The Library of Alexandria

and
The Hellenization of Early Ptolemaic Egypt

Evan Richards

HIST 300
 2

When Alexander the Great conquered Egypt he decided to create a new city at the

entrance to the Nile which he intended to become one of the most magnificent cities of the

ancient world. After his death, his successors fought over and eventually divided the empire that

he had created. Ptolemy I Soter, general and friend to Alexander, became satrap of Egypt and

soon moved his capital to his leader’s created city, Alexandria. This marked the beginning of the

Ptolemaic dynasty which would last for almost three hundred years.

Ptolemy I Soter, son of Lagus, was born in Macedon around 367 B.C. From an early age

he shared close ties to Alexander and had been a student to Aristotle, who was serving under

Alexander’s father Philip II. When Alexander embarked on his campaign into Persia, Ptolemy

followed and spent most of it at Alexander’s side. In 323 B.C., following Alexander’s death,

Ptolemy was appointed satrap over the conquered Egyptian province and in 305 B.C. he assumed

control over all of Egypt and became King Ptolemy I Soter, thus succeeding the pharaohs of

Egypt and creating the Ptolemaic Dynasty. The Egyptians accepted Ptolemy with relative ease as

they had done with Alexander and had assumed him to be a continuance of pharaonic rule in

Egypt. His son, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, equally as educated as his father, became co-ruler of

Egypt at Alexandria during the final years of Soter’s life. Thus for the next three hundred years

the Ptolemy family ruled over Egypt until Rome conquered Alexandria in the first century B.C.

One of the most famous aspects of Alexandria was its grand library that is said to have

housed over 700,000 scrolls, a number that while meager today when compared to modern

libraries, was certainly astonishing for its day. Some of the most famous legends of the Library

of Alexandria come from Galen, a second century B.C. Greek physician. While these stories can

never be corroborated, they glorify the library and support it as a spectacle among ancient

academia. In one account, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, in order to support the newly created library,
 3

seized all the books from every ship that came into Alexandria. Those books were then copied

and the copies given back to the owners. Galen also records that, Philadelphos borrowed

manuscripts of the famous tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides from Athens with a

15 talent deposit. Philadelphos then copied the works and gave the copies back to Athens,

forgoing the deposit. (Galen.Epidem.iii)

The Library is also famous for the creation of the Septuagint, a translation of the Hebrew

Torah into Greek done by 72 Jewish Elders. It is the first known translation which allowed all

Greek speaking people to read the first five books of the Hebrew Bible.

Many of these stories, especially those from Galen, cannot be proven but over time have

been accepted and overall add to the legend that will always be associated with the Library.

Unfortunately much of the specific information about the institution has been lost or not yet

found. Many ancient sources on the subject have never been recovered and scholars have been

forced to make assumptions based on fragmentary information to determine unknown

characteristics of the Library. One of these unknown aspects of the Library is its origin. Many

scholars have proved multiple theories as to the Library’s creation.

One of these theories centers on Demetrius of Pharleon who may have in fact urged

Ptolemy to create the Library. Demetrius like Ptolemy and Alexander, had been a student of

Aristotle and spent much of his life as an Athenian statesman serving under the post-Alexander

successor Cassander. In 307 B.C. he was exiled from Greece by his advisories and ten years

later, in 297 B.C., Ptolemy called him to Alexandria to increase the academic prestige of the city.

It is often assumed that it was he who first prompted Ptolemy to build a library and then

commenced with its organization. In the late 4th and early 3rd centuries the Hellenistic kings were

in heated competition to determine who could create the largest structures and most grand

institutions.[Strabo XIII.1.54] The Library of Alexandria within the Museum and the great
 4

lighthouse of the city, exemplified this competition. Ptolemy himself may have wanted this even

more than the other Hellenistic rulers of his time so as to boost the reputation and prestige of this

newly founded city.

Another theory is based on Ptolemy’s own intellectual interests. In his youth, Ptolemy I

Soter had studied with Aristotle and through the end of his reign he remained in the company of

a variety of scientists, scholars, and poets.1 This background within academia would have made

the creation of a new library an essential addition for Ptolemy’s capital, to foster a fresh wave of

learning and to create the largest collection in the new world.2 Strabo, the ancient geographer,

states: “He [Aristotle] is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have

taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library [Strabo XIII.1.54]. While this cannot be true

because the Library was created well after Aristotle’s death in 322 B.C., another meaning behind

this statement could be that Ptolemy modeled the Library of Alexander after Aristotle’s own

library at his school in Athens, the Lyceum.

While many theories exist as to the unknown motivation by Ptolemy to create such an

institution, another theory needs to be considered that is centered on the specific time period of

the Library’s creation: the Hellenistic age. Beginning with Alexander a movement was instigated

throughout his conquered territories to make them Greek, to Hellenize them. Greeks and the

Romans after them considered all those who did not speak Greek as barbarians. Ptolemy was no

exception and his new capitol city of Alexandria was built on the coast of Egypt, a traditional

society. In his attempt to Hellenize Alexandria and make the city more Greek and make the

Egyptians themselves more Greek, Ptolemy created the Library of Alexandria which was used

from the beginning as a major tool for Ptolemy to accomplish this goal.

1 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 56.

2 Ibid. 63
 5

The city of Alexandria was as diverse a city as the ancient world would see. While

Macedonians along with other Greeks under Alexander had conquered the region, the

Macedonian population of the city was neither large nor superior in numbers to other Greeks in

the city.3 The main concentration of Macedonians may have been largely confined to the royal

guard of the city.4 Early on, other Greeks began to migrate to Alexandria. Alexander himself

recognized that the region had many positive characteristics that could easily foster the growth of

a new city. Located at the mouth of the agriculturally rich Nile Delta region and easily accessible

from the Mediterranean, many Greeks were attracted to Alexandria in pursuit of successful new

enterprises.

While the Greek population of Alexandria was considerable right from the city’s

beginning, they were nowhere near the size of the Egyptian population who dominated their

native region and were more numerous than any other group in the city.5 The Ptolemy rulers

recognized the size of this group from the beginning and established tolerable conditions of life

for the natives that almost certainly had not existed under the previous Persian occupation or

even the later Pharaohs. While the Ptolemies accepted the natives into Alexandria, there is no

evidence that they had any citizenship at all in the city.6 Many natives were confined to the lower

class and very few attained high positions within the government.7.

The last major group in the city was the Jews. While little is known about the status of

Jews within Alexandria, what is known is that their population was vast in the region. All

3 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 53.

4 Waler Scheidal. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective (Netherlands: Brill Academic
Publishers, 2004) 25.

5 Ibid.

6 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 54.

7 John Baines. Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule. (Netherlands: Brill Academic
Publishers) 34.
 6

through the Nile Delta and Gaza strip, Jews were involved in almost every aspect of the culture.

Their cultural level seems to have been much higher than the native population and Ptolemy

knew that this group of Alexandrians could not be ignored.

Along with Greeks, Egyptians, and Jews, many other foreign groups were represented in

Alexandria. These peoples made up most of the slave population. In the third century, the largest

foreign group in Alexandria was from Ptolemaic Syria and was comprised of both immigrants

and captured slaves.8 Migration to the capital of the Ptolemaic empire was common and many of

these foreigners tended to live together and set themselves apart in their own parts of the city.9

With as diverse a city as Alexandria, it was not uncommon for many groups to live

together. The upper class Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians deterred from interaction but the lower

class citizens practiced no such solitude. Mixed marriages were frowned upon and many times

not even recognized within the upper classes. In the lower class strict adherence to one’s ethnic

group was less a requirement. Mixed marriages were more common and interaction, especially

on the commercial level, was much more welcome. Still, the city was split up into sections that

were labeled Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, and Epsilon. The palace complex and the rest of the

Greek population comprised two of the sections but the other three were made up of specific

ethnicities. Strabo, the ancient geographer, states that the Jews of Alexandria had a special

quarter to themselves. In this quarter they lived primarily under their own law and were presided

over by an Ethnarch, a political leader over an ethnic group, who governed over them, presided

over the law courts and supervised contracts and ordinances.10 The Jews were almost self

8 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 58.

9 Ibid. 56

10 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,
Ltd. 1932) 344.
 7

sufficient and lived in a completely different Alexandria from the rest of the city, all the while

under the protection of the king.

Altogether, the city’s diversity made it different from the old Greek city-states because it

lacked a definitive culture and tradition. Alexandria had no history as a classical Greek city-state

and encompassed a wide variety of races and cultures.11 Most of the city’s residents including

Jews and the majority of Egyptians spoke Greek. With the Ptolemies in control of the region,

Greek naturally became the common language. While the native Egyptian population comprised

a large proportion of the city, the Ptolemaic administration operated in Greek, not Egyptian; it

wasn’t until Cleopatra VII at the conclusion of the Ptolemaic dynasty did the administration

adhere to the native dialect.

From the beginning of its founding under Alexander the Great, Alexandria saw an

immediate surge in population growth. In 330 the city numbered 5,000 residents yet only sixty

years later that number jumped to 148,000.12 This increase in city size can be attributed to a

number of factors. For Greeks and other foreigners, the city was the land of opportunity. Egypt

was enormously wealthy and the region extremely fertile. The Ptolemaic administration had

neither the means nor the desire to keep the city solely Greek. Laws pertaining to foreigners who

settled in Alexandria were very lenient and it can be assumed that Ptolemy simply wished to

support the overall growth of his new capital.13 By encouraging new immigration Ptolemy hoped

to also encourage Greeks with talent and enterprise to come to his new city to increase the

region’s academic and artistic prestige in competition with his successor counterparts.

11 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 38.

12 Waler Scheidal. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective (Netherlands: Brill Academic
Publishers, 2004) 15.

13 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 52.
 8

During the beginning years of Ptolemaic Alexandria, the administration, while supporting

immigration to the region, also wanted to retain its Greek heritage. Along with the Library of

Alexandria, the Ptolemies used many forms of Hellenization to make Alexandria Greek. While

this helped retain the history and tradition for Greeks, it had little effect on the Jews and the

native Egyptian population, who while they did speak the ruling language, never became Greek

in any traditional sense. The city spoke Greek but adhered strictly to their traditional culture.

While assimilation to Greek was ultimately the goal encouraged most by the kings, it proved

unrealistic. Retention of Greek heritage amongst Egyptian culture, which had dominated the

region Alexandria inhabited, amongst widespread ethnic diversity of the city soon became the

primary focus.14

One initial step Ptolemy I Stoter took to legitimize his rule over Egypt was to steal

Alexander’s body on its way back to Macedonia and bring it to Egypt. After he brought the body

to Alexandria, Ptolemy built a huge shrine for Alexander in his new capital.15 His tomb in Egypt

soon became a major attraction for pilgrims and tourists from all over the Greek world.16 These

steps were part of a political move to connect the Ptolemaic dynasty with Alexander’s empire.

Ptolemy hoped to attract Greeks and Macedonians to Egypt who would identify Ptolemy as

Alexander’s legitimate successor.

Ptolemy also realized that he was forced to secure his rule over the Egyptians as well.

After Alexander’s death in 323 B.C., Ptolemy secured his rule over Egypt by ascending from

satrap to Pharaoh. In order to gain acceptance of the Egyptian people, he inevitably was willing

14 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,
Ltd. 1932) 341.

15 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 33.

16 Ibid.
 9

to become Pharaoh, a position that made him a god to the natives.17 Since the Greeks were the

minority population in Egypt, Ptolemy knew he had to adhere to local custom if he wanted to

maintain control over the region. His successors knew this as well as Soter did. Ptolemy II

Philadelphos married his own sister during his reign possibly as a political move because this

was common practice among Egyptian Pharaohs.18 While the Ptolemies were Greek, they knew

that addition of Egyptian pharonic traditions could only aid in securing their rule over Egypt.

Another molding of Greek and Egyptian heritage came from religion. Greeks were

willing to include the Egyptian gods into their worship and identified many classic Egyptian

gods as gods of their own pantheon. Gods and goddess such as Hera, Apollo, Zeus, and

Aphrodite were the Egyptian gods Setet, the Falcon Horus of Edfu, Amon-Ra, and Hathor.19 Yet

while Greeks were more willing to adopt native customs, the Egyptians did not return the

sentiment towards Greek gods. The priests maintained Egyptian ritual for native Egyptians alone

and did not to accept the Greek pantheon.

One common area of religion was created by Soter as a tool to mold the cultures under

one religion. He did this by introducing Sarapis who was intended to be worshiped by both

Egyptians and Greeks. While it is clear that Ptolemy had political motives by doing this, he

legitimized it to Alexandrians by claiming Sarapis appeared to him in a dream. It is clear, with

the importance of religious worship amongst the two cultures, that Ptolemy realized that this cult

could ultimately support the blending of Egyptian and Greek religious culutures.20 The cult of

17 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,
Ltd. 1932) 288.

18 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 58.

19 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972)

20 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 30.
 10

Sarapis was under the strict protection of the government and supported heavily by Ptolemy.21

He called upon the famous Egyptian theologians Manetho and Timotheus to organize the

religion and he hoped this would have a similar effect to Alexander’s attention to the blended

deity, Zeus-Ammon. Overall the Ptolemies intended to replace Osiris with Sarapis as the major

god of the region and supported this notion by creating an enormous temple, called the

Sarapeum, in his honor in the heart of the palace quarter of the city. While mixing of cultures

was important, the retention of Greek heritage was still the most important thing to the early

administration who wished to create a new grand Greek city in the Mediterranean.

Many elements of traditional Greek culture were found throughout the city that differed

greatly from native custom. The gymnasium, plastera, elementary Greek schools, and baths were

all major aspects of Greek culture that aided the administration in Hellenizing the region. By

including these institutions the city could retain aspects of Greek everyday life and not only

attract the primarily desired immigrants but also exclude the Egyptian culture from over

intrusion into the Greek way of life.

The Library of Alexandria became another major institution that would adhere to Greek

heritage. Strabo places the Museum of Alexandria which contained the Library within the

palaces.22 The entire institution included a public walkway, a dining-hall, and many lecture

rooms which all around made it less a library when compared to our modern sense of the

definition but in ancient times this would have made the institution more academic and thus

more Greek. [Strabo XVII.1.8] There were two libraries within the city. The first was the main

library in the palace which contained the bulk of the collection and the second was connected to

the temple of Sarapis and helped aid in the unification of the Greek and Egyptian cultures. It is

21 Pierre Jouguet. Macedonian Imperialism and the Hellenization of the East. (New York: Stephen Austin& Sons,
Ltd. 1932) 340.

22 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 51.
 11

likely that Ptolemy wished to connect the Museum not only to the Greek muses, to which the

institution gets its name, but also to his god Sarapis, whose purpose was to connect the Egyptians

and Greeks under one religion.23

For Greeks who were surrounded by an unfamiliar culture the Library helped fill the void

of their own tradition and heritage subdued by living in Egypt. Because of its location within the

totally Greek palace quarter of the city, the Library was intended to be of sole use to the Greek

citizens of the city. By the time Strabo wrote on the city, the palace quarter had come to include

between one-quarter and one-third of all Alexandria.24 Ptolemy I Soter himself, the academic

man that he was, used the library to hearken back to the Greek traditions he and his countrymen

knew very well. The Library is characteristically similar to Aristotle’s own Lyceum and these

accounts for much of Alexandrian academia

Ptolemy not only wanted to secure Greek tradition in a region where there was none

before but he also wanted to attract other intellectuals to the city. Demetrius of Phaleron, who

reportedly helped him organize the library, was one of many famous intellectuals employed by

kings. Phillip II of Macedon invited Aristotle to educate Alexander at his court and so too did

Ptolemy invite Demetrius to Alexandria and used him as a tutor to his son. Demetrius began the

organization of the works that would comprise the main library. This organization included the

editing of the many different texts and the selection of the versions for inclusion into the library.

To boost Alexandria amongst other Greek capitals of the period, it can be assumed that the

organizers of the Library wished to complete an entire body of Greek written literature.25 There

were reportedly dozens of versions of Homer’s works and in an attempt to standardize them and

23 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 52.

24 Waler Scheidal. Creating a Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective (Netherlands: Brill Academic
Publishers, 2004) 27.

25 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 329.
 12

create one edition. The librarians at Alexandria did this often in an attempt to legitimize the

institution in the Greek world and to make it an intellectual center among Greeks.

While the Hellenization process had little effect on Egyptians, Ptolemy I Soter still made

an attempt to unify Greek and Egyptian culture. He accomplished this by encouraging Manetho

to write a history of Egypt in Greek.26 Manetho was an Egyptian priest and advisor to Ptolemy I

Soter and had established himself as a respected individual under the Ptolemaic administration.

To write his history, he had an arsenal of primary sources at his disposal which includes the

temple libraries, palace records, papyri of the sacred books, the annals of the Kings of Egypt, the

economic records of the temples and estates, and much of the poetic literature of Egypt.27 His

work, written in eight books, spanned the entire history of Egypt and concluded with the

conquest of Alexander. Unfortunately Manetho’s entire work has been completely lost and what

remains are fragments and excerpts from other authors such as the Jewish historian Josephus (37

B.C. – 100 A.D) who used Manetho to help obtain the traditions of the origin and antiquities of

the Jewish people.28 There are many possible reasons why Ptolemy required this history of Egypt

for the Library’s collection. Perhaps the Ptolemaic administration wished to learn more about the

history of the people they were ruling. While this is possible, considering how involved the

Ptolemies were in other aspects of Egyptian culture such as religion, this is unlikely considering

that they took no interest in the most basic aspects of native culture such as the Egyptian

language. It is more likely that Ptolemy wanted the Egyptian natives of Alexandria (most of

whom spoke Greek) to have a connection to this purely Greek institution. While Egyptians

26 Walter M. Ellis, Ptolemy of Egypt (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 1994) 57.

27 Edward A. Parsons. The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World. (New York: Elsevier Press, 1952)
186.

28 Ibid.
 13

resisted assimilation, if their complete history written by a native Egyptian was included in the

Library they might have been more attracted to other Greek institutions.

The Library of Alexandria also contained other books from many authors who were

neither Greek nor Egyptian. Following Alexander’s conquests, much of Asia became integrated

into Greek culture and with it the literary works of the conquered regions. As diverse a city that

Alexandria was, much of this literature was included in the Library in Ptolemy’s attention

towards unifying the population and completing a grand collection of books. Most notably was

Babylonian literature, that of Brossos the author of Chaldiaca, the history of Babylonia.29

Brossos was a priest who lived between 356 and 261 B.C. and was an extremely learned

individual who dedicated his work to Soter. Brossos’s history has many similarities to Manetho’s

work such as its composition in Greek and unfortunately its only fragmentary survival. What is

known is that his work contained the records of Chaldea, Babylonia, Media, Persia, Bactria, and

of the empires of Asia.30 Given the large foreign population from Babylon and Asia, Brossos’s

books would have had the same importance for Ptolemy as Manetho’s work and thus can be

assumed to have been included in the Library of Alexandria.

While Ptolemy used the Library to Hellenize the entire city and all its inhabitants, it had

the most effect on the Jews of Alexandria. At this time the Jews on a whole on a higher cultural

level than the Egyptians and proof of this is evident from the Jewish-Greek literature of the

second and third centuries which is much superior to that of the Egyptians during this time.

During the reign of Soter and Philadelphos the Jews of Alexandria enjoyed favorable relations

with the other citizens of the city and with the government. Almost the entire population spoke

Greek and much of the Hellenistic Jewish literary and religious activity is a reaction to the

29 Edward A. Parsons. The Alexandrian Library: Glory of the Hellenic World. (New York: Elsevier Press, 1952)
191.

30 Ibid 193
 14

completely Greek environment in which they inhabited. In fact, the first evidence of any anti-

Semitism within Alexandria comes from much later in the Ptolemaic dynasty.31 Much of the

literary work is related or inspired by the most important and most famous of the Library’s

contribution: the Septuagint.

The story of the Septuagint comes from a letter called the Letter to Philocrates or more

commonly known as the Letter of Aristeas and is dated to around 160 B.C. Although the letter is

a report by a Greek courtier named Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, the writing is similar to

that of a Jew praising Judaism and thus it is assumed the true author was an Alexandrian Jew.32

Along with a narrative about the Greek translation of the Pentateuch, the author also describes a

request Demetrius of Phaleron makes to Philadelphos asking that the books of the Jews be

included in the Library and that the Jewish prisoners of Soter’s reign be freed.33 This is an

excerpt from the Letter in which Aristeas quotes a letter written by Philadelphos requesting the

translation.

“Now since I am anxious to show my gratitude to these men and to the Jews throughout the
world and to the generations yet to come, I have determined that your law shall be translated
from the Hebrew tongue which is in use amongst you into the Greek language, that these books
may be added to the other royal books in my library”

Traditionally the belief was that the translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek was for

the purpose of increasing the collection at the Library and to attract scholarly attention for entire

institution. The Letter of Aristeas states that Demetrius of Phaleron requested the translation for

this purpose, yet another theory has become popular which claims that due to the fact that most

Jews in Egypt could not read Hebrew, the translation was requested by the Jews of Alexandria.34

31 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 57.

32 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 696.

33 Ibid. 697

34 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 115.
 15

This theory was created partly because authenticity and doubt surrounds the Letter of Aristeas.

The creation of the a Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible is not in question but the truth

concerning the circumstances of the story of it as described in the letter remain unreliable. One

cause for doubt arises because of the repetition of the number seventy-two. The letter states that

seventy-two translators were asked seventy-two questions by the king at a banquet and then

commenced work on the translation of the first five books of the Hebrew Bible which in total

took seventy-two days to complete. The letter also describes the costs of the translation and the

lavish gifts given to the translators, amounts of which are so large that it is doubtful that they

would have been spent on one book.35

Although the Letter of Aristeas is considered more a semi-fictional narrative, it is known

that Ptolemy II Philadelphos did sponsor a translation. What is in question is the why

Philadelphos wanted it created. One answer is that it was a political move by Ptolemy to gain a

favorable response from the Alexandrian Jews. The request by Jews to overcome their lack

Hebrew knowledge can easily be assumed to have been granted by the administration because of

their willingness to assimilate Jews into the population and gain further favor. The Jews needed a

Greek translation to make public recitation possible but Ptolemy also was hoping for a similar

positive reaction by the Jews as when the royal family had built synagogues for the city early at

near the beginning of Soter’s reign.36 Aristeas’s claim that Ptolemy wanted to increase the

collection of the library may have not been untrue. Although not the primary focus, it was an

added motivation given his attention towards collecting books. It can also be assumed that

Ptolemy also realized the usefulness the translation could have for his administration’s

understanding of the laws and customs of the Alexandrian Jews he was ruling.37 Overall the

35 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 2.

36 P.M. Fraser. Ptolemaic Alexandria (London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 690.

37 Nina L. Collins. The Library and the Bible in Greek (Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2000) 116.
 16

creation of the Septuagint by the Library of Alexandria was Ptolemy’s attempt to Hellenize the

Jews of Alexandria. The translation allowed the Jews to become more Greek and it allowed

Philadelphos to gain political favor, better assimilate the Jews into Alexandrian citizenry, and

better understand their culture.

The Library of Alexandria was amongst an arsenal of Hellenization tools used by the

Ptolemaic rulers. Total integration was not necessarily the intention of early Ptolemaic rulers yet

they realized early on the diversity of the region they were ruling and strived for region truly

Greek by definition but in reality fundamentally not.38 Egyptians maintained their own culture in

Alexandria and Greeks sought to retain their roots of their own from mainland Greece. The

Library of Alexandria was created as a purely Greek institution and while it adhered in many

ways to every citizen in Alexandria its purpose was to make the city more Greek. Its collection

was vast and encompassed many Greek and foreign books of the time. While the Library will

always be considered one of the premier academic institutions of the ancient world, it was first

and foremost the right hand of Hellenization for early Ptolemaic rulers.

38 John Baines. Egyptian Elite Self-Presentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule. (Netherlands: Brill Academic
Publishers) 36.
 17

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