracxnc), X. 717 ; XII. 19—
ra borealis seen at, IV. 196. 890—Carthage rebuilt by, V1. 207. 29; Egypt, III. 412; VIII. 617, 686, Table of, 26.
Gossaxsa, X. 617. (Tisssms Ssxraosws), X. 686; a. 2; Brazil, V. 199—specific gravity numbered among the virtues by
Gosselin (Mons.), on the Periplus oi" X1. 478; XIX. 890. of, XII. 80—metsls found in, XV. 277. the Italians, II. 678.
Hanno, II. 219 ; X. 889—on geogra Gases, X. 686—controversy of Male GIAIITIL, X. 711—sp. gr. ot‘, XII. 80. Gas! colour, X. 717—dyeing 01', VIII.
pliy, 401. branche regarding, I. 74. Gannvosovs, X. 711. 887—varieties of, XV. 1264.
Go'rssoao, or Gottenburg, X. 617. ———, days of, IX. 464. Gassr, in law, X. 711. (J. 8.), quoted on polypes, XXI.
G071“, in Germany, X. 617; XIX. 666 Gascss, in mythology, X. 686. (Commodore), IV. 247. 1022, 1028.
-—inland navigation, XVI. 4. Gracias a Dios, in Honduras, XI. 18. ( Charles), Lord Glenelg,his corn. (Mr), his estimate of the merits
Go'rnasn, Swiss mountain, X. 618. Graciosa, one of the Azores, IV. 268. bill, V. 672—his resolutions respect of Rousseau’s Emile, I. 184.
Gotheborg. See Gottenburg. Grackle, piping, XVI. 668—bare-necked, ing the corn—trade, VII. 842. (Major), his account of Knjaaga,
Gothelt', river, XXI. 888-9. 671—bald, 574—paradise, ib. (Mr), on the Gaelic language, in Western Africa, XII. 661.
Goruic, X. 618—a1phabet, II. 649-— Graculns, bird, XVI. 668. XVII. 416. (Stephen), on electricity, I. 644,
Bibles, IV. 616; XIX. 790—race in Gradients of railways, XIX. 17. (Fasscls), lawyer, X. 711. 617; VIII. 666, 608—on the micro
Europe, IX. 410. See Goths. Grading, in architecture, III. 467. GIAI‘I'BAI, in Lincolnshire, X. 711. scope, XV. 81, 87. .
architecture, III. 419, 428, 480, Gssvms (John George), X. 687; V. Canal, XVI. 14. ('I‘uonas), X. 717—fond of alli
468, 474—more scientific than Gre 717—on inscriptions, XII. 292. Graiiton pier, IX. 768. teration, II. 627 — on a stanza ot'
cian, 880—arches, 887; XIV. 298— Gaar'rlso, in gardening, X. 687; XI.686. Gsaunu-rxn, X. 711. Beattie's Minstrel, IV. 478, m—poetry
spires, III. 888—rationsl nature of. Grafton (Richard), XVIII. 668. GlAIIULA‘I‘ION, X. 711; XVII. 128. of, XVIII. 178.
XIX. 441—masonry, XIV. 286. Gauss! (George), X. 688—his optical Granvelt, XI. 611. (Lady Jane). See Grey.
language. XIII. 82; XVII. 417 instruments, III. 748—his scapement, Gxasvnms, French seaport, X. 711. Gray's Inn, XII. 282; X111. 627.
—-languages derived from it, 422. VI. 7 7 2—his equation-clock, 788—his (Gsoaos), Lord Lansdowne, X. Grayling, fish, XII. 210—angling for,
Go'rnorssn (Denis), X. 618—his edition horizontal watch-scapement, 7 91—his 711. III. 186, n. 144.
of, and commentary on, the Theodo discovery of the daily variation of the Gauss, X. 711—sugar of, VI. 478; GIAIALIIA, Spanish city, X. 719.
sian Code, VI. 716. needle, XIII. 688 — his pendulum, VIII. 44—preservation of, IX. 728— Grease for axles, XIV. 418, 417, 448.
Go'rus, X. 618; V. 296; VI. 274—de _XVII. 218. varieties of, XI. 639—cu1ture of, 667 , a disease of horses, XXI. 687.
tested by Constantine, VII. 271-— (General), V. 629. -—ot‘ the Ionian Islands, XII. 842. Gan-r, X. 719; VIII. 10.
their wars with the Romans, 278, st (Janna), Marquis of Montrose, See Wine-making. Primer type, XXI. 486.
seq.—their conquest of Rome, X. 478; X. 687. See Montrose. , in veterinary science, XXI. 687. Western Railway, XIX. 61.
XIX. 421; of Italy, XII. 464—state (John), of Claverhonse, Viscount Gxsrs-Snor, X. 711; XI. 71. Gsssvss (John), mathematician, X. 719
of Italian art under them, XVI. 707 Dundee, IV. 672—his military ex Graphic ore, specific gravity of, XII. 80. ——on the denarius, XV. 897.
--their origin, XVII. 4l8—their in ploits in Scotland, V. 861—his advice Graphipterus, insect, IX. 118. Grebe, bird, XVI. 629.
vasions of the Roman empire, XIX. to James the Second, 869—his pro Graphite, in mineralogy, XV. 147. Gasser, X. 720—history of, XI. 471—
411, ct seq.—their kingdom in Spain, ceedings in Scotland in favour of that Gsnnons'rsa, X. 712. vvorks on the architectural remains
XX. 291. See Gothic. king, 861—slain at Killiekrankie, Gsarusn, or Grapling, X. 712; III. 106. of, III. 480—Greek structures, 484—
Gorrsssoao, in Sweden, X. 617, 621— 862; XII. 718. Glass, in botany, X. 712, 688; V. 187. Did the Romans get the laws of the
canal to Stockholm, IV. 881. (Sir Ricnaxn), X. 688. Grass-lands, II. 807—produce of, in twelve tables from! VI. 709-com
GOTTINOIN, in Hanover, X. 621—1ib (Dr), on Ossian, XVI. 668. England, VIII. 766. merce of, VII. 166 —mines, 169; XV.
rary at, XIII. 818. Graham’s dike, III. 272; XIX. 408. Gnassn (La), in France, X. 712. 242—height of mountains, XVII. 606
Go'r'ruun, X. 621; IV. 828. Grain Coast, XI. 29. (Count de), V. 407 -defeated by --subterranean streams, 626. See the
Gottsched, XIX. 681. (apothecaries'). in difl'erent coun Rodney, 42l—his hospitable treat Chronological Table, VI. 666; also
Gouan on botany,V. 87—on fishes, XII. tries, XXI. 849. ment in England, 422, a. Greeks, Attica, Athens, &c.
162. Grainger (James), works by, XXI. 269. Grasser (Jacob). VII. 711. (modern), hives of, III. 284-—
Go UDA, in the Netherlands, X. 621. Grallaria, bird, XVI. 678. Grasshoppers, IX. 79, 194—their coha revolution in, X. "ii—statistical view
Goltnnuast, town in Kent, X. 622. Grallatores, birds, XVI. 614. bitation with ants, III. 242-alleged of, 762 —weights and measures of,
Gnugnnc liarra, lake, VII. 329. Grallina, bird, XVI. 672. showers of, XIX. 60. XXI. 868—map of, X. P1. 272. See
Gounun' (Simon), X. 622. Gaumu, X. 688. Grassias, XI. 81, 897. Greeks (modern).
Goullmrn (Mr), his act for the suppres Graminese, in botany, V. 187. GaA'rns, for tires, X. 712. Greek architecture, III. 414, 422, 484 ;
sion of the Catholic Association in Graminivorous animals, season of par Gas-run, Roman emperor, X. 712 ; XIX. 440—remains of, III. 268, et'seq.
lrvhmi, V. 663. turition of, III. 169. VII. 279—reign of, XIX. 418. 480, 484—much of it borrowed from
Gould (John), on ants, III. 289, 242 Gaseous, X. 688—Bacon's profound , Benedictine monk, X. 712—his the East, 878—its introduction and
on birds, XVI. 662, 644. reflections on, I. 84—characters of Deeretum, IV. 334 ; V1.92 ; xxx. 488. progress in Britain, 480—mouldings
Gouli;i:i~ll‘ on hieroglyphics, XI. 862. abbreviations in, VI. 828 — Horne Gssrisos in a ship, X. 712. and ornaments of, 441—beauty of, IV.
Guurn. bird, XVI. 614. Tooke on, XXI. 886. Gan-irons, X. 712—duty of, XV. 480. 496-baths, 441—theatres, III. 416,
Gouril, it» stem, III. 47, 81—evolution, Gsunsnus, X. 706. Gas-nus (Faliscus), Roman poet, X. 7 l2. 487—temples, 486—Did the Greeks
Til-internal structure, 80—mot, 88 Grammistes, tish, XII. 168. Gaa'r'ran (Henry), X. 712; XII. 388— know the arch! III. 879; V. 269.
—o\~';\riu., V. 45, m—culture, XI. 666. Grammont, a buccaneer, V. 626. his opposition to the union of Britain Church, X. 788—in Russia,
Gournriy (Vincent (16), VIII. 898—011 Grampian Mountains, X. 708; XIX. 746. and Ireland, V. 498—his motions for XIX. 680.
;mliiical economy, XVIII. 268. Grampound, disfranchisemcnt of, V. 668. Catholic emancipation, 646-6. Fire, IX. 686.
Gout. Barthes on, 1V. 42l—anomalous Grampus, in zoology, XIV. 178. GsA'rz, in Austria, X. 714. Langumi XIII. 64. st 16%.
forms of, XVII. 486. Gxsssns, in Spain, X. 708, 706—the Grauculus, bird, XVI. 668. xvn. 898—its affinities, xmfisi
Gmcat (Andrew), V. 628, 629. Alhambra at, II. 612—Moorish king Gssnnssz, Prussian city, X. 714. its resemblance to Latin, XVII. 409
Govsssnssr, X. 622—monarchy im dom of, XX. 494, 496, 498. Gases-r (John), X. 714—on bills of —diii'erent genius of the two languages,
proved in modern times, I. 24—Aris ,in Nicaragua. X. 706; XVI. 201. mortality, XV. 618. 410—introduction of study of, in.)
totle on, III. 626—governments of (New). See Venezuela. Gasvs, X. 716. England, IX. 4I—partiality of the
Asia, 694; Athens, IV. 164; Aus , island. See Grenada. Gravel (urinary), VI. 601 ; XVII. 479— Greeks to, XVII. 406—Erasmus and
tria, 286; England, IX. 1; France, GRANADIEI, or Grenadier, X. 706. Magendie's theory of, VIII. 24—in Sir Thomas Smith on its pronuncia
X. 212 -— Buchanan's work on, V. ; Gsasano, or Grenade, X. 706. the domestic animals, XXI. 628—cure tion, IX. 667; XX. 413—study of, at
681-2—passive obedience, 682—always Gsasssn, town in Longt‘ord, X. 706. of, XX. 841. See Lithotomy. Oxford, XXI. 494—ablative case, II.
spends what it is ableto extract from Ganusrr X. 706-farm, II. 271. Gravel-walks, XI. 678. Bil—accents,84—bibles,IV. 614; XIX.
the people, VII. IlT—tendency of Granate. See Granite. Gaavzs, X. 716 ; IX. 47. 786, 789—editions of the classics, IV.
colonial possessions to produce or Guano, X. 707 -Distress, ib.—Gusto,ib. Graves (Mr), on logarithms, XIII. 480. 626—moods and tenses, X. 691—dia
prolong misrule, I28—evils of an un — Canal, in Ireland, XVI. 22. (Dr), on lead-colic, XVII. 488. lects, XVII. 404—modern Greek, X.
due expenditure by, 172—its duties -—-- Junction Canal, XVI. 14. Gssvxsasns (William Jacob), X. 716. 741; XVII. 407.
 INDEX. 71
GRE GRE GRE—GRO GRO-GUE
Greeks (ancient), their acclamations, II. Greenwich Observatory, transit instru Grey (George), papyrus brought from Gaor'ro (Milky). at Bethlehem, XI. 8.
‘ 88—abortion among the, 39—adoption, ment in, IV. 105—mural quadrants, Egypt by, n. 541. Gaounn, in painting, &c., XI. 8.
160—punishment of adultery, 166— 106-Bradley’s improvements in, V. (Earl), a supporter of the balanc Gaounn-auouuo, XI. 8.
algebra unknown to, 420-their man 172. ing system, IV. 313~his motions for Gaoor, in painting, 8tc., XI. 8.
ner of writing, 545—alphabet, 546; Hospital, X. 764; XVI. 64— parliamentary reform, V. 463, 470, Gaours (The), islands, XI. 8.
XVII. 896—knowledge of anatomy, root‘ of the chapel of, VI. 169—prices 580—his motion in 1795 about the Grouse, pin-tailed, XVI. 611—red, ib.—
II. 685, st scq.; XVII. 724—mytho of food used in, from 1800 to 1835, French war, 476—his opposition to sand, ib.—wood, ib.—heteroclyte, 612.
logy, III. 256; IV. 168; XV. 682; XXI. 937. the union with Ireland. 493—motion Grouse-shooting, XX. 315.
XVIII. 336, 840—cuitivated the do GIIGAIIO as animals, X. 765. in 1801 for an inquiry into the state Gsov'rnsan, or Greathead (Robert),
mestic ati‘ections, III. 261—their de Gasooaun Csnsnaa, X. 765; VI. 6, of the nation, 498—refusal to join the bishop of Lincoln, XI. 8.
monology, 296 — theatres, 416, 487 ; 10, 18. ministry in 1812, 583—his adminis Gsova, in gardening, XI. 8.
VIII. 145—numerals, III. 535; VI. reflecting telescope, XVI. 360. tration, 581—his resignation and re (Haunt). XI. 9.
323; XVII. 398—mode ot' calcula Gregorius, Roman lawyer, VI. 718. acceptance of oflice, 584. Gnowrn of animals, XI. 9; XVII. 582
tion, II. 5; III. 537 -armies, 584— Gsxooar the Great, X. 765; X1. 492. Greyhound, X1. 706. —of plants, XI. 9; XXI. 576.
statues, 645, 647; XX. 4, 10-—as of Nazianzen, X. 765. Gridiron pendulum, XVII. 214. GRUB, a worm, XI. 10.
tronomy, III. 727—balnnce of power (Tnsonoans), X. 765. Galsason (Constantia), X. 777. Grubber, II. 267. 849.
among the, IV. 310-baths, 441— , bishop of Nyssa, X. 765. Grifith (Mr), on Mr Buddle’s method Gsussmuoss, XI. 10.
bells, 545—derived many of their me of Tours, X. 765. of working coal, VII. 83. Grubeuhamm, wooden bridge construct,
taphysical speculations from India, V. II. bishop of Rome, XIII. 466, Grifiiths on fishes, X11. 172-3, 191-2. ed by, VI. 292.
180 _their beer, 230 —- whether nc ct seq. Gaines, or Griffin, X. 777. Grueber’s travels in China, 111. 698.
quninted with the arch, 269 ; III. 379 VII. (Pope), XII. 469. , bird, XVI. 558. Gsnnssao, XI. 10.
-their burials, V. 7 12—burning of the IX. (Pope), his Dccretalr'um Chm GBIXALDI _Francisco). Painter, X. 177. Ganrro, in music, XI. 10.
dead, 724—calendar, VI. 8, ct seq., 653 pitatio, VI. 92—confirmed the inqui (F. M.), on the inflexion and in Guns, XI. 10—bird, XVI. 617.
-—camps, 43—caps, IOB—cock-tighting, sition, XII. 285. terference of light, I. 514 ; XVI. 361, Grusia, X. 469.
} VII. 14—colonies, Ilia—dancing, 613 XIII. (Pope), his reform of the 426, 433—on colours, 403. GlU'I'BR, or Gruytere (Jan), XI. 10—
_theatricul declamation, 664—dials, Calendar, VI. 6, 10. Grimm (Baron de), his remarks on a on inscriptions, XII. 292.
757—-divorces, VIII. 71—drama, 144; (DAVID), X. 766. maxim of Fontenelle, I. 23—on liberty Gas, a measure, XI. 11.
XX. 185, 44 7—skill in drawing, VIII. (Dr DAVID), professor of astro and necessity, 150, 270—an abettor Gryllotalpa, insects, IX. 192.
ISO—dyeing. 296—indebted to Egypt nomy at Oxford, X. 767 ; I. 581. of atheism, 181—his account of Di Gryllus, insect, IX. 191 ; II. 229.
for their arts, 541, n. 2—influence of (Jules), mathematician, X. 766; derot, VIII. 15. Gryphzea, in conchology, XV. 844.
local circumstance on their govern XIV. BIB—his work Optioa Promote, Gsums, bailiwiek in Saxony, X. 777. Gas (Du), on equations, IX. 325.
ments, IX. 411; X. 7 22—exposing of I. 513—00 the reflecting telescope, II. Gauss! (Great), in Lincoln, X. 777. Guachos of Buenos Ayrcs, V. 657.
children by, IX. 468—their funeral 99 — his discovery of ms algebraic Grimshaw’s rope-machinery, XIX. 466. Gusnassxnsdn Spain, XI. 11.
rites, X. 258; XII. 329—gardens, X. series, II. 497—his attack on George GIINDELWALD, Swiss town, X. 777. , in Mexico, XI. 11; XIV. 814.
319 — geometers, 422 -— gymnastics, Sinclair, IV. 296, n. —his burning Grinders, teeth, in man, 11. 780—111 GUADALCAKAL, in Spain, XI. 11.
XI. 94—racing, 621—hunting, 738— mirror, V. 735—on navigation, XV. other animals, III. 34. Guadalcnnar, IV. 213.
eustoms at birth of a child, XII. 27 I 749—on optics, XVI. 360—on the Guanine, X. 777. Guansxonra, island, XI. 12.
—lnscriptions, 291—laws, XIII. 181 quadrature of the circle, XX. 554-5. Gamsrnsn (East), in Sussex, X. 778. Guansmmvn, Spanish river, XI. 12;
-libraries, 287 -cust0ms when inlove, (Dr Jsass), physician, X. 7 69— GRIPES, X. 778—in horses, XXI. 624. XX. 516.
578 — masonry, XIV. 286 -- know on modes in grammar, 662, et seq. German, negro superstition, X. 778. Gnanaurrs, mountains, XI. 12.
ledge of mathematics, 314-15—coins, -—on liberty and necessity, XIV. 691. Grison, in zoology, XIV. 108. Gosnaaasxa, Spanish mountains, XI.
463,et seq.; VII. 81; XV. 397, n. 1— — (Dr Joan), X. 767; VII. 584 Galsoss, Swiss canton, X. 778. 12; XX. 515—rlver, XI. 12.
monnrchy, 381—mourning, 58 4-mys on the union between mind and body, GBIS'I', X. 779. Guadenthal, X. 613.
terics, 661—oracles, XVI. 515—school I. 224—Smellie’s Life of, XX. 403. Gristes, fish, XII. 169. Guadians, river, XX. 516; XXI. 3‘22.
of painting, 698, 696, 728—0rigin, -— (Olinthus). his Treatise on Me Gristle. See Cartilage. —--, or Durango, a city in Mexico,
XVII. 393-early poets, 404—par chanics, XIV. 855. Gnrr, or Gritstone, X. 779. VIII. 288.
tiality to their language, 405—philo of St Vincent, on the quadrature Griwhee, XI. 30. Gnamn, Spanish city, XI. 12.
sophy, 431; I. 9—writers on physio of the circle, XX. 554. Gsoar and Gaos'rs, X. 779. Guages of steam-boilers, XX. 679.
guomy, XVII. 575-6—poctry, XVIII. Gregory’s powder, XIX. 229. Gaocsas, X. 779. Guaging, XIV. 577.
LIT-neglect of political economy, 260 GIEII'I'BNIIAGEN, in Prussia, X. 771. Gaomlo, Russian province, X. 779. Gusuoa, Iiindu fortress, XI. 12.
—orators, XIX. 215—sacrifices, 604 GIBIPBWALDI, Prussian city, X. 771— Greenland. See Greenland. Gout, island, XI. 12.
-—sculpture, XX. 4, 10—dresses, 6— university of, XVIII. 700. Grogginess, or contraction of the foot, Guuusea, town in Peru, XI. 13.
worship of serpents, 139—ships, 121 GBEISBACH, in Bavaria, X. 771. in horses, XXI. 619. Guan, bird, XVI. 605.
—shoes, 299—tombs, 324—slavery, Gaslz, a city of Reuss, X. 771. Gaooani, X. 779. Guanaco, IV. 747; VI. 525.
382—re-ligions persecution, 447—re Grellman on the gypsies, XI. 98. GBOIN, X. 779. Guanas, reptiles, XIX. 144.
llgion, 452—surgery, 820—mensures, Guest». island, X. 7 71—sugar-unts Groining, in architecture, III. 467. Gnanaxna'ro, XI. 13; XIV. 814.
XXI. 846—weights, 848. See Greelc. of, III. 239, 241; how destroyed, 244 GIOLL, in the Netherlands, X. 7 79. Gnnlca Vsmca, in Peru, XI. 13.
(modern), X. 7 4I—their army, -naval battle between the British and Gaonssscn, in Bavaria, X. 779. Guanches, V1. 73.
III. 615—sieges of Athens by, IV. 129 French at, V. 405. Gaomuoss, X. 779. Guapore, river, XIV. 326.
—late war with the Turks, V. 572; Grenade, X. 705. Gaonovws (John Fred.), X. 779. Guaranln, VI. 469.
VIII. 504 ; x. 743—L0rd Byron's aid Grenadier, X. 705. (Jsxxs), X. 780. Guaranis, II. 630; XVII. 57, 62.
to the, V. 759—means of elevating Grenadines, islands, X. 772. GIOOII, X. 780; X1. 609. Guaasa'rss and Granam'r, XI. 13.
their character, XII. 846—their news GIIENAILLE, X. 772. Gsoo'rs Bruno-r, X. 780. Guaan, XI. 13—advsnced guard, 810.,
papers, XVI. 173—language, X. 741; Grenatite, in mineralogy, XV. 159. Gaoovs, X. 780. ib., 14—yeomen of the, 14.
XVII. 407. See Greece (modern). Grent’ell on the national debt, X. 250. Gloss: (Francis), X. 780. Guano-soar, XI. 14.
Green colour, X. 755 —— colouring mat Grenié (Monsieur), his improvements on Gnoss, X. 781—weight, ib.; III. 555. GOAlD-IIIIP, XI. 14.
ters, VI. 485—in crayon painting, the organ, XVI. 532. Grossart on the modes of dissolving Gossns, Portuguese city, XI. 15.
VII. 453—dyeing of, VIII. 333, 842 Grenier (M. de), his system of naval caoutchouc, VI. 107. Gosanls, Spanish town, XI. 15.
—-varieties of, 333; XV. 126. tactics, XXI. 765. Gsossmsau, Austrian town, X. 781. (lesson-Aura“, Italian town,XI. 15.
(Mr), his laminated arches de Gassosts, in France, X. 772. Gros-beak, Philippine, XVI. 580 —so Gnasnus, XI. 15—ofthe Cinque Ports,
scribed, XX. 377. GBRNVILLE (W. W., Lord), X. 772—hls ciable, ib.—evening, 581--piue, 582. ib.-of the Spiritualities, ib.
Gsus-Cno'ru, Court and Clerks of the, administration, V. 388, 520—his alien Gaosscnarun, Saxon town, X. 781. Guardianship in Arabia, 111. 834.
X. 755. bill, 467—his answer to the French Gsosssnasw, in Saxony, X. 781. Goaanu (Giovanni Battista), XI. 15.
Gauss-noose, X. 755; XI. 686—plants, ambassador, ib.; and to Bonnparte's Grossulare, in mineralogy, XV. 159. Guasslx, Spanish town, XI. 15.
ib.—warming of, by steam, XX. 605. letter to George the Third, 490—0n Grossularlete, in botany, V. 113. GUAQTALLA, in Italy, XI. 15.
Green Mountains, Vermont, XXI. 603. the peace of Amiens, 507, 508. Gsossvuanstn, in Hungary, X. 781. Gun-nuts, XI. 16; 11. 644—revolu
Green-vitriol, XV. 138. See Iron (sul —- Canal, XVI. 27. Gao'raseus, in sculpture, &c., X. 781. tion in, 639—map of, XIV. Pl. 356.
phate of). Glass“: (Sir Thomas), X. 775. Gao'rws (Hugo), XI. 1, 521; V. 631'2 Guatimozin, king of Mexico, XIV. 7 77.
Greencastle, VIII. 183. Greeley Canal, XVI. 14. —his work Do Jure Belli et Pacls, I. Guava, X1. 659.
Greener (Wm), on guns, XX. 304. 308. Gresset, poetry of, XVIII. 166. 88, 84, 85, 89, 815--period when his Guaviare, river, XVI. 537.
Greenheart, timber. XXI. 303. Greuze, painter. XVI. 723. writings began to be generally studied, Gusrsquxt, XI. 20—trude of, XVIII.
Gasssnssn, X. 755—early Norwegian Gssvn.“ (Fulke). Lord Brooke, Eng 46—his opinion of Raimond de Se 798—river, VII. 90.
settlements in, 11. 635—discovered by lish poet, X. 776. bonde’s principles, 52 — Samuel do Guaycurues of Brazil, XIV. 825.
the Icelanders, XII. 143—heights of (Dr R. IL), his contributions to Cocceii’s commentary on it, 92—hls Guaymas, Mexican port, XIV. 818.
mountains of, XVII. 505—sea-ice of, botany, V. 86, n. 2. history of the Netherlands, 417—on GUAYIA, in La Plata, XI. 20.
519 -—colonies in, XVIII. 215. Grevius. See Grievius. the ethical principles of Carneadcs. Genre, Italian town, XI. 20.
(Miss), her method of encaustic Gasw (Nehemiah), X. 776—on comp» 316—on baptism, IV. 852. Guess, Prussian city, XI. 20.
painting, VIII. 698. ratlve anatomy, II. 700—on vegetable (William), XI. 7. GUII, Hindu town, XI. 21.
Gasssoca, Scotch town, X. 762. anatomy, III. 42, ct sop—on the sexual Grotthus on electrochemical decompo Gunsssn, in Hindustan, XI. 21.
Greensand formation, XV. 208. organs of plants, V. 43. sition, XXI. 678. Gudgeon, fish, XII. 198—angling for,
Greenshank. bird, XVI. 625. Gasr colour, X. 717—dyeing of, VIII. Gso'r'ro, or Gretta, XI. 8. 111. 147.
Gssxsvncu, town in Kent, X. 764-— 337—varieties of, XV. 126-7. has Cam, XI. 8; XVII. 532. ofa wheel, XIV. 406.
Naval Asylum of, XVI. 65. (Lsnr Jana), X. 776; VII. (1:1 Serpi, in Italy, XI. 8. Guebres, X. 261.
k 448; VIII. 752, 754.
72
GUE—GUM
Guelders, X. 877.
Guelph, Canadian town, VI. 57.
Guelphs and Ghibelines, Italian factions.
X. 515; XII. 470.
Guenon, in zoology, XIV. 92.
Gorusnn, French city, XI. 21.
Guercino. painter, IV. 367 ; XVI. 720.
Gunmen: (Otto), XI. 21-on electri
city, V111. 565—his invention of the
air-pump. I. 480; IV. 887; XVIII.
711—his experiments on raising water
by atmospheric pressure, XX. 622.
Gusaustv. island, XI. 21.
Guerrero, XIV. 793.
GuzruuA, Spanish town, XI. 21.
Gucttard on the glands of plants, III. 71.
Guevei, in zoology, XIV. 162.
Gnosn, Hindu town, X1. 22.
Guglielminion the principles of hydrau
lics, X11. 3; XIX. 255.
Guharan, XVI. 517.
Guiacum, action of light on, XVI. 421.
GUIANA, XI. 22-ant-hills in,III. 241
serpents of, XX. I37--weights and
measures of, XXI. 858—timber ot' Bri
tish Guiana, 308.
Guunm'r (J. A. H., Count de), XI. 24.
Goiccuanmt (Francisco), X1. 25.
(Lotus). X1. 26.
Guiccioli (Countess). V. 758.
Gowns in war, XI. 27.
Gem: (Alexa), poet, XI. 27.
Gumo RIB", XI. 27—his style of paint
ing,III. 647; XVI. 720.
(ii Sienna, painter, XVI. 708.
Aretin. See Aretin.
Gumou and Gciooxs, XI. 27.
Guidotti, XXI. 252.
Gumtuao, Italian city, XI. 27.
German, island, XI. 27.
GUIGNBS (Joseph Dc), XI. 27—on hiero
glyphics, 302.
GUILD, X1. 28.
GUILDIOID, town in Surrey, XI. 26.
GUILDIIALL, London. XI. 28; X111. 535
Guildry courts, in Scotland, XIV. 590
VIII. 4 18.
Guillemot, bird, XVI. 630.
Guillié (Dr). on the blind, IV. 699.
Gurnu'u (John), XI. 28.
GUILLorixn, X1. 28;IV. 539; XIV. 518.
Guilochc, in architecture, III. 467.
Guuuiuzss, XI. 29.
Gmxsass, island, XI. 29.
GUINEA, XI. 29—ants in, III. 241—slave
trade of, XX. 383.
(Gulf of), II. 234—current in,
XVII. 517.
, gold coin, XI. 80.
Guinea-fowl, XVI. 608.
Guinea-pepper, VI. 128.
Guinea-pig, XIV. 140.
Guinea-worm, XXI. 991.
Gurruzcos, in Spain, XI. 30.
Guisborough. See Gisborough.
Guischard (Robert), VII. 285.
Guischnrdt on military afi'airs, III. 583, Gusraow. in Austria, XI. 88.
et seq.
Guts: (Henry), of Lorrain, XI. 30.
Guislain on insanity, XIV. 584-5.
Gurus, XI. 30.
Guit-guit, bird, XVI. 589.
Goanas'rdn Hindustan, XI.30;V11.406.
Guauxnzncca, X1. 33.
GULDENSTAEDT (J. A.), XI. 33.
Guldinus on centre of gravity, XIV. 380. Guttenberg. See Gutenberg.
GULI of August, XI. 33.
GULzs, in heraldry, XI. 33; XI. 244.
Gear, or Gulph, XI. 33; X. 407.
Gulf-stream, XVII. 516, 521.
Gumuunsu, Hindu town, XI. 34.
Gull, XVI. 632.
Gullct, II. 814. See (Esophagus.
Gulo, in zoology, XIV. 108.
GUI, XI. 34; XVII. 663-in chemistry,
VI. 477—gum-proper, ib.—~bassorin, Gur‘s Curr, in Warwickshire, XI. 89. Hackles, in angling, III. 136.
478—gum-kutecra, ib. — cherry-tree Guy’s Hospital, XIII. 514; XI. 89.
gum, ib.—vegetable mucus, ib.—calen Goren (Madame), XI. 88 ; 1. 885-6; V.
dulin, ib.—gum-anime, VII. 707—nu
tritive qualities of, V11 I. 20—imports Gnv'rox-Moavxsu (Baron L. 3.), X1. Haco, king of‘Norway, XIX. 708.
of. into the United Kingdom, 783—
specific gravities of various kinds of,
XII. 80.
. INDEX.
GUM—GUY GUZ—HAD HAD—HAL
Gum-resins, VI. 490—t'etid, ib.—drastic,II. 151—bit! aérial voyages. 188, 192— Haddock. X11. 208.
491—aromatic, 491. on capillary attraction, XII. 45. (Sir Richard). XX. 225.
Gusts, in anatomy, XI. 84. Gunman, XI. 93. Haddon Hall, VII. 787.
GUMBINNEN, in Prussia, XI. 84. Guzcrat, XI., in Hindustan, 30—culture Hanna, in Hanover, X1. 105.
Goumronuu, XI. 34. of cotton in, VII. 406. Hanzasnznnn, Danish city, X1. 105.
Gus, XI. 84—diti‘erent kinds of, 67— Guzman (Dominic dc), sent against the Hanna, X1. 105.
casting of cannon, VI. 84—rifle, XX. Albigenses, XII. 284. Hanms, Syrian town, X1. 105.
802—fowling-piecc, 804. See Artil Guzmocua, in Africa, XI. 93. Hams, Arabian town, X1. 105.
lery, Cannon, Gunnery, Shooting. Gwarrinhs, X1. 897. Hannmon.town in Suffolk, XI. 105.
Gun-battery, IV. 485. Gwilt on Salisbury cathedral, III. 422 Hadley (George), on the trade-winds.
Gnu-sumac. XI. 85—msting of can -—on the absurdities of Vitruvius, 425 XIV. 746.
non. VI. 84—tenacity of mixtures of —-on orders of architecture, 437. Hadley's reflecting telescope, I. 632 ;
metals, XX. 757. Gwylim (David ap), VI. 138. 99—his quadrant, I. 682; XV.
Gun-signals, XX. 386. Grimm, XI. 93. 4.
GUN-SMITHEIY, XI. 86. Gye's letter-balance, XXI. 839. Hadramaut, in Arabia, 111. 826.
Gunoaaa, Hindu town, XI. 34. Gross, a Lydian, XI. 93; XIII. 607. Havana, Roman emperor, II. 162—
GUNDIZAHA. river, XI. 34. Gyllenburg (Count), V. 376. Alexandria repaired by, 410—his wall
Gusnoonn, Hindu town, XI. 85. Gymnarchus, fish, XII. 226. in Britain, 168; III. 272; V. 800;
Guxnucx, Hindu town, XI. 34. Grmusuncn, XI. 93. XIX. 695—vilia of, III. 444--mauso
Guanvuiu, in Hindustan, XI. 35—in Gnnuswu, XI. 93. leum of, 447—Athcns improved by.
habitants of, IV. 780. Gvuius'rrcs, XI. 94. IV. 119—his residence in Egypt, VIII.
Gunellus, tish, XII. 192. Gymnetis, insect, IX. 161. 47 6—Jerusalem rebuilt by, XII. 576
German-rut. XI. 85. Gymnetrus, fish, XII. 189. —-reign of. XIX. 407.
Gunhilda, VIII. 706. Gylnnocephalus, bird, XVI. 569. Hmmadoraceae, in botany, V. 138.
Gunman, XI. 87—fish, XII. 193. Gymnodactylus. reptile, XIX. 148. Haematite, a mineral, XV. 162-used
Gunner. naval. XVI. 52. Gymnodera, birds, XVI. 571. for smelting, VI. 88.
Gunasar, XI. 42—gunner‘s level, XIII. Gymnodontes, fishes, XII. 228. Hmmatopota. insects, 1X. 265.
257—resistance of the air to projec Gymnopa, insect, IX. 291. Heematopus, bird, XVI. 617.
tiles, XVIII. 115. See Projectiles. Gymnoplenrus, insect, IX. 158. Hmmatnris in animals, XXI. 628.
Guxrownsa, XI. 7 6—vvhether invented Gymnops, bird, XVI. 574. Hiemocharis, worm, X1. 226.
by Roger Bacon, III. 541, n. 1; VI. Gymnorhynchus, zoophyte, XXI. 996. HEEI‘I'IOPIS, worm, X1. 226.
843—efl‘ects of its invention on the Gymnosoma, insect, IX. 281. Hmuonanaot, X1. 105; XVII. 127—
art of war, III. 596, 632; VI. 614— Gvnnosornisrs, XI. 96; V. 176. surgical treatment of, XX. 882.
blasting with, IV. 675—9xplosive force Gymnospermm, in botany, V. 181. Hszuoaauomsn, X1. 105.
of, ib. ; XI. 48—magazine of. at Pur Gymnotus electrieus, XII. 162, 225 ; Hanoaauows, X1. 105.
tieet, VI. 26-how to inflame it by V111. 572, 612—its electrical organs. Hsemnlon, fish, XII. 176.
electricity, VIII. 626—specific gravity XVII. 718. IIEMUS. mountains, X1. 105.
of, XII. 80—Count Rumford’s expe Gvuscrux, XI. 97—in botany, V. 44. Haen (Monsieur dc), on magic and mi
riments on, XXI. 247. Gnnncocascr, XI. 97. racles, XIV. 9.
Gunpowder-plot, V. 304, 805. Graincocns'rmlzm, X1. 97. Haerlem. See Haarlem.
Gunpowder-tea, XXI. 132. Gynandrous stamens and petals, V. 42 H£RETICO Counualnno, X1. 105.
Guusauao, in Bavaria, XI. 86. GYONGIOS, Hungarian town, XI. 97. HAEILEBEKI, X1. 105.
Gears: (Edmund), mathematician, XI. Gypzetos. bird, XVI. 560. Hana, Asiatic canal, X1. 105.
86—onlogarithms, XIII.419—on navi Gvrsu-zs, XI. 97—the Bazeegurs of In Hafiz, Persian poet, XVII. 258—bit;
gation, XV. 748. dia analogous to, IV. 470-in Greece, monument at Shiraz, XX. 298.
Gunrra's Line, XI. 86—Quadrant, 87 X. 738—at Yetholm, XXI. 960—their Haasazus, X1. 106. ,
-—Scale, ib.; X111. 419. language, X111. 81. Hausa, Prussian town, X1. 106.
GUNTOOI.,111 Hindustan, XI. 87. Gypsum, XV. 139—its use as a manure, Hagerstown, in Maryland, XIV. 278.
Guavuu, or Gunnel, XI. 87. II. 805—mortar of lime and, VI. 289 Hanan, prophet, X1. 106.
GUNZINHAUSEN, in Bavaria, X1. 88. —specific gravity of, XII. 80—casting HAGIOGIAPIIA, X1. 106.
German, African town, XI. 87. with, V1. 230; XV. 311; XVII. 796. HAGUE, X1. 106—political riots there in
Gurions, coast of the, IV. 661. Gyrinus, insect, IX. 135. the year 1784, V. 446.
Gurnards, fish, X11. 173. Gyrogona, in conchology, XV. 84 5. HAGUENAU, French city, X1. 106.
Gurney's lighthouse lamp, XX. 28. Gyron, in heraldry. XI. 251. Hun, X1. 106; XVII. 587—attempts
Gunman, Hindu town, XI. 87. Gyronny, in heraldry, X1. 251. to prevent the formation of, by erect
Gvaanuconnsu, X1. 87. ing thunder-rods, I. 621—electrical
Guauovunan, XI. 87. origin of, VIII. 621.
Gnawsn, in Hindustan, XI. 87. Hailes (Lord). See Dalrymple (Sir D.)
Gos'rsvus 1., king of Sweden, XI. 88. Hummus, in Sussex, X1. 106.
Vasa, of Sweden, XXI. 13, 16. H Hanna, island, X1. 106.
Aoonrnus, XI. SB—his army. Hainnult-scythe, II. 270, 350.
III. 597-his reign, XXI. 16—kiiled H, letter of alphabet, XI. 99; II. 547. Husnuao. Austrian city, X1. 106.
at Lutzen, 19. IIAABLSM, or Haerlem, XI. 99—besieged Han, X1. 107; XVII. 607—structnre
111., king of Sweden, XXI. 26; and taken by the Spaniards, II. 579; of human, 11. 751—best kinds of, for
V. 451. XI. 516—-early printing at, IV. 622; fishing-lines, III. 187 —of animals,
IV., of Sweden, XXI. 28. XVIII. 549. XIV. 85, 139, 164.
Haase on the lymphatics, II. 703. -—-—, or down, of plants, XI. 108;
Gutenberg (John). inventor of printing. Haasxxux, Jewish prophet, X1. 99— III. 69—ot' leaves, III. 95.
IV. 622; XVIII. 542—works printed style of, XVIII. 147. Hair-ball, in animals, XXI. 626.
by, 545. _ Human, Jewish ceremony, X1. 99. Hair-rope water-machine, XII. 99.
Gu'rruasa, Hindu river, XI. 88. Hanna Coarns. XI. 99. Hair-worm, or Hair-eel, X1. 226.
GOTTA, XI. 88. Hanna Coarns Ac'r, XI. lOO—passing Huvcnuox, Hindu town, X1. 108.
Saunas, XI. 88—in the domes of the, V. 348—its suspension in 1794, Hunt/ts, in Asia, X1. 108.
tic animals, XXI. 636. 474 ; and in Ireland, 545. Hurrooa, in Hindustan, X1. 108.
, in architecture, XI. 88; III. 467. Hansnscuwzn'r, Prussian city, X1. 100. Hurt, tish, X1. 109; XII. 218.
Hsazanasnna. X1. 100. Hakewill (Dr Ge0rge), on the decline of
Gutters, in building, VI. 698. HABBBGION, X1. 100. intellectual power in modern times, 1.
Guttit'erze. in botany, V. 101. HABIT, XI. IOI—its influence on the 240.
Guttones, VI. 274. mind, VII. 558; and in the animal HAKLUY‘I' (Richard). XI. 109—his Col
Gutts, in heraldry, X1. 252. economy, 561—Malehranche on for lection ot' Voyages, IV. 628, n. 2.
Gurruaan, XI. 88. mation of habits, I. 77. See Custom. HAL. or Halle, X1. 109.
Gnr'rv, in heraldry, XI. 88. HABsAL, in Russia, X1. 101. Haladroma, bird, XVI. 632.
Gov. XI. 89. Hansauaon, X1. 101; IV. 219. Hstnnasrsnr. Prussian city, X1. 109.
(Tnoaus), XI. 88. Hanna, island, X1. 101. Hausa'r, or Halberd, X1. 109.
de Chauliac, XX. 828. Hacxnr (John), bishop. X1. 101. Hancros, X1. 109—days, ib.
Haldat (Mons.). of Nancy, on magnet
Hscnuzv, in Middlesex. X1. 101. ism. XIII. 697. 707, 714.
COACHES, X1. 101; V11. 6. HALDB (John Baptist du), XI. 109.
25; IX. 505; XVIII. 792. horse. X1. 588. Hsnonnuar, Hindu town, X1. 100.
HAL! (Sir Matthew), XI. 109—on the
89—his attempt to ground the theory HADDINOTON, X1. 101. foundation of the authority of laws,
of electric attraction on capillary ac HADDINGTONSIIIII, XI. 102--agricul V1. 98—on mercy to animals. XI.
tion, 1. 615-on the force of adhesion, ture of, II. 261-ilsheries, IX. 601. 597—on law-reform, XIII. 188, 191.
\

HAL
HALss (Stephen), XI. 110—on the sap
of plants, XXI. 571.
of Baton, Lord Hailcs‘s edition
of his works. VII. 608.
HALESOWEN,111 Salop, X1. 112.
Hassswos'rn, in Sutfolk, X1. 112.
Haley (Mr). on the wear of scapements,
VI. 795.
Half-pay, in the navy, XVI. 62.
Han-war Isusn, X1. 112.
Hsunssr, copper coin, X1. 112.
Halhed (Mr). on Hindu notions con
cerning the universe, XVII. 428.
Hallietus, bird, XVI. 562.
Halicore, in zoology, XIV. 170.
BALI-331011, X1. 112; V111. 557.
HALICABNAOQUS, X1. 112.
Halictus, insect. IX. 232.
Haucz, Austrian town, X1. 118.
HALIRUTICS, X1. 113.
Hsunx, in Yorkshire, XI. 113~wool
len manufacture of, XXI. 927.
. a town in Nova Scotia, X1. 113;
XVI. 285.
(Marquis of). See Savile.
Haliotidm, mollusca, XV. 864.
Haliotis, molluscum, XV. 364.
Halithca, worm, X1. 221.
Halitus, XVII. 599, 688.
HALL, cities so named, X1. 113. 114.
, in architecture, &c., X1. 114.
(Capt. Basil), his barometrical
observations, IV. 894—011 the falls
of Niagara, VI. 59—-on the Rideau
Canal, 64, a. 5—on preserved food,
IX. 7 82.
(C. 51.), his achromatic tole
scope, XVI. 362.
(Sir James), on scratches on the
surface of rocks, VII. 703.
(James), voyages of, XVIII. 218.
(John). account of his patent
ropes, XIX. 467.
(Jossrn), bishop, X1. 114.
—— (Dr Marshall), on the nervous
system, XIV. 582, ct seq.—-on blood
letting as a source of diagnosis, XVII.
496 —his differential thermometer,
XXI. 239.
(Roman), XI. 114—his opinion
of Bentham, XIII. 167.
Hanson. fee or toll, X1. 118.
Hallam (Henry). on the study of the
canon and civil laws, VI. 708-on the
feudal system. IX. 528. ,
Hummus, X1. 118.
Hans, Prussian city, XI. 118—univer
sity of, XVIII. 700.
(John), II. 697.
HALLEIN, Austrian city, X1. 118.
HALtstcun, X1. 118; II. 523.
IIALLBI. (Albert Van). XI. 118—his
anatomical labours, II. 702. 703—on
t'at, 716—on the arteries, 717, et seq"
728—on the veins, 722—on exhala
tion, 727—on the lymphatics, 729—on
the weight of the brain, 807—on the
botany of Switzerland, V. 81 —-his
botanical classification, ib.—on irritae
bility, XII. 457—011 the elementary
material of the human body, XVII.
596—on physiology, 729—0n surgery,
XX. 831.
HALLEY (Dr Edmund). XI. 119—phy
sics greatly indebted to, I. 542—his
voyages, 542, 548, 626; VII. 296
on the winds peculiar to the tropics,
I. 543—his life, works, and charac
ter. 581—on magnetism, 625; X111.
687. 730—on probabilities of life, 111.
198—his edition of Apollonius, 288;
VII. 219—his astronomical labours,
I. 542; 111. 744—-his Comet, IV. 38,
59; I. 667-constellatious added by,
IV. 42—on aurora borealis, 195, 198
—-on the barometerklV. 895—on ba Humor") (Anthony), poet, X1. 127.
rometrical measurements, 897 ; I.
618—his improvement of the diving
bell, VIII. 65—on evaporation, IX.
Huntosn's ISLANDR, X1. 128.
4215, 4‘27; I. 543—011 pmjcctilcs, XI.
48-on magnetism, XIII. 687, 780-— Hsurnsu (John), X1. 128; V. 815.
on trade-winds, XIV. 746; I. 543* HAMPSHIRE, X1. 128—breed of pigs, 11. Harding (Mona). his discovery of the
-—on mortality, XV. 514, 544—011 na 338—flsheries, IX. 603.
INDEX. 73
HAL—HAM HAM—HAR HAR
vigation, 749. 750—Dr Simson‘s high Ham'rnn, in Middlesex, X1. 180. Hsanssss, X1. 145 — perception of,
opinion of. XX. 357—on the origin of Haurros, English village. XI. 180. XIV. 609—in mineralogy, XV. 125.
springs, 549; I. 543. Hamster, XIV. 134—its hybernntion, Haanoms (John). Jesuit, X1. 145.
Hanna, in Hindustan. X1. 120. ' III. 167—its structure, XVII. 705. Hardware-manufacture of Birmingham.
Hallomenus, insect, IX. 166. HANAPII, X1. 130. IV. 649; England, VIII. 775; France,
Hallooing, in hunting, X1. 755. Hume. in Hesse-Cassel, X1. 130, 287 X. 182; Spain, XX. 519; Stafford
Hallowcll, in Maine, XIV. 44. —-battle of. X. 165. shire, XX. 558. Sec Cutlery, Iron
Iially Abbas, Arabian surgeon, XX. 826. Hascrs. in alchitccture. X1. 130. manut‘acture, Japanning, &c.
HALxo'rr, or Halimote, X1. 120. Hancock, in Maryland, XIV. 273. Hardwick Hall, VII. 737.
Hsausrsn. Swedish province, X1. 120. HAND, X1. 130; XIV. 86; XVII. 700 Hardy (Sir Charles). V. 409.
1111.0. X1. 120; VII. 871; XIV. 749; —b0ncs of the, II. 788—muscles, 793 Hardy’s instrument for measuring small
XVI. 509; XVII. 542—colours of ——motions, 795—structurc and uses, intervals of time, VI. 783—instru
halos, V1. 634. XVII. 617. ment for trying the stability of sup
Haloidc, in mineralogy, XV. 189. Iiasns, XI. Nil—imposition of, 130. ports of pendulums, 786—compcnsa
Halorngem, in botany. V. 110. Hasnsz. (George Frederick), X1. 131. tion-balance, 799—inverted pendu
HALs'rsAn, town in Essex, XI. 120. Handkerchiefs. folding of. VI. 21. lum. XVII. 218.
HAL'rssis'raz. X1. 120. Hand-loom weavers, X. 558. Haas (Dr Francis), bishop, X1. 146.
HALYNOTE. X1. 121. Hand-mule jenny, XX. 541. (Dr Robert), his electrical ma
Halyotis, in conchology, XV. 848. Handson (11.). on navigation, XV. 748. chine, VIII. 578, 642—his single-leaf
HALIs, river, X1. 121. IIANDSPIKE, X1. 138. clectromcter, 656—his improved bat
Hsnrwsncross, X1. 121. Hang, in ship-building, XX. 288. tery, or galvanic dcflagrator. XXI.
Hus, X1. 121. Hauorcnso'roc, Chinese city, X1. 188. 667—his calorimeter, 672—his gul
. son of Noah, XI. 121—deseen Hssocurr, in Zetland, X1. 188. vanic experiments. 67 7.
dants of. XVII. 355. Hanging. death from, XIV. 498—pun , XIV. 139—its structure, XVII.
Hausnsx. in Persia, X1. 121; VIII. 395. ishment of, 518. 705—hare-skins, X. 265. 267—harc
IIAxsnarsnss, X1. 121. Hsnowztts, in Ceylon. X1. 188. hunting, X1. 749; XX. 813.
Huun, Syrian town, X1. 121. Haunt, in Stafi'ordshire, X1. 188. Harclip, treatment of, XX. 84 5.
Hamamelidea‘. in botany, V. 114. Hassissn, X1. 133, 476—his army, III. Haredwara, X1. 760.
Hnnxosu, X1. 122. 589—invasion of Sicily, VI. 184—war Harem of Turkish sultan. XXI. 421.
Hussunos. town in Hants. X1. 122. with the Romans, 196; XIX. 386— Hsanvvoon, in Yorkshire, X1. 146.
Hausoso, X1. 122—commerco of, VII. character. VI. 199—Prusias assisted Harfang. bird. XVI. 566.
158—corn-trade. 868--disputes with by, XVII. 229—Saguntum captured Hasrnscn, in France, X1. 147.
Denmark, 722—rate of interest, XII. by. XX. 490—Whitaker on his pas Hargreaves (James), X. 554-—his card
827—coins, XV. 407, 409—mortality, sage over the Alps, XXI. 872. ing-machine and spinning-jenny, VII.
536—I1ank ot'. XVII. 45—weights and HANNO, navigator, XI. l35—Periplus or 399; xx. 537.
measures, XXI. 858. voyage of. II. 219; X. 389; XX. 211 HABIHAIIA, Hindu tovm, XI. 147.
Company. VII. 181. —-translation of his Pcriplus by Cam Hsmosrooa. Hindu town, X1. 147.
HAMBI. (John Baptiste du), XI. 122— pomanes, VI. 52. HABIOT, or IIeriot, in law, X1. 147.
his anatomical researches, II. 701. ——, general, X1. 135; V1.189,etseq. (Thomas). See Harriet.
(H. L. as V. 1.2 M. no). VIII. Hanovss, X1. 135—»army of, III. 610 Harland (Sir Robert), V. 406.
255—on vegetable anatomy, III. 42, —_conquered by the French. V. 385— HARLECII, Welsh town. X1. 147.
ct seq.-—his botanical labours, V. 86— invaded by the French, 517—coins of, Haansux 5188., X1. 147; XIII. 2%.
his artificial magnets, XIII. 755-his XV. 407. 409, 410—hcights of moun Hanna: ISLE, X1. 147. Sec IIaarluu.
experiments on the strength of mate tains, XVII. 505—woights and mea Hasuzqms, XI. 147; VIII. 158.
rials, XX. 764, 772—011 vegetable phy sures. XXI. 853—city, X1. 139. Haauzsros, town of Norfolk. X1. 147.
siology and timber, XXI. 29 8, etsc-q. , (New), island, X1. 140. HARLEY (Robert), earl of Oxford. X.
569, ct seq. Hasss. or Hues. X1. 140. 147—his kindness to Defoe, VII. 669.
(Dr). account of his ascent of Hausa-Towns, XI. 140—their ‘com (Wm.), his dairy. VII. 590.
Mont Blanc. II. 562. merce. VII. l58—their disputes with Hasuzm (East), in Norfolk, X1. 147.
Human, city of Hanover, X1. 128. ' Denmark, 721—1-‘rench trade with, Haasmcss. X1. 148.
Hsxssscxsx. or Hamesuckeu, X1. 123. X. 191. Hsator, X1. 148. See Courtezan.
HA1“, in Asia, X1. 128. Hassoor, Hindu town, X1. 141. HARLOW, town of Essex. X1. 118.
Hamscsa Bsscas, X1. 123; II. 656; Hansteen (Profi), on aurora borcalis, Hasiss'r'rsx. African wind, XL 148 ;
VI. 184. 193. et seq. IV. 201—on magnetism, XIII. 691, V11. 588; XVII. 541.
, son of Gisco, VI. 187. 699, 723. 731. 738. 740, 748,748,751. Hsnxonms. XI. 149; IV. 148.
HAMILTON. a town in Lanarkshire, X1. HANSY, Hindu town, X1. 141. Hssuosu, X1. 149.
123; X111. 50. HAN'I‘CIIAO, island, X1. 141. HABIONIC, X1. 149.
(Annie!!! COUNT), X1. 124. Hss'rcaoao, Chinese city, X1. 141. Hssuoslcs, X1. 149.
(Lord Archibald), his measures Haxvu! (Jonas), X1. 141. Harmonics, acute, II. 122.
for obtaining parliamentary reform, Hssrsso, Chinese city, X1. 141. Harmonitcs. sect of, XII. 266.
V. 553, 556, 558. Haouran, XVI. 746; XXI. 61. Hssuosv. in music, X1. 150; II. 122;
(the Honourable Charles), his Hapacho wood, XVII. 60. XV. 628—thcories of, 605.
water-clock. XII. 109. HAPPINESS, X1. 142; XV. 466—Arls , town of Indiana, XII. 266.
(Gavin), V. 742. totle on, 111. 520—etfects of custom Hasxos'rss, X1. 151.
(620.), earl of Orkney. X1. 124. on, V". 558—is the end of educa Hssuosrsuss. X1. 151.
(Jens). bishop. X1. 124. tion, VIII. 439—whercin it consists Harmotome, specific gravity of, X11. 30.
(D: Rosssr), XI. 124—on the not yet determined, ib.—motives to HAINEss. X1. 151.
National Debt, X. 244, et seq.—0n virtue from, XV. 484—arrangcmcnts Hsso. X1. 151.
capillary attraction, X11. 89—on the of the universe conducive to. XVII. Harold. king of England. VIII. 707-8.
lever, XIV. 861. 561, 588—Socratcs on. XX. 462. See Hardrada. VIII. 709.
(Sir Wm.), his account of Etna, Pleasure. Harfagr, XVI. 258.
11. 200—on optics, XVI. 874,384. Hapsburg. XI. 101-_-dynasty, IV. 219. Haroun-al-Raschid, Bagdad improved
(Wm.). on Egyptian architecture Hares, islets, X1. 144. by. IV. 280—t0mb of, XV. 603—1uc
and antiquities, III. 409; VIII. 581, HAQUE, a hand-gun, XI. I44. dicine encouraged by, XX. 825.
et seq.. 556. HAIAN, in Mesopotamia, XI. 1“. Hans. X1. 152.
(Marquis of). in Charles the Sc Haassocs, X1. 145. Harpn. in conchology. XV. 847.
cond's reign, V. 316. HARRINGZI, king‘s officer. X1. 145. Hssrsmsss. X1. 152.
Hamites. in conchology, XV. 845. Haasntosn's Rsnrs. XI. 145. Hssrsovs. X1. 152; VII. 577.
Huluzr, X1. 127. Haasoaooon (Mauser), X1. 145. Harpalici, insects. IX. 122.
Hammels. II. 272. Haasonns. XI. 145*drcdging of, VIII. HAIPALUS, Greek astronomer, X1. 152.
liaxusa, X1. 127. l93—Bngiish. 768. Sec Docks. Baltic. . insect, IX. 122.
liainmert'cst. in Lapland, XIII. 112. Black Sea. &c. Harpc (J. 1’. de In). his eulogy of Con
HAMMEBING, X1. 127. Harhs. Arabian tribe, III. 330. dillac. I. 116—4115 definition of rrflcc
HAMMIIIISMI'I‘II, X1. 127. Humuao, in Hanover, X1. 145. tion, ib.
Hauuocx, X1. 127. Harciay (Sir Andrew), VI. 618. HAII'IES, X1. 152.
lisacovrrdn France, X1. 145. Hasrmcs ot’a ship, X1. 153.
(Dr Hntnr ), XI.127. Harder, glansl of, 111. 24. HARPOFIIATES, X1. 153; VIII. 558.
(James). poet. X1. 127. Haansawvs, X1.145. HABPOCIATION, grammarian. X1. 153.
-—- (Mr), on codification, XIII. 192. HaannsmJown in Maine, XI. 145. HARPONULLY. in India. X1. 158.
Haniicanutc, reign 01', VIII. 707. Iisaroos. in whale-fishing. X1. 158.
Hardie('1'homn.<). V. 474, 475. 11.\nrsicnoan. X1. 153.
Haars'rs'o, in Hanover, X1. 153.
planet Juno, IV. 80. Harpy, bird. XVI. 568. See Harpies.
74 INDEX.
HAR HAR—HAW H A W—HEA HEA
Harryis. birds, XVI. 568. Harvey Islands, XVIII. 823. Hawes (Dr). on apparent death, and marshy countries subject to fever,
Hasqunsuss, X1. 158. Haavnr's ISLE, XI. 158. mode of treatment, XII. 880. ib. See Disease, Exercise, Ventila
Haastsa, X1. 158. 705, 750. Hsavncn, in Essex, XI. 158. Hawfinch, XVI. 581. tion, 820.
. bird, XVI. 564. Harwood (Dr). on editions of the ancient Huron, or Howgh, X1. 172. HEARING, XI. 179; XVII. 579, 665;
Harrild's printing-press, XVIII. 570. classics, IV. 627. Hsvncs, Scotch town, XI. 172. XI V. 610—in brutes, III. 165; XVII.
Haasnso'rou. in Cumberland, X1. 158. Haazonaons, German city, XI. 158. Hawk, XVI. 568; II. 87. 708, et seq.; fishes, II. 111, 112;
(Sir Joan). poet, X1. 158. Hase, of Wirtemberg, on the speaking Hawks (Admiral), V. 888, 886. bees, IV. 528; insects, IX. 79—organs
(Janus), XI. 153—merits of his trumpet, XXI. 891. Hawhe’s patent organ, XVI. 588. of, in man, 11. 800; in brutes, III. 25
Oceana. I. 47. HASELIIIB, in Surrey, X1. 158. Hawker (Colonel), on Wildfowl shooting. -in relation to music, XV. 607. See
, in St John's, XII. 591. Haskins’ Quicksilver-pump, X VIII. 718. XX. 308. ‘ Ear, Deaf and Dumb.
I-IAIMO'flThomas), X1. 154; XIV. 816 HASLAII, Hindu town, XI. 158. Hawxxns, XI. 178. Hearing-trumpet, XXI. 898.
-—his improvements in algebra, I. 44 8; Haslnr Hospital, XI. 129. Hnwkes (John), on hunting, XI. 742. Hearman and Dearn's fllter, IX. 580.
II. 428-observed the spots on the Haslebeest, African animal, II. 228. Hswussnvnr, river in New Holland, Hearne’s Journey to Coppermine River.
sun scarcely a month later than Gali Hssuuonlu, in Lancashire, X1. 158. X1. 178; XXI. 715. XI. 717—on the beaver, XIV. 187.
leo, I. 448—telescopes employed by, Hssrsnasa, in France, XI. 158. Hswxnswoa'rn (John), XI. 178—aided Hsaass, XI. 179.
XVI. 356. Hsssan Aga, II. 505. by Dr Joseph Warton in publishing Heart, anatomy of, II. 818; XVII. 687
HARRIS (James), XI. 154—on grammar, KEELA, in Armenia, XI. 158. The Adventurer, XXI. 778. —functlons, 687—course of the blood
X. 648, et seq.,- 686, note 4—-on me Pasha, VIII. 487. HAWKINO, XI. 178. in, II. 820—comparative anatomy of,
mory, XIV. 618—ou matter, 64 8-on Hassumms'r (Frederick), Swedish trw Hswnns (Sir John). XI. 175. III. 89; XVII. 702, ct soq.—diseases
money. XVIII. 268. veller, XI. 158. (John Isaac), his filter, IX. 581 of, 485 ; in the domestic animals,
(Snow), on electricity, VIII. 575, Hassnt'r, in the Netherlands. X1. 158. —his hydraulic weighing-machine, XXI. 6 82—brain and spinal cord the
587—his instrument for measuring Hassenfratz (Monsieur), on the speaking XXI. 889. sources of its muscular power, XVII.
the evolution of heat by electricity, trumpet. II. 119. Hawk-moth, IX. 224. 680—0! serpents, XX. 180. See
626—his ship-conductors, 647—his Hassza, Hindu town, XI. 158. Hawk's-beak, in architecture, III. 442. Blood.
electmscope, 657—his electrometer, Hss'rA, XI. 1589. Hawksbury (Lord), on the peace of Heart-wood, V. 88.
658—his measuring-electrometer, 659 Hss'rns, Hindu town, XI. 159. Amiens. V. 510. Hearths, building of, V. 67 6.
-his electrical balance, 660—his elec Hastenback, battle of, V. 885. Hswxsnnsn, XI. 175. Hear, XI. ISO—nature of,ib.—d!l'usion
trical machine, 641—on magnetism, HAUTINGS, town in Sussex. X1. 164— Hawksmoor’s architecture, III. 429. of, lSl—efl‘ects of, 187 ; I. 689—quan
XIII. 697, 715. battle of, VIII. 710. I-Iavvley (General), defeated by Prince tity of, in bodies, XI. 192—rariations
(General), V. 488. (Wsasss), XI. 159, 421, 425, Charles at Faikirk, V. 882. of temperature, 195—doctrinc of, now
(Captain), his rifle-shooting in ct sap-charges against, V. 480—triai Haworth (Mr), on the insensibilityot' in~ advanced to rank of a science, I. 639
South Africa, XX. 802. of, 440. 444, 455, 460, 477, 715—im sects to pain, III. 164. -views of Bacon, Aristotle, and the
,in the Hebrides, XI. 155; XIII. peached, 444, 450—considerations on Hawss, XI. l75—hawse-holes, ib. alchemistson, 640—thermometers, ib.,
268 —mode of fixing the blowing his conduct in India, 445—bit; acquit Haven, X1. 175. eti‘seq.—Boerhaave's views as to its
sands in, II. 815. tal. 477. Hawthorn, XVII. 785, 788. distribution, 642 — speculations of
Harrisburgh, XVII. 224. Hars. XI. l64—use of oak-bark in dye Hawthoruden, VIII. 211. Wolfius, ib.—Dr Martino the first Ju
Hsaaisox (John). XI: l55—his clock, ing, VIII. 828—straw-hats, X1. 166. Hay, XI. 604—hay-making. II. 291, 809 dicious writer on, ib.—discovery of
VI. 771—his contrivance for keeping Har-usxnvo, XI. 165—in England, —American hay-rake, 850. congelation of quicksilver, 648—:iis
clocks and watches going while wound, VIII. 778-in France, X. 188. , Welsh town. XI. 176. covery of latent heat, 644—Lcslie's
784—his compensation-balance. 798— listen. in a ship. XI. 167. (William ), on personal defor observations on increase and diminu
his scapement. VI. 776—his chrono HATCHEL, XI. 167. mity, vn. 073, 675. tion of temperature by chemical union
meters, XIII. 558—his gridiron-pen Harcnts, XI. 167. Haycraft on heat, X1. 198. of bodies, ib.—experiments oi' Wilt-ire
dulum, XVII. 214. Barons-r, XI. 167. Harm: (F. J.), XI. 176—his habits in and Lavoisier, 645—-introduction of
(WILLIAM), XI. 155. IiA-rcuiuo of eggs, XI. I67; XVII. 712 composition, VII. 198—1118 imitative the term specific heat, ib.—determi
, in Indiana, XII. 266. -by artificial means, XIX. 81. music, XV. 641. nation 01’ the absolute zero, ib.—rieus
Haaaow, in Middlesex, X1. 156. Ha'rcnusn'rs, in heraldry, XI. 167, 260. Haves (Charles), XI. 177. of Dr Crawford, ib.—experiments and
,in agriculture, 11. 267. 850. HATFIELD, X1. 168. Haygarth (Dr). on Perkins's tractor, views of Scheele, 646—inventiou of
Iianaovms'rs, in Yorkshire, X1. 156. I'IATPIILD-BIOAD-OAX, X1. 168. XIV. 4—on mortality, XV. 516. pyromster, 647-good one still a desi
Hassovr'rt, in Hindustan, X1. 156. Hs'rusansmu, in Devon, XI. 168. Hsymarket Theatre, London, XIII. 584; deratnm, ib.— metallic and register
Haassrzsn, in Hanover, X1. 156. Harass, Hindu town, XI. 168. XXI. 198-4. 550. thermometers, ib.—differential thcr~
Haar, male deer, X1. 156. See Deer. Hatred, XV. 466. Hsrusv, in Prussia, XI. 177. mometer, 648—applicntions oi' the hy
Hsa'r’s Hosns. X1. 156. HATTEIIISTB, Dutch heretics. XI. 168. Hayradin, king of Algiers, II. 504. gromcter, 650—elasticity of heat, 651
Hart's galvanic battery, XXI. 666. HAT'I'IA Isns, XI. 168. Hayter (Mr), his examination of ancient --radiation of, 052—the pyroseopc,
Hasrnnao, in Austria, XI. 156. Hs'r'rocx, XI. 168. manuscripts, X1. 265. 658 -— the refrigerator, ib. -changc
Has": (Walter), historian, X1. 156. Hauksbee (Francis), the best experi HAITI, VIII. 102—repubiic of, 106 ; II. produced in the mechanical arts by
Hartford. Deaf and Dumb Institution menter of his time, I. 617—on the in BIS—French trade with, X. 19l—the the application of heat, 654—Pnpin's
at, VII. 264. minous barometer, IV. 891—his ba Spaniards in, XVI. 681—weights and digester, ib.—gradual improvement
HABTLAND, in Devon, XI. 156. rometrical experiment, 895—on elec measures of, XXI. 858. See Domin of the steam-engine, ib.—efi'ect of
H‘s-ruse", in Worcester, XI. 156. tricity, VIII. 566—on gunpowder, XI. go (St). heat on the barometer, IV. 892, 898
Has-rtsroOL. XI. 156—port 01‘. VIII. 85—-on capillary attraction, XII. 48 Harvuan, X1. 177. -—Dr Black’s discoveries respecting,
“289—chaiybeatc spring at, 290—ro -—on magnetism, XIII. 688—on de Hanan. king of Israel, XI. 177. 656; I. 644—reflection of, 652; V.
mantic rocks near, ib.—ship-canal at, scent of the barometer, XIV. 7 22—his I-Iszsso. game of. XI. 177. 7 25—solar. 726 ; at different latitudes,
XVI. 14. air-pump, XVIII. 81. Hszsasoucx. in France, X1. 178. VI. WIS—freezing point of mercury,
Hammer. in Northumberland, XI. 157. HAUL, XI. 168. Hazel-trees, XVII. 790—culture of, XI. 262—iniiuence of heat on action of
(DAVID), XI. 157—on the ori Hams, XI. 168. 650—speciflc gravity of, XII. 80. chemical affinity, 357-capacity of air
gin of our knowledge, I. 115 —his Hansen, XI. 168. Hazel-colour. dyeing 01', VIII. 887, 88+. for, at difl'ercnt degrees of rarity, 750
Theory of Human Nature, 170-1, 862 Hsuaatlcs Isms, XI. 168. HazeLfly. its use in angling, III. 189. --is only light in a latent form, 756
70—on association of ideas, I. 170, Hausux'r, in heraldry, XI. I68. HAZLITT (William), X1. 178. -its propagation through solids, Ii
864; VIII. 486-his merits as a phi Hansancx, in Austria, XI. 168. Hazorta. Abyssinian tribe, II. 62. quids, and gases, 759; performed by
losopher, I. 865; VIII. 487—on the I-Iaussman on dyeing blue, V111. 828. Has», XI. 179—nations fabled to want tremulous pulse, ib.—cold the dimi
sense of taste, 448—on the origin of Hsn'rsor, musical instrument, X1. 168. it, 11. iii—regions of the, 757—its nution ot', VII. 57—Wollaston’s cry
sexual desire, XII. 801—on percep. Hanna-Faun.“ (John), XI. 168—his size in male and female infants, 757-8 ophorns, 504—property of some bo
tion, XIV. 605—on memory, 618, 617 lcver-scapement, VI. 795. —-bones of, II. 770—muscles, 798— dies ot‘ becoming electrical by heat,
—-his vibratory theory of sensations, HsU'rronL, in France, XI. 169. some animals continue to live after VIII. 571, 595—its influence on the
XVII. 678. Han! (René Just), XI. 169—on crys~ losing it, III. 168. electric fluid in metals, 599-»eroiu
Hartlib on agriculture. II. 257. taliization, VII. 506, 511—011 pyro (Capt.),- on the dimensions of tion of, by electricity, 626.: XXI. 677
Hartmann (Prom, his edition of Ed electricity, VI-II. 571. 578, 595. ct the Great Pyramid, VIII. 548, -its effect on fluidity, XII. 5; and
risi‘s Geography, VIII. 438. scq.-on the electricity of minerals, (Sir Francis), on the condor of on the motion of fluids, 7 5—its rela
Hartog (Dirk), his voyage, IV. 205. 579—his electroscopes, 595~on elec America, XVI. 558. tions to air, ll4—lstent heat. ofaque
Hart: Mountains, XI. 187. tricity produced by pressure, 600—011 Heads of colleges at Oxford. XXI. 496. ous vapour, 129—Leslie on XIII.
HAIUIPICBS, X1. 157; III. 661. capillary attraction, XII. 41. Hesn-sonow, XI. 179. 245—refraction of, 882—its relation
Haruspicy, VIII. 58. Hauyne, specific gravity of, XII. 81. HBAD~PBNCE, X1. 179. to light, 884—its influence on mag
Harvard University, XIV. 808—library Hsvsunsu, in Cuba, XI. 171. Hun-cans, X1. 179. netism, 690, 698, 716 --counexion
of, 18, 317. Havss'r, in Hampshire. XI. 171. Hrau'sno, X1. 179. between the heat and magnetism of
Hsavss'r, XI. 157. Have (La), in Nova Scotia, XVI. 286. Hastino, XI. 179. the earth. 695wits efi'ect on bodily
Harvest-bug, III. 869. HAVBLIIIG, Prussian town. X1. 171. HEALTH, X1. 179. l44—eflect o£ bodily strength, XIV. 429—death from. 499
Harvest-fish, XII. 188. Hsvsscslr (Sigibert). X1. 171. deformity on, VII. 674—its influence its efl’ect on the health of bakers, 802.,
Hssvssr-Hous, feast of, XI. 157. Havsarosowns-r, X1. 172; XVII. 183. on dreams, VIII. 186; on the mind, 510—sensation of, 608: XVII. 662
Harvest-moon, III. 787. HAVIIIIILL, in Suii'oik, XI. 172. 441—ridiug and hunting beneficial heat of the lunar and stellar rays.
Hssvsr (Dr William), XI. I57—his dis HAVII, in geography, X1. 172. to. XI. 608, 7-i0—circumstances ai’t'ect XIV. 717—utiiity of the thermome
covery of'the circulation of the blood, HAVBE-DI—GBACI, French city, XI. 172. ing, XIV. 508—a source of happiness. ter in improving the philosophy of,
II. 698; XVII. 641, 727—importance Haw, XI. 172. XV. 467—01' seamen. XVI. 158—921 7 24—temperature of the earth's sur~
of that discovery, XX. 829. Huusnss, in Fiintshire. XI. 172. lubrity of the atmosphere. 1V. 188 face and interior, XV. 175—hi-aling
 INDEX. 75
HEA—HEI HEI— HEL HEL—HEN HEN—HER
power of the solar spectrum, XVI. Hsxnstsnao, X1. 206 -p1undered by Helomyza, insect, IX. 289. Henniker (Sir F.). his account of Ms
419—production of double refraction Count Tilly, II. 569. Helophilus, insect, IX. 275. ~‘ ' ' ‘ hemmcd Ali, VIII. 506, m,- and 0f Je
by, 499—means of counteracting its Hsxnsansm, XI. 206. Helophorus, insect, IX. 150. ' 8" rusalem. XII. 645. .i-A" “it‘d-H
effect on pendulums. XVII. 218— Heights, mensuration of, XIV. 568 ; in Helopii, insects, IX. 166. Hennin on numlsmatics. XII. 298.
latent, 449; XX. 572, GUI—thermal the trigonometricalsurrey, XXI. 869. Helops. insect, IX. 166. " Henochius, fish. X11. 178. “Km
springs, XVII. 528; XX. 550-hcat See Barometrical Measurements. Heloptilus. insect, 1X. 197. ’ =2 Henops, insect. IX. 270. 97.9
of. animals, XVII. 647 -— of elastic Hninsnou, in Wurtemberg, XI. 206. HnLos, town in Laconia, XL 228. Hanorlcux. edict of Zeno, XL 282. _
fluids, XX. 485—elastic force of steam Hmuosusrsn'r, XI. 207. Helostoma, fish, XII. 190. Hxsaicaus, sect, X1. 282.1 - W511“
at different temperatures, 577—ca H nlnsnao. Prussian city, X1. 207. Helotes, fish, XII. 169. ' =-' Henrietta (Queen), V. 809, 812. ‘3
pacity for, GOO—specific, ib.—Count Heine, German poet, XVIII. 168. Ham-rs, ancient Spartan slaves, X1. Henriot. x. 90. --~=
Rumford's experiments on, XXI. 247 Hnxasccws (John Gottlieb). X1. 207. 223; xx. 526. Henry Lof England, reign 01', VIII. 714
--of plants at the period of fecunda Heinecker (Dr). on the dew-points at Hansumsosc, Swedish city. X1. 228. —his character, 715. .nnn .'~,-,.'. '
tion, 588—its influence in voltaic Funchal, IV. 188. I-Isnsxaoroas, in Russia, X1. 228. 11., his treatment by Becket.
combinations, 695. See Boiling, Heinroth on insanity, XIV. 585, 586. Hnns'rouz, town in Cornwall, X1. 228. IV. 509—his residence in Dublin.
Burning-Glasses, Climate, Cold. Con Heinse, his novels, XIX. 858. Hclvetia, XXI. 42. VIII. 286—his reign, 716—1118 inva
gclaticn, Dew, Evaporation, Latent Hausws (Antony), XI. 207. HBLVE‘I‘IC, X1. 228. sion of Ireland, XII. 855. .s: We? ..
Heat, Pyrometer, Radiation, Reflec (Danna), X1. 208. Ham's-r". X1. 228; XXI. 42. 111., league of the barons against,
tion, Steam, Temperature, Thermome (Nlcnonas), X1. 209. ’
Hntvn'rws (Claude Adrian), XI. 2228-— VII. 489~rcign of. VIII. 728—cha
\ter, Thermo-Electricity, Warming. Hus. XI. 210—apparent and presump. his extension to metaphysical sub meter of, 725—his conduct towards
Hssru (James), historian, X1. 198. tive, ib.; III. 298. jects of Leibnitz's law of continuity, the Irish, XII. 856—thc Forest Char
breed of sheep, II. 329. Hmasmr Movnnnrs, XI. 210. I. 185—on the origin of our ideas, 186 ter confirmed by, XX. 801—his en
Heaths, culture of, X1. 686. Hals'raa (Laurence), XI. 210—on sur —on the inferiority of the souls of couragement of Oxford University,
Heath’s polytypes, XVIII. 568. gery, XX. 829. brutes, ISO—on modifications of ge XXI. 498—his public instruments
Heathcoatc’s lace-frame, VII. 410. Hairrasumu, XI. 210. nius, 185—on memory, IV. 699—his relative to Cambridge University.
Heather, favourable for the rearing 01' Helzeus, insect, IX. 165. literary obligations to Diderot, VIII. 500. "+1 _-1 a. __
bees, IV. 535. Hanan, Hindu village, XI. 210. l5—on the power of education, 489-— IV., reign 01', VIII. "I ' "
Heathticld Lord.) See Elliot. Helcou, insect. IX. 222. character of his work De I'Esprit, ib. ling under, 258—navy of, XX. 216.
Hlavnu, XI. 198—phenomena of the Holder, expedition to the. XXI. 785. Hntvmuas, heretics. X1. 229. ‘ V., reign of, VIII. 782—his in
heavens, III. 754. See Astronomy. Hanna (St), island, X1. 210—Halley‘s Ilelvine. in mineralogy, XV. 159. union of France, X. 22—bis navy,
Hebbie and Calder navigation. XVI. 9. voyage to, I. 542. Heaven-stun, Dutch town, X1. 229. XVI. 89; XX. 216.
Hasnoxsnsar, X1. 198. . in mythology. X1. 210. Hematin. VI. 484; VIII. 811. VI., reign of, VIII. 788—act
Hasnoxasws, VIII. 892. , empress, XVI. 754. Hematite, a mineral, XV. 162; VI. 88. permitting the exportation of corn,
Hssnoxz. Greek solemnity. X1. 198. Helenin, VI. 476. Roman-optic Organs, II. SIS—in the VII. 888.
Hans, goddess, XI. 198. HELENL'S, son of Prism. XI. 211. ' lower animals, III. 89. VII., the laws of, eulogiscd by
Hanna, a Jew, X1. 198. Hstnrous, war-machine, XI. 211. I-Iembise (John dc), XVI. 108. Bacon, 1. 87Qarchery in his reign,
(Brennan). bishop of Calcutta, Hsuanss, sisters of Phaethon, X1. 211. HBNBL-HBIPSTBD, in Herts, X1. 229. III. 899—his tomb, 428—reign, VIII.
XI. 198—on the Hindus, 894, et seq.— Hausa. X1. 211. Hsusaoaar'ns'rs, sect, X1. 229. 789—character, 742—navy, XVI. 40
his account of Kemaon, XII. 688-9 Helianthoida, zoophytes, XXI. 1022. I-Iemerobiui, insects, IX. 218. —shipping of England in his reign,
of Oude, XVI. 6784. Hciiases. fish, XII. 176. Hemerobius. insect, IX. 218. XX. 219—0xford University, XXI.
Hzsnanna (William). physician, X1. 199 Hznus'rm, Athenian judges, X1. 211. Hemerocallidem, in botany, V. 185. 494. " ' ’"
-ou mortality. XV. 515, 521. Helicina, in conchology, XV. 848. Hrunaonaosn, X1. 229. VIII., XI. 288—his marriage to
Hebertists, X. 85. Hence!» Puunona, X1. 212. Hemerodromia, insects, IX. 27 0. Anne Boleyn. III. 195 ; IV. 789 ;
Hssassv. X1. 199—origin of the word, HELICON, Greek mountain, XI. 218: Hansso'rsorms, X1. 229. V11.-446—archery in his reign, III.
XVII. 861—accents, 11. 84—aipha . astronomer, III. 729. Ham, verbal prefix, XI. 229. 899, 401—the coin debased by. 709;
bet, 548; XVII. 864—vowels and Heliconins, insect, IX. 241. Hsxxnonon, ancient weight, XI. 229. V11. 84—distress thus occasioned,
M-isoretic points, ib.—Bibles, IV. 618 Hsuuonann. islands. XI. 218. 5 Hemicardia, in conchology, XV. 841. 884, n. l—his treatment of Becket‘s
~characters, X1. 199. 200—poetry, Hsuocna'ratc, XI. 218. I'IEIIICYCLB, X1. 229. shrine and remains, IV. 509 -— his
XVIII. 146. Sec Jews. Hauocoxs'rss, X1. 218. Hssucrctwu, X1. 229. divorce from Queen Catherine, VII.
-— nsaeuscs, X1. 200; XIII. 88; Hnuonolws of Phmnicia, XI. 218. Iicmidactyli, reptiles, XIX. 147. 444-6—subsequent marriages, 446—
XIX. 781, 786—0riginally identical . Greek antiquary, XII. 291. Hemigiypb, in architecture, 111. 467. -—religlous persecutions. ib.—his title
with the Chaldaic, XVII. 860, 878 , Roman surgeon, XX. 824. Hemilepiclotus, nah, XII. 174. of Defender of the Faith, 667—his~
its nature and genius, 860—prior to Heliogabelus, reign of. XIX. 410. Hexuu, Roman measure. X1. 280. tory of his reign, VIII. 742 — his
the Chaldaic. ib.—its excellence, 866. Humour-ran, X1.218; Bouguer's, V. 145. Hemipalma, bird, XVI. 624. character, 751—his Irish policy, XII.
Hanawns, XI. 201—confounded with Humorous, in Egypt, XI. 214; XVI. Hemiptera, insects, IX. 59, 194. 862—his navy, XVI. 40—his share in
Hyperborcans, II. lO—cattle of, 828 889—in Syria; see Balbek. Hemiramphus. fish, XII. 201. the Reformation, XIX. 91, 95—bit;
—-sheep, 830—pigs, 888—Iisheries. IX. Hsuoscors, in optics, XI. 214. Hemirhipus. insect, IX. 140. wars with Scotland. 719, et seq.
602—geology. XIX. 749. Hamos'rars, in optics, X1. 214. Huntsman, X1. 280. shipping in his reign. XX. 220—01:
— (NIW), islands. X1. 204. Hauorsorn. XI. 214; XV. 157; IV. Hnms‘ncn, in poetry, X1. 280. t'ord University, XXI. 494.
Hanson. X1. 204; XVI. 741. 711—speciiic gravity of. XII. 81. Hnm'rosn, in music, XI. 280. 1. of France. X. 12.
Hssnus, Thracian river, X1. 204. Heliotropieaa. in botany, V. 122. Hemitripterus, fish, XII. 174. 11. of France. X. 81—kiiled at
Hscarnus, XI. 204. Hsux, in geometry, XI. 214. Hemlock, poisonous, XVIII. 177. a tournament, V111. 252.
Hues-rs, goddess, X1. 204. , molluscum, XV. 348, 858, 878. Hemman (Mr), his anchor, 111. 105. III. of France. X. 88.
Hscarnsu, Greek festival, X1. 204. , in Corinthian architecture, XI. Hemmer (J. J.). on the electricity of IV. of France, X1. 282—his
Hrcsroxn, sacrifice, X1. 205. 214 ;III. 467. the human body, VIII. 809. beard. IV. 472-Carew's account of
Iincsrounmoa, mouth, X1. 205. Hana, XI. 214—views of the Mabom Hair, XI. 280; XVI. 49—culture of, him and his Court, VI. 140—rcign
Hscs'roxrous, X1. 205. medans respecting, XIV. 86. 11. 294; in Chili. V. 582—Manilln of. X. 88—troubled by some prophe
Emerson, German city, XI. 205. (Father), his dispute with Mes and Indian, X1. 280. See Flax, Rope. cies. XX. 812.
Hecla (Mount), XII. 146. mer, XIV. 7. Hcmpel’s filter, IX. 588. IV. of Castille, XX. 497.
Hue-ton, Trojan warrior, XI. 205—cha Hattaslcml, historian, XI. 214. Hempi-ich’s travels in Abyssilia, II. 58. -—--— V. of Germany, XII. 469.
, racter ot', XVIII. 149. HELLAB, X1. 215; X. 751. Hnus, Syrian city, XI. 230. , Prince of Wales, son of James
Hscnns, wife of Prism, XI. 205. Hunt. in fabulous history, XI. 215. Hnusxsacx (Egbert), X1. 280. the First, XI. 285; V. 807.
Hedeliu on Homer, X1. 542. Hellebore, poisonous, XIV. 506. Has arm Cnicxras, islands, X1. 280. of Huntingdon, X1. 284.
Hedge trees and shrubs, XVII. 785. Hellenes, XVII. 177. Hanson (Charles John Francis), a the Minstrel, X1. 284.
Hedges in farms, II. 274. HELLEIIII, X1. 215. French author. X1. 230. (PHILIP), X1. 285.
Hedgehog, XI V. 102 —cantharides eaten Humans-rs, X1. 215. Hannzcaeon, in geometry, XI. 281. (Mar'rnsw), X1. 285.
by, III. 166—hybernation of, 167— Hattsaomcsz, X1. 215. Henderson (Ebenezer), on Iceland, XII. (Dr Rosn'r), XI. 285—his cha
stores up food, 168. Hannasroar, X1. 215; VII. 628. 144, 147. racter as a historian. XIII. 21—on
Hrmneuus Cssrtr, X1. 205. Heliot on dyeing, V111. 297—his pro Harmon. in Middlesex, XI. 281. ordeal, XVI. bill—Gilbert Stuart's
Hedjaz, III. 824, at seq. . cess for dyeing black, 829. Hessn-Psssr, XI. 281. abuse of, XX. 781.
Hsooa. in Yorkshire, XI. 205. Hattsrsn'r, Prussian town, X1. 215. Hesnr Isms, XI. 281. (Dr), on oil-gas, X. 859. 862—
Iisnww (John). XI. 205—on the villi Heilwigia, insect, IX. 226. Hengist, V. 802. his electro-msgnet, XIII. 762 —his
of the ileum, II. 816—on vegetable HELI. X1. 215. See Rudder. Hzacrcnnou, Chinese city, X1. 281. eudiometer, XVII. 582—his galvanic
anatomy, III. 42, st sap—his botani HELMET, XI. 215—111 heraldry, 257. Hnzuocnss, constellation, X1. 281. battery, XXI. 672—his galvanic expe
cal labours. V. 80. Hsuunrnonoor, XI. 216—obscurity Haunt-m-Xsnnn, X1. 281. riments, 678 - his elcctro-magnctic
Hedychrum, insect, IX. 227. of origin of intestinal wouns, III. Hasnsr-os-Tnsuns, X1. 281. reciprocating apparatus, 687.
Heelbone, II. 791, 792. 162; XXI. 992, 994, et seq. See HENLEY (John), X1. 232. (Tho.), XIV. 227—hls experi
Heeren (ProL), XI. 498—on the course Worms. Henlcy‘s electrical discharging-instru ments in bleaching. ib.; IV. 680. 631.
of civilization in Egypt, III. 4 il—on Hstnosn, in the Netherlands. XI. 227. ment, V111. 649—his quadrant-elec Haasrsos (Robert), poet. X1. 287.
the Pclasgi, 413—011 the Ethiopians, Humour (John Baptist Van), X1. 227. trometer, 657. Henielius on Coptic, X1. 814.
IX. 379, ct seq. Hstusnsr, in Yorkshire, X1. 228. Hnnassoa, I-‘reuch city, X1. 282. Henwood (Mr). on pitching in ships”
Hcgcter, insect; 1X. 168. Iisansrsn'r, German city, X1. 228. Hannnosv, in the Netherlands, XI. 282. XX. 244, note.
Haunts, X1. 206; VI. 661. Hsutoan, river, X1. 228; II. 212. Hennell on etheritication, VI. 489. Hersrzc, X1. 289.
Hsxcsrn, VIII. 561. Human, X1. 228 ; II. 24. Hrssrasnosr, Saxon city, X1. 282. duct, 11. 817. See Liver.
m INDEX.
HEP-HER HER HER—HEW HEX—HIL
Hepaticre, in botany. V. 38. 138—repro Humans-nor. in Hungary, X1. 276. magnetism. XIII. 694. 713—on me Hexa-carbo-hydrogen. VI. 372.
ductive organs of. 56. Hermanus. X. 476. chanical power from coal. XIV. 438 Hexacnonn. in music. XI. 289.
Htn'roscoru. XI. 239. HERXAPBBODITE animals, XI. 276;]11. —-his doublet microscopes. XV. 34. Hsxsoos. X1. 289.
Hepburn (John), XXI. 509. 157; XIV. 494—tiowcrs, X1. 276. 35—his optical discoveries. XVI. 37 2, Hnxsnsnnon. in geometry. X1. 289—
Hermann. Athenian festival, XI. 239. Human. XI. 276. 488—on optics. 396. 897. 410. 421. in mineralogy, XV. 121.
Hnraszs'rio. XI. 239. 240. Hermcins. III. 530. 436, 446, 450. 485, 493. 494—on po Hrxsnnzs. in poetry. X1. 289.
Harnrnsxmsnis. X1. 240. Hermes. X1. 276. larisation of light, XVIII. 243. HIXAPLA, X1. 289.
Hepialtes.insect. IX. 245. (Egyptian). Hermes Trismcgis Hsnscum. (Sir William). X1. 281 —- his Hnss'rrn. X1. 290; III. 467.
Hepialus. insect, IX. 245. tus. or Thoth. VIII. 552; XVII. 377, astronomical discoveries. I. 672; III. Hexntoma. insect, IX. 266.
Her-racnonn. in poetry. X1. 240. 429, 430; XVIII. 335—the reputed 747 ;IV. 34—011 the solar spots and at Hsxnus. XI. 290—bridge of. V. 270-—
Hsr'raeos. in geometry. X1. 240. inventor of chemistry, VI. 34I—in mosphere, III. 7 8 3— on the planet Mars, battle 04', VIII. 736.
Hsr'rsoonu. numbers. X1. 240. scription of. ib. IV. 28—on Saturn and his ring. 33, 34 Hexodon, insect, IX. 157.
Hlrrsnounsn, in geometry, X1. 240. Heaxnsuusx, poet. XI. 276. —on the fixed stars, 43. 44. 46—on ne Hnrnos (John), X1. 290.
Harrsncnr. XI. 24 0—Saxon, VIII. 701. HEBMETICAL An. XI. 276—Philoso bulzc. 47—011 heat. XI. 183—on the Harms (Dr Peter). X1. 290.
Heptatremus, fish. XII. 237. phy—Medicine—Seal. 277. prismatic spectrum, XIII. 332; I. Heyiing (Peter). his visit to Abyssinia.
Human, ancient city, X1. 240. Iissxiunrocas'rzs, XI. 277. 636—his micrometers. XV. 20, 22— II. 53.
HEIACLEONITES. sect, X1. 240. IIERMIANI, heretics. XI. 277. his telescopes. XVI. 363; I. 673—on HEYNE (C. 6.). X1. 290—on the ab
Heracleopolis Magma. VIII. 545. Herminia. insect. IX. 251. optics. XVI. 419, 433. surditics of mythists, 111. 258—011
Hsucunz. X1. 240. Hrsxionr, Greek city, XI. 277. . planet. X1. 283. Sec Uranus. diamonds. VIII. 4, 5 —on Homer,
Iissscunss, X1. 240. 241; XXI. 56. Hmuur, XI. 27 7. Herschelite. specific gravity of. XII. 31. XI. 54 3. 54 8—his improvement of the
Herscliteun philosophers. XVII. 481. Hmmxrson. X1. 277. Hznsz. in fortification, X1. 283. library of Gottingen, XIII. 313.
Henscurus. X1. 241; XX. 439. Hermodorus, VI. 711. Hsnsrsw, German province. X1. 283. Heysham (Dr). parish-registers kept by,
Henscnws, emperor. X1. 241. Hssxooxnss. architect, X1. 277. HEESILLON, in military art, XI. 283. XV. 518.
Hrs-ALI). XI. 241—College of Heralds. Tansnnsu, XI. 277. Heas'rs'r. in the Netherlands. X1. 283. Hsr'rlsnunr. in Wilts. X1. 292.
VII. 69. . Roman lawyer. VI. 713. Hsn'rrosn, XI. 2S3—College. ib.— Hsrwoon (John). poet, X1. 292.
HEIALDII, X1. 243. (Sr). island. X1. 275. Union Canal, XVI. 14. (Mrs). novels of. XIX. 335.
Hrssnnus (Desiderius), X1. 261. Hmmoonxuns, heretics. XI. 277. Hi-znrronnsnins, X1. 284. Hezronita (John), his translation of
IIéran's polytypes, XVIII. 568. 11231102: (Mount). XI. 277 ; XVI. 743. Hsn'rns. X1. 285. BtlI'ISI'. Geography, VIII. 432.
“BRAIN/15111 France. X1. 261. Hermoneura. insects. IX. 267. Heruli. XIX. 423. Hiatella. in conchology. XV. 341.
Hana. in botany. X1. 261. liermonthis, ruins of, VIII. 535. Hervert’s Tables of the powers and pro HIATUB. X1. 292.
Hensacsoos plants, X1. 261. Hennorous, XI. 277—ruins of Hermo ducts of numbers, I. 590. Hibbert (Dr S.).on apparitions, III. 302
IIERBAGE, in law, X1. 261. polis Magna. VIII. 544. Himvni' (James). XI. 285. —on vitrified forts, IX. 759.
Hsnssn, X1. 261. 11231405. river, XI. 277. Henznsau. town in Hanover. X1. 286. Hlcnrss of Syracuse. X1. 292.
Iierbarium. V. 69. Hernandez on birds, XVI. 545. 1129018, French city, X1. 286. HK‘KES (George). X1. 292.
HBBHELO'I‘ (Barthelemi D’). X1. 261. Hernandiacem, in botany, V. 126. HESIOI), XI. 286—poems of, XVIII. 150. Iiieksite Quakers. XVIII. 772.
Hsansnr (Edward). Lord Herbert of Hernia, II. 703; XVII. I29—surgical —-on the gods. 335. 340. HIDAGE. X1. 293.
Cherbury, XI. 261—anecdote of. VI. treatment of, XX. 840—111 the domes Hasxosn. in mythology. XI. 286. HIDALOO, X1. 293.
GIG—his deistical works, VII. 679. tic animals. XXI. 626. . worm. X1. 220. (Don Miguel). his proceedings
(Mun), X1. 261. Hnasosasn, Swedish town, XI. 277. Hl-zsrizn. or Hesperus, star. XI. 286. in Mexico. XIV. 782—executed. 784.
—-— (Sin Tnoaus). X1. 262. lino, XI. 277—deitieation of ancient Hesperia, insect. IX. 243. Hints, XI. 293—currying of. VII. 556
(\VILLIAI), Earl of Pembroke. heroes. XVIII. 334. Hmrnnwzs. nymphs. XI. 286—gardens —imports of. VIII. 777—tanning of.
X1. 262. . mathematician, XI. 277 -~his . of the, II. 238. XXI. 74.
Hizanxzns, French town, XI. 262. thermometer. IV. 392—hydrodynanii Ilesperidin. VI. 469. HIDJELLEI, Hindu town. XI. 293.
Hessn'onocs animals. XI. 262—pecn cal inventions of, XII. l—his foun Hesperidium. in botany. V. 49. Hiempsal, XVI. 305.
liarities 0! their organization. III. tain. XVIII. 75; applied to the rais Iissrnamuu Inseam, X1. 286. HIEBACITEU, heretics, X1. 293.
I59—seldom pair, NBS—season of their ing of water from a mine, 135—his Hespcri-sphingcs. insects, IX. 243. Hum/nous. Phrygian town, XI. 293.
parturition. 169. steam-apparatus. XX. Gil—editions Iirsrsnus. X1. 287. HIElAl-CIIY, X1. 298.
Heasonu. German city. XI. 262. and translations of his Pneumatics. Hesse. or Hesso‘Cassel, XI. 287—coins Huzans. islands. X1. 365.
Here-en on the Crusades. VII. 487-8. 613. of. XV. 410—commercialleague with Hiero I.. king of Syracuse, XXI. 55.
Heacunsssnx, X1. 262 ; III. 419 ; the younger. XI. 277; X. 427. Prussia. XVIII. 687 —- weights and 11.. king of Syracuse. XXI. 57.
XV. 699, 708—Academy of. II. 76— Hnon the Great. XI. 278; XII. 571. measures of. XXI. 853. Hlsnociss. X1. 293.
papyri found in, VII. 642. et “11.; XVI. 751. Hesse Dannstadt. weights and measures Hisnocurnlcs. Egyptian. XI. 294 : II.
, in Missouri. XV. 304. r-—=- Agripps. II. 357. of. XXI. 853. . 540; IV. 774; XII. 290; X111. 253;
Hlncniss, X1. 270 —stntue of. VIII. Anrirss. III. 253. Hmssz'Homauno. XI. 288. XVII. 376—Sir Wm. Drummond on.
182, Md Pl. 195—his war with An Heaomans, Jewish sect, XI. 278. Hssron, in Middlesex. XL 288. VIII. 216—the Egyptian Society’s en
tmus. XIV. 330—mysteries of, XV. Hnnonunus, X1. 279. 11 ssrcnics. ancient Greek grammarisn, gravings ot‘. 560——Mexican. II. 623 —
668—Egyptinn, mi. 553. Ilesonorus. XI. 279—on the Amazons, X1. 288. Chinese. XVII. 390—efi'ect ot‘ hierogly
. constellation. X1. 272. II. 588—on India, 696—archzeologi Hersnuncn. Greek ofiicer. X1. 288 phic writing on mythology. XV. 675.
(PILLABS or). X1. 272. cal value of his works, III. 262—on Heterobranchia. crustacea, VII. 502. Hisnoxsncr. X1. 365.
Hxncrnu SILVA, X1. 272. Egyptian history. VIII. 460—.on Egypt. Heterobranchus, fish. XII. 202. Hissounsnos. X1. 365.
Hrasni'uu', X1. 272—transmission of 510, 545, 550—on Egyptian embalm Heterocerus, insect, IX. I50. Hieronymus of Syracuse. XXI. 57.
disease in horses. 8sc., XI. 572 —-mon ing. 676—on the Ethiopians, IX. 376. Hz'rmwcu'rt. in grammar. XI. 288. HIEBOPIIAN'I‘ES, X1. 365.
strosities, XV. 422. See Generation. Hznow, XI. 280—Heroic age—Heroic Heterodisca. in conchology. XV. 349. Hinsornvux. X1. 865.
Hlnsrolb, English city. XI. 272—011 poem—Heroic verse, ib. Heterodon, serpent. XX. 138. Higgino.(G.) on the Pelasgi. III. 413-14.
nal to Gloucester, XVI. l4. HEIOINE, X1. 280. _ Heterodontes, in zoology. XIV. 181. Hion, X1. 365; VIII. 11.
Hansronnsuxns, X1. 272 -—cattle at. Heron, bird, XVI. 618. Hsrznonox, in theology. XI. 288. Pumas. X1. 365.
11. 323—sheep. 329—nttempted iron IIerophilus. his anatomical knowledge. HBTEBOGENIITI,111 physics. X1. 288. HicuAn-Fsaasns. X1. 365.
bridge in. v. 219. ' 11. 688; XVII. 725—his skill In sur Hersnoosxsous. X1. 288 — Light - Hionos'rn, near London. X1. 365.
Herepnth and Cox. their patent process gery, XX. 822. Nouns—~Quantitics—Surds. 289. Highlands of Scotland. XIX. 745—
of tanning. XXI. 76. Herpestes, in zoology, XIV. 118. Heterogynu. insects. IX. 227. ponies. II. 317—cattle, 323—pigs, 338.
HSIESY. X1. 274—capital punishment Herpetodryas, serpent. XX. 140. Heteromera. insects. IX. 162. -—-the second sight. III. 304; XX. 70—
of, approved of by Cranmer, VII. 447. Herrera, XVII. 296. Heteromyza, insect. IX. 289. t‘amurable for rearing bees. IV. 535
Hsas'rtc. X1. 275. Hsnnssnnso. a city in Wurtemberg. Heteroneura. insects. IX. 290. —trnnquilliziug measures after the re~
Hensrocas, X1. 275. XI. 280. Heteropoda. crnstacea. VII. 501. beliion of 1745. V. 383 — emigration
Hereward. VIII. 718. Hanna TOBDEIILLAI (Antonio de), . birds, XVI. 624. from. VIII. 688. 690—roads in, XIX.
Hznronmsx, Prussian city. X1. 275. Spanish historian. XI. 280. Heteroptera. insects, IX. 195. 750. See Perthshire 8w.
Hnoss'r's ISLANDS, XI. 275. (Fsnnuusn ns), XI. 281 - Hernaoscn, X1. 289; X. 409. Highland Society of Scotland. VIII. 420
Heriadcs, insects. IX. 233. poetry of. XVIII. 163. Heterotarsns, insect, IX. 165. —its veterinary school. IV. 378.
“811101.111 law. X1. 275. Herrick, poetry of. XVIII. 170. Hetruria. See Etruria. HIOIILANDEB. X1. 365.
Heriot's Honpital. VIII. 424. Human. X1. 281; XII. 214; IX. 592 HBT'I'OWBA, Hindu town. X1. 289. HIGHIIOIE (Joseph), painter. XI. 365.
HERISAO, Swiss town, XI. 275. ~—quantity of herrings cured in and Henlandite. a mineral, XV. 151. on tho laeteals, II. 698.
Herissant on cartilage, II. 747. exported from England, VIII. 770. Hausnzs, in the Netherlands. X1. 289. Hlonssss. title. XI. 366.
Hsnisson, in fortification, XI. 275. Herring-fishery ot' the Baltic, IV. 326— Hsvzuus (John). XI. 289—opposed the Hmnwn', X1. 365.
Heritier’s (L') botanical labours, V. 87. Britain, IX. 596—Caithness. V. 781 application of the telescope to astro Hmnwsnnzs. X1. 365.
HEEIUBA, Hindu town. XI. 275. —Donegal, VIII. 11 3—England. 769 nomical instruments. I. 497 —- his Hionwoarn. town in \Vilts, XI. 366.
Hills“, Greek festivals. X1. 275. —Ireland. XII. 409—Scotland, XIX. astronomical labours. III. 741—con Hion-Wrconsn. XXI. 952.
Hermann-oi. X. 4. 770. See Fisheries. steilations added by. IV. 42—on the Hus, Spanish city, X1. 366.
Hermann (Paul). professor of botany HEBRING (Thomas), XI. 281. cometary orbits. VII. 137. Hilarn. insect, IX. 269.
at Leyden, XI. 275; V. 87. Hanannn'rn. in Saxony, X1. 281. Hewet (Andrew). VII. 446. IIILABIA, Roman feasts, X1. 366.
Hermann's character of Gilbert Wake Herrnhntters. XV. 490; XXI. 449. Hxwson (William). XI. 289—on the HILAIUUB, Christian father. X1. 368.
field, VII. 54 6. n. 7. Herschel (Sir J. F. “2), on aurora b0 lymphatics. II. 703. 729 ——on the villi HILAIODI, Greek poets, X1. 366.
of Pavia, on the doctrine Conser realis, IV. 202—on the cause of the of the ileum, 816—on the blood. HILARY (St). in Jersey, X1. 366.
vatio virinm vivarum, VIII. 377. rolling of thunder. VIII. 619—on XVII. 634, 635. , bishop of Aries, whether the
 INDEX. 77
HIL—HIP HOP—HOB HOB—HOL HOL
author of the Athanasian Creed. IV. Hirrotr'rus. X1. 467. Hohhouse (Sir John). on the reign of in his Chronicles against modern lus
113. HIPPOMANBS. poison. XI. 468. Selim. 111.. XXI. 414. 415. ury. XIII. 608.
Hilary. Oxford term, XXI. 498. HIPPONAX. Greek poet, XI. 468. Hostns, XI. 501. Holkar. XI. 434. ct seq.
Hitnuaonausss, X]. 366. Hierorooss, X1. 468. Hos-NAIL. X1. 501. IIOLLAND, XI. 509—poor colonies of. II.
Iiildanus (R). on surgery, XX. 829. Hippopotamus. XIV. 148; II. 227—its Hon-Nos, or Has-Nan. XI. 501. 847—aohierement of its independence.
Hildebrande on electricity. VIII. 583. ivory. III. 32—its stomach. 35. Hobson (Captain), XXI. 981. et seq. 578 — policy in Amboyna and the
IiiLnasuizm. in Hanover. XI. 866-7. Hippopus, in conchology. XV. 34 3. Henson’s Cnotcs. XI. 50]. Banda Islands, II. 596; IV. 340—
HILL (Aaron), X1. 367 ; XXI. 249. Hippuritcs. in conchology, XV. 345. Hoccleve, poetry of. IX. 41. army. III. till—painters, 649; XVI.
(Sir JOHN). XI. 367. Hircic acid. VI. 430. Hocco. bird, XVI. 605. 72l—discoverics in New Holland, IV.
(Dr). on vegetable anatomy, III. Iiircinc. VI. 443. l-Ioche (General). V. 480. 204. ct scq.—bleaching. 67 9—botan
44, ct s(q.-on botany. V. 83. Hlncus, fixed star, XI. 468. Hocnnnm. German town. X1. 501. ists, V. 8l-;bricks. 258—wars with
-— (Rowland). his post-oflicc re Hun: (Philip de La). XI. 468—0n dial I‘Iocnov. Chinese city. XI. 501. Britain, V. 836. 338, 343. 347, 416
form, XVIII. 495—his printing-ma ling. VII. 760—bit; pump. XII. 97 Hocns'rsnr. in Bavaria. XI. 502. political movements in 1784. 446
chine. 572. on magic squares. XIII. 682—on the Hockhoeking, XVI. 326. invaded by the Duke of Brunswick.
Human. XI. 367; IV. 267. teeth of wheels, XIV. 352. Hocus Poccs, XI. 502. 447—invaded by the British in 1799.
Hillel. Jewish patriarch. XVII. 140. Hiring. Mosaic law of. XV. 566. Hon, XI. 502. 489; X. lI4--discussions in the Bri
Hilton Castle. VIII. 291. Hnscnnsao. Prussian city, X1. 468. Honnssnou, in Hertt'ord, XI. 50 P. tish Parliament on that expedition.
Hilum. in botany. V. 50. Hun-ins (Anlus). XI. 469. Hodges (Mr), on the badeti'ect ot' erect V. 494-colonies. VII. 126; in the
IIlLvrnst'u. X1. 367. Hirudo. won'n. X1. 223. ing cottages. VII. 393. West Indies, II. 648; the Bands
Hinisera. VI. 184, 185; XV. 700. Hirundo. bird, XVI. 577. Hodgkin on the Greek alphabet. II. 546. Islands. IV. 340; Brazil, V. 191; Ce
Hnuura Mouu'rnss, XI. 368; III. Hispa, insect, IX. 182. (Dr), on the animal tissues, lebes. VI. 270; Ceylon. 304-5—com
673; X1. 374; XVI. {lb—heights of. Human, X1. 469. XVII. 596—0n the muscles. 609. merce. VII. 158 ; with the East Indies.
XVII. 505. 506. Hispaniola. or St Domingo. Set“ D0 Hodgson on aneurism, XVII. 482, 483. III. 701 ; Berbice. IV. 580; England.
Huntco, navigator. XI. 372. mingo (St). Hayti. Homux. X1. 502. VIII. 779; Japan, XII. 520; Java.
-—, senator. XI. 372; VI. 186. HIBSAR Fzsozsn. X1. 469. Honnsr. town in Salop. XI. 502. 531—mercantile policy. VII. 164—
IIimantopus. bird, XVI. 625. Hister. insect. IX. 147. Hot)! (Humphrey), XI. 502. sources 01' commercial prosperity,
Himera, VI. 184, 185; XV. 700. Histeroides. insects. IX. 147. Hos. XI. 502—+horse hoe, II. 268. 169—short credit. 170—corn-trade.
His. Hebrew measure, XI. 372. Histiophorus. tish, XII. 184. Hoesen's burning-mirrors, V. 735. FIGS—battle of Camperdown, V. 482;
Hmcxmsr. in Leicester. XI. 372. Historian. labours of. VII. 319—quali Her. in Bavaria, X1. 502. X.107; VIII. 27 7—drifting sands, 678
Hinnu, in Hindustan. XI. 372. ties of. X1. 497. Hoffman (51.), on births and deaths in 9—tisheries. IX. 590. 600. 733—con
Human. town in Wilts. X1. 372. Histori-al painting. III. 655. Prussia. XV. 536. duct of the French towards. X. 39; 42
Htsnoss. Hindu town. X1. 372. Plays, VIII. 155. Hofl‘man's polytypes, XVIII. 567. —conquered by them in 1794. V. 475;
Hindsham. III. 126. His'roar, XI. 469—Academies of. II. Horruanx (John James). Swiss philo X. 98, 94—no usury-laws, XII. 326
Hlsvn Coosu, XI. 37"; II. 211. 7 5—niodern scepticism with respect Iogist. XI. 502. -—language. XIII. 85—1ibraries. 314
Hindus, XI. 393—probably the inventors to ancient. III. 265—uncertainty of (171120.). physician. XI. 502—on wx-ariation ot' the needle. 7 33—coins.
of algebra, II. 421—thcir writers on early, VI. 652——chronicles of the the nervous system. XIV. 581—on XV. 407. “ti—population. 514. 515
that science. 425—their mathema middle ages. VII. 495—Dr Johnson physiology. XVII. 729—on diabolic inland navigation, XVI. 4. 5—under
tical knowledge. 425; X. 428—archi on, 602—civil. X1. 469 —ecclesiastical. agency. XX. 813 -— on witchcraft. the French, XVI. 125—loss ct' Bel
tecture. III. 408. 433. 47l—invented 486—c0mposition of. 497; V. 610- . XXI. 908. gium, 137—newspapers. 173—irrup
the denary numerals, 539—their cha~ utility of inscriptions with reference to. . botanist. V. 80. tions of the sea. XVII. 511—prisons.
racter. 693; XI. 39 4--astronomy. III. XII. 293—utilityof medals,XIV. 463. . novelist. XIX. 357. XVIII. 584—religion, XIX. 315—rise
725; VII. 681; XVII. 427—Banians, (Natural), XV. 788. See Natu Horrnams'rs. sect. X1. 503. of naval power. XX. 224—surgeons.
IV. 346 - Batties. 449 — Bazeegurs. ral History. Hoffmanswaldau. poetry of. XVIII. 167. 829 — stamp-duties first levied in.
468 ——jugglers. 469—Bengalese. 570 Hisrsio. XI. 499. Horcmsuaa. German city. XI. 503. XXI. 116—weights and measures.
-—Bheels, 610—Goands, 730—B0ga1s, Hrr, Arabian village. X1. 499. Hofwyl, Mr Fellenberg’s establishments XXI. 853-the Dutch and Belgians
ib.—Brahmins. V. 175—castes, 176; Htrcnsu. town in Harts. XI. 499. at. XXI. 50. compared. XVI. 112—maps of H01
VI. 223; VII. 395—sacred literature. Hitches in collierics. VII. 72. Hog. XIV. 149 —its structure. XVII. land. XI. Pl. 287 ; XVI. Pl. 380. See
V. I79—calendar. VI. 263—invented Hi'r'rrrss. XI. 499. 707—American. II. 656—Irish. XII. Netherlands.
chess, 518—difl'erentt'rom the Chinese. Hitu. XVII. 161. 407. (N1:w).XI. 583. SeeNew Holland.
VI. 549—their chronology, 664—my Hivs, XI. 499; IV. 521, 524, 534—renti Hog-styes, II. 272. , a kind of linen, XI. 533—ma
thology, VII. 698; XV. 677; XVIII. lation of hires. 522—temperature of, ib. Hoo IsLz. XI. 503. nufacture 0!. VIII. 5].
336—the Jains, XII. 495—Jauts. 526 l Hivrrns, Canaanites. XI. 499. Hooaa-rn (William). XI. 503—his line (Sir John). VI. 609.
-Xookies. 757—their fabulous chro Hosp“ (13011.). bishop, XI. 499-on the of beauty. III. 442—bit) merits as a (PHILEION). XI. 508—his trans
nology. 588—04‘ Malabar. XIV. 50— Lord’s Supper, XX. 817. painter. III. 650; XVI. 726—takcn lation of Camden. VI. 85.
languages. XIII. 81; XVII. 383 - (Ben). junior, XI. 500. into custody at Calais, XXI. 550. (Dr). his account of the Ionian
physics. 427 --ethics, 428 —animal Hosm-Gax-I-‘oo. Chinese city. X1. 500. Hogging of ships. XX. 285, 286 —-p1ans Islands, XII. 340, a seq.
worship. XVIII. 339—belief in a su Hoanoao. river. X1. 500; XXI. 959. for preventing. 291. (Mr),on the usury-laws. XII. 325.
preme God. 34 1 —their Vedas or sacred Hoarding. analysis of the principle of, Hoooar. Hindu river. XI. 506. -——-— (Lord). VIII. 266-on a peace
books, XXI. 565 —loom. 824—the I. 366. See Avarice. Hoosnsan. measure, X1. 506. with France in 1800. V. 491—his op
Zend. 984. See Buddha. Shaster. Hoard‘s rope-machine, XIX. 466. Hogue (La). French cape. battle of. V. position to the union with Ireland.
Bheels, Brahmins. 8w. Hoar-frost. VII. 748; X. 238—Dr P. 306; xxx. 457. 493—bit: Life of I‘ope de Vega. VIII.
Iimncsrsu, X1. 373. See India. Wilson on. VII. 752. Hoorass. Hungarian town. X1. 506. 156—on the cxtravagances of the
IItscnsu, in Norfolk. XI. 466. Hoasssnzss. X1. 500. Houlsluil. Bohemian town, XI. 506. early plays, ib.
Hinging of doors, XII. 614. HoaAL. Arabian idol. X1. 500. Honsnoraonnsrcs. X1. 506. Hollandus (John Isaac). on sal-ammo
HINNOM (Valley of). XI. 466. Hours (Tnouas) XI. 500—philoso Hohenkirchen. battle of. X VIII. 676. nine, 11. 660—on chemistry. VI. 344.
Hixzuas, Island. XI. 466. phical. political, and ethical princi Hohenlinden. battle of. X. 120 ; XV. Human (Wenceslaus). X1. 533.
Hip. in botany, V. 48. ples of. I. 40-42. 144. Mil—Addison‘s 497. Homes. XI. 533.
Hip. muscles of the. II. 793. opinion of his writings. 42—their Honrns'rztu. in Saxony. XI. 506. Holly, xvn. 785. 787. ‘
Hip-joint. II. 79i—sprain of. in cattle. extensive influence. 43. 317—his an Honsszottns-Hscamum, XI. 506. Holly-hock. its stem, III. 82.
XXI. 618. tagonists. lb. 328; VII. 539, n. 3—co Honsuzonuax-Sioxaaiscan. XI. 506. How. XI. 583.
HIPPABCIIL'S, XI. 466—his contributions incidence between his followers and Honns'rns. in Hanover. X1. 506. Holman's account of the island of Maria
to astronomy, 1. 482; III. 730. 767 the Antinomians. I. 44—-on the com H0181“ and Hots-rise. XI. 506. gascar. XIII. 666.
-—on geography, X. 393. parative utility of reading and think I-Ionmar. XI. 506. 507. Hours. Islands. XI. 533.
IIippias and Hipparchns, IV. 148-9. ing. 45—his principles traced by Cud Holbach (Baron d'), the probable author Holocanthus. fish. XII. 179.
Hippobosca, insect. IX. 292. worth to the remains of the ancient of the Systeme de la Nature. I. 181 HOLOCAUST. XI. 539.
Hippocampus. in anatomy. II. 808. sceptics, ib.—on the law of nations. his character of. and connexion with. Holocentrum. tish. XII. "I70.
, fish. XII. 227. 90—on the origin of our knowledge. Diderot. VIII. l5. l6. Hotorsnsns, XI. 533.
Hippocastaneui. in botany, V. 102. 114 -on necessity, 268—his early Homnacn. in Lincoln, XI. 507. Honooaarnt'n, in law. XI. 534.
Htrrocss'raua. XI.‘467. studies and works. 317—his arrogance Roman: (Hans). XI. 507—woodcuts of Holopodius. bird. XVI. 625.
Hippocrateacere, in botany. V. 102. and dogmatism.241, 318. 322—excel his Dance of Death, XXI. 917. Holothuria. zoophyte. XXI. 1001 —
HIPPOCIA'I'EB, physician. XI. 467—not lent‘style. 318—does not distinguish Holberg. VI]. 731. structure of. XVII. 722.
distinguished as an anatomist, II. 685 between thought and feeling. 320—00 Holcus arundlnaceus, XVI. 29 3. Holothurida. zoophytes. XXI. 1001.
-—works erroneously ascribed to. 686 trace of the moral sentiments to be Both of a ship. XI. 507. Hons'rsin. XI. 534; VII. 726.
-on bathing. IV. 444, 44 7—character found in his writings. 322—his low Horns! (William). XI. 507. How. X1. 535.
and doctrines of. XVII. 724—his sur estimate of human nature agreeable Hotnswoa'rn (Edward). XI. 508. — (Sn Joint). X1. 534.
gical skill. XX. 821 -——his candour. to the court of Charles II.. ib.—anec Hotnswon'rnr, in Devon, XI. 508. Holwcll (Mr). '. 791.
823. note 2. dote relative to his Leviathan, 241— Holegu-Ileeou-Khan. a patron of astra Holy Alliance. X1. 485; XIX. 561—
of Chios. mathematician. X. 4 23; on the sequence of ideas, VIII. 436—— nomy, III. 785. secession of Great Britain from the.
XIV. 314—Lune of. XX. 552. on laughter. XIII. 121. 123—on the Holepta, insect. IX. 147. V. 558.
Htrrocarsn. fountain, XI. 467. source of wealth. XVIII. 273—on the I Honnscuav, in Austria. XI. 508. ———-—- Brotherhood, XX. 498.
Htrronaoms, XI. 467. quadrature of the circle. XX. 553. Holibnt. fish. XII. 220. Gnosr. XI. 535—blasphemy
Hippoglossus. fish. XII. 220. Hobby, bird. XVI. 565. Hounsss, X1. 508. against. IV. 675 - person and work of
Htrroarrr: (St). French city. XI. 467. Hosoosul. X1. 501. Hons-snap (Raphael). XI. 508 -tirade the, XXI. 232. See Trinity.
78 INDEX.
HOM-HON HON—HOB HOR HOR—HOU
Hon Isusn, XI. 535; XVI. 253. Hosrros, in Devonshire, XI. 552. Honor. in geography, XI. 562. Horse-fly, spotted, XXI. 627.
Holy war, XVII. 450. _See Crusades. I‘IOKOBIACI, XI. 552. Hordcin, VI. 476. Horse Guards, in London, XIII. 543.
Housman. in Anglesey, X1. 535. Honorius. Roman emperor, VII. 280; Hoamcsus. Roman feast, XI. 563. Horse-hoes, II. 268.
Holydays, their utility, III. 257. XIX. 420. House, mountain, X1. 563. Horse-leech, XI. 226.
Holyrood. abbey of, VIII. 417—sanc III. (Pope). his persecution of Horestii, VI. 1. Hoasmunsulr, XI. 607 -- race-riding,
tuary of, XIX. 758. the Albigenses, XII. 285. Horia, insect, IX. 168. or jockeyship, 621.
HOLY-Boon DAY, X1. 535. Hosooa, XI. 552—remarks on the law Horiales. insects, X1. 168. Horse-radish, XI. 675.
Honswstn, X1. 535; IX. 622; XVII. of. I. 375; VIII. 254. Hoaxsrooa, Hindu town, XI. 563. Horse-rakes, II. 268.
527—St Winifred's well, X1. 196. Honours, academical, at the University Hoalzos, X1. 563; X. 404; III. 754 Hoassss, Danish townrXI. 626.
Honzmsnsu, German city, XI. 535. of Oxford, XXI. 498. sensible and rational, 758. Horstield (Dr), on the bats and mydaus
Homalincm, in botany, V. 128. Honousssus, X1. 553. HOIIZON'I'AL, XI. 563-D1a1—Line— of Java, XIV. 99, 110.
Homalopsis, serpent, XX. 142. Hood (Admiral). V. 417. Plane—Range. ib. Hoasuus, in Sussex, X1. 627.
Homaiura, insect, IX. 288. (Lieut.), on aurora borcaiis in Hormisdns, king of Persia, XVII. 262. Hemms, in Gloucester, X1. 627.
Houssao, in Germany, XI. 536. North America, IV. 196, 201. Horn,musica1 instrument, XI. 563; XV. (Saxon), bishop, XI. 627.
(WILLIAM), chemist, X1. 535— (ROBIN), X1. 553. 615—English, 614—Frencb, X1. 568. Hoas'r, in the Netherlands, XI. 629.
his armometer, III. 372. , in Falconry, XI. 553. (Count), XI. 511, et seq. Hoa'rsxsws (Quintus), X1. 629.
Hoxscae, XI. 536, 288. Hoon’s Isnaxn. X1. 553. (Cape), discovery of, XVII. 119. Hoa'ricutrruns, XI. 630 -— fruit and
Home Castle, Berwickshire, IV. 598. Hoofcd animals, II. 708. Hosss of animals, XI. 563; XIV. 156; kitchen garden. 631 —t‘ruit-garden,
HOME (Sir Everard), XI. 541-—on the Hooouur, XI. 553—river, 554. XVII. 709—ot' Galla oxen, II. 59—nsc 634—forcing-garden, 653 —- kitchen
spleen, II. 727—on the brain, 737— Hook, fishing, III. 144. ot‘ horn as manure, 303—moulding garden, 667 — flower-garden, 676 —
on mucous membrane, 752-on the Hooss, XI. 554—in shipbuilding, XX. of, XXI. 430. calendar, 687—horticulture ofMiddle
tongue of the giraffe, III. 27—liis 284, 291. Hosa-msrnursa, XI. 563. sex, XV. 60—warming of hot-houses,
work on Comparative Anatomy, 40— Hook-Piss, XI. 554. Hosts-wont, X1. 563. 8w. by steam, XX. 605—Caledonian
on latent calculous disease, XVII. Hoosan, XI. 554, Hornbcam tree, XVII. 783, 790. Horticultural Society, VIII. 420. See
479—on the diiiiculty of discriminat I100!!! (Nathaniel), XI. 556. Hoasasao, German town, XI. 563. Gardening.
ing diseases, 485. (Bonus), XI. 554—his opposi Hornbill, XVI. 593. Horton (Mrs), her marriage to the
(Dr F.), on bleaching, IV. 679. tion to the optical discoveries of Hornbiende, a mineral, XV. I53—spe Duke of Cumberland, V. 395.
(Haunt), Lord Xames, XI. 536 Newton, I. 55l—on the earth‘s annual cific gravity of, XII. 31. Horus, VIII. 553; XI. 321.
—-his Elements of Criticism, I. 221-— motion, 11. 32—on vegetable anatomy, Hoausr, in Lancashire, XI. 563. Apollo, X1. 561.
hls plan for improving the moss of Kin III. 42, etseq.—his principle of arches, Hoaacas'ru-z, in Lincoln, XI. 563. Hosanna, XI. 692—Rabba, ib.
cardine, II. 31 3—on agricultural leases, 380—0n gravitation, IV. 175; I. 559 Navigation, XVI. 14. Hossa, Hebrew prophet. X1. 692.
344—onthe pairing ol‘animals, III. 168 -—on pneumatics, IV. 589—bit: baro Hossczwacu, in Essex, X1. 563. IIosier (Admiral), V. 377.
—on the old Roman law against bank~ meter, 390 -- his improvements on Hons: (George), bishop, XI. 563. Hosiery. See Stocking-Manufacture.
rupts, VI. 7ll—on the diversity of hu~ clocks, VI. 767, 769; I. 479—on the ('I‘. H.), on bibliography, I V. 632. Hoskins (Mr), on the river Nile and its
man complexion, VII. 192—0n Lord fusee of watches, 737 —-his watch Horner (Francis), on Machiavelli, I. source, XVI. 226, ct seq.
Stair's Institutes, 601—his discussion springs, 789 ; I. 479—on lamps, XIII. 235.6—estlmate of his character, 387. Hosriman (Rodolphus), X1. 692.
with Dr Doig, VIII. 91—on emotion 44—on magnetism, XIII. 687—his Hosusas, XI. 564. Hosrrras. or HGpital (Michel de 1)),
and passion, 692—on the feudal law universal joint, XI V. 447—his micro Hoasnm, in Scotch law, XI. 565. chancellor of France, XI. 692.
in Scotland, IX. 527, n. IO—on love meter, XV. ll—on optics, XVI. 361, Hoastnosnnl, in Wilts, XI. 565. (W. I". A. Marquis of). X1. 694
among savages, XIII. 57 7—on the 427—his air—pump, XVIII. 81—his Hoasrxrs, XI. 565. —-on mathematics, XIV. 320.
distinctive qualities of the sexes, ib. discovery of the law of nature, at ten Hoasszr, in Middlesex, X1. 565. HOSPITALS, XI. 692; XIV. 512 —in
—on diversity of languages, XIV. 203 sio sic vis, XX. 751—011 the strength Hornstone. XV. l57—specific gravity London, XIII. 513—improvements in
--on liberty and necessity, 689 — on of materials, NIB—description of his of, XII. 31. surgical, XX. 839 See Dublin, Bic.
novelty, XVI. 29l—on the sense of telegraph, XXI. 137. Hosooaarar. XI. 565. Hosrrrau'rr, X1. 694 — among the
Deity, XVIII. 330—on the ridiculous, Hooxsa. or Vowell (John), XI. 556. Hoaotooiuu, XI. 565. Arabs, III. 335; and Druses, VIII.
XIX. 239— his friendship towards (RICHAID), divine, X1. 557. Hosorrsa, in optics, XI. 565. _219—duty of, XV. 475.
Smellie, XX. 401—Tytler’s Life of, (Sir William 1, notice of the bo Honoscors, X1. 565. HosrrrALLsss, knights, XI. 695.
XXI. 444. tanical works of, V. 86, a. 2. Horoscopy, VIII. 58. Hosrirwx, X1. 695.
(Joan), XI. 537 ; IX. 511—his Hoosssr, Hindu town, X1. 557. Hours, X1. 565. Hosronan, X1. 695.
tragedy of Douglas, VIII. 176. Hoosnvs, island. X1. 557. Hoaaoa, XI. 5615—0611 vacuum, ib. Hossssroos, in Hindustan, XI. 695.
Hours, X1. 541 ; XVII. 404, 407— Room (John), XI. 557. Hoasox (Jeremiah). XI. 565—t‘oretoid Hossnm-Aansun, XI. 695.
Were letters known in his time i II. Hoes: Onore, Hindu town, XI. 558. the transit of Mercury in 1631. I. 495 HOSSOBB’I'TA, X1. 695.
551 —- arclueological value of his Hoon, IX. 530. —among the first who appreciated Hosso-nnsoa, X1. 695.
works, III. 262—Bryant's opinions Houses-Hausa, islands, XI. 558. the discoveries of Kepler, ib.—died Hos'r, X1. 695.
concerning, V. 619—Dr Clarke's edi Hoorss. (John), bishop, XI. 558. young, but left behind him matter on botany, V. 80.
tion of the Iliad, VI. 730—Eusta (Gsoaos), divine, X1. 558. which Newton adopted, ib. Houses, XI. 695.
thius‘s Commentaries on, IX. 422—— Hoopoe, bird, XVI. 591. Horsa, V. 302. Hos'ru, XI. 695.
1118 geographical knowledge, XII. 345 Hooax, in the Netherlands, XI. 558. Horsburgh’s barometrical plates, I V. 394. Hos'rxu'rr, X1. 695.
-—Foulis's edition of, XV. 448—his ISLANDI, XI. 558. Hoses, 2:1. 566; n. 316; XIV. 1.52 Ho'r-ssns. XI. 695—nse ot‘ oak-leaves
anatomical knowledge. XVII. 724— Hop. See Hops. race-horse, XI. 567—hunter, 580— in,_XVI. 314.
poetry of, XVIII. I44, 148—criticisms Horn, XI. 559; XVII. 463. hackney, 588—charger. 592—troop Hot-blast furnace, X. 559; XV. 246,
on, XX. 185, Q. l—translations of, ($111. Tno.), XI. 559; XII. 725. horse, 593 1- coach-horse, ib. -— gig 250, m—smelting, XX. 406.
into English, V. 590; VII. 316, 438; ( Tho.), his Anastasius, XI X. 349. horse, 595 — post-horse, ib. —- cart Hot-houses, X1. 653 ; XX. 605-g1azing
XVIII. 395, 399; Italian, VI. 297; (Dr), his eudiomcter, XVII. 532. horse, 596—horses of America, II. 653 of, X. 575.
French, XII. 508—Homeric hymns, IILAND, XI. 561. -Arabia, III. 327, 349—Asia, 683— Horn, XI. 695.
XVIII. I51. (Cape of Good). See Good Hope. Beykaneer, IV. 608 — Buenos Ayres, Hor'rss'ro'rs, XI. 695; II. 226; X. 613,
, or Omer, a Jewish measure, X1. Hopeite, specific gravity of, XII. 31. V. 645 -— Chili, VI. 530 —- Derby 614—their language, XIII. 94.
549; VII. 381. HOpital. See Hospital. shire, VII. 786—Down, VIII. 138 Ho'r'rtxcaa (John Henry), XI. 695.
Houtctns, XI. 549; XIV. 497—its Hopkins on geology, XV. 234. England, 766, 767~Francc, X. 176—f Houhignnt’s Hebrew Bible, IV. 614.
punishment in China, VI. 557. Hopiia, insect, IX. 160. Germany, 483-.ancient Greece, III. Housaaxss (Jacob), XI. 696.
Homildown, battle of, VI. GOG—archers Hoplides, insects, IX. I59. 261—Ireland. X1. 596 ; XII. 407— Houel (Mons), his description of the
present on that occasion, III. 398. Horu'rss, or Hoplitae, X1. 561. Norway, XVI. 264—Persia, XVII. view from Etna, II. 200 ; of its
HOIILY, XI. 549—C1ementine Homi~ Hormronsoxos, X1. 561. 244—Scotland, XI. 597—Spain, XX. forests,201;of I-‘ata Morgana, IX. 494.
lies, ib. HOPLOIAOBI, gladiators, X1. 561. 517— Tangustan, IV. 794 — Tartar]. Houon'ros Ll: Srsnlo, X1. 696.
‘Homobranchia, crustacea, VII. 500. Horns, XI. 561. XXI. 84—Tibet, 256—‘I‘ransylvania. Hovsn, XI. 697, 742. See Hunting.
Hoxocsssous, XI. 549. Hoes, XI. 559—culture of, II. 294-— {HG—breeding and rearing of. II. 317 Honxstow, in Middirses, XI. 707—
HOIOLOOATIOI, in law, XI. 549. their use in brewing, V. 242—their -—feeding and working of, 319—air trigonomctrical base on Hounslow
HOIOLOGOUI, in geometry, X1. 549. qualities, ib.—of Herefordshire, XI. ing of, 368—use of, among the Ame heath, XXI. 381 et seq.
Homoptera, insects, IX. 200. 27 8—ot' Kent, XII. 695—their protec rican tribes, 632-voca1 Organs of. III. H003, X1. 707. Qee Dialling.
Hosnssoo'rss (Melchior), XI. 549. tion from insects, 294. 28—teeth of, 34; XXI. 621—sma11 Hour-angles, III. 755.
Hosnosss, XI. 549; XVII. 18. Hos. mountain, XI. 561. brain of, III. IBIS—degeneration of, 169 Hovas, goddesses, XI. 707.
Hour, XI. 552—sp. gr. 0!, XII. 31. Hosss. Greek sacrifices, XI. 561. —skillot‘ Apelles in painting horses, , in Romish church, XI. 707.
HONEY, XI. 552—ants fond of, III. 242 Hoasronno, grammarian, XI. 561. 281 — ati‘ectionately treated by the Hons-onus, XI. 707.
—Greek, X. 728-speciiic gravity of, Hosa'rn, XI. 361;‘VII. 551; XIX. 363. Arabs, 32S—spced of race-horses, VII. Houais, XI. 707.
XII. 31. See Apiary, Bee. Hosa'rws Fsaccus ((2.), or Horace. 200—bots in, IX. 281; XXI. 627 Hones, XI. 708—site for, XIV. 511. Sr.
Honey-bees, IX. 237. Roman poet, XI. 562—Pine‘s edition general treatment of, XI. 597—de Building, Carpentry.
Honey-combs, IV. 525 — duration of, of, IV. 623—Cunningham's edition struction of worms in, XII. 294— House-painting, XVI. 730.
531 -construction of. XII. 298. of, VII. 546, 547—Bentley’s emenda strength of, XI V. 430, 438—1trength Houssnonn, XI. 708.
Honey-guide, bird, XVI. 598. tions of, ib.—on bunting, X1. 739 how exerted, 441—structure of, XVII. Honsmo, or House-line, XI. 708.
Honey-stone, XV. III—specific gravity poetry of, XVIII. 154 —friendship 707. See Horsemanship, Hunting, , or Housee, X1. 708.
of, XII. 31. between him and Virgil, XXI. 655. Veterinary Science. Houses, XI. 708; II. 237.
Hosnscaoo'rs. French town, XL 552. Cocnss, XI. 561. Horsechestnut tree, XVII. 784, 78"— Houston (Mr), on the tongue of the
Hosrnsus, French city, XI. 552. Horchilla Islands, XVI. 519. buds on ends of its branches, III. 92. chameleon, III. 27.

5““—

HOV—HUM
Hovsmm (Roger de), XI. 711.
Hovcn, disease of cattle, XXI. 624.
Howard (Catherine), VII. 446; VIII. Humboldt on America, II. 607, et seq.—
749, 750.
(Cusan‘ss), XI. 712.
(Lady Frances), II. 14.
(Hsxsr), earl of Surrey, XI.
7 11 —~execution ot‘, VIII. 751—poetry
of, IX. 41.
(Joan), XI. 712—his work on
Prisons, V. 79.
(Luke), on the electricity of
clouds, VIII. (SIS—his rain—gauge,
XVII. 536.
(Mr), his process of distillation
in vacuo, XX. 576.
Hownsx, in Yorkshire, XI. 714.
Hows (Richard, Earl), IX. 714; V. 408
—his victory in 1794, 475.
(General), V. 408.
Howz’s 1:11.41"). X1. 715.
Howell (Mr), his method of boring
wooden pipes, V. 6.
Howick (Lord), his bill for religious
emancipation in the army, V. 521.
Howitzer, XI. 71, 73, 715~boring of
howitzers, V. 3.
Howler-ape, voice of the, III. 28.
Hewlett (Mr), on the population of Eng Humboldtitc, specific gravity of, XII. 31.
land, VIII. 797.
Howship, on structure of bone, II. 7 42
on disease of kidneys, XVII. 479.
Howru, near Dublin, X1. 715; VIII.
234—diving~bell used in making the
harbour 01', VIII. 69.
IIoxrnn, Prussian city, X1. 715.
1401', XI. 715—Island, ib.
IIOYA, in Hanover, X1. 716.
Hosanna, XI. 716; XVIII. 324.
Ilensnv, Hindu town, XI.716.
Huber (P.), on ants, III. 239, 241-4-—
his hive, 283—011 bees, 'lv. 51:), a
seq.—his blindness, IV. 701—on the
sense of smell in bees, IX. 78, 79.
IIubcrstone, XVII. 183.
Huasna (John), X1. 716.
IIUCKNALL-TOIIKAIID, X1. 716.
Iluddart's rope-machine, XIX. 464-6-7.
IIUDDBBSFIBLD, in Yorkshire, XI. 716
—canal, XVI. 14.
Henson (Henry), XI. 716—his disco
veries in Greenland, X. 757—voyages
of, XVIII. 218.
(\VILLIAX), XI. 716—his botani
cal labours, V. 83.
(Jeni ry), dwarf, VIII. 294.
RIVER, X]. 717; XVI. 183;
XXI. 455-—its navigation, XVI. 27.
Henson's BAY. 311. 717; XVII. 521-—
French expedition to, in the year
1782, V. 422.
Hudson's Bay Company, VII. 184; VIII.
691; X. 260, 264.
He: AND Car, X1. 717.
IIué, river, VII. l2—tovvn, 13.
Iluen, island, IV. 328.
Horses, X1. 717 ; III. 373.
Husscsa, Spanish city, XI. 717.
HURT (Peter Daniel), XI. TIT—super
intended the Delphin edition of the
Classics, IV. 627»Huctiana, II. 676.
Hermann, in Baden, XI. 718.
Hugo de Sancto Caro, IV. 612.
(Victor), XVIII. lGB—clmm
tor of his 71011191, XIX. 355.
Heousso'rs, X1. 718; XIX. 94.
Huillier ( L.) on the geometric properties
of bees‘ combs, IV 526.
Huish on bccs, ill. ’82, 284.
HULK, XI. 719-—-hnlks, XX. 218.
HULL, XI. 719; XXI. 963—sicge of. in
1643, V. 1125—4100118 0f, VIII. 75—
port of, 763-trade of, XXI.964.
ot‘a ship. XI. 720.
Hulls(Jonathan), VIII. 197—hissteam~
boat, XX. 687.
Hour, in the Netherlands, X1. 720.
Henna, X1. 720.
Humane Society, their rules for restor
ing the animation of drowned persons,
VIII. 202.
Hmnsrrr, XI. 720—Husum'riss, or
literss humaniores, X1. 720.
l
INDEX. 79
HUM HUM-HUR HURr-HYB
Humbert (General ), X. 109. to ministers, V. 553, 556, 559—his II usuross, Hindu town, XI. 760.
Humble-bees, IX. 235. motions on the Church of Ireland, 562 HosauL, town in Bengal, X1. 760.
—on the corn-laws, 571. IIUIIICANB, X1. 760; XVII. 541.
on the indigenous Americans, 616— HUMEC'I‘A’I'ION, X1. 722. Hussr, X1. 760.
on the American languages, 618—his Humerus, or arm-bone, in man, II. 786 Hussnmn, X1. 760. See Agriculture.
journey across the Andes, III. 118— ——in reptiles, III. 15. Hnsnsson (William), XI. 760—hls bill
account of a crocodile roused from Hmum'rr, X1. 722. for amending the combination-law, V.
lethargy or summer sleep, 168—ba HUHILIA'I‘I, X1. 722. 564—on the corn-laws, VII. 350—on
rometrical measurement of Chim HUIIILIATION, X1. 723. the sinking-fund, X. 245.
borazo, IV. 401-—vertic.a1 section of Hcxiu'rr, X1. 723; I. 381; XV. 470. 'Huss (John), XI. 761; XXI. 952.
America, 402—on the botany of Ame Humiriacete, in botany, V. 103. Hesssas, cavalry, XI. 761.
rica, V. 77-on isothermal lines, VI. Humming-birds, XVI. 590; VI. 526. Hussmnroon, liindu town, XI. 761.
764; X1. 197, 37l—on the Canaries, Hummock, XVII. 519. Hcssmuasn, Hindu town, X1. 761.
VI. 73—on the Egyptian calendar, —— Isnssn, XI. 723. Hessi'rss, X1. 761.
VIII. 554—-on the electricity ot‘ the Hnxous, X1. 723. Hussun Subach, XVII. 264.
torpedo and electrical eel, 610, 613; Hmsrunnt (Laurence), XI. 72 3. Ileana-cs, XI. 762.
XII. 225 -—on picture-writing, X1. Duke of Gloucester, VIII. 733-4. Hus'riuroas, Hindu city, X1. 762.
296, n. 4—0n magnetism. XIII. 691, Humphreys on codification, XIII. 192. Hoses, Danish city, X1. 762.
701, 745-, 749—on the Mexican In Humphreys' steam-engine, XX. 695. Huszs. in Hungary, X1. 762.
dians, XIV. 809 -— on the Russian Hnsnnsns, XI. 723-division of English Hercusson (Dr Francis), XI. 762; I.
mines, XV. 253 -on the Mexican counties into, VIII. 762. 204, 369—7118 writings and philoso
mines, 260, 280 -on the Orinoco, Hnsrstn, Hessian town, X1. 723. phy, 205; XII. 296—his letters to Dr
XVI. 536—on Manco Capac, XVII. HUNGARY, X1. 723; IV. 223—mines, Clarke, 1, 348—on (IISIIIIGI'QaIOd aii‘cc
293—on American volcanoes, 514—on 230; XV. 252, ct scq.—language, XIII. tions, and a distinct moral faculty,
the distribution of heat, 54 3, 545; of 90—libraries, 314—inlnnd navigation, ib.—compared with Butler. ib.-on
plants, 545, 546, 547 ; of animals, IX. XVI. 4—-hcights ot'mouutains, XVII. secondary desires, 348—011 the nature
105—on the population of New Spain, 506—war with Sweden, XXI. 21.- of conscience, ib.—his errors, 349—
XVIII. 4 10. Turkish invasions, 412. on beauty, IV. 485—011 the sense of
Human-Warn, XI. 731. _ deformity, VII. 673 —on laughter,
HUME (David), X1. 720, 564—his esti Honors, XI. 731; XVII. 626, 662— XIII. 122. 123.
mate of Machiavelli, I. 24—on mm efl'ect of custom on, VII. 559. Hutchins’s experiments on the freezing
dern improvements in monarchical Hesozsroan, in Wilts, X1. 733. of quicksilver, VI. 262.
government, ib.—on the statutes of Market, London, XIII. 507. Hutchinson (General), V. 505 ; VIII.
Henry VII., 37-8—on the influence of Hesmorx, French town, X1. 733. 493.
the civil war of 1640, 48-~on cause Hunniades (John). VII. 289. (Joan), X1. 763, 564—011 the
and effect, 78, 211, ct seq. 286; XVII. Hcxss, nation, X1. 733, 729; X. 478 Deluge, V11. 700.
436, 440~his Treatise of Human Na —Charlcmagnc‘s war with the, X. 8 Hutchinsonianism, XVII. 367 ; X1. 763.
ture, 1. 206-7, 221. 353-its effects on ~their language, XIII. 91~thcir in HUT'I'ANY, Hindu town, X1. 763.
literature, 208—his division of the vasions of the Roman empire, XIX. Hutton (Cha.), on gunnery, XI. 64—on
Objects of knowledge, ib.—admitted 418. ct seq. the resistance of fluids, XII. 79—his
the existence of only impressions and Hunt (Leigh). his connexion with Lord Mathematical Tables, XIII. 420-on
ideas, 209, 219—his scepticism, 209, Byron, V. 758. projectiles, XVIII. 654.
215—his refutation of attempts to de (Captain), V. 391. (Dr Jsuss), X1. 763—his manu
monstrate self-evident truths, 210— IIUNTEB. (John), XI. 736-on the dis factory of sal-aminoniac, II. 661, 662
benctits which have resulted from his tinction of species, III. 162—0n bees, »-his hygrometer,XII. 1 25—his theory
reasonings, ib.—his distinction be IV. 519»--on the varieties of human of min, 132; XIV. 748; XVII. 535
tween the sensitive and cogitative complexion, VII. 189 ~on compara —on hygromctry, XVII. 533.
parts of our nature, 212—0n our be tive anatomy, XVII. 584—his work on Ht'l', in the Nethcrlands, XI. 764.
lict' in the permanency of the laws of Digestion, XX. 524 ——his improve Hurotss n2 Zurucums (Christian),
nature, ib.-— on the course of nature, ments in surgery, 830—too fond of XI. 764,-— his discoveries rcgarding
and succession of ideas, ib.—his re amputating, 834, 11. motion, 1. 479—his micrometer, 496;
formation of the philosophical voca (Dr John), on grammar, X. 640, XV. 11, 23—other adaptations of the
bulary, 213—instance of his sincerity ct seq. telescope to astronomical purposes
in the search after truth, 216—But ' - (Dr Wittusl), X1. 734 --his suggested by, I. 497—his theory of
ler’s opinion of his Essays, 217—vir anatomical labours, II. 702, 703—011 light. 514—his life and character, 581
tuous private character of. 352—anti cellular and adipose tissues, 713, 715 -—grcatly improved dynainh s, 602-4)!)
cipated in some of his doctrines, 425 -—on the lymphatics, 729~—on carti. probability, III. 19.); XVIII. 592—
-—-considered hi Inquiry concerning lagc, 747—his copartncrship with Dr his astronomical discoveries, III. 742;
the Principles of Morals as the best Cullcn, VII. 532—011 the torpedo, I. 496—0n pneumatics, IV. 389,- his
of his writings, 354—mcrits of that VIII. 610; and electrical eel, 613. barometer, ib.—-on barometrical met»
work, 355, st amp—his style, 354— (Governor), XXI. 712. surcmcnts, 397, n. I—on tho pendu
his last illness, 424—on the state of , horse, XI 734, 580, 598, 605. lum, VI. 767, 785; I. 479, 581—his
agriculture under the feudal system, Hunter's double screw, XIV. 370. contrivance for keeping clocks going
II. 252-on God’s government of the Husrsa‘s Isms, X1. 737. while wound, VI. 784—his watch
universe, III. 176, n.—-on balance of Hunter’s River, XXI. 715. springs, 789—on the earth‘s .‘igurc,
power. IV. 310—his philosophy, 477 Hunterian Museum, X. 539. IX. 548; XVII. 498—011 double re
—his injustice to Prynne, 629—on Heuriso, X1. 738, 612—ot‘ the boar, fraction, XIII. 333; I. 515-011 evo
miracles, VI. 622, 627 ; XV. 295—on IV. 721 —in chivalry, VI. 602—iu lutcs, XIV. 318—on mechanics, 351,
the effect of a progressive rise ofpriccs Sinde, XX. 364. 353—on the invention of the tele
in stimulating productive industry, Hunting-box, in gardening, X. 337. scope, XVI. 354 ; and microscope,
VII. 160—his character of Oliver Hexrmonos, X1. 757. 356——on polarisation of light, 353,
Cromwell, 477 ; ot' the Marquis of -— (Countess of), her patronage of 453; XVIII. 242-on the quadrature
Worcester, XXI. 941—on association IVhitcfield, XXI. 875. ot‘ the circle, XX. 555—on the eyes
of ideas, VIII. 436; XIV. 626——his Hus'rmooossnms, X1. 757. of animals, XXI. 148—his eye-piece
letter to Gibbon, X. 509; to Dr Reid, Huntington, linguist, X1. 312. of telescopes, 164.
XIX. 106-his faults as a historian, Huntsman, X1. 754. Henna (John), painter, X1. 766.
X1. 498 - Hurd's answer to, 759; HUNTSPILL, in Somerset, X1. 758. Hyacinth, culture 01‘, XI. 681—speciiic
XXI. 772—0n the origin of ideas, Hupcau (5L). his centre for the bridge gravity of. XII. 31.
XII. 296—on rates of interest. 319; of Orleans, VI. 286. HIACIN'I'IIUS, in mythology, X1. 766.
XVIII. 265; n. I—on law. XIII. 176, Home (Richard), XI. 758—his sneer at Hvsnss, nymphs, XI. 766.
I77—on perception. XIV. 605—0n Dr Taylor, XXI. I28—his pancgyric Hymna, XIV. 119; II. 56, 60.
memory, 615—on the idea of power, of Warburton, 771—on Ilolingbrokc's Hyalea, mollusca, XV. 355.
633—011 belief of testimony, 641 ——on attack on Pope. 772-11111 work against Iiynlitc, a mineral, XV. 157—-specinc
necessity, 690-on instinctive benevo Hume, ib.; XI. 759—1119 preface to gravity of, XII. 31.
lence, XV. 458—on government, XVI. \Varburton‘s works, XXI. 773—11is Iiyaloid membrane and fluid of the hu
235—on Ossian, 660, 66'J—on politi Letters to that prclatc, ib. man eye, 11. 799.
cal economy, XVIII. 268—his con Henna, Hindu town, X1. 760. Hyhernaculum of buds, III. 91, 96.
duct to J. J. Rousseau, XIX. 508-— Honour and HUIDLI'IS, X1. 760. Hybcrnation of animals, 11. 46; III.
Smcllic‘s Life of, XX. 403—Ad1nn Husnwsn, XI. 760—com1nercc of, 336. 167.
Smith’s account of his death and cha Huau Bonn, X1. 760. HYBLA, in Sicily, X1. 766; XV. 701.
racter, XX. 417; and Lord Hailes's Huro, fish, XII. 168. Ilybos, insect, IX. 269.
Latin version of it, VII. 604, Hunon, lake, XI. 760; VI. 58, 64 ; XV. Hybotinse, insects, IX. 269.
(Joseph), his financial opposition 7; XVII. 522 ;. XXI. 455. Htssin rusrs, X1. 766; V. 59
80 INDEX.
HYB--HYD HVD—HYP ' HYP—ICE Z ICE —IDI
Ilybrids, XI V. 201—gcnerally barren, {SOS—specific gravity of the bicarburet Hyperboloid, mensuration of, XIV. 576. Ice-nusx, XII. 141; XVII. 520.
III. 161. of, XII. 31. Iirrzneosms, XII. 137; II. 10. Ion-noun, XII. 141.
IIYBRISTIOA, Grecian feast, XI. 766. III'DIIOGBAPIIICAL Charts, XII. 110. HI'I'EIICATALIC’I‘IC verse, XII. 137. ICE-ISLAND, XII. I41.
Iiydaspes, river, passed by Alexander Hrnaoonsrur. XII. 110. Hrrsacsiric, XII. 137. Icsuun. X1]. 142; XVIII. 215—an
the Great, XIII. 634. Hydroida, zoophytes. XXI. 1023. Hrrsnnnus, XII 137. cient mythology of. VIII. 410—jury
Iiydaticus. insect, IX. 174. IIydrolenct-tc, in botany, V. 121. Hypericineze, in botany, V. 101. trial in. XII. (Sim—language of, X111.
IIYDE (Edward), Earl of Clarendon, XI. Hydromancy, VIII. .58. Ilrrssloss, Greek orator. XII. 137. 8!); XVII. 419—birds, XVI. 551
766; V. 342, 343~impwchcd, 346. HYDBOMEL. X1]. 110. I‘IYPEBMNESTBA, XII. 138. heights of mountains, XVII. 505—4'01.
(Taouiisl. X1. 770. lirosousrsn, XII. 22, 110. llypertmdontcs, in zoology, XIV. 182. canoes, 513—»geysers, XVII. 528.
Park, London, XIII. 542. Hydrometra, insect, IX. 198. Iiypcrsthene, a mineral, XV. 149. moss, V. 139; VI. 476.
Iiyder Ali, XI. 421, ct scq.; XIV. b1— Hydromys. in zoology, XIV. I32. Hypertrophy. XVII. 1‘28. —--—~ spar, XII. little—double refrac
his proceedings in Canal-a, VI. 70. Hydropeltidzc, in botany, V. 96. Hvrnsu, in grammar. XII. 138. tion of, I. 514; XVI. 359. 453, 487
Hrnnaasan. XI. 770-1; XX. 363. HYDBOPUANES, stone, XII. 110. IIYPNOTIC,111 medicine, XII. 138. —-elee.tricity produced by pressure of,
Hrnsnsuuus, Hindu village, XI. 772. Hydrophili,insects. IX. 150. three, Greek particle, XII. 138. VIII. 600.
IIYDRRGUB, Hindu town, X1. 772. Hydrophis. a serpent, XX. 150 —-~ its Ilrrosouz, in rhetoric, XII. 138. Icns't. X1]. 148.
lirnsssur, Hindu town, XI. 772. poison. 129. IIYPOCA'I‘IIAIISIS, XII. 138. Icennine Way. VIII. 121.
Ilrnna. XI. 772—-island, X. 730—200 Hrosoruonu. XII. 110; XIV. 507— Ilvrocaus'rms. XII. 138. Icetas, VI. 186; XXI. 56, .37.
phyte, XXI. 1023. in the domestic animals, XXI. 633. Hrrocnosnnuc PASSION, XII. 138. Iehneumon, insect. IX. 222—onc of the
Hydraclma, arachnides, III. 369. Hydro-phosphoric gas, VI. 382. llypocist, specific gravity of. XII. 31. mammalia, XIV. 118.
Ilrnnaooocss, X1. 772. Hvnnornvucu, XII. 110. Iiypocorollzn. in botany, V. 119. Ichneumonides, insects, IX. 218.
Hydrangea}. in botany, V, 113. Hydrophyllete, in botany, V. 122. Hrrocnisr. XII.138. Icasoonarur, XII.148; III. 467.
Hrnsaaoraum. XI. 772. Hydroporus, inrect. IX. 131'). Hypodermn, in zoology, XIV. 100. Icnoa, humour, XII. 149.
HydraSpis, reptiles, XIX. 129.. Hrnnoscors, XII. 110. Ilypogzcon. worm, X1. 222. ICII'I‘III'OCOLLA, XII. 149; VI. 727.
IIydrates, VI. 437. ' Hydrostatic balance. IV. 307—press, Ilrrooiccu, XII. 138. ’ICIITIIYOLOGY, XII. 151 —-circulation
Ilydranlic press. Sec Hydrostatic. XII. 107; II. 114; IV. 387; VI. 19. Ilrroclis'ralc, XII. 138. and respiration in fishes, II. 707—
- l‘..III, V. 148. HYDBOS'I‘A'I‘ICS, XII. 9; XVII. 568-— IIypogea, in architecture, III. 467. bones, III. I, 16—-muscles of tail, 20
lirnnauucs, X1. 772; XII. 51 ; XVII. discoverics of Archimedes, Stevinus, lirrooLO'r-ns, XII. 138. -—0rgnus of smell, 2l—eyes, 22.“ seq.
568—Souterasi or hydraulic obelisks T0rt‘icclli,ttml Otto Guericke._l. 480 Iiypogynons stamens and petals, V. 41. --ears, 26~nervous system, 30, 31—
at Constantinople, III. 319—pipes for principles ot’. GUS—Euler on, ib.—the IIyponitrous acid, VI. 366. teeth, 32, 33——stomach, 36—intes
conveying water into towns, 320-— theory reduced into a simple form by Ilypopetalzr, in botany, V. 94. tines, 37-8—~organs of circulation and
Coulomb on the cohesion of fluids, Bouguer, ib.—outline of this theory, Hypophosphorous acid, VI. 380. nération, 39, 40—Cnvier on, VII. 571
VII. 428 -— hydraulic machinery, 609 —investigation ofthc earth's figure lirroiczsmx, X11.138. ——electricity of fishes, VIII. 572~—
XII. 82. See Aqueduct, Fluids. Hy from the laws of. IX. 563. Iiypostaminea, in botany, V. 125. comparative physiology of fishes.
drodynamics, Noria, Pump, Water Hydrosulphocyanic acid, VI. 435. I'IYPOSTARIS, X1]. 138. 'XVII. 715—air-bladder, 717; XVIII.
Works. IIydrosulphuretted hydrosulphocyanic Hypostoma, fish, XII. 203. 98. See Fishes.
Hrnasurnnocsnn, XI. 772. acid, VI. 435. IIyposulpho-arsenitcs, VI. 458. ICII'I‘IIYOPIIAOI, or fish-eaters, XII. 240;
Hydret of potassium, VI. 393. Hydrosulphuric acid, VI. 376. Hyposulphuric acid, VI. 375. IX. 378; XVI. 68.
'IIydriodate-s, VI. 4.55. Hydrosnlphurous acid, VI. 876. Hyposulphurous acid, VI. 375. Ichtbyosaurus, peculiarities of its bones,
Hydriodic acid, VI. 364. IIrnno'i'uoaAx, XII. 110—in the do Ilrrornscs, in civil law, XII. 138. III. IG—its eyes, 23.
liydrobisulphoeyanic acid. VI. 435. mestic animals. XXI. 631. Hrrornnxusr. XII. 139; X. 433. Icn'rnrrsau, XII. 240.
Iiytlrobromates, VI. 453. Hydrous, insect, IX. 150. Iirro'ransis, XII. 139——the true use of, ICKENILD S'rsrzs'r, XII. 240.
Iiydrobromic acid, VI. 364. Hrmwsrcu. XII. 110. I. 101 ; XVII. 443—in geometry. X. Icolmkil. See Iona.
Hydrocampe, insect, IX. 2152. Hrsuss'rzs, XII. 110. 433—danger of, XVII. 442. ICONIUM, in Asia Minor, XII. 240.
Hydrocantliari, insects. IX. 134. Hyctometer, XIV. 742. Hvroraacasuos, XII. 139; III. 467. Icosocnss'rss, or image-breakers, XII.
Hydro-carbo-sulphuric acid, VI. 431. Hroma. goddess of health. XI. 179. Hypoxidese, in botany, V. 133. 240; X111. 467; XVI. 706.
Hydrocele, common in Egypt, VIII. Hrotniss. XII. 110; XIV. 522. Iiypoxula, reproductive organs of, V. 57. Icosooaarnu, XII. 241.
617~surgical treatment of, XX. 845. HYGINUB (Cains Julius), XII. 110. lirrsis'r/isu,hereties, XII. 139. Iconolntrzc. See Ieonoclnstes.
Hrnnocnrnsnvs, X1. 772; XVII. 458 Hygrobia. insect, IX. 125. Hypulus, insect. IX. 166. Icononzo. natural bridge of, III. 118.
--in the domestic animals, XXI, 633. Hygrometcr, XII. 111; XVII. 533—in Hyrax, XIV. 151—stomaeh of, III. 35. Icosaunnnoa', in geometry, X11. 241.
Hydroceresc, in botany, V. 103. vention and description of. I. 649— IIYRCANIA, X11. 139; XIII. 633. ICOSANDRIA, in botany, XII. 241.
lIydrOchtt‘rns, in zoology, XIV. 140. applications of, 650-1; XIV. 737-— Hyrcanus (John), XII. 570; XV]. 751. Icterus, bird, XVI. 582.
IIydrocliarideze. in botany. V. 132. Leslie's, VII. 60; XIV. 731—its use in Hyson-tea, XXI. 132. Ictides. in zoology, XIV. 1.07.
Hydrochloric acid, VI. 364. meteorology, 727—its practical utility, HISTERICAI. Arrnc'rtos, XII. 139— Ictinia, bird, XVI. 564.
Hydrochorisae, insects, IX. 198. 737- Pcltier's thermo-electric hygro anomalous forms of, XVII. 486. Ictinus, VIII. 666.
Hydrochus, insect, IX. 150. meter, XXI. 700. I-Irsrzsos' Pao'rzaou, XII. I39. IDA (Mount), XII. 241 ; VII. 582.
Hydrocyanates, VI. 456. Hronounrsr, XII. Ill—observations Hystrix, in zoology, XIV. 139. InALicn, promontOry, XII. 242.
Hydrocyanic acid, VI. 433—its p0ison~ 01 Riot and Gny-Lussae in a balloon, Hr'rnn, town in Kent, XII. 139. Inns. XII. 242; XIV. GOO—M. All»
ous quality, XI V. 505. II. 193, 194—usc of membranes in, mand’s criticism on Locke's argument
Hydrocyon, fish, XII. 213. XVII. 598. against innate ideas, I. 107, 250—
Hrnsonrtumcs, XII. I—t'undnmental Hrcnoscorn, XII. 135 ; XIV. 727, 744. Arnauld's docrines, 80—Cudworth’s,
principles of, I. 607—Danicl Bernoulli See Hygrometer. I 194-5—Diderot's erroneous estimate
on, ib.—D'Alembert and Euler, 608 Hyla, reptile, XIX. 155. of Locke’s discoveries, 109-11—views
—Lagrange and Newton, ib.-— Bossut, IIylzeus. insect, IX. 232. I. letter of the alphabet. XII. 140. of Gassendi, 73; Hume, 209; Helve~
609—experiments of Smcaton, ib.~— IIylesinns, insect, IX. 176. Iadc, specific gravity, XII. 31. tius. 136; Kant, 279; Leibnitz, 123;
.ir.ethod of investigating the resistance Hylobntes, in zoology, XIV. 91. IAIBIC, in ancient poetry, XII. 140. Locke, 109; Shaftesbury. 118; Vol
of fluids, ib.—experiments of Robins, Hylobius, insect, IX. 174. IAIIBIJS,111 prosody, XII. 140. taire, 251—remarks concerning, 247—
Borda, Hutton, and Coulomb, on ve I—Iylophagze, IX. 378. Intro-chemists, VI. 348. Meyer’s doctrine of the materiality of,
locities of moving bodies, 610—ob IIylotonia, insect, IX. 217. Ibalia, insect, IX. 226. III. 302~Plato's notions of, III. 496;
serrations on flow of water and air IIvLozom'rs, Greek atheists, XII. 135. Ibarra, XVIII. 798. XVIII. 25*Condillac’s, VII. 204, 206
‘through pipes, ib.—Ampere‘s experi I-Iylurgus, insect, IX. 176. Ibatzas, VII. 283. -—-simple and complex, XIII. 434—
ment on projection of water through Hntns, god of marriage, XII. 135. Ibera, lake, XVII. 66. composition and resolution of, 437—
vertical slit, 611——-laws of, applicable , in anatomy, II. 826. Issau, a name of Spain, XII. 140. origin of. XIV. 601~genera1, or ab.
to air, XVIII. 76—motion of fluids in HYXENJIIAL, XII. 135. , in Asia. XII. 140—raraged by stract, 622—physiological explanation
‘ pipes. 110, 112—theory of motion of‘ Hrussor'rzsa, XII. 136; IX. 59, 215. the Turks. VII. 284—Ibcriau or Geor of, XVII. 674. See Association.
rivers and canals, XIX. 253. See Hy Hrunr'rns, mountain, XII. 136. gian alphabet, II. 549. Ideal, in the fine arts. III. 645, 655.
draulics, Hydrostaties. I-Inla, XII. 136. Iberiane, XX. 490. Ideal theory, by whom first. assailed, I.
Hydroferrocyanic acid, VI. 435. Hyndford, family of, XI. 249, n. 1. Ibis, bird, XVI. 620. 80——Berkeley’s theory of idealism,
Hydrofluates, VI. 456. Hynnis, tish, XII. 186. Ibrahim Aga, III. 345. 165H-thc object of Dr Reid to refute
HydrofluOric acid, VI. 432. IIyodon, fish, XII. 216. Paeha, XXI. 64—his war against it, 218. Sec Dante-Icy. "my.
Hydrogen, in chemistry. VI. 363—111 Hyoid bone, II. 781e—its muscles, 794. the Wahahys. III. 345-his Greek Idealist, meaning of the term as can
mineralogy, XV. 137—tones produced IIyost-yamus niger, a poison, XIV. 505. campaigns, VIII. 604; X. 749. played in philosophy. I. 190. ,' .'._ :2
by the burning of, II. I20—its light IIypzcthros, in architecture, III. 467. , Turkish emperor, XXI. 412. Idcniity, xvu. 463. .a s...
ness, and use in balloons. 181, 182, HYPALLAGB,111 grammar. XII. 136. Ibycter, bird, XVI. 56]. Inssrrrr, XII. 242. ' as“;
“183, 187—its use-with oxygen in the Hrrau'rr, Greek feast. XII. 136. Isrcus, Greek poet, XII. 140. (personal), XIV. 679—-Dr But.
blowpipe. IV. 716 — its compounds HrrA'rtA, XII. 136; II. 421; X. 427— Icarus, VII. 58:1. ler on, I. 217—in‘medical jurispru.
with carbon, VI. BTU—effects of food not the inventor of the artcometer, 103, XII. 140; XX. 571—celerity of deuce, XIV. 493. . .n
containing, VIII. 24—c1ectricily de III. 370. sound through, II. 115—how collected Inns, XII. 242; VI. 4.}, a.» ."1 383‘)“
veloped in the combustion of, VIII. Hypatius. VII. 281. in India, VII. 59~artiticial, VII. 62. ldia, insect, IX. 2813 ,iflJgflh
’606—arsenietted, VI. 384—carburct IIrrns. Greek prefix, XII. 136. 504; XI. 191, 196; VI. 263—modc Inlocr, XII. 242—L0eke on, XVIII.774.
ted, 370; X. 366; XIV. 604; XV. IIypcra, insects, IX. 173. ‘ of formint,r it in India, IX. 433~—cause Inioat, XI]. 243; mu. 64. ' i4
137; XVI. 184—phosphurcttcd, VI. llrrsssii'roa, in grammar, XII. I36. of its floating, XI. 189—its elasticity, Intern-hr, in physio, XII. 848.
381 —- selenietted, 378 -tellurettcd. lirrznou, X1]. 137; VII. 238. &c., XX. 753~4-~sen-ice, XVII. 519. Imosruclusr, XII. 24 $1M
879 ~su1phuretted. VI. 376; XIV. Hrrsuon, in rhetoric, XII. 187. Icssnes, X11. 142; XVII. 519. Inior, XII. 248. ... . Iv. mint-M'
 INDEX. 81
IDL—IMA
I
IMA—INA INC—IND IND—INF
Idleness, XII. 2 4 B—discasesarising from,
on the pleasures of, IGI—plcasurcs Inca, insect, IX. 161. NIB—emigration to, 688—method of
XIV. 509. of, mostly originate in association, Incas of Peru, XII. 256; XVII. 292, ct forming ice in, IX. 433~Alexander°s
IDOL, XII. 243. 368—importance of culture of, III. scq.——their government, II. 625. expedition to, X. 390; XIII. 634—
IDOLATM,XII.243; XI.487; XVIII.330. 267—is the source of apparitions, Incuda, port of, IV. 660. monumental inscriptions in, X1]. 291
Inonssncs, XII. 243; VII. 464. 303—its effect in curing diseases. INCAMEIIA’I‘ION, X11. 256. _IIIuguages ol', XIII. til—necessity
Idotcadse, crustaecn, VII. 502. XIV. 5, 24—importancc ot', XV. 482 lncandeseence, X1. 192; XIII. 330. for a code of laws in, 184—libraries
IDBIA, XII. 244—quicksilwr mines of. —-poetic, XVIII. I4l—etfeet of civi INCAN'I‘A‘I'ION, XII. 256—magical incan in, 318—trade with London, 500
XV. 257. lization on, 145. tations, XIII. 680. invadcd by Timour, XV. {HS—coins
Idro, lake, XII. 484; XIII. 469. Issue, in entomology, XII. 2521;1X. 88. Iscsrsm'rr, in canon law, XII. 257. of, 408, 412 — inland navigation,
IDsrms, in Germany, XII. 244. Issue, XII. 253. INCAIINATION, XII. 257. XVI. 3—anclcnt philosophy, V. 180;
Inunsu, VIII. 4131. lusus, mountain, XII. 253; XI. 368. ISCAIINA'I‘IVI‘S, in surgery, XII. 257. XVII. 427» table-land, 503—heights
IDYLLION, X11. 244; VIII. 398. ‘ Israncturr, XII. 253. Iscnumsnr, XII. 257. See Fire-raising. of mountains, 505—cntaracts, 525—
Ierax, bird, X VI. 565. Innislso, XII. 254. luczuss, XII. 257; VI. 492. plague in, 778 - colonized by the
IF, French island, XII. 244. IMBBICATED, in botany, XII. 254. Iscnr'rlvl-r, X11. 257. Egyptians, 385‘; XVIII. 339—settle
Irsuwalt, Hindu tovvn, XII. 244. Ixnno, Greek island, XII. 254. lacrsr, XII. 257—spiritual, ib. ment of the Portuguese in, 465—post
lgasuric acid, VI. 429. Iuibuzeiro, tree, XVII. 734. Iscn, XII. 257. to, 489 —silk-worms in, XX. 352—
IGLAU, in Austria, XII. 244. Itnilcar, VI. 185. Inchbald (Mrs), her novels, XIX. 346. suicide in, 797 —woods of, XXI. 299
IGLE8IAS, Sardininn city, XII. 244. Isu'rs'rioa, XI-I. 254—in music, XII. lscncorm, island, XII. 257. —weights and measures, 853—wool,
Ioss'ru, in botany. XII. 244. 254; XV. 637—imitative music, 641 INCIIGABVII'J, island, XII. 258. 921—map of, XI. Pl. 286. See East
IGNATIUS Lorena, XII. 244, 252. -in oratory. XII. 254—phrenological Inchigeela, lake, VII. 329. India Company, I-Iindus, Bengal,
IGIATIUS (St), XII. 244. faculty of, XVII. 464. INCIIKBI'I‘II, island, XII. 257—lighthousc Calcutta, Clive, Hastings. 81c.
lasts Faruus, XII. 245; XIII. 337; Immaterialism, XVII. 559. on, IX. 766. India Rubber. See Cuoutchouc.
XVII. 542. ' ,p H m, ‘ Immateriality does not imply immor Inclnnarnoch, V. 752. INDIAN, XII. 264.
Iuut'riox, XII. 245 -—- by eIectrIelty, tality, XXI. 213. INCHOATIVE, XII. 258—Verbs, ih. Corn. Sco Maize.
XXI. 677. Sec Combustion, Fire. Immediately, VIII. 10. INCIDENCE, XII. 258—angle of, III. 129. Ink, XII. 280.
Ioaomuzs, XII. 245. Ixxmuru, in Asia, XII. 254. INCIDENT, XII. 258 ~diligence, ib. Isuzu), X11. 264.
Ioxonlsu, XII. 245. Iuusnsiox, XII. 254. INCINEIIA'I‘ION, in chemistry, XII. 258. Ocean, currents in, XVII. 517.
Icsoiunes, in law, XII. 245. IHMOLA'I‘ION, XII. 254. INCISIVE, XII. 258. Isnusa, XII. 265—cana1s in, XVI. 26;
lososss'cn, XII. 245. IMMOBTAL, XII. 254. , Incisor teeth, in man, II. 780—in the XXI. 472~state-bonds, 479.
Igor, king of Russia, XIX. 528. Immortality ot'the soul, XIV. 684; XXI. lower animals, III. 34. Indianapolis, in Indiana, XII. 267.
Ioransna, Spanish town, XII. 245. 213 —only conjectured before pro INCLE, XII. 258; X. 559. INDICATION, in physio, XII. 267.
Iguana, reptile, XIX. 144. mulgation of Christianity, VI. 624-5 Incumvrxos, XII. 258. INDICATIVE mode, XII. 267; X. 660.
Ignanidaa, reptiles, XIX. I41. —intluence of the doctrine in help INC-LINED PLANE, XII. 258 ; XIV. 362-— Indicator, bird. XVI. 598.
Ikan-snmpit, fish, XII. I80. ing to diffuse that religion, 625—— motion of bodies on, 3Sl—I‘or canals, Ismc'non, XII. 267; V1. 661—cycle
IKEIIY, Hindu town, XII. 245. Clarke’s controversy with Dodvvcll on, XVI. 30. of, 9; VII. 573.
Ikhmim, antiquities at, VIII. 544. VI. 729—whether granted to brutes, Inclosure of waste lands in England, Ismcrxssr, in law, XII. 267.
ILA, Ilay, or Isiay, XII. 245. XI. (SW—motive to virtue from, XV. VIII. 764, 767. lunxorsous, XII. 267.
ILANCE, Swiss town, XII. 246. 487—proofs of, ib.—taught in the Iscooslro, XII. 258. INDIGESTION, XII. 267 in the domestic
ILIIESSAN, Turkish city, XII. 246. ancient mysteries, 671—opinions held INCOMBUS'I‘IBLE, XII. 258—Cloth, ib. animals, XXI. 623. Sec Digestiou.
Incarsrnn, XII. 246; XVI. I4 ; XX.476. respecting it by Aristotle, III. 507; See Asbestos. - INDIGETES, XII. 267.
ILDBFONSO, Spanish town, XII. 246. Plato, XVIII. 84; and Socrates, XX. Income, effect of war-expenditure on INDIGO, XII. 267; XI. 380—06 Bengal,
lumps, XII. 216. 462. that of individuals, VII. IGI—taxes IV. 565; Java, XII. 529; Mexico,
lleum, anatomy of the, II. 815—compa Ixxumrr, XII. 254. on, XXI. 106. ' XIV. SOL—formerly raised in Am
rative anatomy of the, III. 38. lunoramurr, XII. 254. Income-tax, V. 487—rcpcaled, 511. boyna, II. 598—eoloming matter of,
ILnx, tree, XII. 246; XVII. 786. IMOLA, Italian city, XII. 254. INCOXXENSUBABLE, XII. 258—numbers, VI. 485—indigo-gluten, 486—indigo
ILI-‘OIID, town in Essex, XII. 246. Impact of bodies, laws of, XIV. 386. 259—quantities, XIII. 37. brown, ib.—indigo-rcd, ib.—indigo
ILFIIACOMBl-I, in Devon, XII. 246. IMPANNELLINO, in law, XII. 254. Ixcoursrlsu-z, XII. 259. hlue, 487—reduced indigo, ib.—Its
ILIAC passion, XII. 246—artrry, II. 820 Imrantss'cc, in law, XII. 254. Iscosronssn, XII. 259. introduction as a dye-stuff, VIII. 297
ILIAD, XII. 246. See lIomer. Iurnscnucsr, XII. 254. Iucosscr'rlsuzs, sect, XII. 259. constituents of, 325—its use in dyeing,
Ilicincm, in botany, V. 119. IMPLCCABILES, heretics, XII. 254. Incubation, XVII. 712. ib.—specific gravity of, XII. 31—in
ILIMBK, Russian town. XII. 246. IMPECCABILI‘I‘Y, XII. 254. lucunos, XII. 259; VIII. 189. digo test in bleaching, V. 685.
Imssns, river, XII. 246; IV. 124. IMPEDIMENTS, in law, XII. 255. lucvunsur, XII. 259. Indigotic acid, VI. 430.
Ilithyia, insect, IX. 253. Iurnxmsaeru'rr, XII. 255. INOUBVA'I‘ION ofrays, XII. 259. Indie river, XVI. 783.
Iucss, or Ilion, XII. 246. See Troy. Islrrnrsc'r, XII. 255~Number, ib. INDEFEAHIBLB, in law, XII. 259. INDIVIDUAL, XII. 268; III. 161.
ILKESTON, in Iici-bysliire, XII. 246. IMPERIAL, XII. 255—Cities, in Germany, lubricant, in law, XII. 259. Individuality, faculty of, XVII. 463.
ILLE-VILAINE, in France, XII. 246. ib.-—I)iet, ib. Isnnurunr, in law, XII. 259. INDIVISIBLE, XII. 268.
1110 and Rance, canal of, XVI. 6. IMPB'I‘BA'I‘ION, XII. 255. Independencia, XI. 19. INDIVISIBLIS, in geometry. XII. 268.
Illecebrezn, in botany, V. 112. Impey (Sir Elijah), V. 430, 435—charges Isnnrssnmv'rs, XII. 259—English, in Iunonsnxzxr, XII. 268; IX. 456, 458.
ILLECHIIIIUM, in botany, XII. 246. against, 450, 455. the 17th century. V. 329. ct seq. lupus, in France, XII. 268.
Interest. in botany, XII. 247. Importation, taxes on, XXI. 115. Isnasssu, XII. 264; III. 111. and LOUIE, in France, XII. 268.
Illiger (Profi), his classification of ani Imports into the United Kingdom, VIII. Isns'rsimmlrrs, XII. 264—I‘roblems, Indris, in zoology, XIV. 97.
mals, III. 170; and of the mammalia, 781, 783. in algebra, II. 476. Isnec'rlon, XII. 269; XIII. 453—Aris
XIV. 79, 80-on birds, XVI. 550, 639. Inrosrrlou ot‘hands, XII. 255; XI. 130. Ixnrx, XII. 264—Expnrgatorius, ib.; totlc on, III. 513—ajust logic, XVII.
Illimani, gold of, IV. HIS—Nevada dc, Ixrossieuz, XII. 255. IV. 628. 446 -— known before Socrates, XX.
XVII. 164. Impost, in architecture, III. 468. Isms, or Hindustan, XII. 264~meta 464—much employed by him, 465.
ILLINOIS, XII. 247.—manufacturing ca Inrorssce, or Impotency, XII. 255* physical and ethical remains of. I. 203 , electrical, VIII. 593.
pabilities of, VII. 422, n.-—canals in, causes of, XIV. 493. —-British troops in, III. (HO—infanti INDULGENCES, XII. 269.
XVI. 26—state-honds of, XXI. 479. IMPRECATION, XII. 255. cide in, 629--early history of. 685— Isnvxxr, XII. 269.
ILLOOAN, in Cornwall, XII. 249. Impregnation, XVII. 685—organs of, Mahommedan empire in, 687, 689; IsnnL'ro, Spanish tax, XII. 269.
ILLUMINATI, XII. 249. 11. 824—07 bees, IV. 529, 562. See XVII. 263 --~ conquered by Sultan lanes, river, XII. 269; II. 212; III. 676
ILLUMINATIXO of 5188., XII. 249. Generation. Baber, III. 690—rise of British power —-passed by Alexander the Great,
ILLemsszn, or Ilfuminati, XII. 250. Imrnsssios. XII. 256. in, 690—kuowledge of the ancients XIII. 634—1115 voyage down the, 637,
ILLUSTBIOUS, XII. 250. lursEsssws'r of seamen, XII. 255; V. respecting. 696~-commerce of, 700, 638—narigntion of the, XVI.‘ 3—
ILLYBIA (ancient), XII. 250—rcduccd 483; IX. 21; XVI. 54. 701—botuny, V. 77—Were its supersti mouths of the, XX. 361.
by Philip 0! Macedon, XIII. 623-war Inrmsosuzsr, XII. 256; XIV. 512— tions borrowed from, or given to, Indnsium, in botany, V. 45.
with the Romans, XIX. 385. false imprisonment, XII. 256. Egypt! lBl—Mr Dundas's measure INBIIIIIAN'I‘S, XII. 270.
(uomsmv), XII. 251. Inrsour'ru, XII. 256. respecting. 428—discussion in Parlia INERTIA. XII. 270; VIII. 353; XVII.
Illyrian alphabet, II. 548. lursosu‘xon, in law, XII. 256. ment in 1788, as to the payment of 569—ccntre of, XIV. 372—07 air,
human (Mathiasl. XII. 252. Improvvisatori, XI. 544 -— female, in troops sent to, 449—wur with Hyder XVIII. 70.
Ilmen, lake, XIX. 565. Egypt, VIII. 529. Aliand Tippoo, 460, 462-—Burmese Inescutcheon, in heraldry, X1. 251.
Italian“, in Somerset, XII. 252. IMPI‘LSION, XII. 256—motion from, IV. war, 567; XI. 440—cloth-manut'ac In Essa. XII. 270.
Inner, XII. 252. 173; VIII. 345; XVII. 567, 571— tures, VI. 20—mode of cooling apart INPALIS'I‘ACIO, XII. 270.
Image-breakers, or Iconoclastes, XII. explaiued by reaction, VIII. 387. ments and collecting ice, VII. 58, 59 INPALLIBLE, XII. 271—popish doctrins
240 ; mm. 467 5 xvx. 700. lurunirr, XII. 256. —yields no tribute to Britain, 117— ofint‘allihility, XVIII. 405.
Image-worship, XII. 241, 243; XVIII. IMPUTATION, XII. 256. British colonial possessions, 125— Isrsur. in law, XII. 271.
339, 405-6. Imputed sin, XXI. 218, 226. eti‘ects of British dominion, ib.—trade Inrsncr. XII. 271; XIV. 205. 493;
Insomssr Qcsx'rr'rms, XII. 253. INACCESSIIILE, XII. 256. with Europe in the middle ages. 157— XV. 456—plcasures of, XVIII. 54.
Roors, XII. 253. Inachus, VII. 692. exports from Britain to, 161~alleged Inrsnrs, XII. 271—size and weight of,
IMAGINATION, XII. 253; XIV. 613, 629 luamrs'anus, XII. 256. rapidity of fortune-making in. 168— II. 758—skulls ot', 782—instinct of,
—incorreet 1y identified by D‘Alembert INANIMA'I‘E, XII. 256. cotton-mannt‘acture, 395 — cotton XII. 296, 301Anursing of, XIV. 205,
with abstraction, I. 6~—its province lxuslrlos, XII. 256. wool, 405-6 N ancient temples and 509; XVI. {HO—mortality of, XIV.
narrow when compared with that of Isumrr, XII. 256. idols, 696—Danish settlements. 728 206. See Fretus.
observation and reason, 79—Addison Issucosu'los, XII. 256. —diamonds, VIII. 3 —calico-printing, Infantieidc, XIV. 496 ; XVII. 462.
m INDEX.
INF—INK INL—INT INT—INV INV—IRE
sanctioned by Aristotle, III. 528—in Inkle-wares, X. 559. Iaracuos, XII. 319. IznrxaLocnx. in Inverness-shire, XII.
cam... V1.557, as? ; CUICII, Vt]. 564; Inlaid work, XIV. 257. Ix'rmna. XII. 319. 332-battle of, V. 327.
India, III. 629 ; New Holland, IV. INLAND, XII. 281. Ia'rsoaan, XII. 319. Ixvsassss, XII. 332—vitrified fort
209; the South Sea Islands, III. 628; Navigation. See Navigation. CALCULUS, XII. 319; IX. 675. near, IX. 757.
Sparta, XX. 528. Ianzasan, XII. 281. Integration, problem of, I. 528. INVBINESQ-SIIIIE, XII. 334—tisherics
Ixraxr, in law, XII. 271. Imuras, XII. 281. Integumcnts of human body, XVII. 605. of, IX. 602. See Caledonian Canal.
Inuxrs and Infanta, XII. 271. Ins, XII. 281—river, IV. 459. Isn't-manor, XII. 319—Aristotle on, III. Ixvzass. XII. 337.
Israxrar, XII. 271. See Army. Iuss, XII. 28 i—of Court, ib.; XIII. 507—plcasures of the, XV. 468. Isvnaslou, XII. 337,—in stylc,VII. 291.
Ixn'rearn, XII. 271. 527—of Chancery, XII. 282. In'rssnssr, XII. 319. Invertebrata, characteristics of, III. 172
lursr'ruzs'r, in Scotch law, XII. 271. Issns mass, XII. 282; XIV. 601. Is'rssnmzs'r, XII. 319. _their organs of smell, 2i.
Isrsmaz, sacrifices. XII. 271. See Ideas. INTENT, in law, XII. 319. Isvxarzn, in music, XII. 337.
INIIBULATION, XII. 271. Innateness of the mental faculties of lures-nos, XII. 319. Ia'vnaoar, Scotch town, XII. 337.
Isnnan, XII. 271. man, XVII. 456. Is-rnacansar, XII. 319. INVESTIGATION, XII. 337.
Isrlnnurx, XII. 271. See Atheism, INNEBLOCIIY, in Inverness-shire, XII. Iursacnssiox, XII. 319; XVIII. 406. INVESTITUBE, in law, XII. 337.
Deism. 332 ~battle of, V. 327. Is'rnacssson, XII. 319. Isvocrrtos, XII. 337.
INFINITE, XII. 273—Quantities, ib.— Inner Temple, XII. 282. INTERCOLUIHNIATION, in architecture, INVOICE, XII. 337; IV. 781.
.Scrics, II. 467. Ian ass-AIL, in Ireland, XII. 282. 101.319; 111.408. ' Invoice-Book, IV. 781.
ISI'INITESIMALS, XII. 27. . IsazsrALLEa, Lake, XII. 282. Intercommuning, letters of, V. 350. n. Involuceiia, in botany, V. 40.
Ixnsxrn': mood, XII. 273; X. 664. Ismsuaxxox, Irish town, XII. 282. Ixrnacos'ran, XII. 319 — action of Ixvorm'cnux, XII. 337; III. 96; V. 40.
INPINI‘IY, XII. 273; XIV. 667. Issisuiaxas, island, XII. 282. muscles in breathing, XVIII. I23. INVOLU'I‘ION, in algebra, XII. 337; II.
In: IBIAIH', XII. 27 S—Edinburgh Royal, IxxlsxiLLmo, XII. 282; IX. 57, 518. INTI-ZBDICT, XII. 319. 483.
VIII. 426. ' Innismurray, island, XX. 392. Ia'rsass'r, XII. 319; XV. 393; XVIII. 10, daughter of Inaehus, XII. 337.
Ixrunnsmu'rr, XII. 273. Innispatrick, VIII. 234. 265, n. I-application of algebra to Iodic acid. VI. 361.
Inflammation, a disease, XVII. I27 -— Isxocssr’s oar, XII. 282. calculations of, II. 47 3—Tables of in Iodides, VI. 455——0f antimony, 385
treatment of. in animals, XXI. 613— Innocent III. (Pope), his dispute with. crease of L.1 at compound, Iii. 231-2 arsenic, 383 - bismuth, 417 —-cad
of the stomach and other organs in King John, VIII. 721-2 —~ his pro ——calculation of, 556—on accounts minm, 411—carbon, SID—copper. 415
cattle, 625, ct .vq. ceedings against the Albigenses, XII. current, IV. 791—-in ancient Athens, -—cyanogcn,434—glucinum,399—gold.
Inflatm, inaccts, IX. 270. 263. 171—impolicy of limiting the rate of, 420 —-iron, 404—lcad, 412—mercury,
INFLATION, X1]. 273. lusessno. in la“, XII. 282. VII. I71, 175—usury, XXI. 5312. 418—nickel, 408—moiybdenum, 390
Innnus, in zeology, XIV. 93. rInterference of light, XVI. 426; XVIII.
Isrtnc'nos, in optics, XII. 2 7 3 ; XVI. -—phosphorus, 381—p1atinum, 422—
433—in grammar, XII. 2 73—point Issrco'r'u. Hindu town, XII. 282. 233. potassium. 39 3—silver, 419—sulphur.
of. ib. 130, in fabulous history, XII. 282. Israaur. XII. 328. 376—teiiurlum, 379—tin, 414 — zinc,
Inflorescence, in botany, V. 40. INOA, Greek festivals, XII. 282. Ixrnaancnons, in grammar. XII. 328; 410.
Influenza. in horses and (logs, XXI. 630. INOCULATION, XII. 282—for small-pox, X. 672. 682. 685. Iodine, VI. 361—Sir I'I. Davy on, VII.
Influx, definition of the word, I. 254. ib. —- Condanline on. VII. 200 -- its Israatocnroa, XII. 328. 64 I-spccitic gravity of, XII. 31—poi
INFORMATION, in law, XII. 273. adoption in France, X. 37 -- intro INTEBLOCUTOBY decree, XII. 328 —— sonous quality of, XIV. 503.
Isronnzn, in law. XII. 273. duced into England, XV. 424. judgments, 329—ordrr, ib. acids, VI. 432.
IXFBACTION, XII. 274. Inorganic 1 odies, II. 684. Ixraatorsas, X11. 3'29. acid salts, VI. 455.
Isra'aaarsaan, sect, XII. 274. — Chemistry, VI. 358. INTEBLUDE, XII. 329. Iodous acid, VI. 362.
Isruu, ancient 111111'0, XII. 274. IsomsrrloxJII. 283; XVI. 651—~in Intermaxiliary bones of the mammalia, Ioh, Egyptian deity, VIII. 552.
Infundibulnm, molluscum, XV. 349. troduced into Portugal, XVIII. 465— III. 5. IOLAIA, Theban festival, XII. 337.
INFUSION, in pharmacy, XII. 244. in Spain, XX. 498. Ixrnmzs'r, XII. 329. See Burial. Iowa, son of Iphiclus, XII. 337.
Infusoria, III. ISO—obscurity of their Insalivation, XVII. 627—organs of, in Ixrsam'rrsnr or intermitting fever, Ioiite, XV. 156—sp, gr. of, XII. 31-—
origin,162—physiology of, XVII. 723. brutes, III. 34. See Saliva. XII. 331; XVII. 486. opticai properties of, XVI. 494.
INOATES’I‘ONI, in Essex, XII. 274. Insanity—its relation to genius and the Internodia, V. 33. 10!, XII. 338.
Isonnxuxsrna. XII. 274. liability to see apparitions, III. 306 IXTEIPOLATION, XII. 231—easy mode Iona, island, XII. 338; VII. 129; XIX.
Ixossnousz (John), XII. 274—0n the -in medicaijurisprudeuce, XIV. 494. of computing logarithms by, XIII. 698,705; xx.470.
composition of the atmosphere, IV. 528—11 bar to the execution of a cri 430. Ions, in Asia Minor, XII. 339.
134—011 the electricity of the torpedo. minal, XIV. 513—partial, XVII. 459. Is'rnnrostrioa', XII. 231. loans ISLANDS, XII. 340—weights and
VIII. 610—his electrical machines, See Mental Diseases, Dmmoniac. Isrsnranrsn, XII. 231. measures of, XXI. 854.
64 3—his opposition to Mesmcr, XI V. 7. Isscaiann, in geometry, XII. 290. Ixrnaarzosnx, XII. 231. IONIC dialect, XII. 347; XVII. 404-—
Iuomwous, XII. 275. INSCBIPTIONS, XII. 290 —- French Aca» Isranasx, XII. 231. characters, 396—sect of philosophers,
Isoaaax, Indian town, XII. 275. demy of, II. 75—charactcrs of abbre INTEBROGA’I‘ION, XII. 231. XII. 347; XVII. 431.
Isoss'n, XII. 275. viations in, VI. 323. Ixrnasczxnza'r, in algebra, XII. 231. order of architecture, III. 472.
Ingham (Hon. S. 1).), experiments on INSCIIUTABLI. in theology, XII. 293. Is'rmtsxcnoa, in mathematics, XII. 231. 460—its origin, 416—modern Italian,
the force ofsteam made at his request, Insccta, XVII. 587. Ixrsavaa, XI'I. 23l—in music, XII. 425, 451—Greek, 435, 439—Roman.
XX. 588. 596. Insects, IX. 59—eycs of, III. 25—in 231 ; xv. cos. 449.
Inglcbert (St). justs of, VI. 608. gardens, XI. 688,n.—means ofdcstroy Iurzs'rn's, in law, XII. 332. Iostcn Mans. XII. 347.
Inglewood forest, IV. 573. ing noxious, XII. 293; XXI. 602. Sec Intestinal worms, III. 162; XXI. 991. Ipecacuanha, alkali in, VI. 465.
Inglis (Captain), anecdote of, at the Entomology. Intestines, anatomy of the, II. 815— IPIIICIIA'I‘ES, XII. 347; XXI. 196.
battle of Camperdown, V. 482 ; VIII Insectirora, XIV. 102—boncs of, III. functions of, XVII. 582, 631, 632— Irmosxu, XII. 347.
277. n. 1. 7—structure of, XVII. 79 i. in brutes, 702, rt "71.; III. 37—their Iponomeuta, insect, IX. 253.
ISLAND, XII. 275. Insessorcs, birds, XVI. 567. length in proportion to that of the Ipsamboul. temple of, XVI. 296.
Isomzvms, in birds, XII. 275. INSIKUATION, XII. 295. body in ditferent animals, ib.—mucus Irsmcn. town in Snti'olk, XII. 347.
Isoonns'ran'r, in Bavaria, XII. 275. Issonvan-r, XII. 295; IV. 347. of the, VI. 497—ot' insects, IX. 84— Inax, Persian province, XII. 348.
Iscor, XII. 275. Issrsc'roa, XII. 295. obstruction of, in the domestic ani Irapnato, in Mexico, XIV. 814.
Ingrat‘ting, XI. 635. INSPIIA'I‘ION, XII. 295; XIX. 780. mals, XXI. 626. See Ichthyology, Iaascxsnz, XII. 348.
Ingrassias (J. 1%), his contributions to Ixsrzssu‘mo, in pharmacy, XII. 295. Ornithology, &.c. Irbil, III. 375.
anatomy, II. 696. Issrauca, Austrian city, XII. 295. Intolerance, efl'ects of. III. 266. Instr. Russian town, XII. 348.
Isona'rrrunn, XII. 275. INSTALLATION, XII. 296. Iu'roua'rtos, in music, XII. 332. lane, Austrian town, XII. 348.
Ismazss, in astronomy, XII. 276. Issraaunrrr, XII. 296. Intoxication. See Drunkenness, Inc IRELAND, XII. 349—history of, ib.—sta—
Isenossza, in law, XII. 276. Insrasr, XII. 296. briants, Opium, Spirits, 8w. tistics, 389—Royal Irish Academy.
Isouwnrs. abbot, XII. 276. Ixsrauaarxou, XII. 296. Israasca, in Sardinia. XII. 332. II. 773—Irish alphabet, 550—crom
Inhabitiveness, XVII. 462. Iasrsaauao, Prussian city. XII. 296. Ixrasscnnsx'r, XII. 332. leehs. III. 407~iiagpipe, IV. 282-—
Isnui'raxcs, XII. 27 6-—1\Iosaic law of, InsTwcT, XII. 296; XVII. 560; I. 388; INTBIGUE, XII. 332. Bibies, 619-languagc, X111. 86, 93;
XV. bdfi—right of. XVIII. 662. IV. 524 ;-—I’aiey’s view of, I. 226— Isralsstc, XII. 332. XVII. 378, “ii—attempts of James I.
Inmalrlos, in law. XII. 276. weakcncd in animals by domestica Israonccriox, XII. 332. to civilize it, V. {SM—rebellion of
late, in zoology, XIV. 172. tion, III. 162—ot' bees, 1V. 524; in, IN‘I'UI'I‘IOII, XII. 332—as a ground of 1641, 319—under William and Mary.
Isis-noon, Irish town, XII. 27". sects, IX. 89; pointers, XX. 309, 310; judgment, XIII. 439, “ti—intuitive 362. ct “QR—invaded by James the
human», XII. 277. plants, XXI. 587—instinetive motions, evidence, XII. 332; XIV. 439. Second, 363—battle ot'the Boyne, 363;
Isaac'rtos, XII. 277—01‘ vessels, in XVII. 677. Intuunsceptio, disease. XXI. 626. VIII. 200—treaty of Limerick, V.
anatomy, II. 699; XVII. 728—0rgans Iasrtrorzs, XII. 306—07 Justinian, Inulin. VI. 476. 364—Irish House of Lords deprived
capable and incapable of, II. 7 31—in VI. 7 17-National Institute of France, Iaosna'rtos, XII.332—ofrivers, XVII. of their right of final jurisdiction, 377
jections for domestic animals, XXI. XII.-306; II. 70; X. 99. 525. Sec Deluge. -—measures in Parliament. relative to.
814, n. 2. INSTITUTION, XII 306. Isvaun, XII. 332. in the reign of George the Third, V.
IIJUNCTION,11118W, III. 277. Ins'rat'nlx'r, XII. 806. Ixvscrnn, in heraldry. XII. 332. 428, i37-Irish proceedings as to the
Ill. XII. 277—blaek, ib.—Indian, 280 Insubria, Hannibal's invasion of, VI. Ixvsc'rtvs, in rhetoric, XII. 332. regency question, 454—invadcd by the
-red, ib.; VIII. Bil—blue. XII. 280— 197. INVENTION, XII. 332—musicai, XV. French, 480; X. 104. 109—rcbeliion
printing, ib. ; XVIII. 560—lithogra~ Issuaaxcn, XII. 307—impoiicy of taxes 641. in 1798, V. 484; XV. 451—nnion
phic, XII. 280; XIII. 382—Indian, on, VII. 176—bad etl‘ects of marine, 1.“ 151.131, Scotch town, XII. 332. with Britain proposed, V. 487; cf
XII. 289—sympathetic, ib.; VII. 505 XX. 293—at'erage, IV. 250. See Isvaaasavxa, Scotch tomx, XII. 332. fected, 493—disturbancea in 1803,
-inefl'aceable, XIV. 495—China, XV. Annuities, Lit‘e, Probability. Inveresk, XV. 647. 545—discussions on Catholic eman
352—inky secretion of mollusca, ib. Insurance-0130c: in London, XIII. 509. Isvnxsi'rmse. XII. 332. I cipation, ib., 546, 552, 559, 561, 563,

IRE—IRO
WIS—distress and disturbance! in 1822,
V. 555 -— discussions in Parliament
respecting. in 1823, 559; in 1824.
561; in 1825, 563—Catliolic Associa
tion, 562, 563, 568, 574; suppressed,
h 576—passing of the emancipation-act,
‘ ib. —disfranchisemcnt of the forty
shilling freeholders, 67 7—rcpea1 agi
tation in 1830, 580~passing of' the
reform-act. 584—corn-laws of, VII.
343-agricuiture, ib.—causes of the
recent improvement of, 344—influence
of the exportation of corn to Britain
from, 351—amount of the corn ex
ported, 360—coronach, 372—efi'ects
ofthe minute division ofland, 388, n.;
390 —indolence of the people, ib.—
cotton-manufacture, 415—thc Earl of
Essex’s expedition to, 744—0ver-p0.
pnlation, VIII. 688—trnde with Eng
land, 779—sbipping, 796—eschange
between Britain and, IX. 442— time
ries, 604—horses, XI. 591—rate of
interest, XII. 324 - linen manu
facture, XIII. 359—variation of the
needle, 734—miiitia, XV. 70—coal,
XIII. 222; XV. 245—money, XV. 400
-—canals, XVI. 22—banking, XVII.
44—height of mountains, 506—lakcs,
523—police, XVIII. 252—poor-law,
367—increase of population. 411—
post-oiiice, 488, 494—prisons, 583-—
the Reformation, XIX. 96—-roads,299
—popery, 317 ~1ighthouses. XX. 29
-—expense of raising taxes, XXI. 99
-—spirit-duties, 122—0rdnance-sur
vey, 360—schools, 529—vvoollen ma
nufacture of, 929—mnp 0!, vol. XII.
Pl. (‘CCVIlI—I and CCCVIII-2. See
Grattan, Towers (Round), Dublin,
Cork, Giant’s Causeway, &c.
Ireland (New). See New Ireland.
Insssws (St), XII. 427.
Inst, empress, XII. 4?;7.
Iridcm, in botany, V. 133.
Iridescence, XV. 128.
Iridium, VI. 423—native, XV. 165
salts of protoxide of, VI. 452—sp. gr.
of, XII. iii—discovery 0t, XXI. 180.
Ints. colours, XII. 427.
of the eye, 11. 798; XVII. 667,
669—in brutes, III. 24.
, flower, culture of, XI. 683.
, .or rainbow, XII. 427; XVII.
542. See Rainbow.
Irivan, IX. 360.
I'uan, Afghan town, XII. 427.
humans, in Russia, XII. 427.
Irnerius, lectures ot‘, XXI. 488.
hon, in chemistry, VI. 402—in minera
logy, XV. 162—transmis4ion of sound
by, 11. 113—best kind for anchors,
III. IDS—aqueduct-pipes of, 320—
used for aqueducts of canals, 322
bridges of, 392; V. 272. 278; XX.
BIO—Mr Nicholson's project for the
employment of iron rods in roofs, VI.
169—-comp0unds of, 402—cast-iron,
404—salts of oxides of, 448-crystal
lization of ores of, VII. 517, ct seq.—
—peroxide of, a mordnnt, VIII. 339—
protochloride and sulphate of. em
ployed for discharging colours, 340'—
guns of, XI. 67, 741—specific gravity of,
XII. 31—-magnetic power of, XIII.
687, 709—attractcd by magnets,702—
efl‘ect of heat on its magnetic power,
INDEX. 83
IRO—ISI . ISI—ITA ITA-JAC
of, 69l—cohesion ot‘, 756—tnrning pbis at Constantinople, III. 380, 728; III. 646—height of mountains,
of, XXI. 429. See Iron-making, Iron 3890 .' XVII. 606—laltes, 523—the siroeco,
mines, 8w. Isinglass. XII. I49--its use in clarify 541-—the plague, 777—poets, XVIII.
Iron-flint, XV. 157. ing, VI. 727. 158 -— political economists, 268 -
Iron-founders, diseases of, XIV. 510. Ian, Egyptian deity, XII. 459; VIII. the Reformation, XIX. 95—roads, 299
Iron-glance, XV. 162. 552; V. 620; XL 820; XV. 659—— religion, BIG—romance, 330, 349—
Inca-sustain, XII. 428; VI. 402; XV. mysteries of, 664——temple of, in the sculpture, XX. 8—int'eriority of wines.
246; XX. 406—at Glasgow. X. 559; island of Philie. VIII. 530. XXI. 897—winemalting, 902—map
XIII. 49. See Furnace, Smelting. —-—--—-, English river, XII. 459. . of, XII. Pl. 318 and 319. See Italian,
Iron-manufactures. of France, X. 182— IsJms, Russian city. XII. 459. Papal States, Rome, Naples, 8w.
Ireland, XII. 405-Spain, XX. 519— Ian on as Gas'rs: Hssuous, XII. 459. Itamarcn, island, XVII. 237.
the United States, XXI. 465—annenl on Lsos, Spanish city, XII. 460. Itaparica, island, XIX. 628.
ing of iron, III. 196—bluing, IV. 720 , Scotch river, IX. 745. Itata, river, VI. 523.
~bronzing, V. 589—tinning, XIII. , or Ila, island, XII. 245. Iron, XII. 489—cure of, 293.
119—turning. XXI. 429—Carron iron Inns, XII. 460. See Mahommedsnlsm. ITCII-INIEC'I‘, XII. 489.
works, XX. 733. See Casting, Cut Isuuasan, in Bengal, XII. 460. I'rcnarous, Hindu town, XII. 489.
lery, Parriery, Foundry, Gun-making, IsLsiuucua, Hindu town, XII. 460. Itehin Navigation, XVI. 14.
Hardware, Steel. IsLnsrooa, Hindu town, XII. 460. In“, in botany, XII. 489.
Iron-mines of Bavaria, IV. 459—Brazil, Issue, XII. 460; X. 407—emergence I'rnacs, island, XII. 489, 341.
V. 199, 208—Britain. XV. 245—Clack of volcanic islands, IV. 264—climate Irtssnaar, XII. 489.
mannanshire, VI. 721—Cumberland, of islands, VI. 763. I'rws Poa'rns, XII. 489.
VII. 537—Derbyshire, 735—Devon Isms, French city. XII. 460. Iturbide, II. 639 ; XIV. 789.
shire. 745—England, VIII. 768-— Isle of France. See Mauritius. Inner, island, XII. 489. '
Europe. IX. 409—Franee, X. 178—— Isle river navigation, XVI. 6. Irrs, in fabulous history, XII. 489.
Glamorganshire, 532—Hindustan, XI. Isnanuss, heretics, XII. 460. I'rzscnm'rnro'rsoru, XII. 489.
384—Mexico, XIV. 804-Monmoutb Isuuc'ron, in Middlesex, XII. 460. Irzsnoz, Danish town, XII. 490.
shire, XV. 418—San Paulo, XVII. Isxsaurns, XII. 460. Innns, XII. 490—insects, XV. 652.
I60-Roseommon, XIX. 478—Russia, ISXAIL, Russian town, XII. 460. Iva, genus of plants, XII. 490.
567, 576-Scotland, 749—Shropshire, Isnaans, Thracian tovvn. XII. 460. Ivunn, canoe, XII. 490.
622—Stati'ordshire, XX. 558—Suma Isxto, in Asia Minor, XII. 460. Ivan VI., reign of, XIX. 547.
tra, 804—Svveden, XXI. 31—Tennes Isms, in Asia Minor, XII. 460. Vasiluvitch, XIX. 534.
see. 182—the United States, 454. See Isocardia. in conchology, XV. 342. Vasiltlvitch 11., XIX. 535.
the geographical articles generally. Isocnsousn, XII. 461—line, ib. Ivel, river, X1. 284 — its navigation.
Iron-pyrites, in mineralogy, XV. 167. Isocns'rss, XII. 461; XX. 461—oratory XVI. 14.
Iron-stone, XII. 4 40—specific gravity of, of, XIX. 215. Ivancnxsrsa, or Ilchester, XII. 246;
iii—kind used in Britain for smelt, Isorznntsrniclu. Figures, XII. 461; XX. 476—canal to Langport, XVI. 14.
ing, VI. 88. See Iron-making. XIV. 320—Iiernouilli's problem of, Ivan, town in Bucks, XII. 490.
Inonr, XII. 445—improper in history, IV. 591. Ives (St). XII. 490. ,
X. 505—mueh used in conversation Isopoda, crustacea, VII. 502. IVINGIIOE, town in Bucks, XII. 490.
by Socrates, xx. 466. ISOSCELES 'I‘auucts, XII. 461. IVISA, island, XII. 490.
Iaoouoxs, XII. 445—their war with the Isothermal lines, XI. 197, 371, 377— I vison’s method of consuming the smoke
Algonquins, II. 512—their numbers, Humboldt on, VI. 764. of furnaces, XX. 423.
617—tribes comprehended by, 619. 18941148, Persian city, XII. 461. Ivoar, XII. 490 -of diti'ercnt animals.
IIBADIA'I‘ION, XII. 445. Isrlaa, Turkish town, XII. 463. III. 32—speciflc gravity of, XII. 32—
Irrawaddy, river, III. 676; IV. 240. Issues, a name of Jacob, XII. 463. tinging of. XXI. 430.
Ianscuus. XII. 445. Isaanu'rss, XII. 463. See Jews. Coast. XI. 29.
Ianxcarion, XII. 445—in Afghanistan, Isssenn, in Palestine, XII. 463. (Sir James), his estimate of the
11. 212—Iiengal, IV. MIG—Cambridge Issnnozsnx, in France. XII. 463. earth’s ellipticity, I. 661—completed
shire, VI. 34—Chili, 524—Qhina. 579 Issm, Persian town, XII. 463. the demonstration of the earth’s
—De1hi, VII. 684—Egypt, VIII. 514, Issoms, in France, XII. 463. figure, ib.; IX. 551—on the orbits of
550—the north of Italy. XII. 484; Issonnnx, in France. XII. 463. comets, VII. 139—his formula repre
XIII. 470-Norway, XVI. 265—Per lawn, in law. XII. 468. senting law of relation between tem
sia, XVII. 242. ISSUBDU, Hindu town, XII. 463. perature and force of steam, XX. 595.
IBII'I‘ABILITY, XII. 456; XVII. 132. Issos, XII. 463—battle of, XIII. 632. IvaY,Frcnch town, XII. 491.
IIIOGA'I'IO, in It >man law, XII. 457. , insect, IX. 203. Ivy, claspers of, III. 86—juice, XII. 629
Isaoxsnoo, island, XII. 457. Is'rsxnaa, in Persia, XII. 463. -—specific gravity of its gum. 32.
Iarisn, Asiatic river, XII. 457. Is'rmus, Greek games, XII. 463. Ian. genus of plants, XII. 491.
Invlsz, town in Ayrshire, XII. 457. Is'rnuns, XII. 463; X. 407. Ixiost, XII. 491.
(Dr).on heat, XI. I93, 194. Istiurus, reptile, XIX. 143. Ixodcs, genus of arachnides, III. 368.
Irving (Dr David), XIII. 301, 302. Israu, in Italy, XII. 463. Ixoas, genus of plants, XII. 491.
(Washington). his Life of Colum Istrias (Count Capo d’), X. 750-1. Ixos, bird, XVI. 572.
bus quoted, VII. 130, et seq. Itacolumi, II. 609; V. 198. Ixwon'rn, town in Suffolk, XII. 491.
Irwan, IX. 360. Italian language, formation of the, Izarn (51.), on meteorolites, XIV. 714.
Irwell, river, XIII. 50—aqneduct over XIII. 87—bibles. IV. 617.
the, III. 32 2—its navigation, XVI. 16. Italians, their imaginative and reason
Isaac, Jewish patriarch. XII. 458. ing powers, I. 203~-skulls, II. 784.
Isabella and Ferdinand, XX. 498. Italic character, in printing, XIV. 237.
II. of Spain, XX. 511. school of ancient philosophy, J
Ismns, XII. 458—oratory of, XIX. 215. XVII. 431.
Isagoras, IV. 149. Irauca, Spanish town, XII. 463. Jaaesn, city of Manasseh, XII. 492.
Issun, XII. 458—style of, XVIII. 147. ITALY, XII. 464—metaphysical writers JABLONIA, Austrian town, XII. 492.
Isavss and Isanau, XII. 458. of 18th century, I. 202—early culti Jantonsxt (Daniel-Ernest), XII. 492
Isca Dmunoavu, XII. 458. vation of algebra in, II. 422—collec his Hebrew Bible, IV. 614—0n Cop.
lacs SILUIUI, XII. 458. tions of boa-mots, or Ana, 67 7—culti tie. X1. 814.
Iscuaus, in ancient Britain, XII. 458. ration of anatomy, 692, at seq.—mo (PAUL-EINEBT), XII. 492.
ISCIIIA, island, XII. 458; XV. 899. dern architecture of, III. 421, 423, (Tnsonon). XII. 493.
Iscnuau, adisease, XII.