Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
Ziad Fahmy
Ziad Fahmy
If any fresh proof were required that it is somebody’s interest to make mischief between
England and France by reviving, if possible, in a new form the Egyptian question, it would
be found in the persistent efforts of the Egyptian Nationalists to enlist sympathy for
their cause in this country through the medium of the Paris Press. A short time ago the
Nationalist agitator Mustapha Kamel [Mustafa Kamil] Pasha ventilated his views in the
Temps. Today he contributes an article to the Figaro.
— Times (London) Paris correspondent, 29 April 1907
nfluencing European public opinion regarding the ills of the British occupation and
“enlisting sympathy” for Egyptian independence was one of the key objectives of the
Egyptian nationalist movement. This tactic was used in an attempt to compel the Euro-
pean powers, especially France, into politically forcing the British out of Egypt. Ya‘qub Sannu‘
(1839 –1912) and Mustafa Kamil (1874 –1908) were the two most important and visible Egyp-
tian propagandists in France who, as this article will demonstrate, played an active role in
reshaping European perceptions of Egypt and the British occupation.
s of Sannu‘, who was a Parisian resident from 1877 until his death in 1912, presented almost
tu di e
iv eS weekly lectures to French audiences on a variety of topics related to Egypt and Islam. His
a rat a nd weekly illustrated Abu-Naddara Zarqa’ and L’Univèrs Musulman periodicals were published in
mp r ic a
Co Af
s ia , Paris and targeted both French and Egyptian readers.1 In his lectures, political cartoons, and
ut hA
o st articles, Sannu‘ cleverly sang the praises of French culture while baiting the Anglophobia of
S Ea
le
idd French readers and audiences with merciless attacks on the British. He was especially adept at
th eM using his own newspapers to lure the mainstream French press into covering stories favorable
00
8 3
. 1, 2 7 - 06 to Egyptian nationalist goals.2
, -2No 00
28 0 1x s s
ol. 92 Pre
V1 0 8 i ty I would like to thank Linda T. Darling, Julia Clancy-Smith, Charles 2. It is important to note here that Sannu‘ continued to print his
/ s
121
5 er
1 0. ni v D. Smith, Kaila Bussert, Deborah A. Starr, and Ziad Abi Chakra newspapers until December 1910 and did not retire in 1907 as
d oi k eU
Du for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article. All cited in the literature. In the conclusion of The Practical Visions
by
0 08 Arabic and French translations, unless otherwise indicated, are of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, which is the only non-Arabic book-length biog-
2
© my own. raphy of Sannu‘, Irene L. Gendzier mistakenly claims that Sannu‘
retired in November 1907, “without formally taking leave of his
1. Abu-Naddara Zarqa’ [Zarr’a] means “The Man with the Blue
readers.” In fact, Sannu‘ continued to publish both newspapers
Glasses” in colloquial Egyptian. The first issue appeared on 21
until December 1910, and he even dedicated the entire last issue
March 1877. Initially it was an Arabic newspaper, but by 1885 it
of Abu-Naddara Zarqa’ as a final farewell to his readers. Schol-
was equally divided between a French and an Arabic section.
ars relying on Gendzier for Sannu‘’s biographical information
L’Univèrs Musulman, published from 1907 to 1910, was entirely
are continuing to date 1907 as the year of Sannu‘’s retirement
170 written in French and primarily targeted a European audience.
from journalism (e.g., see Joel Beinin “Writing Class: Workers
Like Sannu‘, Mustafa Kamil spent a great and Kamil’s European media campaigns, taking 171
deal of time publicizing Egyptian nationalist into account their manipulation of European
claims to European audiences. From 1895 until colonial rivalries, their repeated Francophile
his unexpected death in 1908, Kamil wrote appeals, and their frequent exploitation of An-
many articles and editorials in European news- glophobic discourse. Additionally, by revealing
papers including Le Figaro, L’Éclair, Le Journal the external resistance strategies of colonized
des Debats, Revue des Deux Mondes, the Times, and intellectuals, I hope to expand the geographic
Nouvelle revue. 3 The European publicity of the playing field of colonial-colonized encounters
Ziad Fahmy
and Modern Egyptian Colloquial Poetry [Zajal],” Poet- 5. Israel Gershoni and James Jankowski, Egypt, Islam, impressed by the young Sannu‘ that he fully spon-
ics Today 15 [1994]: 194). Irene L. Gendzier, The Practi- and the Arabs: The Search for Egyptian Nationhood, sored his education in Leghorn, where he studied fine
cal Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘ (Cambridge, MA: Harvard 1900 – 1 930 (New York: Oxford University Press, art, science, political economy, and international law.
University Press, 1966), 138; Abu-Naddara Zarqa’, 1986), 13.
9. Jacque Chelley, “Le Molière Egyptien,” Abu-
December 1910.
6. Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 157 – 58; and Gendzier, Naddara, 1 August 1906; Atia Abul Naga, Les sources
3. Times (London), 29 April 1907; 15 July 1907. Also Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 95 – 98. françaises du théâtre egyptien (1870 – 1839) (Madrid:
see Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot, Egypt and Cromer: A Altamira-Rotopress, 1972), 76; Najwa Ibrahim’ Anus,
7. Gendzier, Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 9 – 14;
Study in Anglo-Egyptian Relations (New York: Praeger, Masrah Ya‘qub Sannu‘ (Cairo: al-Hay’a al-Misriyya al
Jacob Landau, “Abu Naddara: An Egyptian Jewish Na-
1969), 157. ‘Amma lil-Kitab, 1984), 31 – 33; Moosa, “Ya‘qub Sanu‘,”
tionalist,” Journal of Jewish Studies 3 (1952): 31 – 32.
404 – 5 ; Jacob Landau, Studies in the Arab Theater
4. ‘Abd al-Rahman Al-Rafa‘i, Mustafa Kamil: Ba’ith al-
8. Matti Moosa, “Ya‘qub Sanu‘ and the Rise of Arab and Cinema (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylva-
haraka al-wattaniyya, 5th ed. (Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif,
Drama in Egypt,” International Journal of Middle East- nia Press, 1969), 65 – 67; Gendzier, Practical Visions of
1985), 26 – 27.
ern Studies 5 (1974): 402; Gendzier, Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 34 – 38.
Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 16 – 17. Prince Yeken was apparently so
172 ject matter of Sannu‘’s plays became more criti- proach was quite successful in giving Sannu‘
cal of Ismail’s reign, his theatrical activities were sufficient media coverage in established French
banned by the government.10 No longer allowed newspapers, increasing his popularity in Paris
to perform his plays publicly, Sannu‘ promptly and allowing him to have a successful career
found other outlets for his political pursuits. as a lecturer throughout France. A September
Early in 1877 Sannu‘ began to publish 1895 article in Le Courrier de France reported that
anonymously printed sheets where he allegori- Sannu‘ had “become such an in-demand confer-
cally attacked the Khedive’s government. The ence presenter that no week passes by without
t i ve
ar a relative success of this venture led to the es- the press documenting one of his many con-
mp
Co
f tablishment of his weekly satirical journal Abu- ference presentations.”16 His status in Parisian
ie so
tu d
Naddara Zarqa’ on 21 March 1877.11 Sannu‘’s society was to such an extent that a small fire
S ,
A si a early theatrical activities left a noticeable mark in his Paris apartment was uncharacteristically
u th
So t he on the format and content of his journal. Every covered by major French newspapers, including
a nd issue of Abu-Naddara contained a small theat- Le Temps.17
frica
A st rical sketch usually in the form of a colloquial
Ea
d le Egyptian dialogue with the characters satiri- Mustafa Kamil
d
Mi
cally commenting on the government and the Unlike Sannu‘, who belonged to the upper
Khedive. It was most likely one of these satirical middle class and had a mixed heritage, Kamil
sketches that led to the exile of Sannu‘ to France was entirely a product of a new and growing up-
on 22 June 1878.12 Sannu‘’s exile, however, did wardly mobile Egyptian middle class. Kamil’s
not stop the distribution of Abu-Naddara in father, an Egyptian army engineer of modest
Egypt. Almost immediately after his arrival in means, encouraged his son to receive a proper
Paris, he continued to print his journal and suc- education. While still in high school, Kamil had
cessfully smuggled it into Egypt.13 an early interest in Egyptian politics and jour-
Beginning in 1882 Sannu‘ started to add nalism, founding several student organizations,
gradually a small section written in French to the most important of which was called Jam‘iat
his newspaper.14 At first the French portion was Ihya’ al-Watan (Society for the Revival of the Na-
simply a handwritten translation of a political tion). After his graduation from high school in
cartoon or one of his small Arabic articles, but spring 1891, Kamil decided to go to the Khedi-
by 1885 Abu-Naddara Zarqa’ was equally divided val Law School and continued his nationalistic
between a French and an Arabic section.15 While pursuits there.18
Sannu‘’s newspapers were certainly not read by It was as a politically active law student
enough Europeans to make a direct impact on that Kamil attracted the attention of the young
the Egyptian question, his limited European Abbas Hilmi II, who disliked the British and
readership consisted of important anti-British wanted to regain more of his Khedival author-
journalists and anticolonial liberals, who helped ity. He knew that in order to accomplish this
him achieve greater exposure in French society. task he had to gain the trust and support of the
Accordingly, the most important function of his Egyptian people, and to this end he labored to
French newspapers was to increase his visibility mobilize Egyptian nationalist feelings in order
in mainstream French media outlets. This ap- to counter British colonial authority.19 Abbas II
10. Sannu‘ was banned from the theater in 1872. art albums, and other respectable documents.” See 17. See Le Temps, 13 June 1895; Abu-Naddara, 15 July
The full texts of seven of Sannu‘’s Arabic plays are Gendzier, Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 70. Sannu‘ 1895.
printed in Muhammad Y. Nijm, Al-masrah al-‘Arabi: also frequently changed the name of his paper in
18. Letter dated 12 July 1891 written by Kamil to his
Dirassat wa nususs, vol. 3, Ya‘qub Sannu‘ (Beirut: Dar order to evade the censors. Other names for the paper
brother Ali Fahmi Kamil. See Mustafa Kamil, Awraq
al-Thaqafa, 1963). include Abu-Naddara, Abu-Suffara, Abu-Zummara,
Mustafa Kamil: Al-murasalat (Cairo: al-Hayi’a al-
and Al-Hawi .
11. Landau, “Abu Naddara,” 33. Misriyya al-‘Ama lil-Kitab, 1982), 136. Also see Al-Rafi‘i,
14. See Abu-Naddara, 21 April 1882. Mustafa Kamil, 24 – 29, 31 – 48.
12. Gendzier, Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 65.
15. See Abu-Naddara, 10 January 1885 – 10 December 19. Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 156 – 57; Lord Cromer,
13. Times (London), 12 March 1885. According to
1910. Abbas II (London: Macmillan, 1915), 1 – 1 0; Jacques
Gendzier, Sannu‘ revealed in his memoirs “that he had
Berque, Egypt: Imperialism and Revolution, trans. John
smuggled his newspaper into Egypt by hiding cop- 16. Le Courrier de France, September 1895, quoted in
Stewart (London: Faber and Faber, 1972), 63 – 169.
ies in the pages of larger illustrated reviews, books, Abu-Naddara, 25 September 1895.
first met with Kamil in an official visit he made anti-British French periodical, hosted a liter- 173
to the Khedival Law School on 28 November ary salon in Paris attended by many prominent
1892.20 Noticing the potential and political use- French journalists and political figures of the
fulness of the young Kamil, Abbas established time. Adam affectionately confirmed this rela-
a strong bond with him and supported many tionship by stating, “I really began to fulfill my
of his nationalistic efforts. 21 Abbas sponsored maternal role vis-à-vis this very young man who
Kamil’s continuing law education in Toulouse, championed a great cause. I introduced him to
where he received his law degree in November many prominent and valuable men who are in-
Ziad Fahmy
20. Ahmad Shafiq, Mothakarati fi nisf qarn: Min 23. See Al-Ahram, 28 December 1894; 4 January 1895; de Philae, to Mustafa Kamil. General Marchand was a
sanat 1873 ilá sanat 1923 (Cairo: al-Hayi’a al-Misriyya 28 January 1895; 4 February 1895; 23 February 1895; captain when Kamil first met him. He would later lead
al-‘Ama lil-Kitab, 1994), 2:50. In his article titled “The 4 March 1895. Kamil began writing nationalist arti- the French expeditionary force at Fashoda. See Mus-
Egyptian Nationalist Party,” Arthur Goldschmidt cles in the local press in early 1893. See Al-Ahram, 11 tafa Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises adressèes
misquotes Shafiq’s memoirs and erroneously dates February 1893; 16 February 1893; 24 February 1893; 8 a Mme Juliette Adam, 1895 – 1 908 (Cairo: Madrasit
Kamil’s meeting with Abbas at “February 1892,” in- March 1893; 20 April 1893; 20 July 1894; 31 July 1894; 3 Mustafa Kamil, 1909), 16; and Adam, L’Angleterre en
stead of 28 November 1892. See Arthur Goldschmidt, August 1894; 1 September 1894; 8 September 1894. Egypte, 146 – 47.
“The Egyptian Nationalist Party, 1892 – 1919,” in Politi-
24. Al-Mu’ayid, 5 August 1895, cited in Al-Rafi‘i, Mus- 27. Goldschmidt, “Egyptian Nationalist Party,” 314 – 15.
cal and Social Change in Modern Egypt, ed. P. M. Holt
tafa Kamil, 60.
(London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 312. 28. Louis Aiguine, in Le Progrès, 29 February 1908.
25. For the first few years Kamil’s European activities
21. Abbas Hilmi, Khedive of Egypt: Memoirs of Abbas
were financially supported by the Khedive.
Hilmi II, trans. and ed. Amira Sonbol (Reading, UK:
Ithaca Press, 1998), 136. 26. Pierre Loti (1850 – 1923) is the pseudonym of Louis
Marie Julien Viaud. He was an eccentric and prolific
22. Juliette Adam, L’Angleterre en Egypte (Paris: Im-
French novelist who was facinated with Middle East-
primerie du Centre, 1922), 144 – 45; Al-Rafi‘i, Mustafa
ern culture and frequently defended the Ottoman
Kamil, 51 – 54; Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 156 – 57.
Empire. He dedicated his book about Egypt, La mort
174
t i ve
ar a
mp
Co
f
ie so
S tu d
,
A si a
u th
So t he
a nd
frica
A st
Ea
d le
d
Mi
Figure 1. “La prise de Khartoum.” Source: Abu-Naddara (Paris), 25 September 1898
arrival of Kamil on the European scene in the Bull were grotesquely illustrated and were usu-
mid-1890s, Sannu‘ was the sole “for-hire” native ally conspiring against the Egyptian fellah. 31
Oriental expert in Parisian circles. The color- For example, a cartoon titled “La prise de Khar-
ful Anglophobic cartoons that he printed in his toum” (see fig. 1), which appeared in the 25 Sep-
Abu-Naddara attracted readers and gained the tember 1898 issue of Abu-Naddara, reveals the
desired attention from the French and Euro- typical depiction of La Vieux Albion as a skinny
pean press.29 Sannu‘ included at least one politi- old witch and her son John Bull as a ghoulish old
cal cartoon per issue, accompanied by a descrip- man. The cartoon depicts the celebration of “La
tive dialogue and/or a brief description of the Vieux Albion” and John Bull after the 2 Septem-
events depicted in the drawing. Adding to his ber 1898 British victory over the Sudanese forces
humor is the coining of satirical nicknames that of Al-Khalifa at Omdurman near Khartoum. 32
he tagged on his political enemies. The British The intoxicated John Bull, holding two bottles
were often labeled “les Rouges” (the Reds), refer- of beer, addresses his mother (in French): “God-
ring to the redness of their faces from exposure damn! I cannot take this any more! What heat!
to the Egyptian sun. In dialogues where Sannu‘ Have I done well, oh mother Albion, by arming
portrayed the British exploitation of Egyptian myself with these two nice bottles of Stout? This
farmland and the fellah, they were dubbed “les patriotic beer will refresh our throats, which
Sauterelles Rouges” (the Red Locusts).30 have dried from the intensity of this infernal
Typically in Sannu‘’s cartoons and their sun.”33 John Bull’s portrayal as a drunkard rein-
accompanying dialogues, the English Albion, forced the common French stereotype depicting
labeled as “La Vieux Albion,” and her son John the British as brutish and uncultured.
29. Saturday Review, 26 July 1879; Revue de Deux 30. It is important to note here that the term sauter- 32. Al-Khalifa is the title of Abdullah al-Ta’aishi, who
Monde, 15 June 1885; Constitutionnel, 28 October elles rouges was borrowed by some French journal- succeeded Muhammad Ahmad (the Mahdi) as the
1886; Times (London), 3 March 1885. ists and was used to describe the British presence leader of the Sudanese rebellion. See John Marlowe,
in Egypt by an October 1896 article in Le Courrier A History of Modern Egypt and Anglo-Egyptian Rela-
de France. See Le Courrier de France, October 1896, tions, 1800 – 1956 (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1965),
quoted in Abu-Naddara, 25 November 1896. Abu- 154 – 56.
Naddara, 28 February 1888; 15 July 1895; 20 February
33. Abu-Naddara, 25 September 1898. For satirical
1898; 25 April 1897.
purposes, John Bull’s character in both the Arabic and
31. Abu-Naddara, 9 June 1893; 1 May 1893; 18 October French sketches often begins his sentences by uncon-
1893; 25 September 1895. trollably shouting “Goddamn!” (Goddem in trans
literated French).
Sannu‘ masterfully exploited French prej- The above dialogue provides a classic example of 175
udice in another dialogue where John Bull un- Sannu‘’s Anglophobic satire, which undoubtedly
successfully attempts to speak French and hu- contributed to his popularity in French society.
morously destroys the French language through The 1896 publication of Paul De Baignières’s
his mangled half-English/half-French sentences L’Egypte satirique: Album d’Abou Naddara also
and his clichéd English pronunciation of French played a role in increasing Sannu‘’s visibility in
words.34 The dialogue is set in Alexandria at an French society. From the outset, the entire book
1894 trade exhibition, where Abbas II and the served as a virtual advertisement booklet for
Ziad Fahmy
34. Sannu‘ was equally skilled at depicting different 36. See Paul De Baignières, L’Egypte satirique: Album 38. Landau, “Abu Naddara,” 41.
dialects and foreign accents in both his colloquial d’Abou Naddara illustré de 48 pages de gravures (Paris:
39. Gendzier, Practical Visions of Ya‘qub Sanu‘, 98.
Arabic and French writings. Imprimerie Lefebvre, 1886), 89.
35. Abu-Naddara, 15 June 1894. The dialogue and its 37. Abu Naddara, 26 September 1886; 20 October
accompanying cartoon were titled “L’inauguration de 1896; 20 November 1896; 17 April 1897; 25 June 1897.
l’exposition d’Alexandrie.”
176 While presenting these talks Sannu‘ virtually
transformed himself into an “Oriental” mascot.
As illustrated in figure 2, he changed from his
everyday Western clothes and dressed in a tra-
ditional Egyptian galabiyah and turban. On the
galabiyah Sannu‘ pinned approximately a dozen
decorative metals and awards given to him by
world leaders. Sannu‘’s overtly accessorized
t i ve
ar a costume effectively transformed him into the
mp
Co
f Sheikh Abu-Naddara persona, adding “authen-
ie so
tu d
ticity” and hence legitimacy to his lectures,
S ,
A si a while contributing to his thirst to be the center
u th
So t he of attention.40
a nd Beginning in January 1887 Sannu‘ started
frica
A st a semiregular column titled “Les discours
Ea
d le d’Abu Naddara,” which essentially documented
d
Mi
the majority of his lectures. Within these col-
umns, Sannu‘ continued his habit of self-praise
and recorded all the positive comments made
by the French and European press concerning
his lectures.41 For instance, in a 25 January 1893
column, Sannu‘ “modestly” thanks all the news-
papers that mentioned his Arabic literature
conference at “L’Institut Rudy”:
Le Figaro, in its society page, L’ Agence Havas,
in its correspondence, L’Agence Libre, in its tele-
Figure 2. Abu-Naddara portrait. Source: L’Hirondelle
grams and in its accredited columns, Les Debats,
de France (Paris), January 1895, reprinted and
Le Temps, Les Gaulois, La Patrie, Le Siecle, Le Vol-
included in the Abu-Naddara 1894 Yearly Album
taire, La Justice, La Republique Française, Le Monde,
La Paix, Le Paris, Le Journal de Matin, L’Orient,
La Petite Republique, Le Petit Journal, Le Petit Pa-
risien, La Petite Presse, Le Charivari, L’Observateur, society, as he relentlessly continued to dissemi-
Le français, Le Petit Français, the American Register, nate his Egyptian nationalist message to French
Le Gallignani’s Messenger, etc., etc. In other words audiences.
a large number of Parisian and foreign newspa- Although transmitting the same message,
pers and journals have graciously announced
and using a similar approach, Kamil’s personal
this conference and gave it glowing reviews. The
style and delivery were completely different from
Sheikh Abu Naddara would like to sincerely re-
thank you for those lovely articles, which have Sannu‘’s. While less entertaining, Kamil was a
contributed to his modest literary cause. better orator and had a genuine sincerity that
Sannu‘ seems to have lacked. Kamil’s official ar-
Notwithstanding his exaggerated sense of self- rival on the European scene was signaled by his
importance, Sannu‘ achieved a degree of popu- June 1895 presentation of a petition and a sym-
larity in France, and especially within Parisian bolic poster to the French Chamber of Deputies
40. L’Hirondelle de France (Paris), January 1895, re- 41. See Abu-Naddara, 22 January 1887; 7 April 1893;
printed and included in the Abu Naddara 1894 Yearly and Al-Tawadud, June 1901. These columns were
Album. sometimes called “Les conference d’Abu Naddara,”
and Sannu‘ often proudly pointed out the abun-
dance of these lectures by numbering them for his
readers. For example, in the 7 April 1893 issue of Abu-
Naddara, Sannu‘ prints a column titled (in bold let-
ters), “ The 206th, 207th, 208th, 209th, 210th, and the
211th lecture.”
the mismanagement of Lord Cromer, whom he 177
accused of “purposively appointing incapable,
indifferent or traitorous men at the head of
Egyptian government ministries and other ad-
ministrative positions. In this manner he not
only manipulates these men like an instrument
under his control but he uses the incompetence
of these men to attempt and prove to Europe
Ziad Fahmy
42. See Kamil’s 8 June 1895 letter to ‘Abd al-Rahim 43. See Kamil’s 4 July 1895 speech presented in Tou-
Ahmad (Khedive Abbas’s secretary), in Kamil, Awraq louse, reprinted in Moustafa Kamel Pasha [Mus-
Mustafa Kamil, 28 – 32. Al-Rafi‘i, Mustafa Kamil, 61 – 64. tafa Kamil], Egyptiens et Anglais (Paris: Librairie
For an analysis of the gender implications of this poster Acadèmique Didier, 1906), 26 – 27.
and late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century
44. Ibid., 43.
visual representation of Egypt as a woman, see Beth
Baron, “Nationalist Iconography: Egypt as a Woman,” 45. See Kamil’s 18 September 1895 letter to ‘Abd
in Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East, al-R ahim Ahmad, in Kamil, Awraq Mustafa Kamil,
ed. Israel Gershoni and James Jankowski (New York: 51 – 52.
Columbia University Press, 1997).
178 instance, in an 18 June 1899 speech presented ies), Kamil delivered countless speeches, was
in Juliette Adam’s salon in Paris, he declared to interviewed by French and European newspa-
the audience: “The war which your neighbors pers, and wrote numerous articles that were
from across the English-Channel have been printed in many major French and European
waging against your cultural influence and pres- newspapers.50
tige on the banks of the Nile is without a name. Kamil was especially adept at tapping
English hate has especially targeted the French into the intellectual resources and professional
Language, for they have been zealously and tire- contacts of some of his European friends and
t i ve
ar a lessly attempting to replace their language for acquaintances. Sometimes he even instructed
mp
Co
f yours.” Kamil even melodramatically declared some of them to write articles and/or letters to
ie so
tu d
to his audience that “destroying French influ- the editors on the Egyptian question in main-
S ,
A si a ence in Egypt” ranks as the number one British stream French newspapers.51 In a letter dated 29
u th
So t he internal policy in Egypt.46 May 1904, a week before a major political speech
a nd Kamil’s early European activities did not in Alexandria, Kamil dictated to Adam a short
frica
A st end in France; late in July he traveled to Vienna news dispatch detailing his yet-to-be-preformed
Ea
d le for a few days and met with numerous Austrian speech: “I would be very happy to see a dispatch
d
Mi
journalists and politicians.47 Upon his return in Le Figaro which reads: ‘Mustafa Kamil, the
to Paris, he published a twenty-page pamphlet editor of al-Lewa has given a speech yesterday
in French, titled Le peril anglais: Conséquence de night in Alexandria in front of a large crowd of
l’occupation de l’Egypte par l’Angleterre, which he listeners . . . the speaker affirmed that the Egyp-
distributed free of charge to journalists and tian people are motivated more than ever be-
prominent politicians throughout Europe. 48 fore to achieve national independence.’”52 In an-
After publishing and distributing Le peril anglais, other letter to Adam, dated 21 July 1906, Kamil
Kamil introduced himself to Adam by writing is incensed over British newspaper articles char-
her a letter from Toulouse and asking for her acterizing Egyptians as religious fanatics and
political support: “Help me Madam, because solicits Adam for a response: “I beseech you to
you are such a true patriot. I know you are the write an article in the Figaro, the Gaulois or even
only person who can understand me, encourage a letter in the Temps, to describe the degree of
me and help my cause.” 49 This simple, almost tolerance and hospitality you witnessed when
naive letter began his life-long relationship with you were in Egypt.”53 Kamil also benefited from
Adam and, in the process, guaranteed his con- his friendship with Pierre Loti, the well-known
nection with France’s journalistic circles, ensur- anticolonial French novelist. Before the 1906
ing that his voice would be heard throughout Paris publication of Kamil’s Egyptiens et Anglais,
Europe. After his 1895 European trip, Kamil re- Loti wrote a letter to Kamil, informing him that
turned every year to continue his propagandist Gaston Calmette, the editor of Le Figaro, had as-
efforts. Throughout the fourteen summers that signed him (Loti) to choose an “appropriate”
he spent in Europe, mainly in Paris (though journalist to write a review of Kamil’s upcoming
occasionally traveling to other European cit- book.54
46. See Kamil’s 18 June 1899 speech presented in 48. Mustafa Kamil, Le peril anglais: Conséquence de If he does publish it please be kind enough to signal
Adam’s Paris salon, reprinted in Kamil, Egyptiens et l’occupation de l’Egypte par l’Angleterre (Paris: Im- to Drumont, Rochefort, Daudet and all of your friends
Anglais, 213, 216. See also Kamil’s 11 December 1895 primerie G. Camproger, 1895; repr., Paris: Imprimerie to make editorial commentaries. I want all of France
speech presented at the Société de Géographie de Albert Lanier, 1899). See also Kamil’s 23 August 1895 to know the negative effects that this accord has pro-
Paris, reprinted in Kamil, Egyptiens et Anglais, 51. In letter to ‘Abd al-Rahim Ahmad, in Kamil, Awraq Mus- duced in Egypt.” Kamil to Adam, letter dated 15 April
this early speech, he declared to the audience: “All tafa Kamil, 46. 1904, in Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 126 – 28.
that England does in Egypt against our interests is in
49. Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 2 – 4 . 52. See Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 136.
reality directed at France as well.”
50. Times (London), 29 April 1907; 15 July 1907. Also 53. Ibid., 248.
47. See Kamil’s 30 July 1895 letter to ‘Abd al-Rahim
see Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 157.
Ahmad (Khedive Abbas’s secretary), in Kamil, Awraq 54. See Kamil’s 1 January 1906 letter to Adam, in ibid.,
Mustafa Kamil, 37 – 38. 51. For example, after the 1904 Entente Cordial an 230 – 32. Kamil’s 325-page book contained the tran-
anxious Kamil wrote a letter to Adam, asking her to scripts of eleven of Kamil’s speeches and all of his cor-
recruit some of her journalistic friends to support his respondence with British prime minister William Glad-
cause: “I will write my opinion to M. Montorgueil, stone (1809 – 98). See Kamil, Egyptiens et Anglais.
so he can publish it like a (long distance) interview.
Although Kamil and Sannu‘ worked for the legitimacy of the Egyptian national move- 179
the same cause and held almost identical views ment, while justifying their continuing occupa-
about Egyptian nationalism, they rarely met in tion of Egypt to their own citizens and to other
Paris and never coordinated their efforts. The European powers.
age and generational difference between them The British also claimed that Egyptians
might have accounted for some of this distance. were incapable of governing themselves “with-
Considering Sannu‘’s seniority and his obvious out foreign guidance in civil and military
sense of pride, it is probable that to some degree affairs.”58 Kamil and Sannu‘ were fully aware
Ziad Fahmy
55. Abu-Naddara, 10 June 1895. 59. Kamil’s speech to the Société de Géographie de 62. See Abu-Naddara, 10 June 1906. In 1907 Sannu‘
Paris, 11 December 1895, cited in Kamil, Egyptiens et created an entirely new French journal called L’Univèrs
56. Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt (London: Macmillan,
Anglais, 72. Musulman, devoted to educating Europeans about
1908), 2:128 – 29.
Islam and the Islamic world.
60. Times (London), 13 April 1907.
57. Ibid., 2:127 – 32, 168 – 70.
61. Cromer, Modern Egypt, 2:139; See also Times (Lon-
58. Ibid., 2:154 – 55, 566 – 69. See “Lord Cromer’s Re-
don), 28 March 1907.
port on Egypt and the Sudan,” in Times (London),
4 April 1907.
180 fanaticism accusations and announced in one Cromer attributed this French cultural favor-
of his speeches that not only have the “English itism to the ignorance of the “semi-educated
committed an injustice after an injustice, but Oriental,” who naturally does not recognize the
they have convinced Europe that we are a fa- “natural” superiority of English civilization.65
natic people, hostile to all Christians. This is the At the turn of the twentieth century,
biggest of all lies! We are not fanatics, or hos- France had more economic and cultural capi-
tile to Christians. We are a wise and hospitable tal in Egypt than did any other European na-
people and the proof is incontestable.” To make tion, including Great Britain, a reality that the
t i ve
ar a his case, Kamil mentioned that for thirteen cen- French conscientiously wanted to maintain. 66
mp
Co
f turies Christian Copts and Muslims have lived Kamil effectively exploited this fact and an-
ie so
tu d
like brothers. Concerning Egypt’s treatment of nounced in one of his speeches that England
S ,
A si a Europeans, he declared, “For the last century, is working hard to end the annual Egyptian
u th
So t he we were in direct contact with Europe and es- student missions to France, in order “to bring
a nd pecially France, and we were never hostile to an end to French influence, which is still very
frica
A st anyone. On the contrary, the entire world finds extensive and overly dominant.” 67
Ea
d le in Egypt the most generous hospitality. If our Discussing the British educational policy
d
Mi
enemies claim that we are religious fanatics, it is in Egypt, Kamil bated the crowd’s Anglophobic
time to put an end to their legendary deceits.” 63 tendencies by stating that the Egyptian public
Since the British frequently equated Egyptian educational system, which was formerly in the
nationalism with religious fanaticism and xe- hands of “loyal and scholarly, Egyptians and
nophobia, Kamil coined the slogan “Libre chez French teachers, is now the meeting place of
nous, hospitaliers pour tous” (Free in our coun- the most ignorant and the most egotistical Brit-
try, hospitable to all), which would later become ish adventurers.” Kamil then proclaimed, “The
his motto.64 British are trying to create for our children a
purely galophobe and anglophile school. You
Francophiles and Anglophobes would not believe the lessons of hate given daily
Realistically or not, until the 1904 Entente Cor- against France and Turkey.” 68
dial both Sannu‘ and Kamil, as well as many Kamil’s and Sannu‘’s exploitation of the
other Egyptian nationalists, generally viewed Anglophobic predisposition of their French
France as a potential ally against British colo- readers and listeners was matched by their unre-
nial domination. This idealistic view of France mitting glorifications of France and French civi-
can perhaps be attributed to the overwhelming lization. Sannu‘ especially was keen to display
francophone education received by many Egyp- his affection toward France and claimed to take
tian nationalists. Cromer himself admitted that part annually in the French Fourteenth of July
“amongst the obstacles, which have stood in celebrations. In a full-page article titled “Hom-
the way of the British reformer in Egypt, none mage du Cheikh Abou Naddara a la France,”
is more noteworthy than that both European- Sannu‘ printed nine different odes he had pre-
ized Egyptians and Levantines are impregnated viously written about the glories of France. In
with French rather than with English habits of a poem originally written for a L’allience Latine
thought.” In his classic condescending manner, dinner, Sannu‘ affirmed,
63. Kamil’s speech at Toulouse, 4 July 1895, cited in 67. Kamil’s speech at Toulouse, 4 July 1895, cited in
Kamil, Egyptiens et Anglais, 36 – 37. Kamil, Egyptiens et Anglais, 28.
Ziad Fahmy
69. Abu-Naddara, 15 July 1895. 72. Pierre Guillen, “The Entente of 1904 as a Colonial 73. For a complete record of the Dinshaway court
Nous vous aimons, ô fils de France — Settlement,” in Britain and France in Africa: Impe- proceedings, see Parliamentary Papers, Paper Re-
Champions de la liberté rial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, ed. Prosser Gifford and specting the Attack on British Officers at Denshawai
Vous nous inspirez confiance — William Roger Louis (New Haven, CT: Yale University [Egypt No. 3 and No. 4] (London: Harrison and Sons,
Par votre antique loyauté Press, 1971), 364 – 65. For a closer look at the 1904 En- 1906). See also Al-Rafi‘i, Mustafa Kamil, 205 – 9; and
Si le Français nous traite en fréres — tente Cordiale, see P. J. V. Rolo, Entente Cordiale: The Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 169 – 70. One of the offi-
L’anglais brutal nous traite en chiens Origins and Negotiations of the Anglo-French Agree- cers, Captain Bull, who suffered a severe blow to the
L’un nous rend heureux et prospères — ments of 8 April 1904 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1969). head, fled the scene and ran almost eight kilometers
L’autre, helas! Nous vole nos biens In his usual melodramatic style, Kamil would later back to base camp. However, he collapsed and died
L’Anglais pille nos champs fertiles — write to Adam, “Today, my compatriots detest France just a few hundred meters from his destination, a re-
De nos labeurs, il prend le fruit as much as England,” and in another letter he would sult of a combination of his injuries and heatstroke.
Le Français enrichit nos villes — declare to her, “I would be an imbecile were I to be- When a fellah named Sayid Ahmad Sa‘id (who was
Nous civilise et nous instruit. lieve for an instant that France can ever be the friend uninvolved in the earlier skirmish) saw the dying Cap-
of Egypt or Islam. Adieu, to all the dreams of the past, tain Bull and attempted to help him, he was caught
70. Abu-Naddara, 20 November 1890. In this issue
all I have in France now is you.” See letters from Kamil and beaten to death by British troops, who mistook
of Abu-Naddara, Sannu‘ wrote “Ode Franco-Russe,”
to Juliette Adam dated 10 May 1906 and 25 February him for the murderer.
dedicated to the new Franco-Russian entente.
1906, both cited in Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Fran-
71. Abu-Naddara, 18 October 1890. çaises, 128 and 238, respectively.
182 remaining villagers were forced to watch.74 The K amil presented his most important
cruelty and severity of these sentences infuri- speech in London on 26 July 1906 at a ban-
ated the Egyptian masses and gave ample am- quet held in his honor at the Carlton Hotel.
munition to the nationalists. Kamil did not miss The banquet was attended by several members
this opportunity, and on 11 July 1906 he wrote of Parliament including Lord Lytton and John
a lengthy article to the Figaro publicizing and Mackinnon Robertson, who was one of the lead-
condemning the events.75 ing liberal members of Parliament. 80 Kamil’s
The Figaro article was carefully crafted speech was extensive and covered most of the
t i ve
ar a to shame the British into making political con- grievances of the Egyptian nationalists. In the
mp
Co
f cessions, and from the introductory sentence, first part of his talk Kamil spent a considerable
ie so
tu d
Kamil attempted to theatrically set a somber amount of time countering British accusations
S ,
A si a tone: “A tragic affair took place in the Egyptian of Egyptian religious fanaticism. Later on in his
u th
So t he delta village of Dinshaway, which has managed speech, he personally attacked Cromer for not
a nd to emotionally touch humanity in its entirety.” placing enough competent Egyptians in impor-
frica
A st Kamil then described the details of the inci- tant government and administrative positions
Ea
d le dent, the ensuing trial, and the public execu- and for “intentionally” neglecting public educa-
d
Mi
tions, which he called an unjust and “atrocious tion. The climax of his speech was, as expected,
act of vengeance” that “could forever lead to the the Dinshaway incident, and, like all the other
loss of respect of European civilization in the problems he described in Egypt, Kamil squarely
eyes of Oriental peoples.”76 placed the blame on the shoulders of the British
Kamil’s Figaro article caused an instant proconsul: “Lord Cromer established this spe-
journalistic sensation throughout continental cial tribunal in Dinshaway which has revolted
Europe; more important, for the first time some everyone . . . a tribunal which follows no legal
mainstream British newspapers were sympa- code and no laws. . . . It’s existence was an out-
thetically covering Kamil.77 The backlash from rage against the humanity and civil rights of the
the Dinshaway incident, coupled with the 1905 Egyptian people and a blemish on the honor of
election of a liberal government, gave Kamil British civilization.”81
an unprecedented political opening to make In a letter he wrote on the night of the
his case directly to the British people, or, as he banquet, Kamil accurately appraised the politi-
wrote to Adam, to “battle against Cromer in his cal effects of the event: “The British press will
own country.”78 cover the extraordinary political clamor that
On 15 July 1906, Kamil arrived in London, was created here . . . and that will only help our
taking full advantage of the momentum created cause.”82 Indeed, partly because of the “political
by the press coverage of Dinshaway. As the man clamor,” which Kamil expertly stirred in Lon-
of the hour, Kamil was interviewed by many don, Sir Campbell-Bannerman, the liberal Brit-
British newspapers. He also translated his lat- ish prime minister, met with Kamil and asked
est Figaro article into English and mailed it to him to supply him with a list of capable Egyp-
all members of Parliament and to major British tians who could participate in an Egyptian min-
newspapers. More important, Kamil made the istry. Kamil gave Bannerman a list of thirty-two
acquaintance of many English journalists, sev- names including Sa‘d Zaghlul, Qasim Amin,
eral ministers, and members of Parliament.79 Muhammad Farid, Adli Yakan, Ahmad Lutfi
74. Marsot, Egypt and Cromer, 170 – 74. 76. Le Figaro, 11 July 1906. Kamil’s Figaro article is 81. The speech, titled “Programme et vues du Parti
printed in its entirety in Adam, L’Angleterre en Egypte, National Egyptien,” is printed in Adam, L’Angleterre
75. Le Figaro, 11 July 1906. The article, which was titled
152 – 54. en Egypte, 160 – 7 1.
“A la nation Anglaise et au monde civilisé,” is included
in Adam, L’Angleterre en Egypte, 151 – 59. Sannu‘ also 77. The Tribune even demanded that the Egyptians 82. See Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 252 – 54.
covered the Dinshaway incident in his newspaper, be given self-rule. See Tribune (London), 14 July 1906,
though it was Kamil who would masterfully use quoted in Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 244.
his European press contacts to make a considerable
78. See Kamil, Lettres Egyptiennes Françaises, 242 – 4 4.
impact on British colonial policy in Egypt. See Abu-
Naddara, 1 August 1906. 79. See ibid., 246.
Ziad Fahmy
83. Adam, L’Angleterre en Egypte, 172 – 74; Ibrahim 85. Though Kamil’s and Sannu‘’s nationalistic dis- 87. Cromer, Abbas II, 34 – 35. “Every feather-headed
Amin Ghali, L’Egypte nationaliste et liberale: De Mou- course did reach thousands of European readers, it is young Egyptian who thought himself of equal if not
stapha Kamel à Saad Zagloul (1892 – 1927) (The Hague: difficult if not impossible to gauge, with any degree of superior mental caliber to his British official su-
Nijhoff, 1969), 58 – 63. of accuracy, the general reception of their ideas. perior, rallied around the foolish youth, who — prob-
ably without being fully aware of it — had raised the
84. See Ella-Rachel Arié, “L’opinion publique en 86. Times (London), 14 January 1907. Kamil was fre-
standard of revolt against Western civilization. The
France et la question d’Égypte de 1885 à 1895,” Orient quently attacked by the London Times; see Times,
Gallicised Egyptian, who posed as a reformer, joined
27 (1963): 65 – 66. See also Le Figaro, 14 August 1887; 13 September 1906; 14 and 28 January 1907; 2, 23, and
hands with the retrograde Pasha.”
and La République Française, 14 May 1886. 27 March 1907; 8, 13, and 29 April 1907; and 15, 19, and
27 July 1907.