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VOLUME 2
VOLUME 1
Hon^ Kong
Politics of Disappearance
MINNEAPOLIS LONDON
Copyright 1997 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or trans-
mitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Acknowledgments vii
1 Introduction: Culture in a Space of Disappearance 1
2 The New Hong Kong Cinema and the Deja Disparu 16
3 Wong Kar-wai: Hong Kong Filmmaker 48
4 Building on Disappearance: Hong Kong Architecture
and Colonial Space 63
5 Photographing Disappearance 91
6 Writing Hong Kong 111
7 Coda: Hyphenation and Postculture 141
Notes 147
Index 151
v
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Benjamin Lee, that great enabler, and the Center for
Transcultural Studies for providing a space where many of the ideas for
this book were first aired. I am also grateful to Kathleen Woodward and
the Center for Twentieth Century Studies for many kindnesses.
Some sections of this book have appeared, in a different form, in Posi-
tions, Discourse, and Public Culture. 1 would like to thank the editors of these
journals for their interest in my work.
vii
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i
1
Kong, is less an explanatory term than a term that needs explaining. There
are a number of factors specific to Hong Kong that must be considered in
a discussion of colonialism. For example, in contrast to other colonial cities
(say, in India, Africa, or South America) Hong Kong has no precolonial
past to speak of. It is true that in a sense Hong Kong did have a history be-
fore 1841, when it was ceded to the British/ there are records of human set-
tlement on the island going back at least to the Sung dynasty/ but the his-
tory of Hong Kong, in terms that are relevant to what it has become today,
has effectively been a history of colonialism. Another point to note is that
while 98 percent of the population is ethnic Chinese, history (both colo-
nial history and history on the mainland) has seen to it that the Hong
Kong Chinese are now culturally and politically quite distinct from main-
landers/ two peoples separated by a common ethnicity, a first example of
disappearance. This has produced many instances of mutual mistrust and
misunderstanding, with one side demonizing the other. It is not true, as
some might wish to believe, that if you scratch the surface of a Hong Kong
person you will find a Chinese identity waiting to be reborn. The Hong
Kong person is now a bird of a different feather, perhaps a kind of Maltese
Falcon. This suggests that 1997 will not be simply the moment of libera-
tion from colonial rule/ it will also mark a moment of transition to a form
of governance that has no clear historical precedents.
Besides these already quite complex local and specific factors that are
relevant to colonialism in Hong Kong, there are also wider issues to bear
in mind, particularly the fact that on a world scale colonialism itself is a
changing paradigm that takes one form in the era of imperialism and a dif-
ferent and more paradoxical form in the era of globalism. The original title
of this book was The Last Emporium, a title that calls attention, perhaps a
little too obliquely, to this changing paradigm in relation to Hong Kong.
It points not only to the end of empire, to the fact that Hong Kong is
formally one of Britain's last colonies in the old-fashioned sense,- it is also
meant to suggest more indirectly that the end of empire does not mean the
end of capitalism (of which imperialism was one manifestation), merely
that capitalism has entered a new phase. In other words, 1997 will not
mark the double demise of capitalism and colonialism. The last emporium
will be, and in fact already has been, replaced by other forms produced by
a mutation in the capitalist system. Such a mutation has been variously
described. For example, Scott Lash and John Urry see it as a movement
from "organised capitalism" to what they call "disorganised capital," while
Manuel Castells thinks of it as a movement toward the space of flows of
the "informational city."2 Most accounts, however, put the stress on the
Introduction
1
fluidity, flexibility, and decentralized nature of the new form of capital.
The Hong Kong economy has benefited very much from these develop-
ments that have allowed it to change from a trading post in the nineteenth
century to its present position as a premier financial center of Southeast
Asia, from a colonial city to a global city.
In this respect, the intriguing argument put forward by Anthony King of
a connection between the colonial city and the global city deserves serious
consideration. He points out that it is colonialism itself that has pioneered
methods of incorporating precapitalist, preindustrial, and non-European
societies into the world economy and found ways of dealing with ethni-
cally, racially, and culturally different societies. The surprising conse-
quence of this "historically significant phenomenon" is that "colonial cities
can be viewed as the forerunners of what the contemporary capitalist world
city would eventually become."3 One of the implications of this argument
is that colonialism in a number of instances is the surprising middle term that
allows imperialism to make the leap to globalism. It is imperialism that
produces by definition the colonial city, but the colonial city can also pre-
figure the global city. The rise of globalism spells the end of the old em-
pires, but not before the offsprings of these empires, the previous colonial
cities, have been primed to perform well as global cities. This makes it pos-
sible to explain why, with the end of imperialism, colonialism could take
a global form, and why it could decisively abandon the old imperial
attitudes and even take on benign characteristics, as in the case of Hong
Kong, thus seeming to contradict more orthodox understandings of colo-
nialism as necessarily exploitative. The presence of these strange historical
loops implies a more complex kind of colonial space produced by the un-
clean breaks and unclear connections between imperialism and globalism,
which is how colonialism in Hong Kong must now be considered. This in
turn has important consequences for the study of Hong Kong culture: cul-
ture in Hong Kong cannot just be related to "colonialism"/ it must be re-
lated to this changed and changing space, this colonial space of disappear-
ance, which in many respects does not resemble the old colonialisms at all.
There is, however, yet another factor to consider. Just at the moment in
the late seventies and early eighties when Hong Kong seemed to have suc-
cessfully remade itself into a global city, the situation took a new turn. It
was at this juncture that China reclaimed Hong Kong, as if it were a new
Atlantis. In 1984, with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration re-
turning Hong Kong to Chinese rule in 1997, the long goodbye of Britain
to its "last emporium" began in earnest. It is with cultural changes taking
Introduction
3
place in Hong Kong during this critical period, intimately related to social
and political changes, that we will be concerned. It is possible to think of
this period as a period when an "older" but still operative politics of na-
tional legitimacy and geophysical boundaries comes into conflict with a
"newer" politics of global flows, information, and the devalorization of
physical boundaries. But it is also possible to think of the period as a time
when categories like "old" and "new" lose some of their force, as the old
forms are placed in new configurations. This amounts to saying that the
cultural space of Hong Kong now presents us with a number of unusual
and even paradoxical features, some of which I shall try to describe in a
preliminary way.
To begin with, there is the uneasy relationship between remaining con-
tent with a "floating" identity that has served Hong Kong so well in the
past, and the need to establish something more definite in response to cur-
rent political exigencies. Hong Kong has up to quite recently been a city
of transients. Much of the population was made up of refugees or expatri-
ates who thought of Hong Kong as a temporary stop, no matter how long
they stayed. The sense of the temporary is very strong, even if it can be en-
tirely counterfactual. The city is not so much a place as a space of transit.
It has always been, and will perhaps always be, a port in the most literal
sense—a doorway, a point in between—even though the nature of the
port has changed. A port city that used to be located at the intersections of
different spaces, Hong Kong will increasingly be at the intersections of
different times or speeds. There are already signs of this happening. It is
not by accident that the largest current project is the construction of the
new airport on Lantau, one of Hong Kong's outlying islands. When com-
pleted, the airport will be a kind of city within a city, but a city without
citizens, a semiotic or informational city populated by travelers and ser-
vice personnel. For the port mentality, everything is provisional, ad hoc,-
everything floats—currencies, values, human relations. But such a mental-
ity was only viable before anxieties over 1997, and before events at
Tiananmen 1989. Now faced with the uncomfortable possibility of an
alien identity about to be imposed on it from China, Hong Kong is expe-
riencing a kind of last-minute collective search for a more definite identity.
A second observation on Hong Kong's cultural space concerns what I
would like to call decadence and its relationship to the development of
Hong Kong culture. There is something about Hong Kong's famous "en-
ergy and vitality" that could be related to decadence—a useful concept
once it is shorn of all moralistic and fin de siecle overtones. The energy
here is an energy that gets largely channeled into one direction: that is
Introduction
4
what I understand by decadence. One of the effects of a very efficient
colonial administration is that it provides almost no outlet for political ide-
alism (until perhaps quite recently),- as a result, most of the energy is di-
rected toward the economic sphere. Historical imagination, the citizens'
belief that they might have a hand in shaping their own history, gets re-
placed by speculation on the property or stock markets, or by an obsession
with fashion or consumerism. If you cannot choose your political leaders,
you can at least choose your own clothes. We find therefore not an atmos-
phere of doom and gloom, but the more paradoxical phenomenon of doom
and boom-, the more frustrated or blocked the aspirations to "democracy"
are, the more the market booms. By the same logic, the only form of po-
litical idealism that has a chance is that which can go together with eco-
nomic self-interest, when "freedom," for example, could be made synony-
mous with the "free market." This, I believe, is how one can understand the
unprecedented mass demonstrations over the Tiananmen Massacre by the
hundreds of thousands of the middle class who had never before marched
in the streets. June 1989 in Hong Kong was a rare moment when eco-
nomic self-interest could so easily misrecognize itself as political idealism.
There was certainly genuine emotion and outrage, which does not pre-
clude the possibility that many of the marchers were moved by how much
they were moved. In any event, the patriotic fervor in most cases was short-
lived and without political outcome. In the aftermath to Tiananmen, amaz-
ingly complacent bumper stickers appeared for a while decorating the
automobiles of the bourgeoisie, which read: "Motoring in dignity, for free-
dom and democracy." If the situation I have been describing can be called
decadent, it is decadent not in the sense of decline (because we see what
looks like progress everywhere) but in the sense of a one-dimensional de-
velopment in a closed field. It is such decadence that has made it difficult
to recognize the existence of a Hong Kong culture.
A third point involves the strange dialectic between autonomy and de-
pendency that we see in Hong Kong's relation both to Britain and China.
The end of British rule in Hong Kong and the passing of sovereignty back
into the hands of China is not a simple return of Chinese territory to the
Chinese. Ironically, it is Hong Kong's colonial history, the only history it
has known and a history that cannot be forgotten overnight, that has dis-
tanced Hong Kong culturally and politically from China and that will
make their relationship not simply one of reunification. When sovereignty
reverts to China, we may expect to find a situation that is quasi-colonial,
but with an important historical twist: the colonized state, while politi-
cally subordinate, is in many other crucial respects not in a dependent sub-
Introduction
5
altern position but is in fact more advanced—in terms of education, tech-
nology, access to international networks, and so forth—than the coloniz-
ing state. This amounts to saying that colonialism will not merely be Hong
Kong's chronic condition,- it will be accompanied by displaced chronolo-
gies or achronicities. Such a situation may well be unprecedented in the
history of colonialism, and it might justify the use of the term postcoloniality
in a special sense: a postcoloniality that precedes decolonization. Some
foreshadowings are already evident in Hong Kong's present relation to
Britain: it is the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank that has recently taken
over the British Midlands Bank and not vice versa. As for China, adminis-
tering the Hong Kong "special administrative region" after 1997 may be
for the Chinese authorities a little like handling a gadget from the future.
For example, one of the hiccups about the new airport, besides the huge
cost, is anxiety on the Chinese side about whether they will be able to
handle the extremely high-tech sophistication of the project. The histori-
cal ironies will only become more accentuated as China continues on its
reformist course, as it looks likely to do, making the formula of "one coun-
try, two systems" so much more easy to dismantle: what we will find will
not be two systems (socialist, capitalist) but one system at different stages
of development—a difference in times and speeds.
Finally, perhaps the most striking feature of all about Hong Kong's cul-
tural space today is the radically changed status of culture itself. One of the
effects of colonialism was that until as late as the seventies, Hong Kong did
not realize it could have a culture. The import mentality saw culture, like
everything else, as that which came from elsewhere: from Chinese tradi-
tion, more legitimately located in mainland China and Taiwan, or from the
West. As for Hong Kong, it was, in a favorite phrase, "a cultural desert."
Not that there was nothing going on in cinema, architecture, and writing,-
it was just not recognized to be culture as such. This refusal to see what is
there is an example of reverse hallucination, or what Sigmund Freud in his
essay on Wilhelm Jensen's "Gradiva" called "negative hallucination." If hal-
lucination means seeing ghosts and apparitions, that is, something that is
not there, reverse hallucination means not seeing what is there. Thus Nor-
bert Hanold the archaeologist, obsessed with the Greek statue Gradiva
who walks with a particular gait, cannot see the living woman Zoe Bert-
gang: "Hanold, who . . . had the gift of 'negative hallucination,' who pos-
sessed the art of not seeing and not recognizing people who were actually
present."4 What changed the largely negative attitude to Hong Kong cul-
ture was not just Hong Kong's growing affluence/ more important, it was
the double trauma of the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of
Introduction
6
1984 followed by the Tiananmen Massacre of 1989. These two events con-
firmed a lot of people's fears that the Hong Kong way of life with its mix-
ture of colonialist and democratic trappings was in imminent danger of dis-
appearing. "Anything about which one knows that one soon will not have
it around becomes an image," Walter Benjamin wrote.5 The imminence of
its disappearance, I would argue, was what precipitated an intense and un-
precedented interest in Hong Kong culture. The anticipated end of Hong
Kong as people knew it was the beginning of a profound concern with its
historical and cultural specificity. But then the cause of this interest in
Hong Kong culture—1997—may also cause its demise. The change in
status of culture in Hong Kong can be described as follows: from reverse
hallucination, which sees only desert, to a culture of disappearance, whose
appearance is posited on the imminence of its disappearance.
These remarks can be compared with some points that Fredric Jameson
makes toward the end of his essay on postmodernism about the new status
of culture in relation to social life today:
Everything in the previous discussion suggests that what we have been call-
ing postmodernism is inseparable from, and unthinkable without the hy-
pothesis of, some fundamental mutation of the sphere of culture in the
world of late capitalism, which includes a momentous modification of its
social function. . . . Yet to argue that culture is today no longer endowed
with the relative autonomy it once enjoyed as one level among others in
earlier moments of capitalism (let alone in precapitalist societies) is not nec-
essarily to imply its disappearance or extinction. Quite the contrary,- we
must go on to affirm that the dissolution of an autonomous sphere of cul-
ture is rather to be imagined in terms of an explosion: a prodigious expan-
sion of culture throughout the social realm, to the point at which every-
thing in our social life—from economic value and state power to practices
and to the very structure of the psyche itself—can be said to have become
"cultural" in some original and yet untheorized sense.6
In the case of Hong Kong, there has indeed been "an expansion of culture
throughout the social realm" amounting to an "explosion." We are witness-
ing certainly not the disappearance of culture, but "some original and yet
untheorized" form of culture, what I propose to describe as a culture of disap-
pearance. This requires a preliminary word of explanation.
In the first place, disappearance here does not imply nonappearance,
absence, or lack of presence. It is not even nonrecognition—it is more a
question of misrecognition, of recognizing a thing as something else. One
of the clearest examples, if one can put it this way, of this first sense of dis-
Introduction
7
appearance is what we have discussed as reverse hallucination, which as
we shall see in subsequent chapters is not restricted to an earlier phase of
Hong Kong culture but is still with us today. There is something very defi-
nite about dis-appearance, a kind of pathology of presence. This brings
us to our second point about disappearance, its relationship to represen-
tation, including questions of self-representation. For example, if Hong
Kong is now a focus of attention because its very existence is under threat,
nevertheless, the way the city has been made to appear in many represen-
tations in fact works to make it disappear, most perniciously through the
use of old binaries like East-West "differences." We will see many instances
of this in cinema, architecture, and writing, where disappearance is not a
matter of effacement but of replacement and substitution, where the per-
ceived danger is recontained through representations that are familiar and
plausible. But there is also a third sense of disappearance that we find in the
innovative examples of Hong Kong culture, which accounts to a large ex-
tent for why Hong Kong cultural productions today are in a position to be
so provocative and exciting to an international audience: we only have to
think of filmmakers like Stanley Kwan and Wong Kar-wai. This third as-
pect of disappearance consists of developing techniques of disappearance
that respond to, without being absorbed by, a space of disappearance.
These are not techniques that go against disappearance,- they cannot even
be usefully thought of in terms of "critical strategies of resistance." Rather,
it is a question of working with disappearance and taking it elsewhere, of
using disappearance to deal with disappearance. For example, if reverse
hallucination is the problem, then Stanley Kwan will use the figure of a
ghost in his film Rouge to reverse these reversals. If visual representations
make images disappear in cliches, it will be a matter of inventing a form of
visuality that problematizes the visual, as in the films of Wong Kar-wai.
Introduction
8
day, and that tomorrow will never know."7 What Aragon calls the cult of
the ephemeral is a mode of attention directed at a disappearing space, a
way of understanding what he called "the disquieting atmosphere of
places . . . peopled with unrecognised sphinxes." This would lead to an al-
legorical reading of space that attends not only to what is there but also to
what is no longer or not yet there. The sense of the ephemeral that might
have still sufficed for Paris in the 1920s, however, can no longer deal with
the kinds of changes that take place in present-day Hong Kong, where we
come across phenomena that do not merely disturb our sense of time but
that completely upset and reverse it. For example, the apparently perma-
nent—like buildings and even whole towns—can be temporary, while the
temporary—like abode in Hong Kong—could be very permanent.
To explain phenomena like these, we need something more than
Aragon's cult of the ephemeral or the reflective looking before and after of
allegory. We need something like Paul Virilio's argument about the rela-
tion of disappearance to speed, the kind of speed that comes in the wake
of electronic technology and the mediatization of the real, and the spatial
distortions produced by this kind of speed. In Tfce Lost Dimension, Virilio de-
scribes how under conditions of speed our concept of physical dimensions
loses all meaning through sensory overload, the fusion and confusion of
the fast and the slow, the absence of transition between the big and the
small. The result is the breakdown of the analogical in favor of the digital,
the preference for the abstract dot (the pixel) over the analogical line,
plane, or solid. "In this most recent experience of space that upsets the
order of the visible that began in the Quattrocento," Virilio writes, "we are
directly or indirectly witnessing a kind of tele-conquest of appearance." 8
Disappearance then is a consequence of speed.
We come finally to the relation between disappearance and abstraction
that is implied in Henri Lefebvre's concept of social space.9 We can
approach the argument through Virilio. One consequence of the "tele-
conquest of appearance" is that something happens to our experience of
space. It becomes more varied and multifarious, oversaturated with signs
and images, at the same time as it becomes more abstract and ungraspable.
This brings us to the relation between disappearance and abstraction, to
abstraction as the contemporary mode of disappearance. Consider as one
aspect of this problematic the status of the image. The more abstract the
space, the more important the image becomes (a point the Situationists
also made), and the more dominant becomes the visual as a mode. This re-
lation between abstraction and the image, however, must be understood in
a specific way. The image is not a compensation for abstraction, an ame-
Introduction
9
lioration of its lack of the concrete/ rather, it is the "concrete" form that
abstraction now takes, what Lefebvre calls a "concrete abstraction." This
paradox of a "richness" and "concreteness" that go together with abstrac-
tion is also the paradox of disappearance, which we can now suggest is of
crucial importance to an understanding of social space, in Hong Kong as
much as elsewhere.
Introduction
10
Migrant and nomad are two very different forms of disappearance and dif-
ferent ways of dealing with it.
Another problem with the question of postcolonial identity in Hong
Kong is that it cannot be usefully posed by taking our bearings from the
old binarisms (like the difference between "East" and "West," "tradition" and
"modernity," and other similarly moldy chestnuts)—if for no other reason
because the local and the global are becoming more and more intimately
imbricated with each other. In fact, the available binarisms tend to confuse
more than they clarify questions of identity. To take one example, Hong
Kong culture cannot simply mean focusing on Hong Kong as a subject,
laudable as that may be, in an attempt to fathom the mysteries of its iden-
tity. What is both culturally and politically more important is the develop-
ment of a new Hong Kong subjectivity, that is, a subjectivity constructed
not narcissistically but in the very process of negotiating the mutations and
permutations of colonialism, nationalism, and capitalism. Anything short
of such a subjectivity and all that we will ever find will be predictable
variations of discourses on "Western images of Hong Kong this and that,"
compendia of orientalist kitsch produced by compradorist mentalities. It
should be noted, too, that this new subjectivity that we are trying to de-
scribe and invent at the same time is not a mere psychologistic category. It
is, rather, an affective, political, and social category all at once. It is, I am
trying to suggest, a subjectivity that is coaxed into being by the disappear-
ance of old cultural bearings and orientations, which is to say that it is a
subjectivity that develops precisely out of a space of disappearance.
Let me turn now to three options, which are really three temptations, that
seem to hold out the promise of overcoming the colonial condition, none
of which goes far enough: the temptation of the local, the marginal, the
cosmopolitan, or what we might call the fallacies of three worldism, two
worldism, and one worldism. In each case, some off-the-shelf identity im-
pedes the movement of subjectivity.
It is easy to understand the temptation of the local. Devalued, ignored
or subordinated under the hegemonic regimes, the local is now reasserted
as a mark of independence. However much one sympathizes with such an
attitude (and it is an attitude and not yet a position), there are certain real
difficulties involved. One difficulty is related to the fact that the history of
colonialism has a hangover effect. What Frantz Fanon and others have an-
alyzed as the psychic mutilations and self-mutilations produced by a colo-
nial episteme do not vanish overnight,- a postcolonial subjectivity is not
developed without a struggle. For example, the "local" in Hong Kong is
Introduction
11
not just a matter of adopting Cantonese, the local dialect, instead of En-
glish, for the simple reason that the colonialist mentality can find expres-
sion in Cantonese just as well as in English. The local is not so easily local-
ized,- it is not so much what language we use, as what we use language for.
The difficulty with the local, therefore, is in locating it, and this is particu-
larly tricky in a place like Hong Kong with its significant proportion of
refugees, migrants, and transients, all of whom could claim local status. Or
take the example of architecture: what is local architecture? Is it the Chi-
nese nineteenth-century-style domestic buildings, some of which still exist
in the less overbuilt parts of the territory? Or is it the colonial-style monu-
ments like the old Supreme Court building in the Central District, whose
preservation is a rare concession to Hong Kong history, that is, history as
nostalgia? Or is it also something else that has not yet been perceived and
certainly not celebrated as local: the ubiquitous slab-like buildings that
represent a local interpretation of the modernist idea of "form follows
function" to mean putting up the cheapest, most cost-effective buildings,
the minimalism of modernism translated as the maximum in profit mar-
gins? What I am suggesting is that the local is already a translation (and this
is true not only in the last-mentioned case), so that the question of the
local cannot be separated from the question of cultural translation itself.
Another temptation for the postcolonial is the lure of the marginal, one
version of which is the argument that Jean-Francois Lyotard makes in The
Postmodern Condition about little narratives, local knowledge, and paralogies
as so many strategies for resisting the master discourses, scientific and
legitimated, of the center. In Lyotard's well-known argument, the scientist,
operating from the center, questions the "narrative statements" that are on
the margins of knowledge and concludes "that they are never subject to
argumentation or proof [and hence are not legitimate]. . . . This unequal
relationship is an intrinsic effect of the rules specific to each game. We all
know its symptoms. It is the entire history of cultural imperialism from the
dawn of Western civilization." 11 As this last comment indicates, marginal -
ity in Lyotard is the positive link between the postmodern and the post-
colonial. As a figure for the self-invention of the postcolonial subject,
however, marginality is of doubtful value, an avant-garde romance. First of
all, there is a mechanism by which the center can acknowledge and defuse
the marginal, namely, by the mechanism of the token. The marginal is
acknowledged as a token and so placed and stabilized. Furthermore, the
discourse of marginality runs the constant risk of reifying the opposition
between margin and center. The marginal then becomes what Jean
Baudrillard calls a form of deterrence that reconfirms the center as center,
Introduction
12
not a form of resistance or a movement elsewhere. 12 Marginality does not
necessarily shake up the center or initiate a process of decentering. It
merely exercises the center and in so doing strengthens it, by providing a
form of political isometrics.
Let me turn now to the model of cosmopolitanism, which for the post-
colonial may be the most tempting figure of all. It offers the hope of break-
ing away from local ghettos and entering the world in full cultural equality.
An essay by Ulf Hannerz distinguishes the cosmopolitan from the tourist,
the exile, and the expatriate. 13 Hannerz represents cosmopolitanism posi-
tively as a state of mind, consisting largely of an interest in and a toleration
for otherness, and concludes that such a stance is indispensable at a time of
"one world culture." This is a slippery phrase, and we have only to turn to
Jorge Luis Borges's classic essay "The Argentine Writer and Tradition" to
see both the ambiguity and allure of cosmopolitanism for a postcolonial
subject. Borges begins with an ironic argument against localism. He quotes
an observation by Edward Gibbon in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
to the effect that in the Koran, the most Arabian of Arabian books, there
are no camels:
I believe if there were any doubts as to the authenticity of the Koran, this
absence of camels would be sufficient to prove it is an Arabian work. It was
written by Mohammed, and Mohammed, as an Arab, had no reason to
know that camels were especially Arabian,- for him they were a part of real-
ity, he had no reason to emphasize them,- on the other hand, the first thing
a falsifier, a tourist, an Arab nationalist would do is have a surfeit of camels,
caravans of camels, on every page. 14
However, I would say that in the use of these conventional images, in these
anomalous roofs and nightingales, Argentine architecture and ornithology
are of course absent, but we do find in them the Argentine's reticence, his
constraint; the fact that Banchs, when speaking of this great suffering,
which overwhelms him, when speaking of this woman who has left him and
Introduction
13
has left the world empty for him, should have recourse to foreign and con-
ventional images like slanted roofs and nightingales, is significant: signifi-
cant of Argentine reserve, distrust and reticence, of the difficulty we have in
making confessions, in revealing our intimate nature.
Introduction
14
such a game should not be underestimated. There is one essential condi-
tion, however, that must be there if the postcolonial subject is not to be
reabsorbed and assimilated: it must not be another stable appearance, an-
other stable identity. It must learn how to survive a culture of disappear-
ance by adopting strategies of disappearance as its own, by giving disap-
pearance itself a different inflection. Making a virtue out of necessity—this
could be a working definition of strategy.
The very process of negotiating the mutations and permutations of
colonialism, nationalism, and capitalism would require the development of
new cultural strategies. Where then can these strategies be found? They
will have to be in the new Hong Kong cinema, in certain kinds of writing,
in ways of understanding urban space, in theoretically and empirically in-
formed discourses on Hong Kong. This book is not intended to be a sur-
vey of Hong Kong culture that tries to include as much as possible,- rather,
it is intended as a study of Hong Kong culture in a space of disappearance.
My subject is a specific cultural space that I hope to evoke through a dis-
cussion of cultural forms and practices.
Introduction
15
2
16
terms of traditional realism. If real history is becoming more incredible by
the day, we will have to resort to the incredible to keep up with it.
Hence the frequent excesses and exaggerations of the new Hong Kong
cinema: they register a sense of the incredible as real, somewhat as in Jorge
Luis Borges's story Emma Zunz. Certain of the justice of her vengeance,
Emma Zunz commits a murder and presents it as self-defense by telling an
incredible story: "Actually, the story was incredible, but it impressed every-
one because substantially it was true. True was Emma Zunz's tone, true was
her shame, true was her hate. True also was the outrage she had suffered:
only the circumstances were false, the time and one or two proper names."2
In Borges's story, it is not so much that the end justifies the means, but,
rather, that ends and means have become disconnected, in a time that is
out of joint. Hence other kinds of connections have to be made. Such dis-
locations and novel connections also typify the new Hong Kong cinema
and the images we find in them.
This allows us to see why cinema has such a privileged position in
Hong Kong's culture of disappearance, quite apart from the fact that it is
the most developed and popular of Hong Kong's cultural forms. It is in the
images of the new cinema that the history of contemporary Hong Kong
with all its anxieties and contradictions can be read. However, the re-
sponse to this new cinema, even by well-informed local and foreign critics,
is largely misleading, suggesting that the question of its evaluation is far
from simple. In fact, on the evidence of what has been written about it, the
more interesting examples of recent Hong Kong cinema must be among
the most elusive films being made today.
Most critical opinion on Hong Kong films seems divided between crit-
icizing it for its relentless commercialism or applauding it for (what is per-
ceived as) its high camp qualities: neither view is very instructive. For ex-
ample, Paul Fonoroff, a Hong Kong-based student of local film history can
ask about films currently being made, "What makes Hong Kong films so
mediocre?"3 and suggest commercialism, low audience expectations, the
lack of imaginative producers as answers. The respected local film critic Li
Cheuk-to, in a review of films made in 1988-89, also points to the relent-
less commercial pressures exerted by film producers and distributors that
leave Hong Kong directors little room for artistic maneuvering. He con-
cludes his review by noting that "the defects of the system and the lack of
creative talent form the greatest obstacles and sources of worry that ham-
per the emergence of an artistically excellent Hong Kong cinema." 4 Other
critics go on to link commercialism to a certain filmic "style" that is associ-
ated with the Hong Kong cinema. "Welcome to the new wave of Hong
In the best examples of the genre . . . the grace and flexibility of the per-
formers—augmented by razor-fast editing, slow-motion trampoline leaps,
and the guttural and percussive punctuations of the soundtrack—created
unmediated cinematic pleasure. The movie did not represent anything at
all,- it presented. . . . the Hong Kong cinema retains an athleticism which
Hollywood, with a few fleeting exceptions, lost after the era of Douglas
Fairbanks and Buster Keaton.
In other words, a film should not mean but be, and in a backhanded kind of
way, Hong Kong films are seen to satisfy this requirement very well. To
praise the Hong Kong cinema in these terms is not only to prize it loose of
its very specific cultural space,- it is also to place the kung fu films of Bruce
Lee and Jackie Chan, and more recently the gangster epics of John Woo
and his imitators, at the center of Hong Kong's film history, and to present
them as the examples par excellence of an emergent international Hong
Kong cinema. The question is whether such an evaluation is either justi-
fied or perceptive enough.
The problem with putting the whole emphasis on commercialism and
the campiness of the action movie is that Hong Kong cinema tends to be
too easily homogenized as a result. It is true that the films of Bruce Lee, Jackie
T h e New H o n g K o n g C i n e m a
28
about the politics of the kung fu genre, about kung fu as an indirect repre-
sentation of the changing nature of coloniality in Hong Kong.
The kung fu/martial arts genre, from Bruce Lee's The Big Boss (1971)
through the offerings of Jackie Chan and Tsui Hark, to Wong Kar-wai's
recent Ashes of Time (1994), has gone through a number of distinct trans-
formations, each one a rewriting of the genre. Such films are not expected
to do much more than provide entertainment through visual spectacle
(which is one reason why the brilliant and long-awaited Ashes of Time was
such a disappointment to local audiences),- but perhaps exactly because of
that, we see all the more clearly the unstable shape of coloniality inscribed
in these films over a period of roughly twenty-five years, undoubtedly the
most important years in Hong Kong's short history. It is not that the kung
fu film is ever a direct critique of colonialism, rather, that the ethos of
(mainly) male heroism and personal prowess so central to the genre has
to define itself in relation to what is felt to be possible in a changing colonial
situation. In defining heroism, it defines by implication the colonial situa-
tion itself.
Bruce Lee was a child star in the local Cantonese cinema, and he learned
his kung fu in Hong Kong. In the United States, he became a martial arts
instructor who taught kung fu to Hollywood stars and got a minor and
ethnically stereotyped part in the television series The Green Hornet. He was
passed over for the role of Kane in the successful series Kung Fu that went
to David Carradine. However, when he returned to Hong Kong in the
early seventies at the beginning of the local craze for better-quality martial
arts films, which came in the wake of the international success of Akira
Kurosawa's sword-play epics Sanjuro and Yojimbo, things were very differ-
ent. He returned with the cachet of foreignness: the repatriate was an ex-
patriate. And he returned with impeccable martial arts credentials, having
won a number of international martial arts competitions. His first film, The
Big Boss, set the pattern. Here was an actor who could really kick and
punch, and it introduced a new level of authenticity and a new type of
hero to the Hong Kong cinema, what Geoffrey O'Brien calls the stuntman
as hero. But there was another equally important element in Lee's series of
films, whether directed by him or others. The physical authenticity was
keyed to something else, something much more elusive, namely, the
reassertion of an authentic and heroic Chinese identity. The repatriate/
expatriate was also a patriot, the patriotism expressing itself as a form of
anticolonialism. There was a strong xenophobic tone in the Lee films,
which took the form of the Chinese hero beating up Japanese or Cau-
The four films I have chosen as representative of the new Hong Kong cin-
ema are Wong Kar-wai's debut film As Tears Go By (1988) (we will be look-
ing at Wong's other films in the next chapter),- Ann Hui's domestic melo-
drama Song of the Exile (1990),- Stanley Kwan's ghost film Rouge (1988),- and
his "bio-pic" Center Stage (1991). While these four films are very different
from each other, what they do have in common is that each is formally
innovative. Each begins by working within the conventions of a specific
genre, only to depart quite radically from them. Even more important is
the fact that the formal innovation points to a historical situation that can
only be felt and understood in some new and original way. We can use
these films to exemplify and extend the general observations that have
been made about Hong Kong cinema—its adoption of spatial narratives to
suggest dislocations, a new complexity in the treatment of affects and
emotions, a creative use of popular genres, a new localism, and a politics
that can only be indirect.
The genre that Wong uses in As Tears Go By is what is known in Hong
Kong as the hero movie, after the Chinese title of the series of very popu-
lar films made by John Woo. (The English title of the series is A Better To-
morrow.} In the Hong Kong cinema, Woo can be considered to be the polar
opposite of Allen Fong, and not only in commercial terms. We must not
hold John Woo's success in Hollywood against him, as his contribution to
Hong Kong filmmaking is considerable. While Fong goes for a relatively
pure "realist" image, Woo introduces a "mixed image." In Woo's films, two
qualities stand out: a fascination with extreme violence, often filmed in
slow motion for emphasis, on the one hand/ and on the other, a plot that
underlines the need for personal loyalties, usually between male friends, in
a crumbling world. Action and affection are two distinct series, but they
are two series that nevertheless interrupt each other, resulting in a mixed
image. For example, in A Better Tomorrow: Part I (1986), Ho, one of the three
main characters, intends to give up his lucrative career in crime for the
sake of his younger policeman brother Kit. Ho is betrayed on his last job.
Mark, Ho's friend and partner, avenges the betrayal in one of the classic
shoot-out scenes of the Hong Kong cinema that so impressed Hollywood,
and he gets crippled in the process. In both cases, it is the affection series
that pushes the action series forward and eventually off course. Action
therefore takes on a certain reflexivity and affection, an incipient note of
violence. The limitation of the film, however, is that ultimately these two
series interact without transforming each other. The moral and affective
A film of a very different kind that does have an argument is Ann Hui's Song
of the Exile, which is set in the domestic space of middle-class Hong Kong
and focuses on the relation between a mother and daughter. One of the
many interesting features of Ann Hui's film is that it takes us away from the
largely male concerns of Hong Kong cinema (Wong Kar-wei is not ex-
empt from this charge in his earlier films). Song of the Exile begins with the
daughter Hueyin receiving an M.A. in media studies in London but failing
to get an interview with the BBC (while her British classmate does). She de-
cides to return to Hong Kong to attend her sister's wedding, and there she
encounters her mother with whom she has never gotten along. There is a
flashback to early days in Macau (lovingly re-created): memories of living
with her grandparents, who dream of returning one day to China, of an
absent father working in Hong Kong, of a very different mother—quiet,
self-effacing, a dutiful daughter-in-law. What has she become now? Just as
we thought this was going to be another film—yawn, yawn—about the
clash between tradition and modernity, Chinese customs and Western
Let me turn now to a third film, one of the great successes of the Hong
Kong cinema: Stanley Kwan's Rouge (1988), which I will be comparing
T h e New H o n g K o n g C i n e m a
40
For one thing, as a ghost, Fleur is presented with remarkable restraint
(with none of the use of special effects found in popular ghost films). She
can do none of the things that ghosts are supposed to do. She is distin-
guished only by her silk dress (the cbeong-sam, rarely seen nowadays as
daily wear), by certain mannerisms and old forms of expression, and by
her formal style of makeup (emphasized in the film's opening shots)—a
revenant who has just stepped out of a freeze-frame, "unchanged for fifty
years," as Ah Chor skeptically puts it (an obvious ironic reference to the
Sino-British Joint Declaration and the future of Hong Kong.) The super-
natural is suspended in favor of the uncanny, which has quite different spa-
tial implications. Instead of the supernatural, which registers the clear sep-
aration and incongruity of this world with the space of an otherworld, we
find the mixed, heterogeneous space of the uncanny, where the unfamiliar
arises out of the familiar and is a dimension of it: not another space but a
space of otherness. The figure of the ghost evokes what David Harvey has
called a "space-time compression." 12 Fifty years disappear into simultaneity
while space in turn becomes heterogeneous and mixed. The result is that
two periods of Hong Kong history are brought together in a historical
montage. The paradox is that one of the most popular and fantastic of gen-
res is used as a rigorous method of representing the complexities of Hong
Kong's cultural space.
One of the striking features of this space caught by the film is a specific
and unusual relation between old and new. What we find is not just a mix-
ture of old and new, a point often made about the film, if by "mixture" is
implied that old and new are still distinguishable one from the other, that
the present simply includes residues, or ghosts (cf. Henrik Ibsen), from the
past. Rather, what we find is a situation where old and new could switch
places, and differences begin to blur. Consider once again the ghost as fig-
ure. It comes straight out of traditional folklore and can be taken as an ex-
ample of old-fashioned superstition. (That essentially is how the figure is
used in the Lee Bik Wah novel.) But the ghost as figure can also be seen in
relation to that most contemporary of phenomena—the cinematization of
space, where direct observation gives way to the authority of the media
image: nothing is more ghostly than the high-definition electronic image.
In Paul Virilio's words,
Fleur is of course neither electronic image nor cyborg, but she shares one
characteristic with them: under most circumstances, she is hardly distin-
guishable from real or living human beings. She may be a creature of the
night, but then so are the habitues of the demimonde, just as Arnold
Schwarzenegger's Terminator dressed in black leather is indistinguishable
from the toughs of Los Angeles. The reversability of ghost and cinematic
image parallels the reversability of past and present, knocking history into
a strange loop.
What then at first looks like a series of flashbacks that contrasts past
and present turns out in fact to be something more original. As in Song of the
Exile, flashbacks do not just shuffle what in the end can be reconstructed as
a linear narrative. In Rouge the effect of the cutting back and forth is to es-
tablish a double temporal framework for all actions, allowing "before" and "after"
to chase each other. We see some obvious changes and discontinuities: a
well-known theater has been replaced by a 7-Eleven, Ti Hung Lau (the
pleasure house where Fleur worked) by a kindergarten. But the film also
shows us a subtler kind of discontinuity—the discontinuity that appears as
continuity. For example, trams and Chinese Opera have both continued to
exist from the thirties into the eighties, but their functions, as means of
transport or as popular entertainment, have changed. This kind of change
within continuity is the most provocative aspect of the film—its uncanny
or ghostly aspect. Moreover, it is in such a space that the film places the
question of desire. The ghost story becomes a study of affectivity and the
way it unfolds in a space of disappearance.
The film is shot in two contrasting cinematic styles. The Hong Kong of
the thirties is represented by a camera style that lingers lovingly on every
detail to give us a baroque world of wealth, leisure, and decadence, a the-
atrical world. Chen-bong first meets Fleur at Ti Hung Lau where she is
singing a famous passage from a Cantonese opera, and their love develops
in a similarly theatrical way. By contrast, the eighties are filmed in a neu-
tral, unmarked, realist, demotic style to give us a mundane world of work,
where the journalists Yuen and Ah Chor are too busy at work to have time
to think about emotions. Chen-bong presents Fleur with a beautiful locket
as a sign of affection,- Yuen presents Ah Chor with a practical pair of ath-
letic shoes. Yet once again what is crucial is not the contrast between an
old-fashioned decadent world of pleasure and the contemporary realistic
world of work and time. There is also a point of crossover, a chiasmus, be-
The other outstanding film by Stanley Kwan is Center Stage (1991 ,• a.k.a. Ac-
tress in the United States, and Ruan Lingyu in Chinese). It is a film biogra-
phy of Ruan, the most charismatic star of the early Chinese cinema that
was based in Shanghai, and it follows her life from 1929 when she was
only nineteen (but already regarded in film circles as being "better than
Wu Dip," another legendary actress) to her suicide in 1935, hounded by a
former lover and the press. It is, however, film biography of a special kind,
and although it seems at first sight a very different kind of film from Rouge,
The argument in the previous chapter is that Hong Kong cinema both
produces and is produced by a specific cultural space, and therefore our re-
sponse to and evaluation of individual films have to take this into account.
Moreover, it is a space of the deja disparu, of disappearance, one charac-
teristic of which, particularly significant for cinema as well as for architec-
ture, is the problematic nature of visuality. "That which is merely seen (and
merely visible) is hard to see," Henri Lefebvre notes about what he calls
the "abstract space" of neocapitalism.1 The point holds true for the space
of the deja disparu, where the visual is both ineluctable and elusive at the
same time. Disappearance is certainly the result of speed, understood both
as the speed of historical changes and as the technological speed of infor-
mation and communication. But it is also the (negative) experience of an
invisible order of things, always teetering just on the brink of conscious-
ness. And it is this "lived" experience of the negative, something we are
never, ever sure we are experiencing, that can be called the contemporary
form of the colonial and that the new Hong Kong cinema describes. Hong
Kong cinema can intervene in political debates more effectively by prob-
lematizing the visual than by advancing direct arguments about identity.
One reason for this is that the deja disparu presents special problems
for representation. It defeats good intentions by making them look ten-
48
dentious. For example, this is what makes a film like Evans Chan's To Liv(e]
with its pretentions to topicality relatively unconvincing. The film uses
Hong Kong's controversial policy of forced repatriation of Vietnamese
boat people as an occasion for pleading a case for Hong Kong's special po-
sition. This is correlated with a depiction of the personal problems of a
Hong Kong family with "traditional" parents and "progressive" Western-
ized children: the daughter has a relationship with an "artist," the son with
an older, divorced woman of whom the parents disapprove. The result of
all this "realism" is something curiously static and abstract, one symptom
of which are the shots of the Hong Kong skyline that focus on all the rec-
ognizable architectural landmarks, that is, on the visible and established.
The liberal sentiments expressed in the film cannot prevent it from sound-
ing like an apologia for Hong Kong identity. But any apologia that does
not confront the aporias of Hong Kong's cultural space, or that gives only
a positivist account of Hong Kong identity, does not go far enough. From
this point of view, we see that Stanley Kwan's obsessions with urban ghosts
and legends and Wong Kar-wai's systematic irresolutions are so many strate-
gies of representing the deja disparu indirectly and negatively through the
mediation of genre and the provocation of fantasy. It could also be said
that their works, which have no overt political content, are, from the per-
spective I am sketching out, the most political of all, insofar as they de-
scribe mutations, particularly of space and affectivity. Defending the cin-
ema of Roberto Rossellini, Yasujiro Ozu, and Jean-Luc Godard against
Marxist critics who have attacked their films and their characters "for
being too passive and negative, in turn bourgeois, neurotic, marginal," that
is, apolitical, Gilles Deleuze writes: "Godard says that to describe is to ob-
serve mutations. Mutation of Europe after the war, mutation of an Ameri-
canized Japan, mutation of France in '68: it is not the cinema that turns
away from politics, it becomes completely political, but in another way."2
Similar arguments can be made about the politics of Hong Kong cinema
after 1982, which describes the mutation of disappearance.
Perhaps the first four films of Wong Kar-wai constitute, to date, the most
wide-ranging exploration of Hong Kong's problematic space. We have al-
ready discussed As Tears Go By and Wong's use of the gangster genre, his
critique of both visuality and the masculinist ethos, as well as his depiction
of a generalized and abstract violence, beyond fistfights and gunfights, to
which the characters finally fall victim. I want now to consider his next
three films: Days of Being Wild (1990), Chungking Express (1994), and Asks of
Time (1994). It is an unpredictable series, with each new film a departure
Wong Kar-wai
49
from the last, yet no one quite starting entirely ab initio, from scratch. The
four films do form a series, though a heterogeneous one. Each starts with
the conventions of a popular genre—and deliberately loses its way in the
genre.
When Days of Being Wild was released in 1990, it was reputedly the most
expensive film ever made in Hong Kong. With the commercial success of
As Tears Go By behind it and a cast of Hong Kong's top stars, audiences
expected something spectacular. Wong's second film is set in Hong Kong
of the early sixties, which seemed another good move, given the current
interest in Hong Kong history. The English title alludes to films about
youthful rebellion like Stanley Kramer's The Wild One (1954) with Marlon
Brando in a leather jacket on a motorcycle, or to David Lynch's more re-
cent road film Wild at Heart (1990). The Cantonese title, The Story of Ab Fei,
seems even more explicit. It was the Chinese title given to Nicholas Ray's
classic Rebel without a Cause (1955). The term Ab Fei means a rebellious
youth. The name derives from a standard recrimination that Chinese par-
ents direct at the too-independent young: "[Now that you] have [grown]
feathers and wings, [you] can fly [away]." Fei means to fly, and Ab Fei has a
stronger nuance of ingratitude and delinquency than the term rebel. In
Wong's film, Ah Fei as rebel and highflier has an obvious if ironic relation-
ship to the myth that the main character Yuddy recounts about the legless
bird who has to keep flying or die. In the myth, flying is necessary to sur-
vival. However, the film's title raises certain generic expectations that the
film disappoints, in much the same way that the story of the legless bird
gets exposed toward the later part of the film as merely an example of
Yuddy's own self-serving myth. Not only is there no glorification of rebel-
lion and action,- there is very little of either rebellion or action to be seen
in the film at all. Yuddy understands at the end that the legless bird that
holds to the romance of movement does so not because he has a boundless
energy but because he is stillborn.
Genre is still important, but it is used in a risky way: to raise expecta-
tions that are not fulfilled. The story of the legless bird has a structure that
is paradigmatic of much in the film: it is the structure of the imploded
myth, the structure of disappointment. Take, for example, the construc-
tion of the lovers' time, the one minute before 3 P.M. on 16 April 1960
when Yuddy and Lai Jun first became "friends" and subsequently lovers.
That public minute that recurs every day becomes a special moment in the
lovers' private time, like a daily appointment with the origin of passion.
But in the film, all appointments are dis-appointments. Passion dies and
private time is swallowed up once again and becomes indistinguishable
Wong Kar-wai
50
from public time, no matter how wilfully one or both lovers try not to for-
get. Disappointment means that the subject is no longer identified by
memory or time, hence the constant references to private memory and
public time, which nevertheless fail to define or individualize personal in-
tensities, and hence the introduction of a serial structure of repetition
(which we will be considering presently). Another example of disappoint-
ment: the policeman who consoles Lai Jun after her affair with Yuddy waits
in vain for her to call him at the public phone booth that he passes on his
beat every night around the same time/ when she does call, he is no longer
there, having left the police force and joined the merchant navy after his
mother's death. In a third relationship, that between Yuddy and Mimi, we
find Mimi very curious about Yuddy's foster mother's apartment where he
grew up. He never allows her to visit, but when she does have a chance to
see the inside of that apartment—after he has left her—she can only say
that it is nothing special. One other example must be mentioned: the great
panning shot of dense green forests that introduces the film. Just as we
begin to think it is an image that signifies pure nature or unspoiled origins,
we notice some lines that cross the screen that are gradually discernible as
electric wires or telephone lines: nature has disappeared. Disappointment
then is a consequence of the mistaking of signs.
There are two instances of conventional violence in the film: one when
Yuddy beats up his foster mother's gigolo, and the other when a fight
breaks out with a gang of toughs in the Philippines. But most of the film is
taken up with permutating the sets of possible relations among the six
main characters in a series of affective tableaux. This serial structure of repe-
tition, exchange, and transference seems to have an independent life of its
own. It binds the characters, smothers the violence, and limits the possi-
bility of rebellion. If rebellion usually implies breaking off from the binds
of a system and moving in a new direction, even if it involves a certain
destructiveness, in Wong's film there is no way of breaking off from the
series. All affective binds are double binds that inhibit movement, and so
destructiveness gets largely internalized. In classic examples of rebellion
like Rebel without a Cause, there are at least some moments of happiness,
however short-lived,- but in Wong's film there are no images even of plea-
sure, only instances of proximity without reciprocity. The characters miss
each other and fail to "match up," as Yuddy's friend Wu Ying (the Fly) tells
Mimi, after he has sold the car that Yuddy had given him because he
looked out of place in it, just as he is no match for Mimi herself. As a result,
no story has a happy conclusion, and everybody comes off second best.
Love then is either entirely selfish and exploitative (Yuddy and his foster
Wong Kar-wai
51
mother); or it is a boringly predictable sequence of friendship, sex, co-
habitation, and marriage to be avoided at all costs (Yuddy and Lai Jun)/ or
it is a struggle for domination, a competition about who cares less (Yuddy
and Mimi); or it does not even arrive at the stage of being a relationship
(Lai Jun and the policeman, Wu Ying and Mimi).
At the center of the series, it would seem, is Yuddy, who has an impor-
tant and dominant relationship with each of the main characters. The first
shot of Yuddy shows us his back. At critical moments, usually when a rela-
tionship is ending, he combs his hair. Yuddy is indifferent and narcissistic,
a self-sufficient character in a world of the emotionally needy. "I don't
know what he is thinking," Mimi tells Wu Ying, "but I know very well what
you are thinking." It is his air of emotional independence that makes
Yuddy look so seductive. Yet it becomes quite clear that for all his studied
indifference Yuddy is the most needy and dependent of all, an abandoned
child raised by a foster mother, obsessed with knowing the identity of his
biological mother. He does no work and has been supported all his life by
his foster mother. "What's the difference," she asks him after he has beaten
up her gigolo, "between paying you and paying him? He gives me more
pleasure." This pattern of dependency that shows itself as independence is
repeated with Mimi. That is why he angrily throws her out of his apart-
ment when she naively offers to support him by becoming a dance hall
hostess, an offer that threatens to destroy his illusion of self-sufficiency.
When his foster mother finally tells Yuddy the whereabouts of his biologi-
cal mother, he drops everything, including his relationship with Mimi, to
look for her in the Philippines. His mother refuses to receive him, and we
have another shot of Yuddy, very similar to the early shots, as he walks
away from her estate, determined not to turn his head. The obvious pair-
ing of these shots shows that self-possession is just the other face of a sense
of loss. At this point, we have another shot of the dense green forests that
we saw at the beginning of the film. The forests can now be placed specifi-
cally in the Philippines and connote a mother and an origin that Yuddy
cannot find, something that the presence of the telephone lines in the first
shot ironically prefigure. The more developed the lines of communication,
the more tenuous the lines of intimacy.
Dependency that looks like independence is one instance of the film's
overall structure of disappointment. It makes Yuddy's search for his mother
not just another straight allegory of an obsessive search for origin and
identity. The structure of disappointment ironizes all notions of origin
(mother) or identity (home) and empties allegories of meaning. Finding his
mother in the Philippines also means losing her. We see therefore that the
Wong Kar-wai
51
film does not so much avoid allegory as voids it. But it is also this voiding
that saves it from some of the sentimentalities of Ann Hui's Song of the Exile.
If history becomes meaningful for Hueyin in the Japan where her mother
was raised, history becomes hysterical for Yuddy in the Philippines where
his mother lives. He gets drunk in Manila's Chinatown, loses his papers and
all his money to a prostitute, and tries to cheat some Filipino thugs out of a
fake passport without paying for it, an act of self-destruction. They catch
up with him on the train leaving Manila and shoot him. The dominant cen-
ter of the affective series turns out to be an empty center.
The skewing of affectivity, seen most dramatically in Yuddy but also in
all the other characters, should not be taken as a sign of individual pathol-
ogy. It is also the negative and mystified response to an abstract space of
disappearance. The skewing of affectivity is the only "content" and dis-
placed index of such a space. It is a space that is at once very much there
(in the effects it can produce) and not there (as directly discernible cause).
For example, all intimate relationships are mediated by structures alien to
the cultivation of intimacy—whether it is clock time, or objects like the
pair of expensive earrings that Mimi covets at her first meeting with
Yuddy, or the money that Yuddy's foster mother spends on her gigolo or
that Yuddy's real mother pays to his foster mother for his upkeep. That is
why, even at moments when one would expect intimacy, the characters are
curiously out of touch with one another.
The space of the deja disparu also has an effect on a larger experience
of time and history. The film is set in the sixties, which on one level it
painstakingly re-creates by paying close attention to period detail. It shows
us the brand of cigarettes popular at the time (Craven A),- the once popu-
lar Queen's Cafe, which served a Hong Kong version of Russian food/ the
clothes and watches people wore or the cars they drove. Even the film's
color, with its sepia tones, looks a little like old photographs. But the film
is not merely a pastiche of the sixties, defining history in terms of style and
image. There is also the soundtrack, which adds an important dimension
to the temporal structure. The soundtrack consists of ballroom favorites
like "Always in My Heart," "Perfidia," and a well-known Chinese song.
These songs in fact predate the sixties, and even when they were played
then, they were already out of date. If the visual details locate a time, the
soundtrack dissolves it back into prior moments. The result then is a his-
tory of the sixties that, like the experience of disappearance itself, is also
there and not there at the same time. The film does not give us Hong
Kong in the sixties viewed from the nineties, but another more labile
structure: the nineties are to the sixties as the sixties are to an earlier
Wont] Kar-wai
53
moment, and so on and on. This may be why the film ends on a David
Lynch-like note of suspension, by introducing an unknown character out
of nowhere in the final few minutes. We see him in a room with an ex-
tremely low ceiling. He finishes dressing, combs his hair, puts money and
a deck of cards in his waistcoat pockets, and then switches off the lights,
while all the time the anachronistic music is heard in the background.
Wo n d Kar-wai
54
cific to the Hong Kong situation and at the same time never seen before in
the Hong Kong cinema.
When we think about films that make comedy out of neurosis and
urban malaise, the cinema of Woody Allen comes to mind. Chungking
Express, however, is not Manhattan. Woody Allen focuses on a particular so-
cial type, the New York Jewish male with all his sociosexual hang-ups. In
his films, Manhattan is not so much a place as a state of mind with ethnic
and sexual overtones. The city is there very much as a backdrop to its
strangely interesting people. By contrast, Wong's Hong Kong is not so
much a mental or psychological state as it is a visual and spatial paradox, a
skewed space that the characters have to adjust to emotionally, with comic
results. Far from being the habitat of one social group, many different
groups feel equally (not) at home in it; notice how in the first part of the
film, Cantonese, Mandarin, English, Urdu, and Japanese are all spoken. It
is as if it were the skewed space itself, and not just this or that visual, ver-
bal, situational, or personal oddity that was producing the laughs.
Wong's comedy differs from the rest of Hong Kong's film comedy most
of all in its visual style. All the best-known examples of Hong Kong com-
edy, like those made by the Hui brothers, rely heavily on slapstick and vi-
sual gags, following the premise recognized already by Georges Melies in
the early days of silent movies that the "cheapest tricks are the most effec-
tive."3 This visual comedy has a kind of visceral immediacy. Wong's com-
edy operates on the different visual-comic principle that the seen is not
the known. The images have a special quality: they all give the impression
of being throwaway images. Thus in the first part of the film, images go by
so quickly that we only catch glimpses of what is there, and in the second
half what is there is not noticed by the characters or the audience because
of a kind of reverse hallucination. For example, how many in the audience
are at all aware that the three characters who get involved with one
another in the second part of the film—the flight attendant, the police-
man, and Ah Faye clutching a striped toy tiger—all made brief appear-
ances a la Alfred Hitchcock in the first part? But they are there, presented
in short oblique shots. Similarly, in the second part, we see Ah Faye rear-
ranging the policeman's apartment when he is on his beat, but he does not
notice anything out of place. What we find, therefore, is a principle of
nonimmediacy and delay—which makes the title Chungking Express, with its
connotation of the fast relay, now look more than a little ironic. The
humor in the film is that of the double take, the delayed response. The
joke is one that we laugh at only later.
One of the ways this comedy of delay works can be seen in the film's
Wong Kar-wai
55
playing with styles, particularly Wong's own highly distinctive film styles
used in his first two films. At many points, Chungking Express comes close to
self-parody. For example, the use in the first part of exaggerated blues and
reds, of slow-motion (step-printing) techniques, of quick cutting that makes
action a blur—all this recalls the style of As Tears Go By, but now it is used
self-consciously in a metastylistic way. All events therefore are mediated by
a style that puts them at a distance and reduces their seriousness, including
events like the assassination of the Indians and the American gangster.
Similarly, part two begins with a scene that recalls the opening scene of
Days of Being Wild: Policeman #633 smooths his hair with his hand (like the
hero of Days of Being Wild combing his hair) and orders something over the
counter from Ah Faye. But instead of a quiet and dreamy heroine, we see a
hyperactive Ah Faye moving to the sound of "California Dreaming" playing
at high volume, and instead of a self-possessed hero, just an ordinary guy
ordering a chef's salad for his girlfriend who is about to abandon him or, as
she puts it, cancel his boarding pass. The jokes at this level are of the nature
of in-jokes, that is, jokes that are not perceived as such unless we are aware of
the intertextual references.
There is also a constant doubling and pairing of names, objects, and
people that elicits the response of the double take. For example, May 1 is
the expiration date on a can of sardines that the American gangster gives
to the blonde-wigged woman to remind her of her fatal deadline: the drug
smuggling operation she is organizing has to be completed by that date.
However, the operation goes wrong, and the Indian smugglers she hires
and fits out with new clothes and shoes (made by quick-delivery specialists
in Chungking Mansions) disappear at the airport. She tracks them down,
shoots them, and then shoots the American gangster. But May 1 is also the
expiration date on thirty cans of pineapples that the policeman Wu has
been collecting one at a time since April Fool's Day, when his girlfriend
May ditched him because he no longer reminded her of the Hollywood
star of violent films, Bruce Willis. He sets for May his own private deadline
of May 1 to come back to him. She does not, and he eats the thirty cans of
pineapples in mourning for a faithless girlfriend, at the same time that the
blonde-wigged woman is exacting retribution by shooting the faithless In-
dians. There are many coincidences of this kind as well as accidental colli-
sions, like the one near the film's beginning showing Wu and the blonde-
wigged woman bumping into each other before they become acquainted.
"At our most intimate," Wu says, "we were only 0.01 cm apart",- they were
closest at the moment when they did not know each other. There is the
doubling of names: May is also the name of another young woman work-
Wo n g Kar-wai
56
ing at the fast-food stall whom the stall owner recommends to Wu. When
he finally makes up his mind to date her, as a consolation for the lost May,
she, too, has already gone away with another man. So on May 1 Wu lost
two Mays in one night. The double take comes from the mistaking of
signs, which is a constant pitfall when spaces seem to keep sliding into one
another.
It is therefore not broad comedy that we find, but a comedy of details.
The details multiply and replicate themselves,- some are conspicuous, oth-
ers blurred, but all have shifted slightly from their signifying frameworks.
Thus freed, they are able to form new patterns and symmetries of their
own. What makes the details comic is that they do not serve to define a
mood or localize a situation,- they are not the irreducible atoms of mean-
ing, but merely the nodal points formed by converging and diverging lines
of action and affectivity, small versions of heterotopic space, like Chung-
king Mansions itself. The details possess the paradoxical quality of delayed
immediacy, Wong's version of Nacbtra'glicbkeit. The best illustration of this
comedy of details comes in the second part of the film in Ah Faye's sly
courtship of the policeman. After the flight attendant leaves him, we see
him in a sentimental mood talking to the objects in his apartment: the thin
cake of soap, the ragged face towel, the fluffy white doll, and so on. She
also left his apartment keys in care of the fast-food stall. Ah Faye uses the
keys to enter the apartment when #633 is out. She cleans and tidies it
up/ changes his soap, towel, toothbrush,- buys goldfish for the fish tank/
substitutes a yellow-and-black-striped toy tiger for his white doll, and
Chinese black-bean mackerel for his cans of Del Monte sardines,- leaves a
photograph on his mirror,- and so on. Still obsessed with the flight atten-
dant, the policeman registers no surprise at the new objects, explaining
them away as the result of a change in his emotional mood. He does not
notice Ah Faye's presence in spite of all the clues she leaves him. "Lately,
I've become more observant," he says to himself, as he eats from a can
labeled Del Monte Sardines that now contains black-bean mackerel. It is
only when he finally catches her in his apartment when he returns un-
expectedly one day that he notices that she is there, much the same way
that archaeologist Norbert Hanold finally sees that Gradiva materializes as
Zoe Bertgang.
Related to the comedy of details is the comedy of the fetish, a dis-
placed detail. A fetish is a substitute, a surrogate, a neurotic symptom, but
it can also be regarded as a defense against neurosis, in that it is a less
harmful kind of neurosis. All fetishes are potentially comic. Thus we see
the characters in Chungking Express each with his or her own personal fetish.
Wong Kar-wai
57
For Wu, food (pineapples, for example) and jogging are defenses against
emotional breakdown: jogging dissipates water from the body, leaving
none for tears. With the blonde-wigged woman whose line of work is very
risky, her fetish is the precaution of always wearing a raincoat and dark
glasses at the same time: you never know when it will rain or shine, she ex-
plains. For Ah Faye, it is California, and for #633 it is women in airline uni-
forms. The only bad fetishes are those that other people impose on them,
like the blonde wig that the American gangster wants all his women to
wear. After he gets shot, the blonde-wigged woman throws the wig away,-
it is not her fetish.
The generally benign way of presenting the fetish also points to a
major difference between Chungking Express and Wong's other films, namely,
that it is in his comic film alone that we find images of pleasure and happi-
ness. For example, Wu spends a disappointing night with the blonde-
wigged woman (whom he finally meets at a bar) because she just sleeps
through their time together in the hotel room. But when he leaves at
dawn, he takes off and polishes her high-heeled shoes for her, and she calls
him later on his beeper to wish him a happy birthday, which falls—when
else?—on May 1. Similarly, Ah Faye does not keep her appointment with
#633 at the California Restaurant in Lan Kwei Fong, deciding she has to
go to the real California first, but she does send him an imaginary boarding
pass she has drawn for him valid for the same time next year, which is like
a kind of tacit promise to return. In these examples, there is a fleeting hint
of a reciprocity that emerges from the delays.
We come now to Wong Kar-wai's Ashes of Time, made at about the same
time as Chungking Express. This is a film based on the immensely popular
martial arts stories of the Hong Kong writer Jin Yung, and it represents
Wong's attempt at the kung fu film genre. As we would expect of him by
now, he does interesting things with the genre by placing it in the cultural
space explored in his previous films. For example, Ashes of Time, too, could
be discussed in terms of its structuring of visuality, time, space, and affec-
tivity. What is less expected is the uncompromisingly somber tone of the
film, which the beautiful cinematography only tends to heighten. It is as if
all the humor and lightness were concentrated on Chungking Express, leaving
the traditionally extroverted, action-based martial arts film the task of
telling a story about the weight of dead time.
The film does not obviously parody or ironize the conventions of the
genre. Rather, the implications of the genre are followed through to their
catastrophic conclusions, giving us in the end the complex continuum of a
Wona Kar-wai
58
blind space and a dead time. The film's English and Chinese titles comple-
ment each other. While the English title puts the emphasis on time, the
Chinese title puts the emphasis on space. It can be roughly rendered as
"Sinister East, Malevolent West," which are the fearsome sobriquets of the
two main heroes, but the title suggests as well the two points of a dystopic
space. The film starts off by following the martial arts narrative convention
of recounting stories of legendary heroes, highlighting their martial arts
skills. Each of the four male heroes have a chance to display their fighting
ability and courage. But there is a crucial change in the way heroism is
represented. The more heroic the character the more he seems damaged
by life,- heroism is a form of sickness. The outstanding heroes (particularly
the two heroes referred to in the film's Chinese title) are all in one way or
another neurotics, living out their own private obsessions, which they
project back onto the space around them. In this regard Ashes of Time has
an affinity to psycho-Westerns like John Ford's The Searchers (1956) or Ser-
gio Leone's Once upon a Time in the West (1969).
The ambiguities of heroic space can be suggested by considering how
action is represented. The early fight sequence involving the film's main
narrator Ouyang Feng, the Malevolent East of the title, typifies the pat-
tern. It is no longer a choreography of action that we see, as in other kung
fu or gangster movies, but a composition of light and color where all ac-
tion has dissolved—a kind of abstract expressionism or action painting.
What we find therefore is heroic space as both a space of power (as in ar-
chitecture) but also as a kind of blind space that comes from an excess of
light and movement, Maurice Blanchot's la folie du jour. Significantly, the
third hero the film introduces is a swordsman on the point of going blind,
whose last fight with a gang of horse thieves is a fight against the light. In
all the fight scenes, it is only when the action slows down that light re-
solves itself into something recognizably human,- but when we do catch a
glimpse of a human figure, it is always at the fatal moment of dealing out
death or in the throes of dying.
This blind space of heroism hides consequences from the characters.
Heroism as a code of behavior is the ultimate phallic myth of power. It fos-
ters the illusion that some consequential action is always imminent, which
is what makes the characters forget that nothing happens, that life is over,
that the time they live in is a dead time, a time of waiting rather than ac-
tion. What the film shows, in defiance of the genre, is that between the
brief moments of blind action are the long moments of waiting for some-
thing to happen. In Ashes of Time, time is a heavy weight/wait, a void to be
filled if only by a dead body. There is a clear relation, then, between blind
Wong Kar-wai
59
space and dead time: it is onto this dead time that the blind space of hero-
ism has been displaced, and the stories of heroes now register these prob-
lematic new conditions.
Ouyang Feng best exemplifies what happens to heroic action in dead
time. The film opens with him engaged in a heroic fight, but after this first
fight that has taken place many years ago, the clean-shaven Ouyang Feng
grows a beard (the ash of time, as it were), and we see him do no more
fighting. Rather, he becomes a death broker, an entrepreneur who arranges
killings and assassinations for a fee. He spends his time waiting on misfor-
tunes, waiting for something to happen to other people, like a man whose
life is over. However, while action is suspended, the memory of it is not so
easily suppressed, and this takes us to the story of the seductive Huang
Yaoshi, the Sinister East. He carries with him a bottle of choice wine (in-
tended for Ouyang Feng) that is supposed to have the magical property of
making those who drink it gradually forget the past. Unfortunately, hero-
ism is a stimulant stronger than the numbing effect of any wine because it
is none other than the phallic myth. The wine turns out to have no effect
on memory. This amounts to saying that it is not possible to forget or leave
behind the dead time as long as the phallic myth of action persists because
one is doubled in the other.
This complex continuum of space (of action) and time (of waiting)
means that it is not possible to simply associate the space of action with
the male and the time of waiting with the female, as is usually the case in
action films. In Ashes of Time, everybody waits. In spite of this, what per-
sists is the myth of heroic male action that comes with the martial arts
genre. What we see in the film is how men and women live their lives or
construct their identities according to the expectations of the genre, how-
ever unreal these expectations have become in the much more complex
space-time relations demonstrated everywhere else in the film. It is these
false expectations, these ashes and residues, that destroy lives by skewing
affective relations. And it is the pain of affect that is the index of some-
thing ungraspable, of a controlling space that is always already gone: the
deja disparu. Affectivity therefore is the other stage—bloodless but fatal—
on which the "action" of the film unfolds.
The most dramatic example of this skewing of affectivity is the schizoid
figure of Murong Yang/Murong Yin. She is first introduced dressed in
man's clothes, a standard martial arts story convention. In this guise, she
meets the seductive Huang Yaoshi, who flirtatiously says to her, after they
have had a lot of wine together, that if she had a sister, he would certainly
marry her. Murong Yang holds Huang to his promise and reappears as the
Wong Kar-wai
60
lovely Murong Yin, but Huang does not show up at the appointed time. As
Murong Yang again, she hires Ouyang Feng to arrange for Huang's assassi-
nation, but before Ouyang Feng agrees to accept the job, Murong Yin ap-
pears and offers to double his fee if he could have Murong Yang eliminated
instead. Yang wants Huang killed to avenge her "sister's" disgrace,- Yin
wants Yang (her other self) killed to preserve the promise of happiness. Yin
and Yang are deadlocked. Nothing can happen, and action moves else-
where. In Ashes of Time, the affective reveals a problematic space controlled
by a system of double binds where no real action can take place. In this re-
spect it comes closest to Days of Being Wild, in spite of the many visual dif-
ferences in the two films.
The pathetic figure of Murong Yang/Yin is just the most striking in-
stance of an affective dysfunction that pervades the film as a whole, in less
obvious and accordingly more dangerous forms. What fills the dead time
are feelings of ressentiment—envy, jealousy, covetousness. Ressentiment
can find expression in extremely contrasting ways: from the sexual as-
cetism of Ouyang Feng who lives like a hermit, to the Don Juanism of
Huang Yaoshi, just as the physical space of the film is marked by extreme
contrasts of desert and watery marshlands or lakes. Nothing, it seems, is
more fearsome than feelings, and nothing is more destructive than a bad
feeling. Ouyang Feng may have been a hero, but he could not speak words
of love. This negligence wounds the woman he loves. She refuses to wait
for him and exacts her revenge by marrying his brother. This act, as pre-
cise as a practiced sword thrust, turns her life into a bitter triumph and de-
stroys his. Ouyang Feng changes from hero into cynical mercenary, the
Malevolent East who profits from other people's misfortune. When a beau-
tiful young woman asks him to help her avenge the murder of her brother
by the gang of horse thieves and offers to pay him with a donkey and a
basket of eggs, her only worldly possessions, he not only refuses but also
suggests that she sell her virtue to raise more money. However, this is ob-
viously not just greed, but an attempt to force on her an impossible choice:
family honor or personal virtue? Ressentiment is also delight in seeing the
humiliation of others.
Ironically, only the nonheroic figures are free of ressentiment. The ex-
ample here would be the fourth swordsman introduced in the film, Hong
Qi, the barefoot peasant. Ouyang Feng persuades him to put on shoes to
raise his price as a mercenary, but this has no effect on him. He has made
his way from his village with his sole possession, his camel, and his faithful
and plain peasant wife has followed him against his wishes. Ouyang Feng
does not succeed in influencing him. Eventually, Hong Qi helps the young
Wont) Kar-wai
61
woman with the eggs on a whim because he wants to, and he loses a finger
in the process. This allows him to say to Ouyang: I am different from you/
I can act because of a basket of eggs. When he departs from the desert to
make his name in the field of arms, but unconventionally taking his peas-
ant wife along with him, he is also departing from the heroic-romantic
mode, if not quite breaking entirely with it. In a short afterword, we learn
that Hong Qi later achieved fame as a swordsman and fought a duel with
Ouyang Feng as a result of which they both died.
As in the other films of Wong Kar-wai, affectivity in Ashes of Time is the
index of a space that cannot be grasped directly. It is a space I have called
the deja disparu, and it cuts across different genres and historical periods,
being very much the negative ground against which both time and action
are experienced. Hence the question of how these films relate to Hong
Kong culture also cannot be directly posed. It is not as if there were al-
ready a Hong Kong culture in place that these films could be seen as rep-
resenting in a relatively true or false way. Furthermore, they go beyond
allegory to challenge the definition of Hong Kong culture itself by ques-
tioning and dismantling the way we look at things. And by describing mu-
tations, they open up new possibilities.
Wong Kar-wai
61
4
Building on Disappearance:
The remark that Hong Kong reinvents itself every few years becomes
quite credible when we look at the changing skyline of the Central Dis-
trict. This skyline may not yet rival that of New York or Chicago, but it is
nonetheless highly impressive in its own way, with its growing number of
signature buildings by international architects like Norman Foster, I. M.
Pei, and Paul Rudolf. Such a skyline not only underlines the domination of
the marketplace, with the architect's signature functioning as a brand
name/ it also takes to an extreme Sharon Zukin's argument that "market"
erodes "place."1 The combination of rising land prices, property specula-
tion, and the presence of large corporations vying for prime space results
in a constant rebuilding that makes the city subtly unrecognizable.
The most spectacular example of this might have been the Ritz-
Carlton Hotel, located in the heart of Central. When it was nearing com-
pletion in early 1993, the original owners sold it to a multinational consor-
tium, who reportedly played quite seriously with the idea of razing the
luxury hotel to the ground before a single guest was registered, and
putting in an office building instead because of the potentially higher in-
come that might be generated. Buildings in Hong Kong suffer the fate of
63
any other commodity, an insight that Walter Benjamin arrived at more
than half a century ago: "In the convulsions of the commodity economy
we begin to recognise the monuments of the bourgeoisie as ruins even be-
fore they have crumbled,"2 an insight that is finally coming into its own.
Property speculation means that every building in Hong Kong, however
new or monumental, faces imminent ruin, on the premise of here today,
gone tomorrow—a logistics that, by contracting time, dispenses even with
the pathos of decay. The political slogans of the day—"Prosperity and sta-
bility" and "Fifty years without change"—are thus belied by an urban land-
scape that mutates right under our noses, making the question of spatial
identity particularly problematic.
Architecture, because it is always assumed to be somewhere, is the first vi-
sual evidence of a city's putative identity. In this regard, the symbolic land-
scape of Central exerts a particular fascination, not only for filmmakers
and photographers, but also for the domestic workers from the Philippines
who take it over on Sundays when it is closed to traffic. But can the archi-
tecture of Central, or even the whole of Hong Kong architecture, repre-
sent the city? As Diana Agrest has pointed out, it is one thing to look at the
city from the point of view of architecture and quite something else to
look at architecture from the point of view of the city. The city from the
point of view of architecture may be associated with painterly modes of
looking derived from classical tradition, but architecture from the point of
view of the city can only be associated with film, "the visual art that devel-
oped alongside the modern city,"3 that is to say, the art that problematizes
the visual as stable because it is film that gives us, in Jean-Luc Godard's
words, truth twenty-four times a second.
In the case of Hong Kong, there is indeed an important relation be-
tween architecture and cinema that goes beyond including shots of im-
pressive buildings on film. Not only are they the two most developed cul-
tural forms in Hong Kong, but they are also the most dependent on the
market and the most preeminently visual. Nevertheless, there is a crucial
difference, and it concerns their relation to the visual. The Hong Kong
cinema, in the work of its more interesting practitioners, uses the visual to
problematize visuality itself and in this way contributes to a critical dis-
course on colonial space. The case of Hong Kong architecture, at least up
to the present moment, is somewhat less sanguine. It constructs a visual
space that to a large extent resists critical dismantling. In the cinema, the
subject is surrounded by moving images, which requires even in its simpler
forms a certain amount of critical attention to construe. By contrast, in the
case of architecture, it is the subject itself that moves, around an image
Building on Disappearance
64
that is seen to be stationary (hence Agrest's point about the need to desta-
bilize architecture through a cinematization of space). Architecture there-
fore has the dangerous potential of turning all of us, locals and visitors
alike, into tourists gazing at a stable and monumental image.
Insofar as it encourages a process of unreflective visual consumption,
architecture in Hong Kong is the main material support of a space that can
still be called colonial, in spite of official avoidance of the term colony.
Colonial space can be thought of as the projection of a colonial imaginary
that maps out a symbolic order in whose grids the real appears and disap-
pears for a colonial subject. This amounts to saying that the formulation of
a spatial problematic is becoming increasingly necessary to an analysis of
colonialism exactly because colonial space in Hong Kong is quite specifi-
cally a space of disappearance. In such an analysis, architecture has a cru-
cial, if so far still negative, role to play. What this underlines, therefore, is
the urgent need to develop a critical discourse on Hong Kong architecture
and urban space, where the dominance of visuality is put into question, as
in the case of the new Hong Kong cinema.
Let me elaborate on this notion of disappearance and the colonial gaze
by referring to urban phenomena in Hong Kong that seem at first sight to
stem from postcolonial sensibilities. The notion of disappearance I am al-
luding to does not connote vanishing without a trace. In fact, it can go to-
gether very well with a concern for presence and projects of preservation.
In recent years, since the early 1980s in particular, there has been a grow-
ing interest in what is self-consciously being called Hong Kong culture,
which many read as Hong Kong's acquiring a sense of identity. For exam-
ple, there has been a continuing vogue for photographic exhibitions about
old Hong Kong,- an archive of old Hong Kong films is just being estab-
lished,- studies of Hong Kong customs, traditions, and folklore are gaining
all the time in academic respectability. It is in this context of preserving a
cultural identity through preservation of cultural and urban forms that the
strong response to the demolition of the Kowloon Walled City, that inner
city of inner cities, must be understood. Because of a historical anomaly,
the Walled City was a no-man's-land that fell outside British jurisdiction
and beyond the administrative reach of China. The result was that it be-
came a haven for all sorts of illegal and clandestine activities, although it
was also just "home" to a number of ordinary people. When it was finally
razed to the ground quite recently, an action made possible only through
the approval of the Chinese authorities, there was a brief hue and cry, fol-
lowed by the appearance of a glossy and expensive volume of essays and
photographs commemorating it in all its seedy glory.4 What can we make
Building on Disappearance
65
of this example? If colonialism goes together with a devaluation of local
culture and identity, then it would seem that this new interest in the local
is the symptom of an emerging postcolonial awareness. However, the situa-
tion is much more ambivalent than this, if we remember what Frantz
Fanon pointed out a long time ago: "It is the colonialist who becomes
defenders of the native style."5 When the native style and culture are
bracketed and separated out as a special category, they are effectively re-
contained and lose whatever potential they might have had to stir mem-
ory. Preservation, it should be noted, is not memory. Preservation is selec-
tive and tends to exclude the dirt and pain. Culture as preservation, which
is what a lot that currently passes in Hong Kong for postcoloniality
amounts to, can only be a form of kitsch, which Milan Kundera has graphi-
cally but accurately defined as "the absolute denial of shit, in both the lit-
eral and figurative sense."6 Such denials make even the Walled City, with
its traffic in drugs, prostitution, and human misery, look so glamorous—
after the fact.
The preservation of old buildings gives us history in site, but it also
means keeping history in sight. A critique of preservation is therefore also a
critique of visual ideology. Let me take this argument about colonialism as
a politics of the gaze a little further with the help of three examples of
architectural preservation. It should be noted that the argument is not
directed so much against preservation per se, which has its legitimate uses,
as against the use of preservation as history to bring about the disappear-
ance of history.
The first example is the Hong Kong Cultural Center, built on the site
of the old Hong Kong-Canton railway terminal. The design of the cul-
tural center offered an opportunity to imagine a community, but in the
event, the opportunity was largely lost. The main structure that houses
the auditoriums is one of those modernist placeless structures that could
be from anywhere, looking like nothing so much as a giant ski slope. As if
to compensate for the neglect of the local, one significant design detail
was introduced. The clock tower in red brick from the demolished railway
station was saved and incorporated into the overall design. On one level,
this "quotation" from Hong Kong's architectural history is the expression
of a sense of historical moment, giving to the cultural center a patina of
local history. But on another level, this patina of history is no more than
decorative, an image of history meant for visual consumption. In its relation
to the overall design of the cultural center, the clock tower can be com-
pared to that strange-looking, hard-to-construe, anamorphic object float-
ing on the bottom of Hans Holbein's famous painting The Ambassadors, a
Building on Disappearance
66
painting that Jacques Lacan analyzed in his discussion of the gaze.7 How-
ever, the difference between them is very significant and tells us some-
thing about how colonial space controls desire. Faced with The Ambas-
sadors, the viewing subject caught in the gaze, that is, in the perspectival
space that dominates most of the painting, cannot construe the anamor-
phic object as the representation of a skull. That is because the gaze is a
channeling and socializing of desire, and it is such a desire that makes one
space, the perspectival one, recognizable and turns the space of the
anamorphic image into a hallucination. In the Hong Kong example, we
have the opposite situation: the clock tower unlike the skull is seen too eas-
ily and is too quickly assimilated into the overall spatial ensemble (as an
instance of "Hong Kong history"). Space is homogenized in the colonial
gaze, as "old" and "new" are placed together in contiguity and continuity.
There is also a spatial programming and socializing of desire, but it con-
sists of making us accept, without shock or protest, the most blatant dis-
continuities as continuities. Any image preserved from the past may serve
as a sign of a communal history. Such spatial practices are not very differ-
ent from the practices of Disney theme parks, which also specializes in
providing images of history. We are beginning to find equivalents of such
theme parks in Hong Kong, like the Sung Village in Kowloon and the
more recently opened Middle Kingdom—a re-creation in miniature of ar-
chitectural monuments from China, which forms part of the Ocean Park
complex. In these examples, as in the cultural center clock tower, an imag-
inary community takes the place of an imagined community. Culture as
preservation leads not to the development of a critical sense of commu-
nity but works to keep the colonial subject in place, occupied with gazing
at images of identity.
The second example of preservation is Flagstaff House, an impressive
colonial-style building constructed in the 1840s. First used as the head-
quarters of Jardine, Matheson, and Company and then as headquarters of
the British military, it was later converted into a residence for the com-
mander of the British forces. More recently, with the withdrawal of the
British military presence in Hong Kong, there was some debate on what
to do with the building. Eventually, the government's Architectural Ser-
vices Department decided to preserve it by turning it into a museum to
house a magnificent collection of Chinese teaware. This was done in
1984, and in 1989 the building was declared a monument. In this way, a
historically significant building is saved from the bulldozers and the gen-
eral public gets an education in Chinese culture. All sides, it would seem,
stand to benefit from such an arrangement, and there is some truth in this.
Building on Disappearance
67
However, there is a certain presumably unintended irony here, not only in
the dates 1984 (the year of the Joint Declaration) and 1989 (the year of
Tiananmen) but also in the historical associations that tea has with the
Opium Wars and the British gunboat diplomacy that secured Hong Kong
for Britain in the first place. This reincarnation of a British military estab-
lishment in the form of a museum of Chinese teaware skims over the monu-
mental barbarisms of the nineteenth century by aestheticizing them out of
existence. Flagstaff House could be read therefore as an example of the
disappearance of history: not in the sense of history having come to an
end, but in the sense of its persistence along certain ideological guidelines. Disap-
pearance here implies the subsitition of one thing for another, a displace-
ment of attention from the sometimes conflictual colonial history of
Hong Kong, to the harmonious accommodation of Chinese culture in
colonial architecture.
The third example is the Repulse Bay Hotel. This example may seem a
little different from the first two, as it comes from the private sector, but
the implications of preservation we find here are largely comparable. The
original Repulse Bay Hotel, built in 1920, was a grand colonial-style build-
ing that became a famous Hong Kong landmark. With its wide verandah
overlooking the bay, it was a fashionable meeting place for Sunday after-
noon tea. In early 1982, at the height of land speculation, the hotel was
torn down to make way for the building of luxury apartment blocks. The
timing could not have been poorer because later in the year came Mar-
garet Thatcher's visit to China. The immediate effect on the property mar-
ket was a catastrophic slump in property prices, and the construction of
the apartment blocks was delayed. Enter a movie director, Ann Hui, who
wanted a few background shots for a film. A quick replica was built on the
original site. This may have given someone the idea that a full-scale
replica was a viable business proposition. As market confidence returned
to Hong Kong in 1985 (as it has always done so far, no matter what the
catastrophe), construction of the Repulse Bay apartment complex was
taken up again, and a replica of the old hotel was included as an integral
part. The project was completed in 1989, and it won Hong Kong's pre-
mium architectural award, the Hong Kong Institute of Architects' Silver
Medal, partly for its successful integration between the "old" and the
"new." However, the relation between old and new is very much like what
we find in the cultural center, with much the same implications, except
that in the case of the Repulse Bay apartment complex, the old is very
clearly a remake, something that comes out of a movie set. The replica is
not even, strictly speaking, an example of preservation, which is precisely
Building on Disappearance
68
what allows it to make more explicit what is only implicit in the two pre-
vious examples: how preservation is posited on the disappearance of the
historical site.
These instances of preservation are significant, even though preserva-
tion is unlikely to be a major factor in Hong Kong's built space, because
they exemplify the argument that the more abstract and ungraspable space
becomes, the greater the importance of the image. Accordingly, in a space
of disappearance, in the unprecedented historical situation that Hong
Kong finds itself in of being caught between two colonialities (Britain's and
China's), there is a desperate attempt to clutch at images of identity, how-
ever alien or cliched these images are. There is a need to define a sense of
place through buildings and other means, at the moment when such a
sense of place (fragile to begin with) is being threatened with erasure by a
more and more insistently globalizing space.
The complication, of course, is that "place" and "space" cannot be op-
posed in any simple way, nor can they be considered separately. It is
clearly not possible to think of place merely in terms of definable physical
characteristics and situatedness because the changing nature of space—
that results from information technology, for example—inevitably entails
a changing idea of place. Paul Virilio points out that the limits or bound-
aries of the city itself have come into question, largely because of new
informational and communicational technologies that introduce a novel
idea of space: space, in an important sense, as nonphysical and dematerial-
ized. He makes the point by asking how one now gains access to the con-
temporary city and answering: not through a city gate but rather through
an electronic audience system: "The sound of gates gives way to the clat-
ter of data banks. . . . the urban wall has long been breached by an infini-
tude of openings and ruptured enclosures."8 All major contemporary cities
are thus "overexposed," as the idea of boundary is gradually replaced by the
idea of interface. In the case of Hong Kong, it would seem that it has been
primed for overexposure since its inception in 1841 as a British colony and
a free port, where accessibility is an overriding consideration—a consider-
ation that produces its own aporias. The large number of illegal immi-
grants in the city shows how easily the border with China can be breached
by land and sea. The difficulty of controlling smuggling (recently, of stolen
luxury cars to the mainland) shows it is as easy physically to get out of the
city as it is to get into it. Finally, the colony's by now definitive insertion
into global networks of capital and information can therefore be seen as
simply the latest episode in the relative devaluation of a physical idea of
space and place.
Building on Disappearance
69
On the other hand, even as place is being problematized by the new
global space, it is nevertheless not the case that this space necessarily car-
ries all before it. In this regard, Manuel Castells makes an essential point:
"New information technologies do have a fundamental impact on societies,
and therefore on cities and regions, but their effects vary according to their
interaction with the economic, social, political and cultural processes that
shape the production and use of the new technological medium."9 In other
words, there is a whole range of spatial and historical mediations to be ac-
counted for, and this leaves room for a politics of built space, even if it is a
question of building on disappearance. This amounts to saying that archi-
tecture cannot be separated from the spatial/ideological context in which it
is produced. Let me begin then by presenting some of the idiosyncrasies of
Hong Kong's urban space, which is that peculiar kind of colonial space that
I call a space of disappearance, as a necessary preliminary to a discussion of
its spatial politics.
Spatial Histories
The theoretical implications of disappearance have been explored most
thoroughly in the writings of Paul Virilio, where disappearance is a con-
sequence of processes of speed and digitalization that deprive forms and
figures—whether paintings and sculptures or monoliths and architectural
constructions—of their material support and physical dimensions: "Where
once the aesthetics of the appearance of an analogical, stable image of sta-
tic nature predominated, we now have the aesthetics of the disappearance
of a numerical, unstable image of fleeting nature, whose persistence is ex-
clusively retinal." 10 In relation to Hong Kong, however, a space of disap-
pearance has specific local and historical references, which makes it possi-
ble to conceptualize it in several other ways as well.
In the first place, disappearance can be seen in relation to a recent cul-
tural and political mood. There is something highly ambivalent about dis-
appearance. It does not refer simply to the anxiety that the Hong Kong
way of life will come to an end once Hong Kong is returned to China. It
does not signify historical catastrophe tout court but is something more
double-edged, the way an unprecedented and in many cases newfound in-
terest in local culture and politics appears at the moment when catastrophe,
real or imagined, threatens. The "end of Hong Kong," to reiterate an im-
portant point, is therefore what inaugurates an intense interest in its
historical and cultural specificity, a change from the hitherto almost exclu-
sive fascination with its economic success. This is very precisely a culture
Building on Disappearance
70
of disappearance because it is a culture whose appearance is accompanied
by a sense of the imminence of its disappearance, and the cause of its
emergence—1997—may also be the cause of its demise. The affective
state of disappearance can be compared to that deliberately created by a
cigarette company when it displayed in a public space in Hong Kong a
sign that read, "No smoking. Not even Viceroy." In both cases, a negative
situation, or one perceived as such, functions to provoke a desire for the
quick fix of a smoke or of an identity. Such a concern for "Hong Kong cul-
ture" will indeed extend to an interest in its architecture and in the preser-
vation of old buildings, but such an interest will have to be situated in turn
within a space of disappearance.
A second sense of disappearance concerns representation. In disappear-
ance there is a gap or hysteresis between the city and its representations,
that is to say, between the city's erratic historical fortunes and the attempts
to explain its itinerary in terms of available models like modernization, de-
pendency, or development. The way the city has been made to appear in
many representations in fact works to make it disappear. Let me offer two
examples to illustrate this paradoxical relation between representation and
disappearance, one positive and one negative.
Consider the representation of Hong Kong as an East-West city, mix-
ing tradition and modernity like memory and desire. We see this idea en-
shrined in one of the most durable images of Hong Kong, which shows a
Chinese junk in Victoria Harbor against a backdrop of tall modernistic
buildings. This image has gone beyond kitsch and stereotype, being pro-
moted to, and promoted as, an urban archetype. We see it not only re-
produced on countless postcards, but a stylized red junk is also the cho-
sen logo of the Hong Kong Tourist Association. Whether the image
"misrepresents" Hong Kong or not (is Hong Kong really no more than
the world's largest Chinatown?) is not the issue here. What is at issue is
how an image of Hong Kong's architecture and urban space is used to
support a narrative that implicitly attributes the colony's success to the
smooth combination of British administration and Chinese entrepreneur-
ship. Such a narrative also mobilizes ethnic and psychologistic assump-
tions that cannot bear scrutiny: the dogma that Hong Kong people are
by nature hardworking, that they have a high tolerance for crowded liv-
ing conditions by genetic design, that they will do anything for money.
Peeping out from under this narrative is a master discourse that, seeing
only its own mirror reflections, inscribes the primacy of the economic
everywhere in the most literal-minded fashion. This is a discourse that
elsewhere I have called decadent. 11 This discourse manages to make
Building on Disappearance
71
a complex space disappear into a one-dimensional image, structured on
a facile binarism. Such a binarism not only tends to domesticate differ-
ences and restabilize change,- it also avoids the spatial issues, to give us
only a copulation of cliches (Vladimir Nabokov's excellent definition of
pornography).
Consider now a negative representation of Hong Kong, the obvious
one of the city as a colony and dependent territory of Britain. It is true
that the recent British decision to issue passports only to a relatively small
number of Hong Kong-British citizens giving them the right of abode
in Britain clearly shows the small colonial mentality at work, but on the
whole the effects of British colonialism on Hong Kong would seem on
the surface to have been relatively benign. However, to say this is not by
any means to whitewash the history of British imperialism or to forget the
Opium Wars. If the British could point with some justification to a record
of nonexploitation in Hong Kong, it would be largely because there was
to begin with little of substance to exploit, neither natural resources nor,
until after 1949 when the city was swelled by refugees from China,
human resources. In these respects, the Hong Kong case is very different
from that of British India, where colonialism effectively destroyed the
local textile industry, a situation much easier to analyze in terms of de-
pendency theory. As for Hong Kong, its very lack of resources or means
of being independent was always curiously enough a factor in its favor: it
meant that more could be gained all around by making the city work as
a port city—by developing infrastructure, education, international net-
works. This was a position that both the colonizer and the colonized
could agree on, a position of cute correspondence or collusion—hence
the relative absence of political tensions or demands for "democracy,"
until recently. Again and again in the history of Hong Kong, we see how
lack and dependency were somehow advantages. For example, when the
colony went into textile manufacturing, it was able to develop an inter-
national market ahead of Taiwan or Korea because unlike these countries
with their larger populations, Hong Kong lacked a significant domestic
market. 12 The way ahead was never toward independence, but always to-
ward hyperdependency. To call Hong Kong a colony is hardly a misrep-
resentation,- it merely leaves out how dependency has been turned into a
fine art.
These examples do not define at what point Hong Kong moved ahead
of its cultural representations, but at least they tell us that for some time it
has been somewhere other than where it is represented to be. Other cities
like Los Angeles or Tokyo were built on seismic fault lines or volcanic soil:
Building on Disappearance
71
Hong Kong seems to have been built on contingency, on geographic and
historical accidents, shaped by times and circumstances beyond its control
and by pragmatic accommodation to events. The harder we try to catego-
rize it, the more the city mocks the available categories and remains, in
spite of its overwhelming presence, a peculiar kind of "invisible city"—it
appears in the moment of disappearance (first sense), and it disappears in
appearances/representations (second sense).
Yet cutting across the ambivalences of appearance/disappearance is al-
ways a specific historical situation—how can it be otherwise?—and this
suggests a third way in which a space of disappearance could be conceptu-
alized: as a space that is historically produced. Yet to say this is not to
imply that there is a historical narrative that, however it twists and turns,
can nevertheless be definitive. A history of disappearance cannot but be
inflected by the problematics of disappearance itself because if a space of
disappearance can elude familiar representations, it can also elude histori-
cal descriptions. Hence the need to say something about the complex
relation between space and history in Hong Kong, that is, to speak of
spatial histories, not least because such histories will tend to modify
some common assumptions about the forms that both colonialism and
postcolonialism would take. As I have tried to show, the new Hong Kong
cinema's ability to link history, space, and affectivity is what accounts for
its privileged position.
A space of disappearance challenges historical representation in a spe-
cial way, in that it is difficult to describe precisely because it can adapt so
easily to any description. It is a space that engenders images so quickly
that it becomes nondescript. For example, even a text as programmatically
antirealistic and nonhistorical as Alain Robbe-Grillet's La Maison de rendez-
vous, set tongue-in-cheek in Hong Kong, still captures something about the
city's historical quality/ it captures the way the nondescript heightens fan-
tasy and gives rise to promiscuous images. 13 We can think about a non-
descript space as that strange thing: an ordinary, everyday space that has
somehow lost some of its usual systems of interconnectedness, a deregu-
lated space. Such a space defeats description not because it is illegible and
none of the categories fit, but because it is hyperlegible and all the cate-
gories seem to fit, whether they are the categories of the social sciences, of
cultural criticism, or of fiction. Any description then that tries to capture
the features of the city will have to be, to some extent at least, stretched
between fact and fiction, somewhat like what we find in Jorge Luis Borges's
short story Emma Zwwz. 14 If this is the case, then there can be no single-
minded pursuit of signs that finishes with a systematic reading of the city,
Building on Disappearance
73
only a compendium of indices of disappearance (like the nondescript) that
takes into account the city's errancy and that addresses the city through its
heterogeneity and parapraxias. A spatial history of disappearance will at-
tempt to evoke the city rather than claim to represent it, in the sense of
giving a definitive account of what it is "really" like.
Histories of Hong Kong tell a story of successful development, depict-
ing the colony's gradual gains in material substance with an appeal to sta-
tistics. Conversely, some recent histories that are more politically con-
scious emphasize the colony's relative absence of democratic institutions
and right to self-determination. Such stories, valid though they may be on
one level, require some qualification because they leave out the way the
colony's fortunes follow not just a logic of development or a logic of "op-
pression," but also a more paradoxical spatial logic where lack and depen-
dency could somehow be advantageous. For example, statistics indeed
show that at the last estimate Hong Kong is now the world's eighth-largest
trading nation, an international city that has come a long way from the
days when it was described in Palmerston's famous words as "a barren is-
land with hardly a house upon it." But for all the discontinuities this new
role implies, it has continued to be a port in the literal sense of the word: a
door, a threshold, a conduit through which goods, currencies, and infor-
mation flow,- a kind of nodal point, an in-between state, therefore more of
an inter-national city than an international one. It is true that the nature of
the port or gateway has changed today: it connotes not just a good harbor
but also an efficient communications system. The nature of the port may
have changed, but Hong Kong has not changed as a port. In contrast to
international cities like New York, London, or Toyko, which are in relation
to their respective regions central sites for the production of goods and
culture, 15 Hong Kong is primarily a space of facilitation. It is less a site
than a para-site, in that its dominance in its region is due largely to its geo-
graphic proximity to China, together with its accessibility to the rest of
the world. It is easy to see the economic opportunities that stem from
being in such a unique geopolitical position. The para-site therefore con-
notes a position that in some strange way is both autonomous and depen-
dent at the same time, a position in which autonomy is paradoxically a
function of dependence.
In the inter-national city and the para-sitic city, something happens to
the sense of time, of chronology. Consider once again how the space of
Hong Kong has been formed: as a result not just of rapid changes but of
an accelerated rate of change produced by historical events whose epi-
centers are elsewhere. Hong Kong by now has become so inured to
Building on Disappearance
74
change, to "progress," that it can be taken as the perfect example of the
situation that Gianni Vattimo describes as the experience of "the end of
history," a situation where "progress becomes routine," which does not
imply that "progress" has been absorbed, much less understood.16 Never-
theless, one crucial effect of such routinization is a weakening of the
sense of chronology, of historical sequentiality, so that "old" and "new" are
easily contemporaneous with each other, and "continuities" and "disconti-
nuities" can exist side by side, without being integrated. Perhaps the most
powerful symbolization of this is in cinema, particularly in Stanley
Kwan's figure of the ghost in Rouge that returns after fifty years to seek her
lover, a revenant stepping out of a freeze-frame. But other examples could
be cited. For instance, it is not anomalous to see a high-rise building, in-
cluding Norman Foster's Hong Kong Shanghai Bank building with its
space-age materials, surrounded by the traditional Chinese bamboo scaf-
folding during construction—a kind of spatial palimpsest. A palimpsest of
another sort was the fantastic sum of HK$9.5 million paid recently by a
property developer for the "lucky" automobile license number "2": lucky
because 1 in Chinese is a homonym of the word "easy" and because the
number 2, shaped like a rooster (if we are willing to stretch our imagina-
tions a bit), was purchased in the year of the rooster.17 On one level, we
can see this as simply old-fashioned superstition, a case of "numermancy"
and a waste of money. But we could also see it, on another level, as money
well spent in the purchase of what amounts almost to a company logo, a
smart investment in the society of the spectacle. "Premodern" and "post-
modern" join hands without having to acknowledge each other. Or take
the example of built space. We have seen how high-investment buildings
in Hong Kong are threatened by demolition, how what looks very per-
manent is in fact very temporary. But by the same logic, the temporary
can also have a relative permanence. One example, by no means isolated,
that comes to mind is a licensed food market in Western at the entrance
of which is a sign that says "Smithfield Road Temporary Market." But the
market has been there for as long as anyone can remember, and it seems
to all intents and purposes very much like a permanent fixture of the
neighborhood. What remains permanent, it seems, are places that are as
yet unmarketable. These examples suggest that the space of Hong Kong
is a space of "uneven development" in a specific sense: it is a space tra-
versed by different times and speeds, where change has no clear direction
but is experienced as a series of anticipations and residues that jostle each
other for position. These are not examples of anachronisms, as anachro-
nisms are perceived as chronology violated/ rather, they are examples of
Building on Disappearance
75
what might be called achronicities, where past and present disappear in
each other.
One main implication of the discussion so far is that disappearance
pulls in different directions. It is heterogeneous and contradictory, not a
seamless web. On the one hand, Hong Kong as a space of disappearance
shows how the city dealt with dependency by developing a tendency to-
ward timelessness (achronicity) and placelessness (the inter-national, the
para-sitic), a tendency to live its own version of the "floating world" with-
out the need to establish stable identities. On the other hand, disappear-
ance also alludes to the new cultural mood that registers, with a high de-
gree of urgency, the need to have some kind of cultural identity in place
before Hong Kong reenters the Chinese fold. This confrontation with his-
tory within a space of disappearance will have an effect on how we look at
Hong Kong's urban space and on what we understand by a Hong Kong
architecture.
Writing in the fifties, the Situationists already noted that "the visual aspect
of cities counts only in relation to the psychological effects which it will
be able to produce."18 The remark itself can only have come out of a con-
temporary experience of the city. The movement away from the visual
shows how problematic our visual experience of the city has become.
Cities bombard us with a profusion of signs in various states of motion that
distract and confuse, from traffic to advertisements to televisual media, all
of which compete for attention with buildings. Hong Kong is said to have
the largest Marlboro Man sign in the world, the size of a multistory build-
ing. Bilingual, neon-lit advertisement signs are not only almost every-
where,- their often ingenious construction for maximum visibility deserves
an architectural monograph in itself. The result of all this insistence is a
turning off of the visual. As people in metropolitan centers tend to avoid
eye contact with one another, so they now tend also to avoid eye contact
with the city. When the visual becomes problematic because it is too com-
plex, too conflicting, too unfamiliar, or too manipulative, then different
ways of seeing the city—different scopic regimes—have to be brought
into play.
We can relate the different ways of seeing the city to a typology of
urban space recently proposed by Arata Isozaki and Akira Asada. 19 In
their typology, Isozaki and Asada distinguish between three kinds of
urban space, each defined according to an increasingly attenuated rela-
Building on Disappearance
76 -
tionship to its historical context. Thus real cities are those that have pre-
served their historical contexts,- surreal cities are metropolitan centers like
Tokyo where urban elements are mixed up and hybridized without regard
for historical context; and hyperreal/simulated cities are theme-park cities
like Walt Disney World, devoid of context and based on fiction and arti-
fice. We could now construct a typology of scopic regimes that would
roughly correspond to Isozaki and Asada's urban typology: "real" cities
encourage a regime of the visible or seen,- "surreal" cities, a regime of the
subliminal and uncanny or half-seen,- "hyperreal" cities, a regime of the
televisual or quickly seen. Both typologies and the relation between them
become useful if we bear in mind that they give us only examples of
"ideal types." Actual cities of a certain magnitude and complexity—like
Tokyo or Hong Kong—tend to be a mixture of all three kinds outlined
in Isozaki and Asada's typology: they are real, surreal, and hyperreal all at
once and can be seen in different ways. This mixed nature of the metrop-
olis is important because it means that there is always a choice of scopic regimes
available, so that the choices that are actually made are historically sig-
nificant. We can see now how these remarks might apply in the case of
Hong Kong.
For better or for worse, it is almost impossible to get any sense of
Hong Kong's urban space through the merely visible. Perhaps the only
people who still "see" the city are the tourists. But then what is visible to
them are only landmarks and monuments pointed out in guidebooks,
while local history means only the exotic. The more "historical" a city,
the more it falls prey to the tourist's gaze. As Henri Lefebvre reminds us,
a purely visual space "has no social existence . . . that which is merely
seen (and merely visible) is hard to see—but it is spoken of more and
more eloquently and written of more and more copiously."20 In this re-
gard, it is interesting to note how a number of Hong Kong films made
recently, which concern themselves with the city's present historical situa-
tion, attempt to identify the city by rendering it visible, particularly by
shooting what is most visible of all, its architecture. These films range
from Evans Chan's highly serious To Liv(e) to Tsui Harks tongue-in-cheek
Wicked City. But because architecture is seen as a purely photogenic set of
objects, we get the same familiar shots of the same well-known buildings,
taken from the same angles: looking down toward the harbor from the
Peak, looking up toward the Peak from the harbor. It is as if it were nec-
essary to hold on to the familiar for reassurance that the city is real. In
any case, no identity emerges. Like a docile child, the city is seen but not
heard.
Building on Disappearance
77
Changing cities produce many sights that are unfamiliar. But rapidly
changing cities, cities without brakes like Hong Kong, produce something
else as well: the unfamiliar in the familiar, that is, the unfamiliar that is half-seen
or seen subliminally behind the seen/scene of the familiar. This is the ex-
perience of the uncanny, 21 when the sense of "I am here," of the familiar
and the homely shades into a sense of "I have been here before," of the Un-
heimlich, when what is seen is mixed up with a feeling of the already seen,
of deja vu. It was Louis Aragon, the surrealist poet, who captured the un-
canny and subliminal nature of the rapidly changing city best, with its "dis-
quieting atmosphere of places . . . peopled with unrecognized sphinxes."
On the Paris arcades that were fast disappearing as a result of modern city
planning, he wrote: "It is only today, when the pickaxe menaces them, that
they have at last become the true sanctuaries of a cult of the ephemeral.. . .
Places that were incomprehensible yesterday, and that tomorrow will
never know."22 The subliminal that Aragon evokes so well problematizes
the visual, but it has not broken with it. That is why the subliminal is ex-
perienced in part visually, but also in part allegorically, that is, in terms of a
spatio-temporal delay that prevents sign and meaning from coinciding. In
allegory, signs are allowed their errancy,- they become provocative: dis-
quieting and sphinx-like, they provoke the making of narratives, including
narratives of identity.
It would seem, therefore, that allegory is an appropriate mode for ex-
periencing the peculiar realities of Hong Kong's urban space—except for
one overriding consideration. As the city moves from manufacturing to-
ward a greater concentration on service and finance, the regime of the
televisual becomes increasingly dominant, introducing a new experience
of space that Paul Virilio associates with what he calls the "tele-conquest of
appearance." This televisual space is characterized by visual overload, the
fusion and confusion of the fast and the slow, the absence of transition be-
tween the big and the small, the breakdown of the analogical in favor of
the digital. The result is a "tele-observation in which the observer has no
immediate contact with the observed reality."23 The effect of the televisual
is that it destroys allegory as defined, by the same process in which the de-
lays of time and space are canceled out by the speed of electronic media.
But in this regime of insistent and quick visibility, the unfamiliar is no
longer a provocative dimension of the familiar. The unfamiliar, through in-
stant replays and "real-time" transmissions, itself becomes all too familiar,
and the strange madness of the deja vu turns into the ordinary madness of
the deja disparu, as the regime of the televisual threatens to supplant all
other ways of looking at the city.
Building on Disappearance
78
The question is how to see the city? Which scopic regime should we
choose? The choice is a difficult, if not impossible, one as none of the ways
of seeing the city seems appropriate to the situation of present-day Hong
Kong. If the tourist's gaze gives us ready-made images of the city that have
no social substance, and if the allegorical gaze is destroyed by the televi-
sual, then we are left with the latter, which serves only to promote a sense
of placelessness. At one time, in the shadowless days before the anxieties
of 1997 and Tiananmen, a sense of placelessness—which went together
with an absence of strong local identities—was an asset, as it allowed
Hong Kong to capitalize on its being a space-in-between. Now faced with
the possibility of having an alien identity imposed on it from China—
Hong Kong, British Dependent Territory may be as different from Xiang
Gang China, as Paris, Texas is from Paris, France—there is immense pres-
sure to develop an identity instantly. The danger, as I suggested earlier, is
that in the representation of disappearance, even ersatz images may be
found acceptable. It is at this juncture that the question what is Hong
Kong architecture? becomes particularly relevant.
Building on Disappearance
79
stood only as spatial forms, but also as something that both produces and
is produced by cultural practices. In the case of Hong Kong architecture,
these will be the practices that relate to a culture of disappearance. We
may begin by identifying three features.
The first concerns Hong Kong's receptivity to architectural styles. Ar-
chitecture as buildings may always be situated in a place, but architecture
as style and ideology is eminently transposable. In its architecture as in
so much else, Hong Kong is an "open city," exposed to all styles and in-
fluences: from the vernacular to the colonial, from modernism to post-
modernism. This extreme receptivity is unusual and could be related as
much to its "floating" identity as to its growing affluence and accelerated
development. In other words, space has as much to do with subjectivity as
with economics. Many accounts of the city point out that Hong Kong
does not look very different from other Asian cities, with its indiscriminate
mix of drab and grandiose buildings. However, all we have to do is com-
pare Hong Kong with a city like Taipei, which is quite as affluent, to see
the difference. Taipei also displays a mixture of architectural styles, but the
overall feeling is not quite the same. One of Taiwan's strongest claims to
political legitimacy has always been to present itself as the true custodian
of "Chinese culture." As a result, there is a kind of hesitancy in its employ-
ment of contemporary architectural forms, which stems from the implicit
ideological interference of its image of Chinese identity. Hong Kong has
neither a fixed identity nor the inhibitions that come from it. Hence the
sharp contrast—to take one example—in the two cities' respective cultural
centers. The Chiang Kai-shek cultural complex is a pastiche of Chinese
architectural styles, while the Hong Kong cultural center is committed to
contemporaneity.
Besides its receptivity to architectural styles, a second feature that is
hard not to notice about Hong Kong is the constant building and re-
building, which might remind us of that old joke about the colony: "A
nice city—once it is finished." The building and rebuilding suggest that
space is almost like a kind of very expensive magnetic tape that could be
erased and reused. Here again, economic factors dovetail with subjective
responses. What is erased are cultural memories,- what is rebuilt are more
profitable buildings. This applies to Hong Kong as a whole, but it is par-
ticularly true of Central, which is not only Hong Kong's business district
today, but also the area that historically was the first to be developed.
There are almost no vestiges of this past history in Central, except for the
old colonial-style Supreme Court building, which has been preserved
from the bulldozers and used now for Legislative Council meetings. In
Building on Disappearance
80
fact, one of the more paradoxical aspects of colonial space as a space
of disappearance is the way in which "preservation" itself, as I have sug-
gested earlier, could be part of the process of this erasure of cultural
memories.
But perhaps the most noticeable feature of all is the city's hyperdensity,
estimated at more than forty thousand people per square mile. Even this
high figure is only an overall average/ there are indeed many areas like
Mongkok and Shumshuipo that have considerably higher densities, or the
recently demolished Walled City, which with an area of one-hundredth of
a square mile had a population of thirty-three thousand, giving it a density
of more than three million per square mile, by far the highest in the world.
Building expanded in two directions: horizontally, following the flat land
along the coastline and areas reclaimed from the sea; vertically, in the form
of high-rises that are like new kinds of walled cities. Finally, because high-
density space has to serve a variety of purposes, form does not necessarily
follow function, and there is in most districts no neat separation of com-
mercial from residential use. I shall come back to this question of hyper-
density in a moment.
These features—heightened receptivity to stylistic influences, constant
rebuilding, hyperdensity—do not in themselves define Hong Kong archi-
tecture for us. However, what the thematics of susceptibility to influence
and the erasure of cultural memory suggest is that the question of Hong
Kong architecture is intimately related to the question of Hong Kong's
cultural self-definition, which in a space of disappearance can only be
problematic. I propose, therefore, to approach Hong Kong architecture
indirectly by considering different kinds of built space in the city and the
urban issues they raise: issues about preservation and memory, about po-
litical allegory, about subjectivity.
A full survey of Hong Kong architecture will have to use many differ-
ent categories and include the discussion of many different architectural
examples. For the present purpose, however, we can divide Hong Kong's
built space into three main types. Each type can claim to represent some
aspect of Hong Kong, and in this sense to be regarded as "local"—which
merely serves to show how difficult it is to locate the local. On the one
hand, there is what I will call the Merely Local, which consists of all those
buildings largely belonging to another historical era, existing now, if they
exist at all, mainly on the economic margins of the city. These include
the indigenous architecture that has roots in the Qing dynasty,- the build-
ings in the urban vernacular style resembling that in Guangzhou and
Shanghai,- and the colonial-style constructions found also in Malaysia
Building on Disappearance
81
and India, 27 one gracious example of which is the Main Building of the
University of Hong Kong. On the other hand, we have the Placeless, all
those impressive multinational hotels and office buildings with no local
memories, concentrated mainly in Central but now also moving eastward
toward the reclaimed land north of Gloucester Road on harborside Wan-
chai. These buildings could be found almost anywhere in the world, and
they seem to have just landed on their sites out of nowhere. In between the
Merely Local and the Placeless, acting somewhat like a buffer zone, is
the Anonymous, all those nondescript commercial and residential blocks
that seem to replicate themselves endlessly. These buildings may not in-
spire a second look, but they constitute the majority of built space in
Hong Kong.
The Merely Local have a close link with Hong Kong's history and
topography. Besides temples and shrines, they include those dwellings
built on water that remind us that Hong Kong was once a fishing village.
One example would be the sampan boats adapted as live work space still
found in Aberdeen and Causeway Bay. However, the number of sampans is
now dwindling, as more of the (literally) floating population is "repatri-
ated" to dry land to look for more conventional work and more conven-
tional living space. Another example are the houses built on stilts near the
sea, still found, for example, in the fishing village of Tai O to the northwest
of Lantau Island. This once thriving village is now getting quite run-down,
turned into a receiving center for smuggled goods/ its main product, a pre-
served salted fish, is an ironic emblem of the village itself. In the New Ter-
ritories can be found a number of villages of another kind, the indigenous
Chinese-style walled village. One example is the Tsang Tai Uk in Shatin,
still inhabited, and coexisting as in a time warp with and within sight of
the government public housing blocks close by. The urban-vernacular-
style buildings have largely gone except for a few scattered examples in
Western, but a number of colonial-style structures can still be seen, like the
previously discussed Flagstaff House and a much-gentrified Western Mar-
ket, which has been turned into a kind of museum/mall on the model of
Covent Garden and which now houses a number of Chinese restaurants
and boutiques.
The Merely Local may have been structures rooted in a time and place,
but it is a time and place that is no longer there. These structures may
have interesting stories to tell, but they have no real voice in the present-
day life of the city, which has moved elsewhere. However, they do raise
an important and difficult issue about cultural memory and preservation,
particularly about the difference between them. While one could certainly
Building on Disappearance
82
accept the rationale of preserving old buildings as a counterweight to
the placelessness and anonymity of the rest of the city, there is in present-
day Hong Kong another factor to consider: the way the impetus to
preservation partly arises, as I suggested earlier, out of the ambivalences of
a culture of disappearance. Even in more straightforward colonial situa-
tions like the ones analyzed by Anthony King, preservation is marked by
ambiguity. For example, King describes what he calls "the 'preservation'
syndrome": "In the colonial context, this has a double irony. Not only
does planning effort go into inculcating the colonized culture with similar
values but the criteria of the colonial power are used to define and 'pre-
serve' 'buildings of architectural and historic importance,' while remnants
of the indigenous culture are left to disappear." 28 In any case, preservation
is not the same as memory: it is a memory without pain. In preserving
what was there, there is a danger of blotting out of memory what was not
there, which is just as important. Preservation in its selectiveness is the dis-
appearance of memory, and this dis-appearance, like the kinds of repre-
sentation discussed earlier, can be very significant politically at this partic-
ular juncture of Hong Kong's history. It is surely not accidental that so
many of the examples of preservation end up implicitly giving us history
as decoration, as nostalgia. Nostalgia, we can say, is not the return of past
memory: it is the return of memory to the past. Nostalgia is deja vu with-
out the uncanny.
In sharp contrast to the Merely Local are those Placeless international
buildings that usually get the most attention. They are buildings that are
meant to be read, and according to Henri Lefebvre, such spaces made to be
read are
More and more, monumental buildings are no longer only found in Cen-
tral. The newest one, cheekily calling itself Central Plaza, is located in
Wanchai and is now (but not for long) the tallest building in Asia. The
Placeless do not look local, but they are highly vocal. They do not so
much tell a story as make a point, a rhetorical, usually phallocentric point:
I am the tallest or the smartest or the most contemporary or the most ex-
pensive. Exchange Square, which houses the Hong Kong Stock Exchange
Building on Disappearance
83
and the offices of major international banks, used to be one of the smartest
buildings around/ nowadays, it is getting stiff competition from new
arrivals like the Citibank Plaza in Central. The China Bank was Hong
Kong's tallest building when it was built,- now that title goes to Central
Plaza, although the bank can still think of itself as being more elegant. The
recently completed Number 9 Queen's Road was perhaps the first building
in Hong Kong to pride itself on being "postmodern," and hence very "con-
temporary," because it played with architectural period styles. The most
expensive and technologically advanced is still the Hong Kong Bank. And
so it goes. All this architectural rhetoric seemed ripe for deconstruction.
When Zaha Hadid took part in an international competition to build a
luxury club in Hong Kong's Peak area, she produced a design that was
quite antirhetorical. One chief feature of the design consisted of having
four huge beams laid flat and driven into the hillside—an image of hori-
zontally embedded "skyscrapers" to deconstruct the general rhetoric of
verticality and phallocentrism. 30
The two most impressive buildings in Hong Kong are still the two
banks, the Hong Kong Shanghai Bank built by the British architect Nor-
man Foster and the Bank of China Tower by the overseas Chinese archi-
tect I. M. Pei. It is possible to see a political allegory emerging as we watch
these two buildings stand in all their monumentalism close to each other
in Central, locked in a relation of spatial and political rivalry, even if it is an
allegory of disappearance, as we shall see presently. The Foster building is
reputed to be the world's most expensive piece of real estate. Constructed
of space-age materials by a multinational team, its form is a brash celebra-
tion of high technology. By contrast, the more elegant Pei building is a
kind of architectural ode to verticality and visuality. Its basic geometric
form is that of the prism: from an arrangement of four prisms that form the
solid lower sections, it rises, twisting and becoming more ethereal, in suc-
cessive arrangements of three, two, and finally a single prism that forms its
topmost stories, the whole structure surmounted by two poles pointing it
still further upward: I like to think of it as the Toblerone building, after the
distinctively shaped Swiss chocolate bar. To what extent, we might ask, do
these two buildings connote "China" and "Britain" in Hong Kong, and, on
that basis, solicit the loyalties of its citizenry? The interesting point to
note is that however different the architectural rhetoric of these two build-
ings may be, both can be regarded as simply examples of contemporary
architecture, two variations within a single system. That may be why in an
attempt at "localization" we see both buildings as incorporating design el-
ements that have little to do with the formal logic of their structure. For
Building on Disappearance
84
example, the Hong Kong Shanghai Bank has retained as a kind of histori-
cal relic the two bronze lions that used to guard the entrance to the old
bank building, two fierce lions of British imperialism. The problem, how-
ever, is that in the new building, there is no formal entrance as such, the
ground floor now flowing into the roads on both sides, so that these two
deterritorialized lions now look like harmless pussycats. In a similar effort
at localization, the lower part of the otherwise unornamented glass-and-
steel Pei building is decorated with black-and-white marble to give it a
quasi-Chinese effect, while its twisting glass structure is often compared—
with considerable contrivance—to bamboo. However, these efforts at dif-
ferentiation only feebly disguise the fact that the spatial logic of these two
buildings belongs to the same internationalist architectural system. This
should force us to rethink the often repeated formula of "one country, two
systems" as the political model for Hong Kong after 1997, the view of a
future Hong Kong as a special capitalist enclave within a socialist country.
What the city's built forms themselves tell us is the very different story
of "one system" (that of international capital) at different stages of devel-
opment. We find here a double set of disappearances, an allegory of dis-
appearance, where the coziness implied by the phrase "one country"
disappears in the global economic system, and, by the same token, where
the idea of ideologically differentiated socioeconomic systems disappears
as well.
In contrast to the architectural showpieces, the majority of the com-
mercial and residential buildings in Hong Kong are not distinguished in
any way. We find the same standardized forms replicating themselves
whenever there is a site available. The huge residential estates, whether
built by the government as public housing or by private enterprise, are like
so many vertical walled villages. The result is that the present-day form of
the urban vernacular presents us with a visual anonymity that spreads to
most parts of the city and deprives it of architectural character. Yet for a
number of reasons, the Anonymous may be the most articulate and sig-
nificant of all.
To begin with, there is a relation between architectural anonymity and
the question of hyperdensity. It could be argued that the only solution to
the problem of hyperdensity was the instant high-rise and the enormous
estate block. For example, the story is often told about Hong Kong's first
housing estate at Shek Kip Mei, which was built very quickly in 1953 to
house the thirty-three thousand people—mainly refugees from China—
who were made homeless by a disastrous fire. Units in the estate—the
Mark I model—were very basic, but it was at least an improvement on the
Building on Disappearance
85
shantytown-like conditions in which the inhabitants of Shek Kip Mei
were living before. At present, 2.8 million people (about 50 percent of the
population) live in government-subsidized housing, and the authorities are
building forty thousand new flats a year to meet the demand. For a city
with a reputation for social ruthlessness, these are surprising and praise-
worthy figures that present us with a conundrum—until we realize, as a
number of critics have pointed out, that the government's motivation for
building these resettlement estates did not come entirely out of a concern
for social welfare. Resettlement was a means of acquiring valuable devel-
opment land,- cheap housing reduced upward pressure on wages, thus al-
lowing for the reproduction of cheap labor power, and it preempted and
defused squatters' resistance to clearance. 31
There is yet another (though related) side to the story. Hyperdensity is
partly the result of limited space, but it is also a result of how this limited
space could be exploited for economic gain. On the one hand, the colonial
government deals with the problem of hyperdensity by constructing
cheap housing estates. On the other hand, the government policy of re-
leasing crown land bit by bit at strategic moments and its prerogative,
which it duly exercises, of designating land as rural (where strict building
restrictions apply) or urban, ensure that building space remains scarce and
property prices remain high. 32 Complementing this is the banks' policy of
giving preferential mortgage conditions to clients purchasing property less
than ten years old and refusing to extend mortgages to property more than
thirty years old, which means that developers are encouraged to build new
properties, creating once more a demand for land. The anonymous high-
rise block, both public and private, must therefore be seen not simply as a
necessary solution to the problem of hyperdensity; it is also a way of turn-
ing the problem to the owner's advantage and exists as an index of the
problem. As long as this is the case, the urban vernacular will retain its
one-dimensional character.
In the face of the Placeless landscape of power and the Anonymous
urban vernacular, we might ask where, then, are the erotic spaces of plea-
sure and encounter, the heterotopic spaces of contestation, the liminal
spaces of transition and change? There are not many examples that come
to mind, and even those that do are somewhat ambiguous. Take the area
around Statue Square on Sundays. The square is a small and not particu-
larly attractive concrete park in Central, opposite the Hong Kong Bank
and adjacent to the world-class Mandarin Hotel. It is one of the few open
spaces in an intensely built-up area. On weekdays, Central is Hong Kong's
no-nonsense business district, but on Sundays the migrant domestic work-
Building on Disappearance
86
ers from the Philippines, almost entirely female, congregate around the
square, taking it over and turning it into something like a festive space.
There they chat, exchange news and information, share a meal or a home-
town newspaper. Some small-scale entrepreneurial activities also take
place: there are part-time beauticians and manicurists, vendors of maga-
zines in Tagalog, and so on. At one time, the authorities made some half-
hearted attempts at discouraging these weekly meetings, but now they
have made the area into a traffic-free zone on weekends. Is Statue Square
on Sundays an example then of the detournement or diversion of a space of
power into a space of pleasure? This is unfortunately not entirely the case
because the weekly congregations take place only by permission, and
come Monday everything returns to "normal." No contestation has taken
place. Perhaps the takeover of Central is more clearly an example of the
fascination that the symbolic spaces of power exert on those excluded
from them. The powerless are allowed to see Central—like looking at so
many goods through a shop window—but not to touch it.
A somewhat different example is the area that takes its name after an
old street in Central, Lan Kwei Fong. The area is situated in the hilly and
less accessible part of Central, which therefore made it much less presti-
gious and desirable as commercial space. Not too long ago, Lan Kwei
Fong was just an unremarkable and unfashionable bit of space on the com-
mercial periphery, with its narrow streets, little shops and low-grade
offices, local restaurants, flower stalls and street cobblers. It was just part
of Hong Kong's anonymous urban vernacular. But as even this description
already suggests, the area has its picturesque aspects that could be turned
to advantage,- it could be gentrified, as some business minds began to see.
A string of smart restaurants began to appear, followed by European-style
beer halls serving special brews, coffee bars, Hong Kong's only jazz club,
art galleries, and generally stylish meeting places. The flower stalls and
street cobblers are still there, next to high-tech chrome and Plexiglass
shop fronts. The streets themselves have been repaved with cobblestones
to give them a certain "Ye Olde" look. The atmosphere is American (par-
ticularly Californian), European, and local all at the same time. This
cheekily mixed space makes the area instantly appealing to those who like
to think of themselves as hip and arty/ it certainly appeals to the young
and affluent, the upwardly mobile who do not mind the hilly location and
the steep prices. However, as a space of pleasure and encounter, which it
clearly is, Lan Kwei Fong has one major drawback: the high cost of admis-
sion, although teenagers can and do stroll around its streets for free. Lan
Kwei Fong may have some of the appearance of a liminal space, but it
Building on Disappearance
87
turns out to be just a variant of the dominant theme of capital. To use
Sharon Zukin's terms, the plain "vernacular" is appropriated by capital and
transformed into desirable "landscape."33 But this process of transforma-
tion is entirely determined by commercialism and is ultimately indifferent
to the urban vernacular at large, which remains untransformed by this
example. In this regard, the space of Lan Kwei Fong can be compared to
that of the more recently built mall-and-entertainment complex that calls
itself Times Square, although the two look very different. Times Square,
situated between Causeway Bay and Happy Valley on Russell Street,
which was once a local market street, was designed as an autonomous
inner-looking space, indifferent to its surroundings (like the "postmodern"
spaces Fredric Jameson has described). Thus visitors to the mall can ride
up and down on its glass-cased elevators and, protected by the mall itself,
look out with a certain pleasure straight into the interiors and rooftops
of the run-down apartment houses just a few meters away on the other side
of Russell Street. Lan Kwei Fong displays a comparable spatial indiffer-
ence. It is a much-appropriated vernacular space that has forgotten that it
is vernacular.
The third example takes us back to the question of the vernacular re-
sponse to the problem of hyperdensity. A team of Japanese architects who
recently did a study of Hong Kong's urban space focused precisely on this
issue of hyperdensity and came up with some surprising conclusions. 34
They began by contrasting two ways of dealing with it. One way is sug-
gested by modernist ideas of town planning derived from Le Corbusier's
vision of the "contemporary City for 3 million people," which put the
stress on a separation of functions, a segregation of commercial and resi-
dential spaces. But would separation lead to the mutual enhancement of
these spaces, or to the creation of a boring homogeneity? The other way is
that of "Hong Kong, the Alternative Metropolis," which consists of ag-
gressively mixing up the functions, of not rigidly separating public and pri-
vate, commercial and residential space. The result, it is argued, is hetero-
geneity, vitality, complexity. For example, Hong Kong may be one of the
few cities in the world where one finds people in pyjamas strolling in shop-
ping malls. Even when ideas are taken over from modernist town planning,
they are changed in the process. Take the idea of the pedestrian walkway,
whose rationale was to separate automobiles from people. We find a sys-
tem of walkways in Central and in some of the new towns, but their func-
tion is changed. In Central, for example, walkways do not separate people
from cars: they simply provide an additional or alternative path, while in
the new towns themselves we often find walkways lined with shops and
Building on Disappearance
88
boutiques. The tendency then is not toward specialization and separation,
but toward the multiplication and concentration of different functions in
the same space. But perhaps the most characteristic way of all of dealing
with hyperdensity is to transform the facades of anonymous apartment
blocks by the construction of illegal and semilegal structures: balconies,
indoor gardens, additional storage space, and so on. It is as if the flat sur-
faces of these anonymous buildings were now covered in pleats or folds,
multiplying in volume and interest and providing a zone of mediation be-
tween inside and outside.
In the argument of these Japanese architects, hyperdensity becomes
positive, as anonymity is transformed into something that almost gives us
the aesthetic pleasures of a baroque space, even if it is baroque by neces-
sity rather than by design.35 Diversity, too, reappears, not in terms of a
profusion of architectural styles but in the internal modification of stan-
dardized forms, comparable perhaps to the new Hong Kong cinema's use
of genre. Such an argument, attractive and hopeful though it is in some
respects, nevertheless contains one serious flaw. It largely ignores the poli-
tics and economics of hyperdensity discussed earlier and accepts the pro-
liferation of anonymous high-rise blocks as the only solution. The ques-
tion then understandably becomes how to deal with this anonymity, for
which they came up with a very elegant answer: make the vernacular
baroque. But the very attractiveness of such an analysis of Hong Kong's
urban space would only serve to ensure that no more radical transforma-
tion of the vernacular need take place.
When we reflect on these and other examples, it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that Hong Kong architecture is not in quite the same sanguine
position as the new Hong Kong cinema. The new cinema has found a
subject: it has found Hong Kong itself as a subject, problematic and
threatened by disappearance as that may be. As for Hong Kong architec-
ture, it does not concern itself as yet with the question of cultural self-
definition and presents to itself only the false image of power. As a result,
the more Placeless and powerful buildings that get built, the more the
urban vernacular remains anonymous and characterless. It should be em-
phasized, too, that anonymity is not only the result of hyperdensity; it is
also a result of the too-easy receptivity to influence going together with
the neglect of cultural memory. On the other hand, if anonymity could
be overcome and some kind of identity established, it would most likely
be of a paradoxical kind. It would not be identity as the establishment of
something fixed and clearly defined, or as a return to something that was
once there in the past. Rather, it would have to be identity as some form
Building on Disappearance
8$
of hyphenation, coming into existence sometime in the future. Other-
wise, it would be hard to answer the question of whether this future ex-
tends beyond 1997. To paraphrase Walter Benjamin, architecture would
be in ruins even when—especially when—the monuments that make it up
have not crumbled.
Building on Disappearance
90
Photographs by Jamila Ismail
Photographing Disappearance
The camera lens puts the city on the couch. The visual is a means of inter-
rogating visuality: its puns and parapraxia. Not just an optical uncon-
scious,- a spatial unconscious as well.
91
Fish arranged by Juliette Borbe
In picture postcards of Hong Kong, the implied referent is always "Hong
Kong-ness." Hence the need to catch some representative and recogniz-
able aspect of the city. A list of postcard subjects/themes would include:
Hong Kong Graffiti—nostalgic images of old Hong Kong,- not the return
of past memory, but the return of memory to the past.
Photographing Disappearance
98
The "ordinary" photograph differs in many respects from the picture
postcard.
The sight of the city—what is given to view—is qualified by the site of the
city, by the paradoxical nature of a cultural space of disappearance that
challenges visual recuperation.
Photographing Disappearance
103
Roland Barthes believed that the photograph is always "a certificate of
presence." Disappearance, too, is more a matter of presence rather than
absence, of superimposition rather than erasure. Hence an elective affinity
between the photograph and disappearance?
If the traumatic image is the image about which there is nothing to say
(Barthes again), then nothing is more traumatic than the nondescript.
Photographing Disappearance
106
Like the uncanny, disappearance dissolves boundaries and moves toward
the paradoxes of hyphenation, for example, "one country, two systems."
The release of the shutter, like a throw of the dice, can never abolish
chance. Photographic seeing includes seeing the photograph as an object
lesson in disappearance.
Photographing Disappearance
110
6
11 1
We can use the notion of writing marked by a cultural space as a work-
ing principle of inclusion and exclusion. Such a discussion would include,
for example, texts originally written not only in Chinese but also in Eng-
lish. Thus the poems in English by someone like Louise Ho could be in-
cluded as a valid instance of writing Hong Kong. It would include texts
that are not examples of what is conventionally understood to be "litera-
ture," like journalism, polemical essays, or travel notes. The pieces on
Hong Kong by Lu Xun who is not a Hong Kong writer could be taken as
examples of writing Hong Kong because, although they are "occasional"
pieces, they nevertheless raise some of the finer issues involved in writing
in and about the problematic cultural space of Hong Kong. On the other
hand, it would exclude what in some ways is a fine and informative piece of
writing, Jan Morris's book on Hong Kong, which does not raise these is-
sues. It would clearly exclude novels like James Clavell's Taipan and Noble
House, Robert Elegant's Dynasty, or Richard Mason's The World of Suzie Wong,
all best-sellers that use Hong Kong basically as a setting against which a
number of colonial and sexual fantasies unfold. These novels with their
often thick and spectacular plots that glamorize the workings of capital all
lack one characteristic: they cannot take the risk of addressing the ordi-
nary and the banal, that is, of addressing the local, which is one of the
most distinctive signs of writing Hong Kong.
One of the key issues raised by writing Hong Kong is that of translation,
particularly cultural translation. We can begin by reconstructing a con-
frontation between Lu Xun and Sir Cecil Clementi, one of the most distin-
guished governors of Hong Kong, a confrontation that never actually took
place, but whose implications are still with us today.
In early 1927, Lu Xun was in Hong Kong for the first time on a lecture
tour. He wrote two essays soon afterward about his Hong Kong experi-
ence. The second essay, about his being searched by Hong Kong customs
officers, the theme of which is the corruption of the colonial mentality, is
the better known one. But the first essay titled "On Hong Kong" is more
interesting and particularly relevant to our discussion. 1 It not only displays
Lu Xun's remarkable powers of observation/ it also shows his understand-
ing of the close relationship between culture, politics, and everyday life—-
his sense that both culture and politics can be located in apparently trivial
events. Thus in Hong Kong Lu Xun reads the newspapers and picks up
cultural contradictions everywhere. One of the most effective devices in
Later last night, two men in suits . . . were searched by a British police offi-
cer at Shek Tong Tsui. One of the men spoke in English to the officer, but
the latter ignored him and warned him by saying ***. Finally they ended up
at the police station.
It is those ***'s representing what has been expurgated from the news re-
port that arouses Lu Xun's curiosity: "Perhaps there's something fishy going
on here. . . . The three ***'s seem to have been a result of the suits the men
wore and the English they spoke. The British officer hated these two
things,- the language and dress belong only to the master race."
We might note that in writing about Hong Kong Lu Xun, like many
mainland speakers of Mandarin, is not entirely free of a touch of linguistic
imperialism toward a Cantonese-speaking city, admitting (with some
pride) to not entirely understanding its "language." But on the whole, Lu
Xun's essay, with its complex ironies, brings into sharp focus some of the
cultural contradictions of Hong Kong society that are still with us today.
We might go even further and say that it is not only a piece about Hong
Kong; it can also be taken as one model of how the often confusing reality
of this place can be represented—by passionate irony, by the relentless
interrogation of local forms and practices, by the juxtaposition of incon-
gruities. I will be coming back presently to the question of Lu Xun as a
model for writing Hong Kong.
One of the items that Lu Xun is most ironic about in his essay is the text
of a speech "in the Cantonese dialect" by a "Governor Jin," advocating
what must look like an unexceptionable argument in the Hong Kong con-
text: the importance of studying Chinese culture as a bridge between
China and the West. Now this Governor Jin is none other than Sir Cecil
Clementi, governor of Hong Kong from 1925 to 1930, and the argument
looks that much more unexceptionable coming as it does from a West-
erner. As Hong Kong governors go, Clementi was not only quite intellec-
tually distinguished, a scholar and a thinker, as his speech, which Lu Xun
quotes in its entirety, shows,- he was also deeply concerned about social re-
lations in the colony, as some of his other writings could testify:
My acquaintance with Hong Kong and with things Chinese now extends
over a quarter of a century and nothing has been a cause to me of more anxi-
ety throughout that period than the fact that the Chinese and European
communities of Hong Kong, although in daily contact with each other,
Writing H o n g Kong
113
nevertheless move in different worlds, neither having any real comprehen-
sion of the mode of life or ways of thought of the other. This is a most re-
grettable misunderstanding which retards the social, moral, intellectual and
even the commercial and material progress of the colony.2
Here we have that rare person (Sir David Wilson, governor from 1987 to
1992, is the only other example that comes to mind): a colonial adminis-
trator who knows Cantonese, the local language, and is interested enough
in the local culture to translate some of its texts. We still have some of
dementi's translations, among which is a set of love songs translated from
the Cantonese. I quote here a few representative lines:
Each soul has its sorrow: this ye ought to quit and cast aside.
The soul's sorrow galls: quit it, then there is peace.
Wide, wide is the sea of bitterness: ill-fated be more than half therein:
But whoso find joy amid the bitter, theirs is an angel-spirit. 3
On the face of it, these lines seem appropriate enough for dementi's pur-
pose—except for one important context that casts a different light on
was supposed to remind us of the former greatness of the Han people and
allow us to make a comparison with the present: we must recover our
ancient treasures. Or to put it more explicitly, the idea was to "expel the
Manchus," and by extension, "expel the foreigners." But twenty years after
this was published, it has become a slogan for Hong Kong University's
attempt to preserve Chinese culture and make "the relationship between
China and the West grow closer and more friendly" It's hard to imagine
these four lines from Wenxuan being quoted by a foreigner.
An Anthology
Gertrude Stein once said, "I write for myself and for strangers." This senti-
ment is one that Hong Kong writers can certainly share. In a city of tran-
sients—and staying for six weeks or sixty years makes little difference—
one's audience is always made up of strangers. Yet Stein's remark does not
suggest that the practice of literature can ever be a purely personal pursuit,
no matter how strong the temptation to regard it as such may be. In how-
ever disparate and vestigial a way, writing is always an attempt to define a
sense of possible community: if not a community of friends, then a com-
munity of strangers. Communication is inescapably a social act. What kind
of a community is Hong Kong? That is the question that is eventually posed
in writing Hong Kong.
Writing H o n g K o n g
116
It seems more useful, when considering that category of writing that
many are now calling "Hong Kong literature," to raise the question of
community rather than the question of identity. The concept of identity
is too clear-cut and definite,- any attempt to identify a specific Hong
Kong literature would sooner or later lead us into a hopeless quandary. A
community, on the other hand, can include a number of different identi-
ties, and the concept provides more room for maneuver. Writing Hong
Kong, we might begin by saying, is marked by an experience of a par-
ticular community or cultural space, even if—especially if—that experi-
ence is more often than not the experience of a lack or an absence, or of
disappearance.
Hong Kong writers have to struggle against many kinds of blockage
that leave their mark. The first is economic: writing is paid so little that
those who try to make a living from it ("crawling squares," as the local
idiom puts it) are, with few exceptions, hack writers. Another, perhaps
more insidious kind of blockage is cultural. It is conceivable that the mixed
cultural space of Hong Kong should produce the unexpected clashes and
collisions that would encourage emergent cultural practices. However,
more often than not, this movement is halted by some preconceived
notion of East-West differences. Of all the binarisms that keep things in
place, perhaps the most pernicious in the Hong Kong context is that of
East and West. This is not to say that there are no differences, but that the
differences are not stable,- they migrate, metastasize. To stabilize differ-
ences in terms of East and West is to perpetuate a situation where finding
differences becomes a kind of parlor game.
Hong Kong in its amorphousness and diversity often strikes one as
being made up of an anthology of lifestyles. It seems appropriate, therefore,
that one of the first attempts to delineate the elusive outlines of a Hong
Kong writing should be an anthology, put out by the translation journal
Renditions.4 It is an anthology mainly of writings in Chinese translated into
English. As the editors point out, the writings included vary a great deal in
terms of literary quality. However, for those who are interested in the pos-
sible emergence of a category like Hong Kong writing, the very uneven-
ness of the selections is illuminating. It allows us to see both promising
directions and blind alleys.
One of the most interesting sections of the Renditions anthology is "Part
II: Impressions of Hong Kong," made up of short essays and poems by
writers who were "passing through" the colony, including poems by two
professors of English at Hong Kong University. Most of the pieces here
were written, therefore, in transit, including one piece literally written in
Reading Wang Tao and Blunden makes one really appreciate, with the
shock of recognition, Claude Levi-Strauss's categorical dislike of travelers
and traveling in the first sentence of Tristes Tropicjues ("I hate travelling and
explorers").5 It seems that many who come to Hong Kong come looking
for a stereotype and are either disappointed when they do not find it, or
they end up finding the exotic, which is nothing more than a stereotype of
otherness. Between someone like Wang Tao, antipathetic and blind to
what is there, and Blunden, sympathetic and bland, we need to find other
perspectives and discursive means by which the city could be represented,
not avoided.
Those who are more deeply involved in the city write necessarily in a
different way. Reading through the selection of fiction in the anthology,
one sees emerging from the stories a collective myth of the city, a myth
that is sometimes predictable, sometimes surprising. In many of these
stories, the main and most powerful character is often the city of Hong
Kong itself.
Take the story "The THC Tab" by Huang Sicheng. The story begins by
melodramatically juxtaposing the flashy contemporary world of drugs,
sex, and loose values with a world of traditional morality and poverty. The
main character is a pretty young girl who wants some fun away from the
hand-to-mouth existence of her family. She goes to a party, is slipped a
pill, and loses her virginity. When she goes home, she confronts the wrath
of her mother, a widow who has worked her fingers to the bone to raise
her daughters in a moral way. This is, however, not just another story
about the conflict between tradition and modernity. There is a twist at
the end, where we see the mother's cynical and ambiguous capitulation to
capitalism: '"What else is she good for? Rather than let those guys play
around with her for free, she ought to be making money for me!' . . . A
week later, a fresh talent appeared in the Hong Kong clubs" (107). It is ex-
actly this easy interchangeability between morality and commerce that
the Taiwanese filmmaker Edward Yang has called, thinking about present-
day Taipei, A Confucian Confusion.
San Su's "Hong Kong: A Performance Artist's Paradise'" comes even
They said: Dumb Boy, your begonia was being attacked by insects. . . .
They said: There are holes in seven or eight of the leaves. You're lucky we
found it early. We were very brave, and got rid of that worm for you. The
Dumb Boy eagerly searched through the waste-paper basket. They said: It
was such a horrible, fat caterpillar. Don't look for it now, it's all squashed.
The Dumb Boy turned around and opened his mouth wide. (116-17)
The mute ending here has some of the force of Edvard Munch's painting of
a voiceless scream.
An even more impressive story, certainly a classic of its kind, is "A Girl
Like Me," one of XiXi's best-known works.7 Its complex implications are as
precise as Franz Kafka's "Josephine the Mouse Singer." XiXi's story deals
with a character whose work must go unappreciated, indeed, must inspire
horror, because it touches on too many things that society prefers to for-
get. The girl of the title is a makeup artist—with a difference: she is a mor-
tician rather than a beautician, and all the ironies that link beautification
and death are told with a kind of macabre, deadpan humor: the antiseptic
that permeates her skin is mistaken for exotic perfume, her avoidance of
personal makeup is taken for naturalness, and so on. Like many of XiXi's
characters, the girl in this story is an unexceptional person placed in ex-
ceptional circumstances: "How could a girl like me, with little formal
schooling and a limited intellect, possibly hope to compete with others in
this human jungle where the weak are the prey of the strong" (109). How-
Writing H o n g Kong
124
where: the great tradition of English literature is clearly exportable. This is
just an obvious example of how the cultural space that one finds oneself
placed in gets inscribed into the text. It soon becomes apparent, however,
that the references to English literature are there not to show her cultural
credentials or to prove that she has earned the right to write in English.
English literature figures in Louise Ho's work, we might say, somewhat like
the Don Quixote figures in Pierre Menard's. It is never a question of working
in English literature but rather of reworking the literature. That is why
even if the allusions are to English, their meanings get changed by the new
context they find themselves in. For example, the project suggested in the
title of portraying the city by giving to airy nothing a local habitation and
a name works itself out in unexpected ways. In poem after poem, it is the
very attempt at naming and precision that reveals the frayed edges of a city
where nothing is but what is not. This can take a humorous form, as in
"What's in a Name," about the city's incongruous sounding name when
transliterated into English from Chinese:
1 whispered it
I insinuated it
1 referred to it
only as acronym.
For it rhymed too well
with ting tong sing song
King Kong and ping pong. ( 1 )
Here the tones of English are receiving interferences from the sounds of
Cantonese. Or it can take a more serious turn, as in the poem about the
Tiananmen Massacre, which begins by invoking Andrew Marvell, John
Dryden, and William Butler Yeats, and modulates quickly into the problem
of naming:
Writing H o n g Kong
125
nient grid against which the metastasizing habitations of the local can be
situated.
The fact that Louise Ho chooses to write in English is not in itself a re-
markable fact, given Hong Kong's status as still a British colony. What is
remarkable—her form of extremity—is that the cultural, political, and
personal tensions of the city are so precisely focused by the tensions of her
language, by the sensation of "The tautness of the rope / underfoot" (14).
Louise Ho's relation to the city could be read in her relation to the English
language. For the use of English in Hong Kong by a nonnative speaker is
subject to multiple social tensions and difficulties. The nonnative can try
to minimalize these multiplicities by mimicking the accents and idioms of
the native speaker and hide behind conventionalities. It is always lan-
guage, more so than conscience, that makes cowards of us all. Or she can
choose to explore and exploit these multiplicities and differences and risk
misunderstanding or even polite derision. It is in this social and linguistic
space in between the conventional and the inchoate that Louise Ho's texts
can be situated. The poet, she writes in "Poetry Is," is someone "who shuf-
fles from kitchen to loo / Biting his nails not knowing what to do" (73).
In "Jamming," more challenging and interesting and also more typical
of her best work, the very uncertainties of this space-in-between are
worked into a bravura linguistic performance. In the process, a Cantonese
slang word is introduced impudently as a refrain into poetry in English:
geeleegulu (21)
To the demand that our language should always be judged by the stan-
dards of the native speaker, the only proper reply is geeleegulu. The word is
Cantonese slang for linguistic confusion and functions in the poem as a
way of shrugging off the anxiety of correctness in order to do something
different in English:
geeleegulu (22)
Writing H o n g K o n g
126
For Louise Ho, writing cannot be a matter of purifying the dialect of the
tribe, which might have been a valid aspiration for a Frenchman of the
nineteenth century or even for an Anglophile American from St. Louis. It
cannot be an aspiration for someone in Hong Kong, confronted with a
number of dialects without a tribe.
Many of the poems deal with aesthetic themes, but the aesthetic covers
a wide spectrum of emotions and implications. It ranges from a simple ad-
miration for the beauty of form in people and objects, in poems like "After
Yeats," "Jade," and "MOMA"; to a more complex note about the insufficiency
of beauty, as in "Soliloquy of a White Jade Brooch" ("She loved / My white
viscosities," but then "She discarded me / For the other / Complex design")/
and, finally, to a more marked sense of the responsibility of form. It is at
this point that the aesthetic begins to take on some shades of the political.
Thus a poem like "Canticle on a Drop of Water" might be read on one
level as a formal exercise in the style of John Donne:
But the poetic conceit of the will as a hovering water drop gives, however
indirectly, a certain sense of the floating realities of social and political life
in Hong Kong that is a valuable supplement to what can be read in an
overtly political poem like "Remembering June 4 1989." Similarly, the
poem of hers that captures best the political tensions and ambiguities of the
city is perhaps "Bronze Horse," which restricts itself to a careful description
of an art object, a very striking piece of sculpture by Mak Hin-yeung. The
sculpture depicts a horse's body joined grotesquely to a man's body, the
horse's legs "flaying the air" and the human legs dangling from the pedestal.
This is not a centaur, which can sometimes function as an image of wisdom
achieved through the reconciliation of animality and humanity, but a mind-
less image of violence and obscenity from which no terrible beauty is born:
Writing H o n g K o n g
128
At the end of the process, if one is lucky, a subject may be formed:
The poems in Local Habitation benefit from being read together, but not
for the banal reason that they then add up to a greater whole. On the con-
trary, it is only when we read these poems as a collection that we begin to
see their uncompromising fragmentariness. They are like snapshots of a
disappearing landscape. There are no grand odes, only episodes. The story
is not over yet.
Writing H o n g Kong
129
linquishment of the claim to be representative is not as limiting as it seems,
nor is it simply a form of modesty. In historical context, it is more a mark
of integrity and a tactic than a limitation, especially when we see it in rela-
tion to a situation where group after group is now coming forward to make
the claim, more often than not in bad metaphors and with varying degrees
of credibility, to represent the interests of Hong Kong. As Leung puts it in
"Bittermelon," where this wrinkled and ordinary local vegetable becomes
an emblem of what is involved in writing poetry in Hong Kong:
We have come some way from Edmund Blunden's distant gaze of Hong
Kong harbor where ships gather innocuously as if for a family reunion.
Leung's poem reminds us more of Jean-Luc Godard's film Weekend where a
bourgeois couple's casual weekend car trip becomes a catastrophe, and
where long queues of automobiles jammed on the highway serve as
metaphor for capitalist society choking itself in overproduction and the
pursuit of pleasure. But the comparison only underlines a difference that
comes out in the last two lines: unlike in Godard's film, which ends up
strewn with dead and mutilated bodies, here no catastrophe real or imagi-
nary has taken place. The imaginings of disaster last a moment, after
which things just go on as "cars and their people waited a turn to go over."
But this is the point: that things can just go on, that no breakdown has ac-
tually taken place, that the system can perpetuate itself: that is the catas-
Writing H o n g K o n g
131
trophe, the "secret violence," which also means that all apocalypses are
now, to use Tadeusz Konwicki's thoughtful phrase, "minor apocalypses."11
The violence of Leung's poetry then is keyed in the minor mode, minor
in the sense that things do not add up, not even to a catastrophe. What, for
example, could be more catastrophic than the Tiananmen Massacre, which
has all the ingredients of a major and tragic historical event, after which
nothing could be the same anymore? Yet this does not entirely preclude
the event from being appropriated and turned into a world historical soap
opera. Leung has three poems about Tiananmen, a contemporary triptych
that, when seen together, shows well how the minor mode operates. These
poems, it seems to me, can be read to be as much about Tiananmen as they
are about the highly overdetermined Hong Kong response to the event.
Through the use of a simple metaphor, that of furnishing a home, the
poems allow us to follow the changing attitudes to Tiananmen. The first
poem, "In the Great Square," begins quietly with homely images of spring
cleaning ("We'd begun again housecleaning, sorting importances"), which
reveal how ramshackle the house has become and ends by registering the
sudden physical and psychic shock of the event, particularly the sense of
overkill:
In the second poem, "Broken Home," the event is still fresh in the mind but
it has already receded a little into historical distance. The tone now is
more reflective, and the emphasis is placed not on the moment of shock
but on the aftershock, not on the image but on the afterimage, followed by
the growing perception of betrayal:
The earth shakes and spirits are scattered like glass, broken like flower pots.
I bend down to lift you from the trampled ground
but find you and your promises of rebuilding a home with me
can't stand up. (73)
Writing H o n cj Kong
132
carried out. The same metaphor of housecleaning is used, but it connotes
something else now, as it is the authorities who do the "cleaning up":
They cleaned the floors till they shone like trackless water,-
they soaped away the smells of cutlery, until
nothing had happened,- the last smoke went up the ventilators.
Instead of brute force, what the authorities now use is the power of images
(what Roland Barthes calls "mythologies"):
And the result? A restoration of old stabilities to blot out popular memory:
"The great old furniture, hauled into the Parlor, is History, / solidly in
place today" (75). This is not a poetry of protest or indignation: it is worse.
By mixing a kind of quiet mimicry of official reasoning with indirect com-
mentary, the poem traces the processes of appropriation and recontain-
ment as they take place. And one of the questions it raises is, which is more
violent: the brutal, highly visible, repression, or the insidiously subtle con-
trol through images?
Such a question occasioned by Tiananmen has clearly a local address as
well because it is this latter, more subtle violence that Leung projects in his
poetic texts on Hong Kong. For example, in a poem entitled "Images of
Hong Kong," he enumerates some of the contradictions that play such a
large part in the daily life of the city, like the man "who studied anarchism
in France and came home / to work for 'Playboy,' then 'Capital'",- or the
"Beijing journalist who became / an expert on pets and pornography under
capitalism." These contradictions go largely unnoticed because of the
many resources of recontainment that are readily available here, like the
irenics of the mass media, for example:
The danger then is of history, too, at least our sense of it, being flattened
out into
Writing H o n g Kong
133
a montage of images,
of paper, collectibles, plastic, fibres,
laser discs, buttons (33)
Writing H o n g K o n g
134
I suppose it's impossible to see you as you'd like,
the way another flowering tree would see you.
I stick my head out for a really good look
so I can be sure how your flowers differ from others.
You shake your head as if to say: "cliche after cliche." (103)
Writing H o n g Kong
135
ric Alley" refers to the clothing material we can buy in this famous Hong
Kong street—
—he is also alluding to the way in which a whole political system has be-
queathed to us the socioeconomic fabric of our lives. It is not a question of
throwing away the fabric that has so much of our lives interwoven in it,
but of asking "How to go about tailoring something new, / to make it so it
wears the body well" (29). Interestingly enough, one of the best commen-
taries on this poem is provided by a recent story about a Hong Kong tai-
lor. The tailor in question is the appointed uniform maker to government
house. On the imminent arrival of the new governor, Chris Patten, the tai-
lor very enterprisingly orders expensive supplies of gold braid and rare
birds' feathers in anticipation of a request to make the traditional guberna-
torial uniform. But then the new governor decides to break with sartorial
tradition and chooses a simple business suit instead. The tailor is out of
pocket and in his frustration he has even hinted at suing the government.
The joke, however, is on him. What he cannot see is that while it may be
the same colonial body that is still ruling Hong Kong, it now wears a new
style of clothes, and dealing with such discontinuities within apparent continuities
requires at least "tailoring something new."
The emergence of a postcolonial sensibility, as we read it in Leung's po-
etry, is a slow, tentative, uneven emergence, a difficult, messy birth—as is
the case as well in Louise Ho's poetry. Sudden jumps of insight and break-
throughs follow long moments of blockage but may also be submerged
back into them. There is hope in the thought that when the "blocked
places" that the corridors of an old colonial building lead to are knocked
open, we will find "stairs down to ordinary streets." But at other times it
looks as if frustration and pain are all that are there, and hence the under-
standable temptation to nostalgia and simplification, to find solace in the
timeless and the eternal. Leung's poetry does not always entirely overcome
such a temptation. For example, a "travel" poem like "Mirror Lake" with its
main contrast between the puzzled human souls who live in time, "laugh-
ing and not knowing why / grieved and not knowing why" (117), and the
lake's mirror face, with its timeless and calm acceptance of the world, is a
trope that comes close to sentimentality, to a simplification of the histori-
Postcolonial space then is very much a mixed space, mixed not only in
terms of its historical structures but also in terms of the postcolonial's own
subjective responses to it. It is marked by the simultaneous presence of dif-
ferent historical layers and sensibilities anachronistically jostling one an-
other, and not easy to separate.
The question becomes one of how to negotiate this mixed space, avoid-
ing both complicity with a decadent ethos and the empty solace of aliena-
Writing H o n g Kong
137
tion. It would be tempting to read this space as arbitrary and so give up all
attempts to arbitrate between signs and situations. Everything then floats
and drifts, ending in an eventual drift into indifference. (Is it not such a mis-
reading of poststructuralism that gives it so much of its political charm?)
What we find though in Leung's best poems is something more challeng-
ing, something that opens up the field not by stressing the "arbitrariness of
signs," but through a process of what I would like to call the arbitrage of signs.
In a financial context, arbitrage refers to the profit that could be made by
capitalizing on the price difference between stocks or currencies that ex-
ists in different markets. It involves buying in one market and selling im-
mediately in another. As such, arbitrage is a pretty single-minded activity.
What I want to suggest, however, is that something like a transformed
mode of arbitrage is at work in Leung's writing. It is not a question of using
differences to turn a quick profit, but of turning the cultural and historical
differentials that exist in a mixed space to positive use, instead of allowing
them to remain as mere sources of disorientation and confusion.
To illustrate, let me turn first to one of the most striking tropes in
Leung's poetry, which gives us pairs of objects in a nonreciprocal relation-
ship to each other, as in "A Pair of Pears," "Streetlamp and Tin Leaf," and
"A Bronze Pair." All three poems can be read as affective responses to a
specific cultural situation. "A Bronze Pair," for example, describes a pair of
lovers as two bronze statues:
Writing H o n g Kong
138
(metallic) form indicates that there is a cognitive jump to be made across
the gaps of representation. Moreover, this jump cannot be made swiftly or
smoothly or without interference/ hence the experience of others or of the
world or of history is marked by a delay, a numb affective nonreciprocal
moment, a hysteresis. Nevertheless, history as hysteresis is still history,
and the numbness of affect is at least not an absence of affect, but a kind of
pause, a regrouping of energy.
Arbitrage, then, in the sense I am giving the term, might be defined as
the ability to find movements and discrepancies in a situation that seems to
be fatal and foreclosed, or the ability, to put it another way, to see the
humor even of a deadly situation. The work of XiXi again comes to mind.
It is not humor of the self-conscious intellectual kind associated with
irony, or even gallows humor. What Leung admires in other poets is the
talent to laugh, to make light of a serious situation, which is to say, the
ability to change the level of discourse. (As Walter Benjamin once said,
convulsion of the diaphragm usually provides more opportunity for
thought than convulsion of the soul.) Thus in a poem like "At the Temple
of the Three Su's," he visits the temple in China dedicated to the great poet
Su Dungpo and imagines a conversation with him over food and drink.
The temple has become something of a tourist attraction, threatened with
being turned into kitsch and used as an object of political propaganda.
Leung, playing the Frankfurt School cultural critic, asks some very earnest
questions about culture and politics and imagines Su Dungpo's reply.
About Su Dungpo's statue that fronts the temple, he asks:
On the edge,
I'm nowhere in particular, a smoke-signal in a sandstorm,
a border legend, a plotless detail in the weeds of history.
Beneath the winds' quarrels, a hidden song needs other listening. (41)
What Leung calls "other listening" is what I have tried to suggest by the
term de-cadence. Poems like these, in their quietly achieved imaginings,
manage to negotiate the built-in violence of Hong Kong life. Something
like a distinct sensibility begins to emerge from dis-appearance.
Hong Kong culture as something that engages the urgencies in the life of
its people is a recent phenomenon. Its accelerated development in the last
decade or so, I have been suggesting, is largely a response to a social and
political situation that has few clear precedents. We need to say a word in
conclusion about this nascent culture and the sociopolitical context out of
which, necessarily, it has evolved. We can begin by taking some bearings
from Frantz Fanon—although we may have to let them go and find differ-
ent ones for ourselves almost immediately.
Fanon located very precisely the ambiguities of using culture, particu-
larly "native culture," in struggles for national liberation, as well as the am-
biguous position of "native intellectuals" in these struggles:
The native intellectual . . . sooner or later will realize that you do not show
proof of your nation from its culture. . . . At the very moment when the native
intellectual is anxiously trying to create a cultural work he fails to realize that
he is utilizing techniques and language which are borrowed from the
strangers in his country. He contents himself with stamping these instru-
ments with a hall-mark which he wishes to be national, but which is strangely
reminiscent of exoticism. The native intellectual who comes back to his
people by way of cultural achievements behaves in fact like a foreigner.'
141
Fanon's argument, then, is that a national culture—by which he means a
postcolonial culture—can develop only after national liberation, and that
culture without liberation, or even culture as the privileged means to liber-
ation, is meaningless, reflecting only the intellectual's biased viewpoint
about the political efficacy of culture. How then can a study of Hong
Kong culture avoid the charges of nativism and intellectualism?
This is possible, I believe, because the situation of Hong Kong is not
the same as the one Fanon analyzed. As I indicated earlier, the nature of
colonialism has changed in the era of the end of empires and the rise of
globalism. The "last emporium" is a colonial city that has acquired some
of the mannerisms of the global city—after the last emporium, the mall. At
the same time, culture itself in Hong Kong has undergone a structural
transmutation since the early eighties. Before that time, when it was seen
as a separate or semiautonomous activity that was of interest only to a
relatively small group of people, culture in Hong Kong was slow to de-
velop. What has changed now is a willingness, amounting almost to a
necessity, shown by a much larger cross section of the people to address is-
sues of culture. And this change of heart is made possible by the percep-
tion even among the hard-nosed that culture cannot be separated from
more realist disciplines like politics and economics, if for no other reason
than the growing conviction, in the wake of Tiananmen Square, that some
sense of "cultural identity" is a kind of first-line defense against total po-
litical absorption. In this conjuncture, culture is no longer an intellectual
mug's game.
But the most radical difference between Hong Kong and the situation
Fanon analyzed lies in the concept of "nation" and "national liberation." It
is a concept inoperative for Hong Kong, which has never been and will
never be in any sense a nation. This is obviously true as regards its colonial
relation with Britain, while the relation it will have with China may very
likely be no more than an original variation on a quasi-colonial theme.
However, if Hong Kong is never going to achieve the status of a nation
(on the model, for example, of Singapore), it has already been for some
time now something more paradoxical—a hyphenation. The fact that it can
aspire to being both autonomous and dependent at the same time, where
autonomy is in some strange way a function of dependency, indicates that
Hong Kong may well be a mutant political entity.
Han Suyin once described Hong Kong in a poignant phrase that has
since been much repeated, like a popular tune that refuses to go out of
our heads, as a city living "on borrowed time in a borrowed place." This
phrase, for all its poignancy, has no paradox to it—in that it still assumes a
Coda
142
view of history, and of life, where what is borrowed must be returned. It
does not describe mutations. Hyphenation has very different implications.
It points precisely to the city's attempts to go beyond such historical de-
terminations by developing a tendency toward timelessness (achronicity)
and placelessness (the inter-national, the para-sitic), a tendency to live
its own version of the "floating world." Whether the delicate balance of
hyphenation can survive the exigent demands of the present moment is of
course a relevant question, but even China has in effect tacitly acknowl-
edged Hong Kong's hyphenated status by proposing the formula of "one
country, two systems," which is a formula not free from paradox. We will
have to think of hyphenation then not as a "third space" that can be lo-
cated somewhere,- not as a neither-nor space that is nowhere,- not even as a
mixed or in-between space, if by that we understand that the various ele-
ments that make it up are separable. Above all, hyphenation refers not to
the conjunctures of "East" and "West," but to the disjunctures of colonial-
ism and globalism. Hong Kong as hyphenation has to be thought of as the
result of a very specific set of historical circumstances that has produced a
historically anomalous space that I have called a space of disappearance.
Hyphenation and disappearance raise a number of spatial issues that
cultural forms in Hong Kong cannot afford to ignore. Hong Kong's hy-
phenated status entails a situation where some radical alteration of cultural
grids and matrices has already taken place, but in such a way as to be
hardly discernible. On the other hand, what is readily discernible derives
from the survival of older paradigms that ensure a kind of fake continuity
and regulates even our sense of discontinuity. Dislocations now are every-
where, but the novel feature is that we either misrecognize or fail to rec-
ognize them. This is what allows us to speak of a spatial unconscious,
which is another way of speaking of the elusive presence of colonialism in-
scribed in Hong Kong's cultural forms. If we pay close attention to these
forms whose merits are not guaranteed in advance, it is not a kind of ad-
vocacy or nativism, nor a desire to stamp borrowed "techniques and lan-
guage" with a national hallmark (Fanon), but, rather, a way of thinking
through the dislocations of culture.
When we consider some of the major cultural forms in Hong Kong, we
see that it is especially through the ambiguities of visuality that spatial is-
sues are raised. These cultural forms either exploit or critique such ambi-
guities. Take the example of mall space, which by now can be found almost
anywhere in Hong Kong. After the last emporium, as we said earlier, the
mall. Like emporiums, malls are commercial spaces, but this is where the
resemblance ends. Malls do not so much replace emporiums as dis-locate
Coda
143
them, through a mutation in the relation of visuality to commodities.
Compared to the emporium, mall space is both much more highly visual
and basically contradictory. It is a space that allows visitors to believe that
they are really "just looking." 2 It manages therefore to delink the activities
of looking and buying, but only in order to reinforce them all the more
strongly: we no longer see what we buy—we buy what we see. Malls are
yet another instance of a space of disappearance.
It is in relation to the ambiguities of visuality that mall space can be
compared to the two most important cultural forms in Hong Kong today,
architecture and cinema. When we reflect on the architectural examples—
whether it is the Cultural Center with its ambiguous attempt at self-
definition, or the symbolic landscapes of power of Central, or the appro-
priations of the vernacular in spaces like Lan Kwei Fong—it is hard to
avoid the conclusion that Hong Kong architecture still tends to draw very
much on the authority of the visual. When it comes to the question of cul-
tural self-definition, it understands only the false image of power. That is
why, as I have noted before, the greater the number of powerful but place-
less international buildings that get built, the more the urban vernacular
remains anonymous and characterless. In this concentration on prestige
and monumentalism, everyday life is not transformed, but only made to
look more banal. All of this underlines the urgent need for Hong Kong
architecture to develop a critique of space by addressing the problematics
of hyphenation and disappearance. The new Hong Kong cinema presents
a contrasting example. It starts in the midst of mediocrity, constrained
by genre and commercialism. Yet in its more distinguished examples, the
Hong Kong cinema presents us with forms of visuality that problematize
the visual and provide a critique of space.
When we look at the more important cultural forms that are available
in Hong Kong at the present moment, we find there is some reason for at
least a guarded optimism. We might note in passing a quite remarkable
performance group that calls itself by the name Zuni Icosabedron (to under-
line its "many faces"), which under its director Danny Yung has miracu-
lously been in existence for more than a decade. The group has been ac-
cused of avant-gardism and pretentiousness, but it is energetic, committed
to local culture, willing to innovate, and eager to defend minority inter-
ests. More important, it provides a kind of counterinstitutional framework
that gives young people an opportunity to discover their talents. Zuni is
not just a group of "semiprofessionals"/ in fact, one of its achievements is to
systematically blur the distinction between amateurism and professional-
ism. Yet Zuni, too, is not without its own contradictions. On the one hand,
Coda
144
their productions, which often thematize inertia and paralysis, can some-
times overwhelm by their heavy repetitiveness/ on the other hand, the
group is well organized, adept at fund-raising and the use of media for self-
promotion. These contradictions reflect perhaps the paradoxes of Hong
Kong culture. Yet in spite of a group like Zuni and other hopeful signs, it
must be recognized that the more important cultural forms available are at
different stages of development. In the case of writing, there are some very
good stories and poetry, but perhaps "the great Hong Kong novel" still
remains to be written.
These uneven cultural developments underline the need at this point to
develop a critical discourse on Hong Kong culture. Such a discourse will
have to attend to the peculiarities of Hong Kong's cultural space, so that
its cultural productions may not be judged by false or inappropriate stan-
dards. It will have to recognize, it seems to me, that Hong Kong culture
is an example of a postculture, by which I understand the following: it is a
culture that has developed in a situation where the available models of cul-
ture no longer work. In such a situation, culture cannot wait or follow
social change in order to represent it/ it must anticipate the paradoxes of
hyphenation. A postculture, therefore, is not postmodernist culture, or
post-Marxist culture, or post-Cultural Revolution culture, or even post-
colonial culture, insofar as each of these has a set of established themes
and an alternative orthodoxy. In a postculture, on the other hand, culture
itself is experienced as a field of instabilities.
Postculture provides some kind of response to Fanon's skepticism re-
garding the relation of culture to national liberation, which in the Hong
Kong case must be thought of in a more limited sense as the possibilities of
hyphenation. The response of postculture is that there is no question of
waiting for "liberation" before we can see the genuine development of a
Hong Kong culture. On this question, Michel Foucault makes a useful dis-
tinction between the political act of liberation and what he calls "practices
of freedom":
When a colonial people tries to free itself of its colonizer, that is truly an act
of liberation, in the strict sense of the word. But as we also know . . . this act
of liberation is not sufficient to establish the practices of liberty that later
on will be necessary for this people . . . that is why I insist on the practices
of freedom. 3
Coda
145
not something that "later on will be necessary"; they are necessary now.
Furthermore, the emphasis must be on the practices of freedom, which is
very different from an idea of freedom or an abstract concept of "democ-
racy." In terms of culture, these practices can be located in the develop-
ment of cultural forms that are responsive to historical change.
Because it is a set of anticipations, postculture can be a preparation for
cultural survival. Perhaps in the case of Hong Kong more than anywhere
else, there is no chance of cultural survival unless we radicalize our under-
standing of culture itself. Thus cultural survival is not the same as surviving
culture, that is, living within the assumptions of what culture is and stub-
bornly defending it. Nor is it the same as holding on to a cultural identity.
Cultural texts are valuable for cultural survival on the condition that the
old cultural myths do not survive in them. Cultural survival will also de-
pend on our understanding of space or spatial history. One of the most
important implications of colonialism in the era of globalism is simply that
there is no longer a space elsewhere. This means that instead of thinking in
terms of displacements, a movement somewhere else, it is important to
think in terms of dislocation, which is the transformation of place. Such
transformations, even after they have taken place, are often indiscernible
and hence challenge recognition. That is why cultural survival is also a
matter of changing the forms of attention and seeing the importance of
even decadent or degenerate cultural objects. Finally, cultural survival will
depend on our recognizing that there is today a politics of the indis-
cernible as much as a politics of the discernible. One has not completely
replaced the other, but each acts as the other's silent support. Whether
Hong Kong culture as postculture can survive will depend on whether it
recognizes a politics of disappearance.
Coda
146
Notes
1. I N T R O D U C T I O N : C U L T U R E IN A SPACE OF D I S A P P E A R A N C E
1. Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities, trans. William Weaver (New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1972), 44.
1. Scott Lash and John Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Cambridge: Polity, 1987),-
Manuel Castells, The Informational City (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989).
3. Anthony D. King, Global Cities (London: Routledge, 1990), 38.
4. Sigmund Freud, Art and Literature, Pelican Freud Library, vol. 14 (Harmondsworth:
Penguin Books, 1985), 90.
5. Walter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire-. A Lyric Poet in the Era of High Capitalism, trans. Harry
Zohn (London: New Left Books, 1973), 87.
6. Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (London: Verso,
1991^47-48.
7. Louis Aragon, Paris Peasant (London: Picador, 1971), 28.
8. Paul Virilio, The Lost Dimension (New York: Semiotext[e], 1991), 31.
9. See Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1991).
10. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Nomadology (New York: Semiotext[e], 1986), 51.
11. Jean-Francois Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition, trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian
Massumi (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), 27.
12. On deterrence, see Jean Baudrillard, "The Beaubourg Effect: Implosion and Deter-
rence," trans. Rosalind Krauss and Annette Michelson, October 20 (Spring 1982),
3-13.
13. Ulf Hannerz, "Cosmopolitans and Locals in World Culture," in Global Culture, ed.
Mike Featherstone (London: Sage, 1990), 237-51.
14. In Jorge Luis Borges, Labyrinths, trans. Donald A. Yates and James E. Irby (Harmonds-
worth: Penguin Books, 1970), 211-20.
15. See Sigfried Kracauer, The Mass Ornament, trans. Thomas Y. Levin (Cambridge,
147
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995),- and Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, trans.
Harry Zohn (New York-. Harcourt Brace and World, 1968).
4. B U I L D I N G ON D I S A P P E A R A N C E : HONG KONG A R C H I T E C T U R E
AND COLONIAL SPACE
1. See Sharon Zukin, "Postmodern Urban Landscapes: Mapping Culture and Power,"
in Modernity and Identity, ed. Scott Lash and Jonathan Friedman (Oxford and Cam-
bridge: Blackwell, 1992).
2. Walter Benjamin, Reflections, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York: Harcourt Brace Jo-
vanovich, 1978), 162.
3. See Diana I. Agrest, Architecture from Without (Cambridge, Mass..- MIT Press, 1993), 137.
4. See Greg Girard and Ian Lambot, eds., City of Darkness-. Life in Kowloon Walled City
(United Kingdom: Watermark Publications, 1993).
N o t e s to C h a p t e r s 2-4
148
5. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (Harmonds-
worth: Penguin Books, 1967), 195.
6. Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, trans. Michael Henry Heim (New
York: Harper and Row, 1985), 248.
7. See Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, trans. Alan Sheridan
(New York: Norton, 1977).
8. Paul Virilio, The Lost Dimension, trans. Daniel Moshenberg (New York: Semiotext[e],
1991), 13, 15.
9. Manuel Castells, The Informational City (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), 2.
10. Virilio, The Lost Dimension, 36. See also The Aesthetics of Disappearance, trans. Philip
Beitchman (New York: Semiotext[e], 1991).
11. By decadence, I understand a problematics not of decline but of one-sided develop-
ment. See pages 4-5 for further discussion.
12. See Dick Wilson, Hong Kongi Hong Kong! (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990), 146.
13. Alain Robbe-Grillet, La Maison de rendez-vous, trans. Richard Howard (New York:
Grove Press, 1966).
14. Jorge Luis Borges, Labyrinths, ed. and trans. Donald A. Yates and James E. Irby (Har-
mondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970). See also chapter 2 for further discussion of this
story.
15. Saskia Sassen identifies these cities as the new type of international or "global" city.
See The Global City (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991). She also sug-
gests that "transformations in cities ranging from Paris to Frankfurt to Hong Kong and
Sao Paulo have responded to the same dynamic" of globalization (4). My concern,
however, has been to describe one form of insertion into global processes with some
specificity, by focusing on the interplay between local history and global processes.
16. Gianni Vattimo, The End of Modernity, trans. Jon R. Snyder (Cambridge and Oxford:
Polity Press, 1988), 7.
17. South China Morning Post, 28 February 1993.
18. Constant, "The Great Game to Come," in Architecture Culture 1943-1968, ed. Joan
Ockman (New York: Rizzoli, 1993), 315.
19. See Arata Isozaki and Akira Asada, "Anywhere—Problems of Space," in Anywhere,
ed. Isozaki and Asada (New York: Rizzoli, 1992), 16-17.
20. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1991), 286.
21. For an account of the relevance of the uncanny to an understanding of urban space,
see Anthony Vidler, The Architectural Uncanny (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992).
22. Louis Aragon, Paris Peasant, trans. Simon Watson Taylor (London: Picador, 1980), 29.
23. Virilio, The Lost Dimension, 31.
24. Wilson, Hong Kong! Hong Kongi, 179.
25. Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 142.
26. Roland Barthes, "Semiology and Urbanism," in Architecture Culture 1943-1968, 417.
27. See Contemporary Architecture in Hong Kong, ed. Chung Wah Nan (Hong Kong: Joint
Publishing, 1989), 10-21.
28. Anthony King, Urbanism, Colonialism, and the World Economy (London and New York:
Routledge, 1990), 56.
29. Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 143.
N o t e s to C h a p t e r 4
149
30. See Philip Johnson and Mark Wigley, Deconstructivist Architecture (New York: Museum
of Modern Arts, 1988), 68-79.
31. For a good summary and discussion of these issues, see Alan Smart, Making Room.
Squatter Clearance in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, 1992), 30-65.
32. For a discussion of the hyperdensity issue in Hong Kong, see A. R. Cuthbert,
"Architecture, Society and Space—the High-Density Question Re-Examined," in
Progress in Planning, ed. D. Diamond and J. B. McLoughlin, 71-160 (New York and
Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1985),- chapter 6 on Hong Kong is especially relevant. See
also Smart, Making Room.
33. Zukin, "Postmodern Urban Landscapes."
34. See the March 1992 issue of Space Design (no. 330) with its special feature on "Hong
Kong: Alternative Metropolis."
35. For example, they explain that "the fact that Hong Kong lacks urban sprawl today is
somehow similar to the walled village's condition against the surroundings. In both
cases, inhabitants have chosen to live in a limited area at high-density" (ibid., 58).
150
Index
151
decadence, 4-5, 43, 71, 135, 146, 149 Hui, Ann, 16, 19, 22, 24, 40, 68,- Boat
n.ll People, 23; Song of the Exile, 24, 26,
de-cadence, 135, 140 36-39, 46, 53
deja diaparu, 48, 78,- defined, 25-26, hyperdensity, 81, 85-86, 88-89, 150 n.32
62,- and new Hong Kong cinema, 26,- hyphenation, 90, 110, 142-43
and Stanley Kwan's films, 47,- and
Wong Kar-wai's films, 35-36, 49, 53, Isozaki, Arata, 76-77
60,62
delayed immediacy, 57 Jameson, Fredric, 7
Deleuze, Giles, 10, 16,49 Jarvie, I. C, 28
de Raima, Brian, 131 Jensen, Wilhelm, 6, 57
dependency, 5, 52, 72, 74, 76, 142
disappearance, 7, 70-76 Kafka, Franz, 122
distraction, 15 King, Anthony, 3, 83
double take, 57, 103 Konwicki, Tadeusz, 132
Kowloon Walled City, 65-66, 81, 98
family romance, 25, 37 Kracauer, Sigfried, 15
Fanon, Frantz, 11, 66, 141-42, 145 Kramer, Stanley, 50
Fifth Generation, 20-22 Kundera, Milan, 66
Flagstaff House, 67, 115 Kung fu films, 29-32
flashback, 22, 38, 42 Kurosawa, Akira, 29
Fong, Allen, 16, 21-22, 33, 46: Father and Kwan, Stanley, 27, 49,- Center Stage, 24,
Son, 21-22 44-47,- and documentary style, 22,- and
Ford, John, 59 international audiences, 8, 16,-Rou^c,
Foster, Norman, 26, 63, 75, 84 24, 26, 27, 39-44, 75
Foucault, Michel, 145
Freud, Sigmund, 6, 25 Lacan, Jacques, 67, 137
Friedman, Milton, 25 Lan Kwei Fong, 87-88, 144
Lash, Scott, 2
Godard, Jean-Luc, 20, 49, 64, 131 last emporium, 2, 3, 124, 142, 143
Gradiva (Jensen), 6, 57 Law, Clara, 28
Guattari, Felix, 10 Le Corbusier, 88
Lee, Bruce, 18,23, 29-30
Hadid, Zaha, 84 LeeBikWah, 40, 41
Hannerz, Ulf, 13-14 Lefebvre, Henri, 9-10, 48, 77
Han Suyin, 142 Leone, Sergio, 59
Harvey, David, 41 Leung Ping-kwan (Ye Si), 129-40
Herzog, Werner, 123—24 Levi-Strauss, Claude, 119
Hitchcock, Alfred, 55 Li Cheuk-to, 17
Ho, Louise, 112, 123-29, 136 LuXun, 45, 112-16
Holbein, Hans, 66-67 Lynch, David, 50, 131
Hong Kong's built space: features, Lyotard, Jean-Franqjois, 12
79-81,- typology, 81-84
Hong Kong Cultural Center, 66-67, 144 Mak Hin-yeung, 127
Hong Kong Shanghai Bank, 84-85 malls, 142, 143-44,- 150n.2
Huang Jianxiu, 20 Melies, Georges, 55
Huang Sicheng, 119 Menard, Pierre, 125
Index
152
Nabokov, Vladimir, 72 Taipei, 80
neonoir, 34 Tarn, Patrick, 23
nondescript, the, 73-74, 106 Thatcher, Margaret, 23, 30, 68
Tiananmen Square, 5, 7, 21, 31, 68,
O'Brien, Geoffrey, 18-19, 29 132
Osing, Gordon, 129 Tian Zhuang-zhuang, 20
Otherness, 98 translation, 12, 114-16
Ozu, Yasujiro, 49 Tsui Hark, 16, 19, 77; kung fu films of,
23, 32,- Once upon a Time in China, 24,
para-site, 74 31-32
Pei, I. M, 63, 84 typology of urban space, 76—77
postcoloniality, 6, 10, 140
postculture, 145-46 Urry, John, 2
preservation, 65-69
Vattimo, Gianni, 75
Ray, Nicholas, 50 Virilio, Paul, 9, 22, 41,46
Repulse Bay Hotel, 68-69 visuality, 36, 48, 64, 65, 76, 77
Resnais, Alain, 20
Ressner, Jeffrey, 17-18 WangTao, 118-19
reverse hallucination, 6-7, 8, 25, 26 Wong, Kar-wai, 19, 24, 48-62, 121,-
Robbe-Grillet, Alain, 73 Ashes of Time, 32, 58-62,- As Tears
Rossellini, Roberto, 49 Go By, 26, 34—36,- Chungking Express,
Ruan Lingyu, 44-45 54-58,- Days of Being Wild, 27, 50-54,-
Rudolf, Paul, 63 and international audiences,
8, 16
San Su, 119-20 Woo, John, 16, 19, 33-34
Sassen, Saskia, 149 n. 15
scopic regimes, 76-79 XiXi, 121-23, 135, 139
Semsel, George S., 21
Simmel, Georg, 121 Yang, Edward, 119-20
Sino-British Joint Declaration, 3, 6, 23, Ye Si. See Leung Ping-kwan
31,41,68 Yung, Danny, 144
Situationists, 9, 76
spatial histories, 26—27, 73—76 Zhang Yimou, 20
spatial unconscious, 91, 143 Zhong Xiaoyang, 120-21
Statue Square, 86—87 Zukin, Sharon, 63, 88
Stein, Gertrude, 116 Zuni Icosahedron, 144—45
Index
153
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A C K B A R A B B A S i s a senior lecturer in comparative literature at Hong
Kong University. He has also held temporary appointments at the Univer-
sity of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Tsing Hua University (Taiwan), and North-
western University. His publications include articles in journals such as
New Literary History, Hew German Critique, Public Culture, Positions, and Discourse,
as well as monographs on modern Chinese painting and on photography.
155