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Household Energy Use in Rural sub-Saharan Africa: Are Solar Home Systems an Appropriate
Solution?
Introduction:
Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is one of the poorest regions on earth, with 76% of the world‟s ultra-poor1
disproportionally concentrated in SSA countries (Ahmed et al., 2007). While it is widely recognised
that lack of access to modern energy services can seriously hinder economic and social development
(UNDP/WHO, 2009; OECD/IEA, 2010) traditional bioenergy resources still provide over 90% of
household energy needs in many SAA nations (Bailis et al., 2007). Solar Home Systems (SHS) are
currently being promoted as the primary decentralised energy solution by SAA governments. While
relating to Module 1‟s lecture on “Environment and Energy in the Global Context” this essay will
analyse the energy needs of rural households in SSA and look at whether policies promoting SHS
are best placed to provide modern energy services to the rural poor.
There are currently no national baseline statistics for access to mechanical power 2 in SSA countries,
with only 3 countries3 providing rural data on this form of energy (UNDP/WHO, 2009). It has,
however, recently been estimated that the number is close to zero for most rural areas of SSA
countries (Bates et al., 2009). In terms of set targets for future energy access (see Table 2) national
and rural plans are lacking in all areas of energy access, with cooking fuels and ICS much more
poorly represented than electricity, and mechanical power not even registering in any national level
targets (UNDP/WHO, 2009).
1
Those living on less than half the global extreme poverty line, i.e. less than $0.54/day per capita (Ahmed et
al,. 2007).
2
Mechanical power here is defined as the effective outcome of transforming different forms of energy sources
to kinetic energy (to cause motion) and can be obtained from motorised equipment such as steam, diesel and
gas engines/turbines, electrical and hydraulic motors and renewable sources such as wind and hydro. (Bates et
al., 2009).
3
Benin (0%), Central Africa Republic (0%) and Mali (10%). Source: UNDP/WHO, 2009.
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
It is widely believed that, through the adoption highly efficient and renewable technologies, rural
households can rapidly bypass the conventional path of energy development (i.e. from wood to coal
to petroleum) and switch directly from traditional bioenergy resources to clean modern energy
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
sources, such as electricity (World Bank, 1996; Goldemberg, 1998). With grid extension programmes
deemed financially unviable for the majority of rural settlements and micro-grid alternatives using
diesel gensets also rendered largely unviable due to difficulties in accessing spare parts, technical
support and high costs of fuel transportation (Lovejoy, 1992), SHS have become the dominant
decentralised technology used and promoted by SSA governments in order to reach energy access
targets (Wamukonya, 2007).
Support for SHS by SSA governments is reflected in policies, substantial financial commitments to
SHS projects and continued support from multilateral agencies and private sector. These include the
World Bank (providing loans for SHS since 1994) (Miller and Hope, 2000), the International Finance
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
Corporation (aiming to secure US$50 million capital for facilitating SHS uptake), the Global
Environment Facility (US$210 million invested in SHS over last 10 years) (Wamukonya, 2007) and
several major oil companies, including Shell (committed to allocating a substantial share of US$500
million to the promotion of SHS over a 5-year period) (Shell, 2001).The prevalence of these support
schemes demonstrates the considerable backing that SHS technology is currently receiving.
Justification for such support has been to remove the barriers to penetration of this technology (see
Table 4) in an attempt to level the playing field between these systems and conventional energy
carriers (Haas, 1995). It is important to note, however, that the vast majority of SHS projects have
been supported by northern aid and/or pushed by northern entrepreneurs as a technology transfer
measure (Erikson and Chapman, 1995). SHS user benefits often quoted in promotional literature
include delivering improved health services, providing modern and strong light sources that can
extend working hours, and creating income generating activities (Gustavsson, 2007). While these
benefits are associated with general strategic development goals, more often than not they are based
on a conjecture of the potentials of the technology and secondary information in development
literature. The remainder of this essay will examine the role that SHS can play in meeting actual
household energy needs in terms of energy used for cooking, lighting and communications, income
generation and productive uses.
Table 4: Key barriers to SHS penetration and consequent barrier removal options
Barrier Barrier Removal Strategies
Financial: Micro-credit facilities for end-users and dealers
high up- Loan schemes & revolving funds in conventional financing institutions
front capital Removal of taxes and levies
costs high Capital and tariff subsidies
tariffs Fee-for-service delivery model
Technical Train locals as technicians within projects
support for Train users on basic maintenance
installation Disseminate user-friendly manuals on operations and maintenance
and Shift responsibility to service deliverer
maintenance (Service delivering agents in companies)
Limited Large scale government sponsored projects
markets Public-private partnerships to share costs
Awareness raising targeting potential consumers
Donor financed projects
Policy including quotas for renewable energy technologies
Quality of Labelling
technology Standards
Government programs selecting winners
Regulation
Source: Wamukonya, 2007.
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
Links between rural household energy use and women are often ignored, yet the importance cannot
be overstated. Gender issues in energy are now receiving significant attention at a micro-level in
terms of technological interventions such as improved cookstoves, biogas and solar cookers, but, as
demonstrated by the figures in Table 2 above, are yet to be addressed substantially in macro-level
policies (Kebede et al., 2010). At the household level then, electricity from SHS can have very little
impact on cooking practices in rural households and therefore cannot realistically contribute to the
reduction inefficient biomass energy use by the rural poor in SSA (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002).
In rural areas where installed SHS are generally small (i.e. less than 50 Wp) competing interests on
how the available energy should be used in the household are often found. Studies on the type of
4
Including particulate matter and gases such as carbon monoxide and nitrogen oxides.
5
There is emerging evidence of links between the use of kerosene lanterns and tuberculosis and cancer
(OECD/IEA, 2010).
6
For example, a paraffin wax candle has an intensity (in lumens) of 1 and an efficiency (lumen per Watt) of
0.01, while a 15 Watt fluorescent bulb has an intensity of 600 and efficiency of 40 (Yadoo and Cruickshank,
2010).
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
appliances found in households with SHS show that TVs are extremely common7 and often provide a
strong incentive for the purchase of SHS (Nieuwenhout et al., 2001). In a study of rural households
with SHS in Kenya, Jacobson (2004) found that in many cases watching TV is prioritised before
children‟s studies and in virtually all cases before use by women for educational or income
generating purposes.
A number of studies have concluded that lighting systems installed alongside SHS create more time
in the day for women to complete household chores (van der Plas and Hankins, 1998; Murphy,
2001). Considering the fact that most rural women‟s workdays begin prior to sunrise, one has to
question whether or not lighting systems actually add to the workload of many rural women.
Moreover, it has even been argued that those technologies providing only lighting and access to TV
to rural households, rather than energy for cooking, are inherently biased against women (Murphy,
2001). The effects of SHS on education are also unclear, with studies indicating both increased time
spent on reading and writing and decreased time spent on studies (Nieuwenhout et al., 1999). While
the latter is argued to be a consequence of access to TV8 television has also been found to improve
foreign language skills and general awareness of the situation in the country (Richter, 1999,
Gustavsson, 2007).
Furthermore, while studies9 reporting the favourable cost-effectiveness of SHS have been
instrumental in motivating donors and governments‟ commitment of resources to SHS, there is now a
large body of evidence suggesting that this is not necessarily the case10. In reality, SHS have been
found to provide a limited energy service at relatively high costs per unit (Drennen et al., 1996). The
upfront cost of a typical 50 Wp SHS are usually several times higher than the average gross national
income (GNI) per capita in most SSA countries (see Table 5), and thus not affordable to the majority
of rural households. In the limited areas where self-organised markets for SHS do exist, only tiny
systems (5-20Wp) are typically installed and individual components bought one at a time in order to
make the systems more affordable. In contrast donor supported projects and programmes typically
focus on larger, higher-end systems, with minimum quality standards, and therefore tend only to be
disseminated among rural middle class households willing to take up loans for financing (van der
Vleuten et al., 2007).
7
Studies include Reinders et al., 1999; Morante and Zilles, 2001; Nieuwenhout et al., 1999, 2001; Jacobson,
2004; Ranniger, 2004; and Gustavsson, 2007.
8
Time spent watching TV depends on the size of the SHS but can reach up to five hour a day (Nieuwenhout et
al., 1999).
9
Including studies by Foley, 1995; World Bank, 1996; Miller and Hope, 2000; and Martinot et al., 2000a,b.
10
Evidence presented by Cowan et al., 1996; Wamukonya and Davis, 2001; Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002; van
der Vleuten et al., 2007.
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
With the vast majority of Africa‟s ultra-poor participating in some form of subsistence farming11 it is
widely argued that agriculture should be the lead sector for reduction of poverty in SSA (Diao et al.,
2007; World Bank, 2007), with focus falling on stimulating smallholder food productivity
(Christiaensen and Demery, 2007). For those involved in subsistence agriculture access to electricity
is not a high priority, but rather access to mechanical power to provide basic services such as
irrigation, water pumping, food and agricultural processing, and basic value-addition and income
generating activities isof far higher value. Access to mechanical power can thus help to shift the rural
poor from a subsistence existence into more productive communities where people are able to
enhance their livelihoods through their own efforts (Bates et al., 2009). It is therefore believed that
11
For example in Benin, 95 % of the agricultural economy is assured by small farmers using subsistence
techniques and in Namibia, 90% of the population in communal farming areas (which covers approximately
41% of the country's land area and is composed of smallholder subsistence farmers) are directly dependent on
subsistence agriculture for a living.. Source: FAO, 2005.
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
access to mechanical power should be given far greater recognition as a poverty reduction strategy
than is currently reflected in national energy policies (Table 2).
Conclusions:
An overwhelming majority of poor rural households in SSA lack access to even the most basic
modern energy services. In efforts to improve the situation many governments have set national and
rural energy access targets for the future, however these policies are found to be strongly biased
towards the provision of electrical services, rather than energy for cooking or mechanical power.
Despite significant backing from governments, multilateral agencies and the private sector SHS are
found to only provide a very limited service to rural households for a relatively high cost and are
therefore not considered an appropriate technology for ultra-poor households. Instead efforts should
first be focused on delivering improved efficiency cookstoves and mechanical power for productive
uses in order to improve welfare and reduce poverty.
Research for this essay has been limited by the lack of documentary information on actual
experiences of households with SHS. Relatively few projects and programmes have been monitored
and those studies that do exist tend to concern only the first 1-2 years of the projects, even though
much relevant information can only be obtained after a longer period. In addition, negative
experiences with SHS are rarely reported, thus leading to a noticeable bias towards promotional
reports in the SHS literature. Furthermore, while literature on SHS use in SSA is available to a certain
extent, the vast majority of studies originate from experiences of developing countries in other parts
of the world (particularly Asia) where baseline socioeconomic conditions are generally not so severe
and thus not necessarily comparable to those of ultra-poor SSA nations.
While there is now growing acceptance among academics that the provision of electricity is not
necessarily a sufficient condition for economic and social development, this view is not widely found
outside the academic literature and certainly not shared by those responsible for generating national
energy policies in SSA. Instead electricity is still regarded as a symbol of modernization and progress
with politicians promising communities electricity in order to win votes. The consequent political
pressures to fulfil election promises therefore often outweigh economic rationales. So, while a radical
shift is needed, away from policies centred on electricity provision and towards those more
adequately tailored to suit actual household energy needs, it is believed that this shift needs to be
lead by international level organisations in order to overcome these national level pressures.
Further research:
In order to gain increased insight into the use of SHS at the household level further and extended
monitoring and evaluation activities are required. Monitoring needs to be continued beyond the initial
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Alice Hubbard Module 1: Introduction Bryce Gilroy-Scott
installation stage of SHS projects and continued for at least the duration of time that the SHS is
installed. Specific areas for where further research into the impacts of SHS is necessary include the
relationship between SHS-generated lighting and the workload of women and the effects of SHS on
education. Finally with mechanical power so vastly under-represented in the energy literature a fuller
informational baseline and specific methodologies relating to the scope, needs, applications, gender
aspects, challenges, constraints and impacts of mechanical power clearly need to be developed in
order to enable better quantification of the sector and the formulation of appropriate development
strategies and targets in the future.
References:
African Development Bank Group (2007) East Africa Energy Sector Challenges and Opportunities.
Invest in Renewable Energies, East Africa Conference. September 2007, Frankfurt, Germany.
Ahmed, A. U., Hill, R. V., Smith, L. C., Wiesmann, D. M. and Frankenberger, T (2007) The World’s
Most Deprived: Characteristics and Causes of Extreme Poverty and Hunger. Washington:
International Food Policy Research Institute.
Bailis, R., Ezzati M., and Kammen, D. M. (2007) Health and Greenhouse Gas Impacts of Biomass
and Fossil Fuel Energy Futures in Africa. Boiling Point. 54: 3-8.
Bates, L., Hunt, S., Khennas, S., and Sastrawinata, N. (2009) Expanding Energy Access in
Developing Countries: The Role of Mechanical Power. Rugby: Practical Action Publishing Ltd.
Christiaensen, L. and L. Demery (2007) Down to Earth: Agriculture and Poverty Reduction in Africa.
Washington: World Bank.
Cowan, B., Banks, D., and Geerdts, P. (1996) Solar Home Systems: Techno- Economic Study
Annex. Energy and Development Research Centre, University of Cape Town.
Diao, X., P. Hazell, D. Resnick and J. Thurlow. (2007) The Role of Agriculture in Development:
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Drennen, T. E., Erickson, J. D., and Chapman, D. (1996) Solar power and climate change policy in
developing countries. Energy Policy. 24(1): 9-16.
Duke, R.D. and D. M. Kammen (1999) The Economics of Energy Market Transformation Initiatives.
The Energy Journal. 20(4): 15-64.
Duke, R. D. and D. M. Kammen (2003) Energy for Development: Solar Home Systems in Africa and
Global Carbon Emissions. Climate Change for Africa: Science, Technology, Policy and
Capacity Building. Pak Sum Low: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
FAO (2005) Women, agriculture and rural development: a synthesis report of the Africa region. Food
and Agriculture Organization. [Online] Available from:
http://www.fao.org/docrep/x0250e/x0250e03.htm [Accessed 12 October 2010]
Foley, G. (1995) Photovoltaic Applications in Rural Areas of the Developing World. World Bank
Technical Paper No. 304. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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Wamukonya, N. (2007) Solar home system electrification as a viable technology option for Africa‟s
development. Energy Policy. 35: 6-14.
WHO (2008) The Global Burden of Disease: 2004 Update. Geneva: World Health Organization.
World Bank (1996) Rural Energy and Development: Improving Energy Supplies for Two Billion
People. Washington DC: The World Bank.
World Bank (2007), World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development. Washington:
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Yadoo, A. and Cruickshank, H. (2010) The value of cooperatives in rural electrification. Energy
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