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Introduction
There is a twofold reality concerning cities. On the one hand, they are the locus of many
of our most well-rehearsed national problems (Amin, Massey & Thrift, 2000), but on the other,
they can be considered among the brightest stars in the constellation of human achievement
(Rees & Wackernagel, 1996). Therefore, they are sinks of challenges, but also sources of
The nature and variety of challenges which cities have faced during their existence have
differed widely. At the very beginning, the first human agglomerations or ‘walled cities’ were
shelters against invasion, starvation and wild elements. Then the Greco-Roman cities can be
considered the origins of politics, democracy and citizenship but also were centres of slavery
and injustice. Much later, the Victorian industrial metropolis was locus of poverty, grime and
disease as well as generators of moral revolutions (Amin, 2006). Nowadays cities are
recognized as being arenas for social inequalities and major causes of natural resource
degradation. Moreover, since the first years of the last century, these problems have been
increasing due to the progressive urban population growth. In this sense, according to the last
World Urbanization Prospect report, within 40 years almost the 70% of the total population will
live in cities (World Urbanization Prospects, 2007). As mentioned by Amin (2006), the human
condition has become the urban condition, and hence, the future of mankind is now (more than
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For decades architects and planners have suggested a wide diversity of models of
‘good city’ in order to tackle the principal urban problems. The ‘Garden City’ (Howard, 1898)
was the first city model of the long list (Figure 1 a). According to Howard’s metaphor of the
“town-country magnet”, the garden city was the balance required to solve the city-countryside
conflict. Then Le Corbusier (1971) formulated first, and much later, implemented his idea of the
‘Contemporary City of 3 million inhabitants’ in the Indian city of Chandigarh. A rational city
designed according to human physiology and numerical geometry (Figure 1 c). The 1930s was
a decade were the utopian models of good city flourished. First was the Frank Lloyd Wright’s
‘Broadacre City’ (Lynch, 1981; Figure 1 b), and then, a model proposed by Mumford (1938),
both authors claimed for a more organic city, namely a city which is in an effective symbiosis
with the environment. The next model is called the ‘Compact City’ and it has been around from
the early 1990s until our days. It is based on the reductionist idea of conceiving the city in terms
of shape and density. In this regard, it has been argued that compactness can reduce energy
consumption, pollution and preserve habitats and valued landscapes (CEC, 1990).
Figure 1 Models of good city: a) Howards’ Garden City (Howards, 1898); b) Wright’s Broadacre City
(Lynch, 1981); and c) Le Corbusier’s Contemporary City of 3 million of inhabitants (Le Corbusier, 1971).
It has stated that compactness could be one of the dimensions of the new model of
good city (Terradas, 2001), the sustainable city. However, can cities really be sustainable? In
order to answer this question is essential to define first the word sustainable. On the one hand,
(WCED, 1987), which is a “development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. In this theoretical
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conceived as static entity within the middle of this triangle, in other words, a green place with a
The author of this work, on the other hand, has based his answer on a new definition of
sustainability, which is “development that satisfies the choices of the present, without
compromising the ability of future generations to make choices of their own” (Durack, 2001).
There is a small but significant change. This new interpretation embraces election, contingency
and diversity instead of balance or equilibrium. In this new frame, sustainability, thus, is viewed
as a coevolutionary process of a people adapting to, while simultaneously changing, the city
over time (Neuman, 2005). Consequently the sustainable city is understood in this paper as an
The present work is an attempt to answer the key question whether cities can be really
sustainable. As mentioned above, this reply is based on a new and more open interpretation of
the sustainability concept. In the first section, the failure of achieving the sustainable city only in
terms of shape is analyzed. While in the second section of the essay, the possibilities of
sustainable urban process relying on the concepts of ‘urban metabolism’ and ‘urban ecological
footprint’ are discussed (note that urban sustainability is a broad issue and this work is focused
It has said that whereas time is an explicit dimension in the definitions of sustainable
development, space is generally ignored (Breheny, 1992). But since the 80s and early 90s,
there has been an increasing concern about the environmental degradation and social
deprivation caused by the uncontrolled growth of our cities, what is called ‘urban sprawl’. Some
of the problems derived from this are the urban occupation of natural areas, high levels of
pollution caused by intense usage of transportation and reduction of social capital (CEC, 1990).
It has suggested that the solution of urban sprawl is the mentioned model of compact city.
According to Beatley (2003), compactness policies directly translate into much lower energy use
per capita, and lower carbon emissions, air and water pollution, and other resource demands. It
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has also been argued that the compact city provides a superior cultural, social, and economic
base for society (CEC, 1990). In this same sense, despite that the word ‘sustainability’ does not
appear in any of its pages, Jane Jacobs’ The Death and Life of Great American Cities (Jacobs,
1961) was the first claim for a more dense and functionally mixed city as a solution of social
Nevertheless, nowadays it is known that the compact city has raised some crucial
contradictions, and hence, it could not be understood as the sustainable panacea. Although
urban sprawl has led to longer trips and an increasing dependence on cars which is often
associated with energy consumption and greenhouse gases emissions (Muñiz & Galindo,
2005), there are not strong evidences that containment policies promote energy savings. For
instance, a study carried out by Breheny (1995) in the UK concludes that energy savings from
compact-city proposals would be minimal and that other policies, such as promotion of
improved vehicle technology and raising of fuel costs, might be more fruitful. Moreover, even in
the case that political, technical and economic impediments were not a problem, there are a lot
of doubts concerning the social acceptability of higher densities in many urban areas (Breheny,
1997). Finally, Burton (2000) found that for medium-sized English metropolis, higher urban
densities may be positive for some aspects of social equity and negative for others, but when
looked at in its entirely compactness has a limited correlation with social equity.
Although it has been argued that urban form and land use patterns are major
determinants of urban sustainability (Breatley, 2003), conceiving the city in terms of shape is
neither necessary nor sufficient to achieve the goals ascribed to the compact city or other
sustainable models. According to Breheny (1992), the relationship between urban shape and
environmental sustainability may not be as direct as planners would like. What is more, not all
socio-economic and environmental conflicts have their roots in spatial or architectural problems
(Campbell, 1996). In this regard, Neuman (2005) argues that the shape of a particular city is
just a snapshot of a more complex process, and hence, form is not measurable in terms of
sustainability: “one cannot overlook the fact that form is both the structure that shapes process
and the structure that emerges from a process”. He also states that we should envision the city
as a composite of metabolic processes, what has usually been called the urban metabolism.
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Figure 2 Qualitative comparison between the actual urban data and a correlated percolation model: a)
three steps of the growth with time of Berlin and surrounding towns; and b) dynamical urban simulations of
In the next section the possibility of a sustainable urban metabolism will be analyze, but
there is still one more thing concerning the urban form that should be discussed here, the
relationship between urban form and growth. It has been argued that the properties of human
settlements growth emerge from the universal properties of their intrinsic dynamics (Solé &
Goodwin, 2000). Therefore, urban planners should understand that city growth and the
resulting urban pattern is also caused by an inherent ‘diagram of forces’. As D’Arcy Thompson
pointed out in his On Growth and Form (2003), “the form of any portion of matter (living or
dead), and the sensible changes of form, that is, its movements and its growth, may in all cases
be shown as due to the action of forces”. For instance, urban growth is very sensitive to initial
conditions (Page, 2006), intermittency (Zanette & Manrubia, 1997), contingency and other
simple forces such as aggregation and diffusion (Makse et al., 1995; Figure 2).
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A sustainable urban metabolism
In ecological terms, cities are heterotrophic systems (Figure 3), namely, they rely on the
primary productivity from other ecosystems beyond their geographical or political boundaries
(Folke et al., 1997; Huang et al., 2001; Terradas, 2001). Nearly 40% of potential net primary
productivity is used directly, co-opted, or foregone because of human activities (Vitousek et al.,
1987). As nowadays the urban population is more than half of the total, more than 20% of the
total primary productivity is consumed by human settlements. The same can be said about raw
materials, water and other resources and ecological services (Curwell & Cooper, 1998;
According to Huang et al. (2001), cities are situated in a higher energy hierarchy than
rural or natural areas. This idea was stated earlier by authors such as Margalef (1974), which
suggested that relationships between neighbor ecosystems are asymmetric (Figure 3), and
what is more, the more mature ecosystems absorb energy and resources from the simpler.
Examples of this phenomenon can be in hillslope systems (Terradas, 1982) or even in the
interaction between the formal and the informal sector of a country (Moser, 1978).
Figure 3 The city as an open ecosystem. Cities consume natural resources and ecological services and
also disperse waste, pollution and heat into the atmosphere, and aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems
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The materials, energy and food supplies brought into cities, transformed within them
and the products and wastes sent out from the cities are often referred to as the urban
metabolism (Huang & Hsu, 2003). The existence and maintenance of cities is extremely
dependent on the continuous flows of ecological goods and services (Huang & Chen, 2005)
and hence, it is in the self-interest of city inhabitants to make sure that ecosystems continue to
produce the biophysical preconditions on which they live (Folke et al., 1997). As Rees and
Wackernagel (1996) noted, no city or urban region can achieve sustainability on its own. They
go on to argue that regardless of local and land use policies, a prerequisite for sustainable cities
is sustainable use of global hinterland. In short, we must reduce the “ecological footprint” of our
cities.
In fact, one of the biggest problems that the cities are up against lies in the linearity and
unidirectional character of their metabolisms. Girardet (1999) points out that the linear model of
urban production, consumption, and disposal is unsustainable and undermines the overall
ecological viability of urban systems, for it has the trend to disrupt the biogeochemical cycles.
He goes on to suggest that cities need to adopt circular metabolic systems to assure their own
sustainability and that of the natural and rural environments on whose productivity they depend.
In other words, in addition to the reduction of the city’s use of natural resources and production
of wastes, urban systems should improve their resource and energy efficiency through
increasing the spectrum of recycling materials as wells as their livability (Huang & Hsu, 2003).
Reducing the urban ecological footprint can be technical feasible, the real problem lies
in the change of social values that this effort implies. A “26-year urban metabolic checkup”
(Warren-Rhodes & Koenig, 2001) carried out in the city of Hong Kong shows that
overconsumption as well as inefficiency in materials, energy, and water use has been caused a
systemic overload of land, atmospheric and water systems, but most importantly, these results
were not due to the fact of a lack of knowledge or scientific management. Instead, for
approximately 30 years the absence of determined government action, concrete goals and a
visionary scope have stymied Hong Kong’s ability to improve its environmental record.
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Conclusions
In the present work the background, form and processes of the so-called sustainable
city have been discussed. In the first section of this works, it is argued that envisioning the city
in terms of shape is both contradictory and misleading. For example, the compact city solution,
the last model suggested by some academics and decision makers, is surrounded by several
doubts concerning both social and environmental issues. In fact, generally there is not a clear
relationship between urban form and sustainability. Above all, urban sustainability should
consider the processes and flows occurred within and through cities.
In this regard, in the second section of this paper there has been stated that moving
towards sustainability means decreasing the urban ecological footprint, through reduction of
pollution as well as natural resource and energy use, and adopting a circular urban metabolism,
that is promoting recycling policies and increasing the materials’ lifespan. Therefore, first, if
cities attempt to be sustainable should ensure the sustainability of the natural ecosystems on
whose productivity they rely on, and secondly, the processes of living, consuming and
thus, are embedded within a coevolutionary trip with their urban environments. In this context, a
city will never be sustainable by its own. Instead, we should make sustainable the processes of
building, living, working, consuming and commuting that, at the end, shape our cities.
Consequently, urban planning must be an open process which channels the many forces that
operate within as well as across the city, thus exploiting the opportunities we have inherited and
creating potentials for the next generations. It will be the toughest challenge of our time, but also
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