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Phonology and Dictionary of Yavapai

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Shaterian, Alan

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1983

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 Phonology and Dictionary of Yavapai

By

Alan William Shaterian

A.B. (Syracuse University) 1963
[Link]. (University of California) 1973

DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in

Linguistics

in the

GRADUATE DIVISION

OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

Approved:
Chairmai

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 YAVAPAI PHONOLOGY AND DICTIONARY

Copyright @ 1983

by

Alan Shaterian

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 DEDICATION

For Jeanie

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 YAVAPAI PHONOLOGY AND DICTIONARY

by

Alan Shaterian

ABSTRACT

This work will preserve the fundamental facts about

the Yavapai language, the most evanescent of the Pai group

of Yuman languages, a linguistic family which in its vari­

ety of members and geographic distribution is analagous to

the Germanic family as of five centuries ago. The dis­

sertation explores the relationship between the pattern of

speech sounds and the shape of words in Yavapai. It de­

scribes the phonology, morphology, and a part of the lex­

icon in a format which is accessible to linguists of varied

theoretical backgrounds.

It is the speech of Chief Grace Jimulla Mitchell

(1903-1976), a speaker of the Prescott subdialect of North­

eastern Yavapai, that forms the basis of the description.

The research necessary for this undertaking was spon­

sored in part by the Survey of California and Other Indian

Languages at the University of California at Berkeley.

The Introduction surveys the field of Yavapai and Pai

studies and places them within the deeper perspective of

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 2

Yuman research. Chapter One discusses the Pai languages

and elucidates the dialectal differences in Northeastern

Yavapai, Tolkapaya (Western Yavapai), and Southeastern

Yavapai on the one hand; and the broader linguistic dif­

ferences in Yavapai, Havasupai-Hualapai, and Paipai on the

other. The principal problems of the phonology, stemming

mainly from the accentual system, are discussed in Chapter

Two. Chapter Three describes the inflectional and deriva­

tional morphology and conducts an examination of the dif­

ference between the root and the stem. This chapter also

proposes an "archisynaestheme" as a descriptive device

within the derivational morphology. Solutions to the

problems described in Chapter Two are presented in Chapter

Four, which proposes a rule of syllabic potential, the

General Syllabicity Rule, and demonstrates that this rule

can account for the major phenomena of Yavapai phonology.

The Yavapai-English and English-Yavapai dictionaries

are designed for both synchronic and diachronic applica­

tion. The several thousand lexical items are entered in

their citation forms. The Yavapai entries are arranged

according to a two-way articulatory progression of the sys­

tematic segmental phonemes: /p, p h, t, t h, £, £ h, kv, k,

k h, k hw, q, qw , i, e, a, o, u, 0, «, s, (S), h, h«, m,

n, p, 1, r, (A), y, w/. Both dictionaries mark the Yavapai

suprasegmental phonemes as well: two degrees of stress,

three degrees of vowel length, tyo pitch accents, and

/•' y . A '

syllable boundary.

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 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I could not have written this dissertation without the

help and support of many people who have contributed to my

life and to the development of this work on Yavapai. The

list of their names must of necessity be incomplete if the

acknowledgments are not to find themselves relegated to a

third appendix.

I am very grateful to all the Indians who have wel­

comed me and worked with me. On my first trip to Arizona

the late Warren Gazzam grasped at once what it was that I

needed and took pains to collaborate with me as long as he

was able to in an effort to preserve his language for

future generations. I will long remember his hospitality

and dedication. The late Grace Mitchell, Msi Ktnyi*va,

chief of the Prescott Yavapais, was my primary linguistic

consultant and provided the greatest part of the data in

these pages. This work is to a large extent her legacy, the

fulfillment of a pledge to let her language and her lore

see the light of day. Other Yavapais and Pai language

speakers have helped in many ways, and I would like to

show my continuing appreciation for the contributions of

Flora Evans, Molly Starr Fasthorse, Patricia McGee, Edwin

Margo, Lucy Miller, Don Mitchell, the late Rufino Ochurte,

ii

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 Darlene Ogo, the late Mary Sine, and Clara and Effie Starr.

A special thanks goes to Violet Mitchell.

Over the past twenty years I have received valuable

guidance from a number of linguists, including Robert

Austerlitz, Madison Beeler, Mary Haas, the late Haakon

Hamre, Yakov Malkiel, and Jesse Sawyer. Many Yumanist

friends have steadfastly encouraged me, and I would like

to single out Lynn Gordon, Heather Hardy, and Martha

Kendall. Pamela Munro deserves much of the credit for

bringing countless boxes of notes into a more conventional

form: it was she, a dear friend and severe critic, who

gently but firmly shoved me towards the typewriter on more

than one occasion. I am especially grateful to my disser­

tation committee, consisting of Ronelle Alexander, Wallace

Chafe, Margaret Langdon, and Leanne Hinton. Ronelle

Alexander came to this dissertation rather late in the game

but has made a significant contribution to its intelligibil

ity, rendering it comprehensible to a broad range of lin­

guists, not just to those in my own narrow field. Wallace

Chafe, the only member of my committee from whom I have

taken courses, has shaped much of my thinking about lan­

guage and has been particularly influential in the way

that I approach sound and meaning. It was Margaret

Langdon, who, together with James Crawford, first aroused

my interest in Yuman and Yavapai. She is the one person

who has been directly involved in this project through­

out its long gestation. Her high standards have inspired

iii

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 great awe and frenzied action. Finally, Leanne Hinton,

with her low-keyed fervor, has managed to drag me through

the past year, ever since assuming the great responsibility

of chairing my dissertation committee. Her guidance,

scholarship, and courage have won my deep respect and

sincere admiration.

The trip to the Paipai village of Santa Catarina was

made possible through the assistance of Ralph Michaelsen,

Dick Langdon, and Terry Kaufmann. Bertha Marston has pro­

vided both assistance and warm friendship for many years,

and Trudy Bowen, Eileen Odegaard, and LaRue Seegmiller have

acted far beyond the call of duty in smoothing the way

through administrative snags. David Lemon was responsible

for the finely crafted maps, and Arax Kizirian has typed

this dissertation over and over. The fact that she was

there waiting for more copy was sometimes the only reason

that there was more copy. Sad Snorhagalutyun.

I would like in addition to thank my family ~ my

mother, my father, my sister Anahit, my stepfather Arnold

Aargenius Rasmussen, and my parents-in-law Donald and

Sylvia McLaughlin — for their encouragement and support.

There are also many friends whose contributions are keenly

felt. Michael Green, Sandra Shamis, and Sigvor Hamre

Thornton were of great help through their not always wel­

come questions about the work in progress. Karl Zimmer

was especially relentless in wondering when the end would

be in sight, and I am very glad that he kept me focused.

iv

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 Other friends — Bill King, Greg Hubit, Greg Nybo, and Wilm

Pelters — chose to help by not asking when it would be

finished (that was equally appreciated), and the late John

Walker showed me that anything can be done one step at a

time.

Last but not least, my wife Jeanie provided the per­

fect atmosphere in which to work. Without her presence in

my life during the last seven years, none of this, none of

the happiness that I know today would be conceivable. It

is to her that I dedicate this dissertation.

Even as I close this section, I can think of many more

people whose love and understanding sustained me in dark

times. They also helped bring me here, and they are not

forgotten.

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 TABLE OP CONTENTS

gage

INTRODUCTION.............. . xxii

0.10 The Yavapai Language and Yavapai Dialects . . xxii

0.20 Early Investigations ....................... xxiii

0.30 Recent Investigations ....................... xxiii

0.40 [Link] "Yavapai" ........ xxiv

0.50 The UCLA Group ................... xxv

0.60 Survey of Shaterian Fieldwork (1965-1980) . . xxv

0.70 Pai L a n g u a g e s ........................... xxvi

0.71 H a v a s u p a i ............................... xxvi

0.72 Hualapai (Walapai) . . .. ...................xxvii

0.73 P a i p a i ................ xxvii

0.80 Other Yuman Languages ................ xxvii

NOTES TO THE I N T R O D U C T I O N ....................... xxix

CHAPTER ONE: THE YAVAPAI PEOPLE AND THE YAVAPAI

LANGUAGE ..................... 1

1.10 Geographic Distribution ............ 1

1.11 Ethnographic Distribution. . . . . . . . . . 1

1.12 P o p u l a t i o n ............ ................ .. . 3

1.20 Linguistic Distribution ..................... 4

1.21 Neighboring Groups ......................... 5

1.30 Early Classification ................ 5

1.31 Northeastern Yavapai ....................... 7

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1.32 Western Yavapai (= Tolkapaya) .......... 8

1.33 Southeastern Yavapai ........ 9

1.40 Yavapai Dialects of Today ......... 9

1.41 Yavapai Linguistic Consultants .............. 10

1.50 Genetic Classification WithinYuman ........... 10

1.51 Paipai . . . . . . . ......................... 11

1.52 Resolution of the Paipai Problem . . . . . . . 12

1.53 New C l a s s i f i c a t i o n ................ .......... 13

1.54 Population of Pai S p e a k e r s ................... 13

NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE . . . ............ 16

CHAPTER TWO: THE SPEECH SOUNDS IN YAVAPAI ........ 18

2.00 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ 18

2.01 ’w i ' k g t e : ? p a y a ........................... 18

2.02 Pronunciation Styles ......................... 19

2.03 Bases of Articulation: Crooked-mouth vs.

N o r m a l ....................................... 20

2.04 Initiations.......... 21

2.05 H y p o c o r i s m ................ 21

2.10 Note on Exposition of A n a l y s i s .............. 21

2.11 Syllabicity............................. 22

2.12 Redundant Transcriptions . ................... 22

2.20 Note on Plosives and Affricates . ......... 23

2.21 Backvelar Spirantization . . . . . . . . . . . 23

2.22 Articulatory Descriptions of Plosives and

Affricates . . . . . ........ 23

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2.221 /p/: voiceless bilabial s t o p ......... 27

2.222 /ph/: voiceless bilabial aspirated

s t o p ............................. 27

2.223 /t/: voiceless apicodental stop . . . . 27

2.224 /th/s voiceless apicodental aspirated

stop ................... . 28

2.225 /£/: voiceless apico-alveolar,

affricated s t o p .......... 28

2.226 /fih/: voiceless aspirated apico-

alveolar affricated stop. . . . . 28

2.227 Note on the Affricates ............... 29

2.228 /kv/: voiceless palatalized/ velar

s t o p .................... 29

2.30 Note on the Velar S t o p s ............. .. 29

2.301 /k/s voiceless velar s t o p ............. 29

2.302 /kh/: voiceless velar aspirated stop . . 30

2.303 /kw/s voiceless labiovelar stop . . . . 30

2.304 /khw/: voiceless labiovelar aspirated

s t o p ........................ 30

2.310 /q/: voiceless backvelar or uvular

s t o p ............................. 31

2.311 /qw/: voiceless labio-backvelar or

uvular s t o p ..................... 31

2.320 /"V: the glottal stop .............. 31

2.40 Note on C o a r t i c u l a t i o n ............... 32

2.41 Note on A s p i r a t i o n ................... 32

2.411 E p i p h e n o m e n a ...................... 34

2.50 Articulatory Description of theFricatives . . 34

2.501 /p/: voiced bilabial slit

fricative . ................. . 34

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2.502 /0/ voiceless postdental fricative . . 35

2.503 /s/: voiceless apico-alveolar groove

fr i c a t i v e ........................ 35

.
2.504 /$/: voiceless pal&to-alveolar
fricative .............. 36

2.505 /h/: voiceless laryngeal fricative . . . 36

2.506 /hw/s voiceless labialized laryngeal

f r i c a t i v e .................... 37

2.510 Note on G l i d e s ........................ 37

.
2.511 Note on [ h ] ....................... 37

2.52 N a s a l s ........................................ 38

2.521 /m/: voiced bilabial nasal stop .. .. 38

2.522 /n/: voiced apicodental to inter­

dental nasal s t o p ........... 38

2.523 /p/: voiced palatal nasal s t o p .... 39

2.53 Liquids . . . ................. 39

2.531 /l/: apicodental lateral liquid . .. . 39

2.532 /r/: voiced alveolar trill to tap ... 40

2.533 /K/m
. voiced palatal lateral liquid . . . 40

2.534 Devoicing of Nasals and Liquids . . . . . 41

2.54 S e m i v o w e l s ......................... 41

2.541 /y/: voiced unrounded palatal glide . . 41

2.542 /w/: voiced rounded velar glide . .. . 42

2.543 Note on Glides I I ..................... . 42

2.60 V o w e l s .......... 42

2.601 Optionality ............ . . . . .......... 43

2.602 First Approximation ........... 43

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2.70 L e n g t h .......... . . . . ................... . . 43

2.71 P i t c h ........................ 46

2.72 S t r e s s .......................... 46

2.73 Interaction of Length, Pitch, and Stress ... 46

2.74 Realization of Pitch 1 and Pitch 2 .......... 47

2.75 Stress Assignment ........ . . . . . . . . . . 47

2.76 Function and Analysis ofPitch .......... . 47

2.77 Recalcitrant D a t a ............................. 48

2.78 Transcribing Length, Pitch, and Stress .. .. 49

2.80 The Underlying Vowel System ................... 50

2.81 Other Sources of /e/ and /o/ . . . . . . . . . 51

2.90 S c h w a .................... 52

2.91 The Inorganic V o w e l .......... 53

2.911 Pretonic vs. P o s t t o n i c ............ 54

2.912 Simplex vs. Complex Environment . . . . . 54

2.913 Free Variation . ..................... 55

2.914 Ambiguous V o w e l s ............ 55

2.915 Punctilating Convention ............ . 56

2.92 An Integrated T h e o r y ......................... 57

NOTES TO CHAPTER T W O ............ 58

CHAPTER THREE: INFLECTIONAL AND DERIVATIONAL

MORPHOLOGY................ . . . . . 59

3.00 Introduction . ................ 59

3.01 Chapter Three ....................... . . . . . 59

3.02 From Meaning to Sound in Y a v a p a i ............ 60

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3.03 Overall V i e w ...................... 61

3.04 Level II Representation....................... 61

3.05 Level I Representation . ............ 62

3.Q6 Example of Level I Representation .. 62

3.07 Homonymy vs. Polysemy . . . 63

3.10 Word S t r e s s .......................... 64

3.101 Predictability of S t r e s s ............... 64

3.102 Form Classes ......................... 65

3.103 Root and Stem . ...................... 65

3.103a Stress Assignment Rule . . . . . . 65

3.103b Pitch Assignment Rule .......... 65

3.103c Noun MarkerPrefixation Rule . . . 65

3.103d Root to Stem Conversion Rule . . . 65

3.104 Type A S t e m s ........................... 66

3.105 Type B S t e m s ........ .. . . ........ 67

3.106 Type B Stem N o u n s ........... 68

3.107 Type C Stem N o u n ....................... 68

3.20 The Verbal S t e m .............................. 69

3.201 The Simplex Verbal S t e m ................. 69

3.202 Simplex Verbal Stem with Vocalic

P r e f i x .......... 71

3.203 Punctilation ................. . . . . . 72

3.204 Complex Verbal S t e m ..................... 73

3.205 Unspecified Object Marking with

Complex Verbal Stem . ................. 74

3.206 Augmented Verbal Stems . ............ 75

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 3.207 Quality of the Augment V o w e l ........75a

3.208 Note on Transcription............ 75a

3.210 The Auxiliary Verbs .......... 76

3.211 The Locational Auxiliary /ukwa/ ........ 76

3.212 The Locational Auxiliary /(u-0nu*/ ... 78

3.213 The Locational Auxiliary /war-/ . . . . . 79

3.214 The Behavioral Auxiliaries /?!(•)/

'say', /yu(*)/ 'be', /wi(*)/ 'do' . . . . 80

3.215 The Contracted Auxiliary Phrases . . . . 81

3.216 The Reduplicatable Verbal Stem

with /’! ( • ) / ............ 82

3.217 The Cognitive Auxiliary /yi(*)/ ........ 84

3.218 The Modal Auxiliary /yi\te*/ .......... 84

3.219 The Modal Auxiliary /lwi(*)/ 85

3.220 The Modal Auxiliaries /hi*/ and

/ y i * / ............ 86
3.221 Speculations on / ’i*/, / x ’/, /hi*/,
and /yi • / • • ...................... 88

3.222 The Adverbial Auxiliary /mast-/

'apparently' ................ . . 94

3.223 The Negative Adverbial Auxiliary

/-*?um-/............................ 94

3.224 Additional Adverbial Auxiliaries . . . . 95

3.30 Pluralization . . . ......................... 95

3.301 Number . ............................. 95

3.302 Verbal and Nominal Pluralization . . . . 96

3.303 Variety of Plural Formation ............ 97

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3.40 Nominal S t e m s ................................. 98

3.401 Dictionary Entries ................ 98

3.402 Nominal Inflection. . . . . . . . . . . 98

3.50 A f f i x a t i o n ................ 98

3.501 I n t r o d u c t i o n ........................... 98

3.502 Processes Besides Affixation .......... 99

3.503 Order of Presentation of theAffixes . . 99

3.510 /p-/ 1synaesthetic alternate of

/-0/' ............ 99
3.521 /t-/ 'plural' (not productive) . . . . . 100

3.522 /t-/ 'iterative'......... 100

3.523 /t-/ 'causative'......................... 100

3.524 /-t/ 'temporal coordinator' .......... 100

3.531 /-£-/ 'plural (on n o u n ) ' ......... 101

3.532 /£-/ 'iterative'......... 101

3.533 /£-/ 'causative'...................... 101

3.534 /-£/ 'plural (on v e r b ) ' ................ 102

3.533 /-£/ 'iterative'.................. 102

3.536 /-£/ 'subject c a s e ' .....................102

3.541 /k-/ 'relativizer; a g e n t i v e ' ............ 102

3.542 /-k/ 'same s u b j e c t ' .....................103

3.543 /-k/ 'locative c a s e ' ............. 103

3.544 /-k/ 'directional'.......................104

3.551 /’-/ 'noun marker' .............. 104

3.552 / ’>-/' 'first-person (on verbor

noun) ' ............................. 104

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3.553 /-?/ 'disjunctive (on demonstra­

tives' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

3.554 /-’/ 'interrogative/vocative' . . . . . 105

3.561 /0-/ 'inchoative/punctual' . . . . . . . 106

3.562 /p-/ 'demonstrative'................. 106

3.563 /-p/ 'demonstrative'.......... 106

3.564 /-p/ 'stative; attributive' .......... 107

3.565 /-p/ ' (medio)passive' . ...............107

3.571 /-€/ 'temporal coordinator' .......... 108

3.572 /-O/ 'demonstrative'................. 108

3.580 /s-/ 'causative: move together or

apart l a t e r a l l y ' ............... 109

3.591 /-h/ 'demonstrative'.............. 109

3.592 /-h/ ' i r r e a l i s ' .................... .. 110

3.5101 /m-/ 'second person' .......... Ill

3.51Q2 /m-/ ' c y l i n d r i c a l ' .......... . Ill

3.5103 /-m/ 'temporal locative' . .. . Ill

3.5104 /“m/ 'instrumental' . . . . . . . 112

3.5105 /-m/ 'comitative' .............. 112

3.5106 /-m/ 'imperfective aspect' . . . 112

3.5107 /-m/ 'directional' ............ 113

3.5108 /-m/ '(medio)passive/

s t a t i v e ' ..................... 113

3.5109 /-m/ 'different subject' .... 114

3.5110 /n-/ 'diminutive' .............. 114

3.5111 /n-/ 'plural subject' .......... 114

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3.5112 /n-/ 'ascending generation

in kinship system' . . . . . 114

3.5113 /-n/ 'demonstrative' .......... 115

3.5121 /p-/ 'possessive' . . ............. 115

3.5122 /p-/ 'temporal subordinator' . . 116

3.5123 /p-/ 'third-person subjectwith

first-person object' . . . . 116

3.5124 /p-/ 'first-person subject with

second-person object' . . . 116

3.5125 /-p/ 'demonstrative' .......... 117

3.5126 /-p/ 'perfective' ............... 117

3.5127 /-p/ ' t o o ' .......... 118

3.5131 /-l/ 'inner locative' .......... 118

3.5140 /-r/ ' plural'..................... 119

3.5171 / i (•)—/ 'derivational prefix' . . 119

3.5172 /-i/ 'denominalizer' 121

3.5173 /-i/ 'recursive' . . . . . . . . 122

3.5174 /-i/ 'absolutive' .............. 122

3.5175 /-i/ 'artifact' ................ 122

3.5176 /-!/ 'plural'..................... 123

3.5181 /-e?/ 'interrogative' . ........ 124

3.5182 /-&?/ 'vocative' . . . . . . . . . 124

3.5183 /-k/ 'spatiotemporal loca­

tive' ....................... 124

3.5201 /o-/ 'inchoative' .............. 127

3.5202 /o-/ 'demonstrative' .......... 127

3.5203 /-6/ 'applicative' ............ 127

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3.5204 /-o/ 'perfect'evidential' ... . 128

3.5205 /-o/ 'resultative' . . . . . . . 128

3.5206 /-6*/ 'locational nominalizer' . . 129

3.5207 /-5(?)/, /-S:/ 'vocative

(unseen addressee)' .... 129

3.5211 /u-/ 'derivational prefix' . . . 130

3.5212 /-u/ 'demonstrative' . . . . . . 131

3.60 Multisegmental Prefixes and Suffixes . . . . . 131

3.601 Introduction .................. 131

3.602 Order of the Multisegmental Affixes . . . 131

3.611 /-pe*/'interrogative conjunction' . . 133

3.612 /pa(*)-/ 'plural object' ............... 133

3.613 /-tk'/ 'exhortative' ................. 134

3.614 /-£p-/ 'multiple plural' ............. 134

3.615 /-ka/ 'incremented same-subject

marker' . 134

3.616 /-kOo*/ 'conditional' . . . . . . . . . 135

3.617 /-km/ 1imperfective contracted

auxiliary phrase' . . . . . . . 135

3.618 /-kp/ 'perfective contracted

auxiliary phrase' ............ 135

3.619 /?...m-/ 'second-person subject with

first person o b j e c t ' ............. 135

3.6110 /-ha/ 'incremented irrealis

marker' . . . . . ........ 136

3.6111 /-mk'/ 'conjunction after

clause-final /-m/' . .. . 136

3.6112 /-ma/ 'assertive on clause-

final / - m / ' ................. 137

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3.6113 /-mo*/ 'dubitative' ........... 137

3.6114 /-ra(0)/ 'intensifier' ........... 138

3.6115 / - w & V 'past question' . . . . . 138

3.70 Quantitative and Qualitative Vowel

A l t e r n a t i o n s .......... 138

3.71 Pitch S h i f t ................................. . 139

3.711 Suprasegmental Adjustments in

D e r i v a t i o n .......... 139

3.72 Ablaut ............................... 141

3.73 Length S h i f t .......... 142

3.74 Examples of Pluralization................... 143

3.741 Length S h i f t ..............................143

3.742 Quantitative and Qualitative Alterna­

tions Combined with Affixation. . . . . 144

3.80 Sound Symb o l i s m .................. 145

3.801 Introduction . . . . . ................. 145

3.802 Overt and Covert Sound Symbolism . . . . 146

3.803 Reduplication................ 147

3.804 R e d u p l i c a n d s .............. 148

3.81 Synaesthetic Alternations ..................... 151

3.82 Classification of Alternations . . . . . . . . 152

3.821 Phonostylistics............ 152

3.8211 Hypocorism .............. . . . . . 153

3.82111 The Hypocoristic [§] . . . 153

3.82112 Nasalization ............. 154

3.82113 /n/, /r/> /!/ Gradient

A l t e r n a t i o n ........... 155

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3.82114 Hypocoristic /I/, /A/

Alternation . . . . . . . 156

3.822 Progression of Alternations............ 156

3.8221 Paired Alternations ........ . . 156

3.8222 Tandem Alternations . . . . . . . 156

3.8223 Gradient Alternations . . . . . . 156

3.823 Productivity of Alternations . . . . . . 157

3.824 Meaning of the Synaesthetic Alterna­

tions ............................157

3.8241 Discussion of /qAe*p-/ .......... 158

3.825 Augmentative and D i m i n u t i v e............... 159

3.83 A r c h i s y n a e s t h e m e .......... 159

3.831 Archisynaesthemic Symbols . . . . . . . . 160

3.832 Synaesthetic D e r i v a t i o n s . . 161

3.834 The Derivational Family of 'hand' . . . . 163

3.90 C o n c l u s i o n ..................................... 165

NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE . ........................... 166

CHAPTER FOUR: THE PHONOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

4.00 I n t r o d u c t i o n ........................... 167

4.01 Major and Minor Problems in Yavapai

Ph o n o l o g y ............ 167

4.02 Phonological Analyses by Kendall and

by Hardy . . . . . . . . ..................... 168

4.021 Postaspiration . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

4.022 Palatalization and Labialization . . . . 169

4.023 Vowel Length ........................... 169

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4.024 Pitch ................. 170

4.025 Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

4.03 S u m m a r y .......................... .. 170

4.04 Treatments of the UnstressedV o w e l .............. 171

4.05 History of the General Syllabicity Rule . . . . 173

4.10 The Yavapai Canon .............. 175

4.11 P h o n o t a c t i c s ............ 175

4.12 Examples of CVCV . .......................... 180

4.13 Examples of C C V ( C ( C ) V ) ................. 181

4.14 Examples of C C C V ( C ( C ) V ........................ 185

4.15 Examples of C C C C V ( C ( C ) V ) ...................... 186

4.16 Example of CCCCCV(C(C)V) 187

4.17 Examples of ...VC ............ . . . . . . . . 188

4.18 Phonotactic Restrictions ..................... 189

4.181 A note on Coarticulated Consonants . . . 189

4.19 Statements of Restrictions ................... 190

4.20 Syllabicity............................. 193

4.201 A Note on the Aspirated Stops and

the Affricate . . . . . . 193

4.21 Hierarchy of S y l l a b i c i t y .............. 194

4.22 The Proliferation of Syllabicity. . . . . . . 194

4.221 Ease of A r t i c u l a t i o n ..................... 195

4.222 Avoidance of a Monosyllable . 195

4.223 The Creation of Inorganic Clusters . . . 196

4.24 The Pronunciation of the Inorganic Clusters . . 198

xix

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4.25 G e m i n a t i o n ...................................... 200

4.253 A Note on Transcription . .. ............202

4.254 A Note on G e m i n a t i o n ..................... 203

4.26 E p e n t h e s i s .............. . 204

4.263 Directionality of Syllabic

Realization . .................. 205

4.30 The General Syllabicity Rule. . . . . . . . . 205

4.302 I n i t i a t i o n ................ .. .......... 207

4.303 G e m i n a t i o n .......... . . 207

4.304 Syllabicization.................. 207

4.305 Phonetic Realization ................... 207

4.31 Examples . ............ 208

4.312 Exceptions . . . . . .................. 209

4.32 CCCV-Clusters.............. 210

4.33 CCCV-Clusters with [asyllabic]C 2s . . . . . . 212

4.34 Exceptions to Alternate Realizations .. . . . . 213

4.35 /h/ as C2 in C C C V - C l u s t e r s ..................... 213

4.40 Aspiration in Y a v a p a i ........................... 213

4.41 Classification of Aspiration ................ 214

4.42 Preaspiration.................................... 214

4.43 P o s t a s p i r a t i o n ...................... 214

4.44 Sonorant Devoicing . ........................ 214a

4.45 Resemblances to Havasupai andHualapai . . .. 215

4.46 Aspiration in Pai . . . ....................... 215

4.50 Intrusive G l i d e s ............ 216

4.60 Vowel L o w e r i n g ................................. 218

xx

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4.70 System Instabilities .......... 219

4.71 Glide V a r i a t i o n ........................ 220

4.72 Vowel V a r i a t i o n ..................................220

4.73 Consonant Variation . ......................... 221

4.74 Stress Shift' ...................... 222

4.75 M e t a t h e s i s .................. 223

4.80 L e n i t i o n ........................ 225

4.90 Conclusion ................................ 227

NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR ............. 229

APPENDIX 1 ... ................................... 234

APPENDIX 2 ............................. 308

Symbols U s e d ........................ 309

Abbreviations of Morphemes, Names and Other

Words, Their Description and Shape .......... 311

REFERENCES .......................................... 316

PART I I .............................................. 329

5.00 Introduction to the D i c t i o n a r i e s ............... 330

6.00 Yavapai-English Dictionary ................... 336

7.00 English-Yavapai Dictionary ................... 528

xxi

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 INTRODUCTION

0.10 The Yavapai Language and Yavapai Dialects

The name Yavapai is used throughout this work to refer

to one language divided into three major dialects called

Northeastern Yavapai, Western Yavapai or Tolkapaya, and

Southeastern Yavapai. For the sake of clarity I am using

the name Northeastern Yavapai (abbreviated NEY), Tolkapaya,

and Southeastern Yavapai (abbreviated SEY) when referring

to a characteristic of one of these dialects and the name

Yavapai only when I am referring to a characteristic of

the language. Subdialects are found within Northeastern

Yavapai, notably the Prescott subdialect and subdialects

of the Verde Valley.

My principal Yavapai consultant was Grace Mitchell,

who spoke the Prescott dialect of Northeastern Yavapai.

This dissertation discusses all three dialects and the

subdialects of NEY. Two linguists, Martha Kendall and

Heather Hardy, have done extensive work on Yavapai.

Kendall has worked primarily with a Verde Valley sub­

dialect of NEY. Hardy has worked exclusively with

Tolkapaya. I have collected wordlists of SEY, but no

one has ever investigated this dialect adequately.

xxii

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 0.20 Early Investigations

In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries a

number of people collected wordlists and vocabularies of

Yavapai. I have made use of the collections of Albert S.

Gatschett and those by William F. Corbusier. (See entries

in the Bibliography under these and other names listed

below.) In the early part of this century the most notable

recorder of Yavapai words was the ethnographer Edward

Winslow Gifford. Although the transcriptions made by these

investigators do not record the more "exotic" distinctions

(e.g. three vowel lengths, pitch accent, etc.), they do

lend themselves to interpretation and can serve to measure

the progress of sound change and to probe other linguistic

phenomena.

0.30 Recent Investigations

I first went into the field in 1965. (An account of

my work since then will follow this brief survey of the

contributions of others to Yavapai studies). William

Madigan, a student at Indiana University in Bloomington,

was in Arizona in the late 1950s and early 1960s and col­

lected wordlists, simple sentences, and texts. He worked

primarily with the Verde Valley NEY. Madigan did not con­

tinue his studies in Yavapai and gave his fieldnotes to

Martha Kendall, who gave them to me in 1976. James

Crawford, as a student in linguistics at the University of

California at Berkeley, in 1962 collected a short wordlist

xxiii

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 of what was thought to be SEY. Martha B. Kendall, as a

graduate student from Indiana University, Bloomington,

went to Arizona in 1968 and worked in the Verde Valley

on a subdialect of NEY (chiefly that of Harold Sine),

which is in some minor respects different from the

Prescott subdialect. Kendall, whose area of concentra­

tion was syntax, wrote a doctoral dissertation in 1972,

which has become the first published monograph on Yavapai.

She has published texts and several articles on morpho-

syntax drawn from her fieldwork from 1968 to 1978.

0.40 The Word "Yavapai"

Kendall has called Northeastern Yavapai Yavpe or

Yavape, based on the native form /yap^pe/ 'a Northeastern

Yavapai (person).' The word Yavapai is based on the

plural of this form /ykp’pAya/. The term "Yavapai" has

been used since the time of early white contact for all

three groups. The native term for Western Yavapai is

/t6lk’piya/. The spelling Tolkapaya has come into English

and is used in the linguistic literature. The native word

for Southeastern Yavapai is /kw&rpk’paya/ (literally: the

southern people). There is no English spelling for this

form. Throughout this study I am using only Tolkapaya as

a designation derived from a native form. I will avoid

xx iv

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 Yavpe or Yavape for NEY since these spellings are so close

to Yavapai, the designation I use for the language made up

of all three dialects.

0.50 The UCLA Group

In 1970 I learned from Grace Mitchell that there was

a Tolkapaya speaker living in Los Angeles, Molly Starr

Fasthorse. I contacted her in early 1971 and arranged for

her to work with Sandra Chung, then a student visiting UCSD

from MIT. As a result of this MOlly Fasthorse came to UCLA

to work as a consultant in a series of field-methods

courses given by Pamela Munro. Munro and many of her

students (Glover, Gordon, Hardy, Yamada) have written

articles and presented papers on Tolkapaya. Heather Hardy

has written a distinguished dissertation on Tolkapaya

morphosyntax (1980). The UCLA group has made many con­

tributions to the field and given Tolkapaya a prominent

place in the literature.

0.60 Survey of Shaterian Fieldwork (1965-1980)

In the summer of 1965 Mary R. Haas, as director of the

Survey of California and Other Indian Languages, sent me

into the field to investigate Yavapai. At that time none

of the dialects had been systematically studied. I spent

six weeks in Arizona working mainly with Warren Gazzam

(1882-1967), a speaker of Tolkapaya. I also had the

opportunity to get wordlists from speakers of other Yavapai

XXV

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 dialects, notably from Grace Mitchell, and from speakers of

Havasupai and Hualpai. When I returned to Arizona in 1966

for an extended stay of six months, I could not continue

work with Gazzam, because he had had a stroke. I began to

work with Grace Mitchell (1903-1976) and at that time

transferred my attention to the Prescott dialect of NEY.

My first publications on Yavapai appeared in 1976:

"Yavapai [+sonorant] Segments" and "No more schwa for

Yavapai." However, my views on Yavapai phonology and

related areas were well-known before that because many un­

published works of mine had been in circulation and dis-'

cussed among Yumanists since 1965.^

This dissertation represents the first comprehensive

phonology and dictionary of Yavapai and is the result of

many revisions both in form and content since 1965.

0.70 Pai Languages

No survey of my work could be complete without men­

tioning the contributions of linguists and native speakers

within the Pai languages and those within Yuman as a whole.

Of the other Pai languages, Havasupai and Hualapai have

received more attention than Yavapai, and Paipai has

received less.

0.71 Havasupai

The best work on Havasupai, for comprehensiveness and

2
comprehensibility, is Leanne Hinton's dissertation. Two

xxvi

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 other dissertations have also appeared, one on the pho­

nology and the morphology by Seiden and one on syntax by

Kozlowski.

0.72 Hualapai (Walapai)

Hualapai has received more attention than any other

Pai language. Both native and non-native linguists have

studied the language and have published a variety of

material, the best and most comprehensive of which is the

Hualapai Reference Grammar by Watahomigie, Bender,

Yamamoto, et al. See also the writings of Werner Winter,

James E. Redden, and Akira Y. Yamamoto.

0.73 Paipai
3
Judith Joel's dissertation and articles on Paipai are

among the very scant material available on that language.

Terrence Kaufman and I collected a 1000-word vocabulary in

1970, and Mauricio Mixco has collected and analyzed texts.

0.80 Other Yuman Languages

I consider Margaret Langdon the single most important

contributor to Yuman, (see the bibliography for a list

of her works). Beyond these published materials, I must

mention Langdon's contribution to the general tone of Yuman

studies, in expecting from others and maintaining for her­

self a very high standard for almost two decades. Her

organization (together with Shirley Silver) of the First

xxvii

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 Conference on Hokan Languages and her work in organizing

subsequent conferences have forged an enjoyable scholarly

cohesion among Yumanists. A. M. Halpern's Yuma, which was

published in 1946, is the first monograph on a Yuman lan­

guage. It has had a salutary influence on all subsequent

work on Yuman languages. There have been many other lin­

guists in Yuman over the past two decades, too numerous to

mention here. There are two, however, that I would like

to single out because of the influence they have had on my

work: James Crawford and Pamela Munro. It was James

Crawford together with Margaret Langdon who first suggested

that I work on a Yuman language. At that time, 1963, they

had themselves only begun to work on Cocopa and Diegueno

respectively. Pamela Munro*s contribution to Yavapai

studies was discussed above. I must mention as well her

first area of interest within Yuman, Mojave, and refer the

reader to the Bibliography.

xxviii

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 NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION

1. Among my unpublished material and papers pre­

sented that have been in circulation and use by other

Yumanists are:

1966a "Proto-Northern Yuman and Paipaiso far”

1966b "The Phonology of Yavapai I"

1971 "Yavapai Phonology"

1973 "English-Yavapai Dictionary"

1974 "English-Paipai Vocabulary" with Terrence

Kaufman.

1975 Untitled work on Yavapai phonology and

morphology with lexicon.

1976 "Archaic Periphery versus Migration: Resolu­

tion of a Controversy Regarding the Presence

of the Paipai in Northern Lower California"

1970 "Aspects of Yavapai Vocalism"

1979 "Yavapai Vocalic Affixes"

1980 "Yavapai Consonantal Affixes"

1981 "Sound Symbolism in Pai"

1982 "Proto-Yuman Consonantism"

1983 "Proto-Pai"

xxix

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 2. Hinton, Leanne. Havasupai Songs: A Linguistic

Perspective. San Diego: University of California disserta­

tion, 1977. 598 pp. To appear.

3. Joel, Judith. Paipai Phonology and Morphology.

Los Angeles: University of California dissertation, 1966.

86 pp.

XXX

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 CHAPTER ONE

THE YAVAPAI PEOPLE AND THE YAVAPAI LANGUAGE

1.10 Geographic Distribution

The early distribution of the Yavapais was unique

compared with that of their Yuman neighbors (see Figure 1).

Their 20,000 square mile territory, approximately 200 miles

east to west and 100 miles north to south, did not confine

them "to a single ecological area" but spread them "over a

wide variety of territory from the low country at the con­

fluence of the Gila and the Colorado to the lofty Bradshaw

and Mazatzal mountains in Central Arizona, altitudinally

from elevations of about 2000 feet to 7000 and 8000 feet,

from blistering desert to shady mountain streams, from

lower Austral life zone to Canadian life zone" (Gifford

1926:247).1

1.11 Ethnographic Distribution

Within this vast territory the Yavapais were divided

into three groups, which Gifford identifies as (1) North­

eastern, (2) Western, and (3) Southeastern (1932:177-178).

He describes the geographical distribution of these groups

as follows (see Figure 1):

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 \ Nevada N
u± --------- -U-t^

Chemehuevj Havasupai
Hualapai
California (Walapai)
Serrano Moiave
' \ '

Cahuilla Apachean
Luiseno
Mesa
Grande Campo
Pima
p.. . Jfuma m
— Diegueno r\/
Maricopa Arizona
La Huerta
^ Papago
Paipai

Kiliwa

Gulf o Mexico
Californi

Pacific
ean

0
T i
50
i i li

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 The [Southeastern Yavapai]... lived in

mountains between the Sierra Ancha and

the Mazatzal Range to the north, and

Dripping Springs and the Mescal Mountains

in the southeast. The [Northeastern

Yavapai] occupied the area from Oak Creek

Canyon to the Upper Verde Valley as far

as the present city of Prescott. The

Western Yavapai ranged from the western

slopes of the Bradshaw Mountains to

Castle Dome and the Colorado River near

La Paz. (Gifford 1932:177-178)

1.12 Population

The precise number of Yavapais living today is dif­

ficult to obtain. It is even more difficult to know the

number of people who still speak the language very well.

There are those who have left the reservations (Camp Verde,

Clarkdale, Fort McDowell, Middle Verde, Yavapai-Prescott)

where Yavapais are most likely to be found. Wares (1968,

p. 13) quotes from the Bureau of Indian Affairs the number

of Yavapais on some of these reservations: Fort McDowell

(near Phoenix) 315; Camp Verde (near Cottonwood) 206;

Yavapai-Prescott 73. At the time of this writing there

are probably more Yavapais than Wares' 1963 figure of 574;

for example, the Yavapai-Prescott Reservation had 109

2
tribal members at the close of 1983. There are a few

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 4

Yavapais living at the San Carlos Indian Reservation, some

at the Colorado Indian Reservation, and many Yavapais are

to be found living near but not on an Indian reservation.

It must be borne in mind that these figures say nothing

about the number of speakers of the language (see below).

1.20 Linguistic Distribution

Yavapai, both as an ethnic and a linguistic designa­

tion, is tripartite. The three categories a) in English

(after Gifford), b) in English (in more the recent litera­

ture) , c) in Yavapai are:

la. NEY, b. Yav'pe, c. /ya0?pe, yap?p£ya/3

2a. WY, b. Tolkapaya, c. /t6k?paya/

3a.=b. SEY, c. /kwfe:pk’paya/4

(Yavapais, as a group or "tribe" have been mistakenly

known as well as Mohave-Apache and Yuma-Apache

(Gifford, 1936, p. 249)).

Even today Yavapais retain the three-way distinction among

themselves, although intermarriage in this century within

the three groups and outside of these entirely has done

much to obscure an individual's ancestry in this respect.

Linguistically, on the other hand, a Yavapai can still readily

identify which group affiliation his language has. It

is still possible to identify sub-groups or sub-dialects.

Investigations over the past 15 years enable me to iden­

tify several varieties of Northeastern Yavapai, but only

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 5

one each for Western and Southeastern Yavapai. The dis­

tribution of the groups and sub-groups which obtained at

the time of Gifford's ethnographies is substantially the

same, although reduced and somewhat truncated.

1.21 Neighboring Groups

Gifford states that the Yavapai groups were nomadic,

each group wandering within prescribed areas, although each

was friendly enough with the others to allow visiting from

area to area. Uninhabited lands separated the Yavapais

from their hostile neighbors to the north and to the south:

the Havasupais and Hualapais; and the Pimas and Maricopas

respectively (see Figure 2) .

1.30 Early Classification

Each of the three groups was comprised of bands. The

divisions and sub-divisions of Northeastern Yavapai and

Western Yavapai (Tolkapaya) are somewhat confusing.

Gifford, writing 50 years ago, had difficulty determining

the groupings. He lists two possibilities, one in 1932,

the other in 1936. The latter he considered a revision of

the earlier classification. By examining these and by

including as well the results of the most recent investiga­

tions (1965-1980), I can present a more comprehensible

picture.

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 n s
■Clark dak

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 7

1.31 Northeastern Yavapai

"I. Northeastern Yavapai comprised six bands (1932) :

(1) Wipukyipai /’wl'pdk’pdya/ or Oak Creek Canyon

band, whose name the informant constantly applied

to the whole Northeastern Yavapai;

(2) Matkiwawipa /m&tktpd:p’pdya/ or upper Verde Valley

people;

(3) Wikutepa / ’wi'kptd*’pdya/ or the people of the

Prescott region;

(4) Walkeyanyanhepa /hw&*lky&pydp’pdya/ (people of

the pine tree country) or Jerome tableland people;

(5) Wikenichepa /wl'k’pdd’pdya/ or Black mountain

people or people of the Crown King region;

(6) Matkitotwapa /m&tktdtp’pdya/^ or people of the

southern part of the mountain ridge upon which

Jerome is situated."

(1932:177-178)

II. Subgroups of Northeastern Yavapai (1936):

Yavepe (proper) /yap’pd/

"(1) Wipukyipa or Wipukupa / ’wl'pdk’pdya/

(2) Matkitwawipa /m&t k t p d ^ ’pdya/, Matidipa

/m&t’fr’pdya/, Matkitkavavepa /m&tktpdt^piya/,

or Matkoulvapa /mktkhdip’pdya/

(3) Walkeyanyanyepa /hwk'lkykpydp’pdya/

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 8

Mat-haupapaya /mkth^ipk’p^ya/

(1) Wikutepa /’wl'kpt^*’p^ya/

(2) Wikenichapa or Wikanadjapa /’wl'k’pdfi’pdya/

It was also the custom to refer to a person by place

of birth or residence."

(1936:249-250)

1.32 Western Yavapai (= Tolkapaya)

Western Yavapai (1932) Tolkepaya /t&Lk’pdya/

".... comprised an eastern band

(1) Wiltaikapaya / ’wil’t^'yk’piya/ and a western band

(2) Hakehelapa /?hcikh4*l?p£ya/"

(1932:178)

Western Yavapai (1936)

"They had three bands, but no clans

(1) Hakupakapa /’hkkpdk’pdya/^ or Inyokapa

5
/h. p6q'?pdya/

(2) Hakehelapa /’h&kh^’l’pdya/ or Wiltaikapaya

/’wil^td’yk’piya/ (the two bands of 1932 proved

to be the same).

(3) Haka-whatapa /’h&k’h ^ t ’pdya/ or Matakwarapa

/m&t’qwdr’pdya/"

(1932:249)

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 1.33 Southeastern Yavapai

Southeastern Yavapai (1932 only)"Keweyipaya

/kw&:pk’p^ya/

These two bands (bachacha) /p&££:£a/ alone comprised

the Southeastern Yavapai(:)

(1) Wikdjasapa /’wl'kfids^piya/

(2) Walkamepa" /hwkmlk’clmp’p^ya/5

(1932:177)

1.40 Yavapai Dialects of Today

All speakers of Northeastern Yavapai today call them­

selves /y&p?pdya/; they do, however, recognize two sub­

groups: (1) /’wl'kpt^'^pdya/, the Yavapai-Prescott tribe

on the reservation adjacent to the city of Prescott: the

'great-mountain (i.e. Granite Mountain) people' and

(2) /’w l •pdk’pdya/, the Verde Valley Yavapais on three

reservations (Clarkdale, Camp Verde, and Middle Verde):

the 'foot of the mountain (Red Buttes) people.' These

designations are today more geographic than linguistic.

I have noticed marked subdialectal or id-iolectal differ­

ences, the most striking of which [Link] incomplete spread

of a spirant fronting rule.6 I assume that the sub­

dialectic differences have their origin in the six-band

distribution described by Gifford. Information of this

kind may be irretrievable. It has always seemed most

prudent to identify the Yavapai speaker within each of the

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 10

three groups. Using names of Yavapai speakers rather than

the names of the bands of which Gifford spoke yields a more

operational notion of Yavapai today. Between 1965 and

1980 my fieldtrips to Arizona covered in all 12 months'

time. The classification below is based on material which

these trips brought to light:

1.41 Yavapai Linguistic Consultants

(1) Northeastern Yavapai: /yap’p^/ (pi. /yhp^p&ya/)

(a) Prescott Yavapai: / ’w i ’kpt^*’pdya/

Grace Mitchell (and later Lucy Miller)

(b) Verde Valley Yavapai: / ’’w i ’pdk’pdya/

i. Grace Nelson, Mary Sine (and later Clara

Starr)

ii. Don Mitchell

(2) Western Yavapai: /t&lk’paya/ (also /tixlk?paya/)

Warren Gazzam (and later Molly Starr Fasthorse)

(3) Southeastern Yavapai: /kw&:pk’pdya/

7
Flora Evans, Edwin Margo.

1.50 Genetic Classification Within Yuman

The Havasupais /^hakhapsd*^pdya/ and the Hualapais

/hwk•l’pdya/, living to the north of the ancestral Yavapai

homeland, speak a language (or two languages) most closely

related to Yavapai. The three languages (Havasupai, Hualapai=

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 11

Walapai, and Yavapai) have been traditionally grouped

together as a branch of the Yuman family, a member in turn

of the Hokan Stock (See Figure 1). As a subgroup of the

Yuman family they have been known as Northern Yuman, North­

western Yuman, Upland Yuman, Northern Pai, or simply Pai.

Some 600 miles to the southwest of the Yavapais, across the

international border, live the Paipais /pk**>paya/, another

Yuman group, whose language until 1975 remained problematic

with respect to classification. A brief history of the

problem and its resolution is outlined below.

1.51 Paipai

Both Kroeber (1947:41) and Gifford (1933:262) noted the

obvious resemblance of Paipai to Upland Yuman (Havasupai,

Hualapai, and Yavapai taken as a unit); that is, Paipai and

Upland Yuman are much more similar to each other than to any

other group within the Yuman family. Other investigators

made this observation at later dates (Winter, 1957; Joel,

1964). All agreed that Paipai and Upland Yuman showed

conspicuous phonological and lexical similarities. There

emerged, however, two explanations or theories to account

for the similarities. Some held that the synchronic distri­

bution of similarities represented an archaic linguistic

and geographic periphery of the Yuman family and that lan­

guages in between represented a more innovative nucleus.

Others believed that a relatively recent migration was the

8
only explanation. Few linguists had ever heard both Paipai

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 12

and Upland Yuman. There was no contact between the two

peoples; each had only an inkling of the other's exis­

tence. It was imperative to resolve the matter in a

direct way.

1.52 Resolution of the Paipai Problem

In July of 1975 fourteen people from the United

States (among them three speakers of Yavapai/ anthro­

pologists/ enthnographers, and linguists) met at the

Paipai village of Santa Catarina, Baja California. The

results of one day's stay established a partial reclas­

sification of Yuman languages and brought to the light

of day other pertinent information.

The Yavapais (Grace and Don Mitchell, Lucy Miller)

and the Paipais communicated in their respective dialects

(the term "languages" could be used now only geopolitically)

freely enough to indicate that there exists no language

barrier. In fact, Langdon remarked that there is more

dialect variation within Diegueno than she was able to

observe between Paipai and Yavapai. The implication is

that there are fewer differences among the Pai "lan­

guages" than among the Dieguefio "dialects."

Yavapais, for the first time, are now willing to

relate the details of the migration. They had been

reluctant to recall this information because they

believed the ancestors of the Paipais, who had been

banished by their ancestors, had perished. For

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 13

details of the controversy and resolution see Shaterian

(1976).

1.53 New Classification

Since 1975 the term "Pai languages" has been used for

Havasupai, Hualapai, Paipai, and Yavapai. If one examines

the Pai languages solely on the basis of the phonology and

lexicon, one can say that they all share a single underly­

ing representation for almost every item in the lexicon.

(This remark is subject to several qualifications, of

course: (1) one does not know every item in the lexicon;

(2) loanwords from English, Spanish, and other languages

have replaced or displaced some lexical items; (3) there

have certainly been independent developments within each

language and dialect; (4) Paipais face acculturation in

Mexico, Yavapais in the United States; (5) diffusion in

general, both linguistic and cultural, have played a role.)

The differences between each group and among the dialects

within the group can be accounted for by phonological rules,

when cognate forms exist.

1.54 Population of Pai Speakers

There are approximately 200 speakers of Paipai. Cer­

tainly there is dialectal variation within the language.

Table 1 also does not reflect the fact that, although

Havasupai and Hualapai also have several hundred speakers

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 14

each, Yavapai is not in so fortunate a state: North­

eastern Yavapai could have as many as 50 speakers; Western

Yavapai may have only one; Southeastern Yavapai probably

has only two.

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 TABLE 1

Pai Languages

I. Havasupai-Hualapai

1. Havasupai: /’hakhkpsu'^paya/

2. Hualapai=Walapai: /hw^*l?paya/

II. Yavapai: /ykp?p&ya/

1. Northeastern Yavapai: /y&P’pe/

a. Prescott Yavapai: /’wi'kpte^paya/

b. Verde Valley Yavapai: /’wl'pftk’pciya/

2. Western Yavapai: /tolk9paya

3. Southeastern Yavapai: /kw&'Pk’p&ya/

III. Paipai: /p^*’p4ya/

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 16

NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

1. Gifford gives an excellent account of the Yavapais

in "The Southeastern Yavapai" and "The Northeastern and

Western Yavapai." The only shortcoming of these is the

faulty and sometimes uninterpretable transcription of

Yavapai words. Gifford had impaired hearing (Grace

Mitchell, p.c.). His "Northeastern and Western Yavapai

Myths" also contains much information that is no longer

obtainable (see Bibliography).

2. Violet Mitchell has written (to appear: p. 142)

that there are only 13 fluent Yavapai speakers at the

Yavapai Prescott Reservation.

3. Transcriptions of Yavapai forms, when they appear

within an English text, are set into slashes. This nota-

tional device also shows that the form is phonemic (or sys­

tematic phonetic).

4. The suffix /-’paya/ 'dwellers; people of X'

appears in the names of each of these groups. The singular

is /-’pe/. The verbal root is /pe/ 'be alive; bear fruit,'

which also appears in / ’pa:/ sg. /’pa:fia/ pi. 'person;

Indian.' This noun may also appear as second element in

some compound ethnic names; for example, /kwl*k’pa:/ 'a

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 17

Cocopa (lit. cloud person)' and /mri:k’p a :/ 'a Maricopa

(lit. bean person)' (Wares 1968:llff).

5. Grace Mitchell was unable to recognize these forms,

although she was able to provide an interpretation, which,

of course, may be a folk etymolpgy.

6. The Spirant Fronting Rule, which I discuss in a

paper "Proto-Pai" in Proceedings of the 1983 Hokan-Penutian

Workshop (to appear), fronts Proto-Yuman *s and *s to Pai

/%/ and /s/ respectively. This is an accepted assumption.

7. Of this group Grace Mitchell, Warren Gazzam,

Grace Nelson, and Mary Sine are no longer living.

8. Fr. Francisco Garces encountered the Paipai in

1776 in their present location (Gifford 1928:340).

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 CHAPTER TWO

THE SPEECH SOUNDS IN YAVAPAI

2.00 Introduction

This chapter contains an articulatory description of

phonetic segments in Yavapai and the role they play in its

phonology. I am concerned here with the systematic

phonetic segments and their resolution into systematic

phonemic segments at a more abstract level of analysis.

The data presented here are meant to lay the foundation

for Chapter Four, which deals specifically with phonology.

Yavapai suprasegmentals -- the syllable, stress, pitch,

intonation, and considerations of rhythm — are both

treated as one unit (2.73) both at the end of this chapter

and are alluded to throughout the chapter.

2.01 ?w i •k0te:Hpaya

It is the speech of Grace Mitchell (1903-1976) which

forms the basis of this phonology; that is, it is her

idiolect of the Prescott subdialect of the Northeastern

dialect of Yavapai that is used as the starting point in

the detailed articulatory descriptions. This is the form

of Yavapai known as /’w i ’kpt^*’pdya/ 'great-mountain-Pai,'

18

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 19

the variety of Yavapai spoken around Granite Mountain near

Prescott (see Chapter One, Figure 2 and Table 1).

2.02 Pronunciation Styles

J. Harris (1969:7) proposes a hierarchy of 'styles' of

pronunciation for Spanish, which I wish to adopt for Yavapai:

Largo: very slow, deliberate, overprecise;

typical of, for example, trying to communi­

cate with a foreigner or correcting a mis­

understanding over a bad telephone connec­

tion.

Andante: mode^fcitely slow, careful, but

natural; typical of, for example, deliver­

ing a lecture or teaching a class in a

large hall without electronic amplification.

Allegretto: moderately fast, casual, col­

loquial. In many situations one might

easily alternate between Andante and

Allegretto in mid-discourse or even in mid­

sentence .

Presto: very fast, completely unguarded.

This analysis of Yavapai refers mainly to the styles Andante

and Allegretto. On occasion I may refer to Largo and

Presto. In order to make Harris's specification more ap­

propriate to this study, I will apply the following amend­

ments to each style:

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 20

Largo: used in citation and elicitation.

Andante: used for recitation; it appears

in narrations, orations, pronouncements;

highly stylized.

Allegretto: definitely colloquial.

Presto: excited.

2.03 Bases of Articulation: Crooked-mouth vs. Normal

Yavapai is articulated with a tenser musculature than

English. The configuration of the mouth and of the muscles

controlling its movements can be said to be "normal" with re­

spect to crooked-mouth articulation which is a second basis

of articulation or perhaps simply a parameter superimposed on

the normal or unmarked basis of articulation. In crooked-

mouth articulation the mouth is used to indicate a direc­

tion away from the speaker. It is a gesture and properly

an aspect of non-verbal behavior. There is, however, an

area of overlap with phonology in that the mouth, more

specifically the lips, are being used to point. This is

done by pursing the lips to either side or by drawing

down one corner of the mouth and pointing. The

head is not moved, nor is speech interrupted. Articulation

proceeds with an inevitable distortion of normal speech be­

cause of the extension of the vocal tract.

The phenomenon of crooked-mouth articulation will not

be characterized in formal terms; nor will any of the

speech sounds which occur as a consequence of it be

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 21

described. It is assumed that the speech sounds under dis­

cussion are those produced when all the organs of speech

are engaged in normal or unmarked articulation.

2.04 Initiations

Initiation is pulmonic egressive for all speech

sounds. The occurrence of sounds, which are sometimes clas­

sified as either vocal behavior (in some languages) or dis­

tinctive (in others) — pulmonic ingressive or those based

on other initiations (e.g. glottalic or velaric) — has not

been observed.

2.05 Hypocorism

There are speech sounds, however, that occur in Yavapai

which fall outside of the larger sound pattern: sounds

that form part of a subsystem used for hypocorism and baby-

talk. Pronunciations from this subsystem are found in nor­

mal or unmarked speech. The most easily recognized in­

stances of this is the occurrence of [Sj and [A] and the

nasalization of vowels; [a] for example.

2.10 Note on Exposition of Analysis

In order that the reader may follow the development of

the ideas which led to the particular phonemicization or

systematic phonemic and phonetic representations, it is

necessary to present tentative conclusions and classifica­

tions in this chapter (which are revised in Chapter

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 22

Pour). For example, /*>, h, hw/ are considered respectively a

glottal stop, a glottal fricative, and a rounded glottal

fricative phonetically but are treated as glides phono-

logically (See Tables 2-5, pp. 24-26).

2.11 Syllabicity

The syllable is to be viewed in three different

lights. At the systematic phonetic level the language is

phonotactically made up of C+V- or C+I- sequences. Morpho-

phonemically most lexical items — roots and stems — have only

one vowel, which appears stressed on the surface, and may

have clusters of several consonants. Between the input to

and the output of the phonological rules, the form acquires

syllabicity. How syllabicity is interpreted is seen in

4.30.

2.12 Redundant Transcriptions

A complete or even a completely satisfactory analysis

of the prosodic features of Yavapai may no longer be pos­

sible because of the moribund state of the language and

the degree of free variation occurring even at the

idiolectal level. It seems, therefore, wiser to over­

specify, suprasegmentally at least, the forms cited in

examples and the forms presented in the dictionary as well.

A fuller discussion of this appears in 2.70 and 5.00.

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 23

2.20 Note on Plosives and Affricates

The unaspirated plosives /p, kY, k, kw/ and the affri­

cate /c/ appear postvocalically as lenis or partially voiced

in Allegretto and optionally so in Andante: [b, § v, g, § w,

O
D ($|)]. The aspirated plosives and affricate have fortis

articulation: /ph* th, k h, k hw, 6 h/ f as does /t/. /q/

and /qu/ are weakened to spirants (see the next section).

2.21 Backvelar Spirantization

The back-velar (uvular) stops /q, qw/ may be spirant-

ized intervocalically in Allegretto and Presto: [%» xw 1

(See Examples 2.21a,b.). /q/ appears spirantized and voiced

in Allegretto and Presto: [R] in a single form (See

Example 2.21c).

Examples 2.21a-c

(a) /qaqa*qa/ 'Hohokam ghosts'

[qaqa*xQ.]

(b) / ’Skmtii* tu* q wa9a kafta/ 'cantaloupe'

/’ckmtu* [to xwQ-P'Q'] kafia/

(c) /qyati/ 'really, very much'

[RySti]

2.22 Articulatory Descriptions of Plosives and Affricates

The plosives and the affricates in occurrences not

affected by lenition, fortititon, spirantization, or

2
voicing are described as follows:

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 24

TABLE 2

Yavapai Systematic Phonetic Consonantal Segments

a. voiced >1 Ss
V. Glides
b. voiceless °>i s

a. voiced HI M
IV. Liquids
b. voiceless HIo Mo

a. voiced e at c.
III. Nasals
b. voiceless e° cio CP

3 3
a. labialized X X!

b. voiceless *e< <D to xo x xs IV. Fricatives

c. voiced CO. tr cc

a. labialized- 3
-C
aspirated X
3 3 3
b. labialized M tj< o.
-c V. Stops and
c. aspirated _c -C XQ j= Affricates
-Pt •P X
d. fortis XO >>
a. -Pi •P M X 01 c-
xgo >*
e. lenis .0° »Oo 0 0

M ,—*
—I
i (0
10 H >0
•P O 0)
(S 0) N M
0 > •H (0
H TO M H i—I
m (0 10 H <U H
■H U H O (0 > (0
xs 0 0 •P ■P M 1 ■P
10 ■p (0 (0 (0 (0 X ■P
H c > H H H o 0
•H •H H (0 (0 a) (0 H
A (0 Q< > A
. • • '• • • • •
H cs M in lD 00

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 TABLE 3

Yavapai Systematic Phonetic Vocalic Segments

i A u
1. high
i + u

e a o.
2. mid
e A O

a
3. low
a a d

front central back

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 TABLE 4

Yavapai Suprasegmentals

Vowel Lengths

1. one mora /a/ short

2. two morae /a*/ medium

3. three morae /as/ long

II. Pitch and Stress:

1. Primary /a/ high, /a/ falling,

/k/ variable, /k/ uncertain

2. Secondary /k/ no pitch distinction

3. Tertiary /a/ no pitch distinction

III. Nasalization:

/a /

IV. Syllable Boundary:

/I.Z/

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 26

TABLE 5

Yavapai Systematic Phonemic Segments

I. Stops/Af- p t ft kv k kw q qu

fricates ph th fi*1 k*1 k*11'

II. Fricatives j3 9 s (§)

III. Nasals m n P

IV. Liquids 1 r (A)

V. Glides y w

h hw

VI. Vowels i u

e o

back-velar

>h
id
rH 0 _
id <D
+J > a)
a rH N M
labialized

0) id •H & a) id
rH •— o N rH
id 0 r—1 1—1 •H
•H ”>H ■p id N rH >
a a) id 4J tH id 1
id +> H id id ■rl M
rH c id rH rH A O
•H •H Oi id a) id id
a ■— cu > rH A
. • . • • • •
pH CM co in VO co

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 2.221 /p/: voiceless bilabial stop: [p]. (See

Examples 2.221a-j).

Examples 2.221a-j

(a) /pi/ 'die; he is dead'

(b) /pA/ 'carry on head'

(c) /pA/ 'stick' v.

(d) /sp6/ 'know'

(e) /pd/ 'put away'

(f) /qAepi/ 'bad^'

/qAepi/ •bad2 '

(g) /li*pi/ 'soupy'

(h) /6upi/ 'eat something mushy'

(i) /pA'pa./ 'potato' (Spanish papa)

(j) /Grapi/ 'five'

2.222 /ph/: voiceless bilabial aspirated stop:

(See Example 2.222a).

Example 2.222a,b

(a) /yaphI/ 'chin, jaw'

(b) /’p h«£lka/ 'ironwood tree'

2.223 /t/: voiceless apicodental stop: [fc] (See

Examples 2.223a-e).

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 28

Examples 2.223a-e

(a) /txti/ 'rip, tear'

(b) /’td/ 'many, lots of'

(c) /t&'/ 'grind'

(d) /tc5*/ 'sated'

(e) /td/ 'burn' v.t.

2.224 /th/s voiceless apicodental aspirated stop:

Ifch].

Examples 2.224a,b

(a) / ’thd/ 'reed, cane'

(b) /’mthci'Pk/ 'north'

2.225 /£/: voiceless apico-alveolar, affricated stop,

more precisely [t£].

Examples 2.225a-e

(a) /fix*/ 'lay/ put'

(b) /fieV 'put away'

(c) /£&•/ 'pour'

(d) /ddrka/ 'walnut'

(e) /66/ 'set down'

2.226 /fi*1/: voiceless aspirated apico-alveolar,

affricated stop:

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 29

Examples 2.226a,b

(a) /■?fihura/ 'year'

(b) 'winter'

2.227 Note on the Affricates: /£/ and /5h/ pattern

as plain stops and should always be assumed included in

any general discussion of plosives.

2.228 /kv/: voiceless palatalized, velar stop: [kv],

varying with a voiceless palatal stop: [c].

Examples 2.228a-d

(a) /fikV^*/ 'push'

(b) /kv£*/ 'shoot'

(c) /5kV<5/ 'bite'

(d) /kvti'li/ 'long'

2.30 Note on the Velar Stops

For /k, k h, k w , k hw/ the point of occlusion between

the articulator and the point of articulation is determined

by the vocalic environment and moves along the continuum

[k** .. .k* .. .k...k*.. .k**] in a predictable manner. The

phenomenon is so common in natural languages that this

analysis will not take the positional allophony of /k, k h,

kw, k hw/ into account.

2.301 /k/: voiceless velar stop: [k].

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 Examples 2.301a-e

(a) /kipa/ 'great-grandchiId'

(b) /kela/ 'younger sibling'

(c) /fikd’pa/ 'cousin: mother's brother's or

father's sister's son'

(d) /i *k6/ 'carry in hand'

(e) /’kdla/ 'jackrabbit'

2.302 /kh/.: voiceless velar aspirated stop: [kh].

Examples 2.302a-d

(a) /pk* k hclya/ 'Indian from another group'

(b) /yuri sakhkppi/ 'button' (See Punctilation 2.915)

(c) /’k h6-/ 'daughter's child'

(d) /tkh5*/ 'stomach'

2.303 /kw/: voiceless labiovelar stop: [kw].

Examples 2.303a-c

(a) /kwi*/ 'weave'

(b) /-?kwe-/ 'something'

(c) /k«a/ 'horn'

2.304 /khw/: voiceless labiovelar aspirated stop:

[khw ] .

Example 2.304

/•Pkhw^/ 'metal; knife'

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 31

2.310 /q/i voiceless backvelar or uvular stop: [q].

Examples 2.310a-c

(a) /qirqlri/ 'rub something hard'

(b) /pqkqS’i/ 'it is sticky'

(c) /’qata/ 'sunflower'

2.311 /qw/: voiceless labio-backvelar or uvular stop:

[qw J •

Examples 2.311a,b

(a) /mqwl0/ 'flying squirrel'

(b) /nqw4/ 'crane'

2.320 /’/: the glottal stop: p] (2.320a-e). In

Presto the initial sequence /?w.../ before a vowel produces

a labialized glottal stop: p w] (2.320f).

Examples 2.320a-f

(a) 'yes'

P S ’ a]

(b) / ’i?/ 'stop!'

P i ’ a]

(c) /t’Smpa/ 'closed'

[ t a ’ cimpa]
i

(d) /fiqn’Sni/ 'fold once'

[ S t q m ’oni]

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 (e) /mpirkl’ut/ 'tarantula'

[mapu’kl’ut]

(f) / ’w£' ’wiykm/ 'I have money'

[’wl ?w£yi]Qp]

2.40 Note on Coarticulation

The coarticulated consonants /kv, k w , k hw, qw , h w/

cannot be treated as the consonant clusters /ky, kw, k hw,

qw, hw/ since the latter contrast with the former in all

speech styles except Presto (see Shaterian 1976a).

Examples 2.40a-e

(a) /kyd’ya/ 'gray hair'

[kiydya]

(b) /kwl/ 'dove'

[kuwl]

(c) /khwdta/ 'the red one'

[kahwdta]

(d) /qwdwa/ 'hair; scalp'

[qowdwa]

(e) /hw&ki/ 'two'

[huwaki]

2.41 Note on Aspiration

In Yavapai one must distinguish between preaspira­

tion and postaspiration. A preaspirated voiced

consonant is devoiced in Allegretto and

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 33

Presto; that is, the phonemic sequence /h/ + Nasal, Liquid,

or /p/ without syllable boundary /./ between the two, is

pronounced as such a sequence only in Largo and Andante:

Examples 2.41a-g

(a) /’hmdl/ 'sack; bag'

paipdl]

(b) /hnti/ 'scoop out'

[fftS]
(c) /hp6mi/ 'do exercise'
[q o i t u ]

<d) /hll/ 'milk' v.

.til]
(e) /hr<5kpi/ 'crooked'

[.gokp t]

(f) /n^hpi/ 'commit suicide'

[n£4>i]

(g) /nS’hpi/ 'gambling'

[no*#i]

One sees quite clearly, from comparative evidence, that the

aspirated stops, / p h, th, fih, k h, k hw/, arose from "true"

clusters, without syllable boundaries (See 2.90). They

contrast with "apparent" clusters, those containing syl­

lable boundaries.

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 34

Examples 2.41h-m

(h) /thuma/ 'cloth'

[tafiuma] ~ [tafiuma]

(i) /th©£*la/ 'lizard'

[tah.d£ *la]

(j) /fihari/ 'avenge'

[ d a f m r i]

(k) /{Shk&pi/ 'canyon'

[fiahkapi]

(1) /kherpa/ 'the lazy one'

[kafierpa] ~ [kafierpa]

(m) /khapa/ 'the follower'

[kafmpa] ~ [kafiapa]

2.411 Epiphenomena: Postaspiration of stops is an

epiphenomenon. It occurs after the historical metathesis

of the sequence /h/ + Stop, which is interpreted as pre-

aspiration. Metathesis and spontaneous aspiration do not

occur in the same forms in all dialects. See Chapter Four.

2.50 Articulatory Description of the Fricatives

Articulatory description of the fricatives and their

allophones:

2.501 /p/: voiced bilabial slit fricative: [p].

Before /©/ the point of articulation is labiodental: [v].

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 In all styles but Largo, /p/ preceded by /h/ is devoiced

and realized as /$/ (See 2.41 f,g).

Examples 2.501a-e

(a) /&•/ 'arrive'

(b) /pc5-/ 'walk'

(c) /ptotpk/ 'collapsed'

(d) /Spk<5/ 'cup (ears)'

(e) /p’ri-pi/ 'become visible'

2.502 /0/: voiceless postdental fricative: [0].

Intervocalically in Allegretto /0/ is weakened to [h],

specifically [fi].

Examples 2.502a-g

(a) /0l*/ 'drink'

(b) /«e/ 'billowing'

(c) /q0dq/ 'burden basket'

(d) /«&•/ 'eat meat'

(e) /kt0ukpa/ 'curved'

(f) /h.p&q^Qd'&a/ 'beaver-eaters'

[hipaq’afio *£a] 'white men')

(g) /k0ar/ 'dog'

tk tR cLg] (See 4.803)

2.503 /s/i voiceless apico-alveolar groove fricative

[s].

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 36

Examples 2.503a-e

(a) /si/ 'r e a d '

(b) /si/ 'be fatty'

(c) /si/ 'sting' v.

(d) /gsdpa/ 'mole (on skin)'

(e) /suri/ 'spot, espy'

2.504 /3/s voiceless palato-alveolar fricatives [5]

/s/ occupies a marginal status in the language.

In hypocoristic language both /%/ and /s/ are neutralized

as /§/.

Examples 2.504a-f

(a) */ms£*/ ~ /m3£*/ '(one) fears'

(b) */msdyi/ ~ /mSdyi/ '(they) fear'

(c) */ms6*{3i/ ~ /m§6*(3i/ 'fearsome'

(d) /sahi/ ~ /5ahi/ 'stink'

(e) /Odwa/ ~ /Sdwa/ 'offspring' sg.

(f) /Odswa/ ~ /53:wa/ 'offspring' pi.

2.505 /h/s voiceless laryngeal fricative; [h].

Examples 2.505a-e

(a) /hlpi/ 'move (aside)'

(b) /{3he/ 'tail; dress'

(c) /hcimi/ 'look over there'

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 37

(d) /h6lh<5li/ 'flow downward'

(e) /hu:/ 'nose; head'

2.506 /hw/s voiceless labialized laryngeal fricative:

[hu]; or voiceless labiovelar glide: [m ] .

Examples 2.506a~c

(a) /hwi/ 'smell' v.t.

[MX]

(b) /hwd/ 'fighting, war'

[m <1]

(c) /slhw6*/ 'nail; claw; hoof'

[s ilaM o *]

2.510 Note on Glides: h, h w/ pattern like the

semivowels /y/ and /w/. These five segments will be

treated as glides in the phonology. The classification

follows Chomsky and Halle (1968:303), whose analysis

provides compelling motivation for Yavapai (See

Chapter Four).

2.511 Note on [h]: An additional h occurs in Yavapai

at the phonetic level. Autonomous phonemics would classify

it as an instance of /h/ exemplified in 2.505. It is not a

systematic phoneme, however. It is created ex nihilo by

phonological rule before a vowel in initial position,

insuring that on the systematic phonetic level no word

can begin with a vowel (See Chapter Three).

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 Examples 2.511a-d

(a) /im A/ 'dances'

[himd]

(b) /ik 6/ 'carries in the hand'

[hiko]

(c) /okwd/ 'feels like' (modal)

[hokwd]

(d) /o’ali/ 'draws out'

[ho’lli]

2.52 Nasals

Articulatory description of the nasal stops and their

allophones.

2.521 /m/i voiced bilabial nasal stop: [m].

Examples 2.521a-e

(a) /mi/ 'foot*

(b) /mera/ 'slender'

(c) /ma / 'ripe; well-done'

(d) /m5ra/ 'father's mother'

(e) /muni/ 'cold'

2.522 /n/: voiced apicodental to interdental nasal

stop: [n].

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 Examples 2.522a-e

(a) /nl•sa/ 'spider'

(b) /ne*/ 'scoop up'

(c) /n&li/ 'fall; descend'

(d) /n6'/ 'heavy'

(e) /nil •ta/ 'mother's brother's daughter' (man

speaking)

2.523 /p/s voiced palatal nasal stop: [p].

Examples 2.523a-e

(a) /pl*ni/ 'copulate'

(b) /p6/ 'hunt'

(c) / ’p A V 'me'(disjunctive)

(d) /pdV 'that one' (deictic)

(e) /po/ 'quiet! wait!' (interjection)

2.53 Liquids

Articulatory description of the liquids and their

allophones.

2.531 /l/: apicodental lateral liquids [1]. The

body of the tongue is in the high front position, giving

/l/ and i- or e-coloration.

Examples 2.531a-e

(a) /siii/ 'fry'

(b) /le*k6/ 'stick out the tongue'

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 40

(c) /l£*wi/ 'many'

(d) /l6*qi/ 'pluck'

(e) /mltiOa/ 'measles'

2.532 /r/: voiced alveolar trill to tap: [r...r];

In Largo and Andante /r/ is a trill more often than a tap.

The faster the Style the shorter the duration of /r/,

moving it along a continuum from trill to tap.

Examples 2.532a-e

(a) /mri*ka/ 'bean'

(b) /re*/ 'play'

(c) /rdpi/ 'hurt' v.i.

(d) /r6*pi/ 'go down (sun)'

(e) /rripi/ 'dry'

2.533 /A/: voiced palatal lateral liquid: [A] or an

apicodental to apico-alveolar palatalized lateral liquid:

[iv]. Like /&/ (2.504) the /A/ occupies a marginal status

in the Yavapai sound pattern. It occurs in only one root

/qA^*/ 'to find unpleasant, dislike' and its derivations.

It is assumed to be related through phonaesthesia to

/ 9ld:yi/''bad; no good' and to the interjection /’l^/

'ugh!' See discussion of sound symbolism in Chapter Three.

Examples 2.533a-e

(a) /qA^*/ 'dislike' sg.

(b) /qA^*yi/ 'dislike' pi.

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 41

(c) /qAepi/ 'bad.^'

(d) /qAepi/ ,bad2*

(e) /qAa*ypi/ 'bad pi.'

2.534 Devoicing of Nasals and Liquids; The nasals

and liquids are devoiced after an /h/ in the same syllable

(See Examples 2.41a-g). The liquids are devoiced in

Allegretto and Presto in word-final position.

Examples 2.534a,b

(a) /hiOul/ 'cheeks'

[hieuj]

(b) /kOar] 'dog'

[kifvar] (See 4.803)

2.54 Semivowels

Articulatory description of the semivowels (glides)

and their allophony.

2.541 /y/: voiced unrounded palatal glide: [y].

Examples 2.541a-e

(a) /ylrki/ 'hatch'

(b) /qrye:/ 'clear'

(c) /yd/ 'mouth'

(d) /y6qi/ 'vomit'

(e) /yd* si/ 'cool, comfortable'

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 42

2.542 /w/s voiced rounded velar glides [w].

Examples 2.542a-e

(a) /w£/ 'do, make'

(b) /w<£/ 'vagina'

(c) /w<£/ 'sit'

(d) /£w6*/ 'set, put down'

(e) /pSiqwusml/ 'gulp'

2.543 Note on Glides II: Redden (1966, p. 7ff.) dis­

cusses the inadvisability of analyzing occurrences of [y]

and [w] as "allophones of /i/ and /u/ respectively in the

environment before another vowel." His remarks, the thrust

of which is an argument against enormous complexity, are

well-taken. Following affixation y. anc* ™ may occur as

intrusive semivowels between vowels. One recalls that this

is true of h as well (2.511). Chapter Four deals with the

phonological status of /y/ and /w/ and of /?, h, h w/ and

treats them as glides at the systematic phonemic level.

2.60 Vowels

The most difficult aspect of Yuman phonological sub­

systems is generally acknowledged to be the vocalism. It

is also widely accepted among Yumanists that Yuman lan­

guages have considerably more free variation, on all levels

of the grammar, than do most other languages. In the pho­

nology of Yavapai this is indeed the impression one forms.

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 43

This work is an attempt to show that symmetry and pre­

dictability underlie the chaotic surface manifestations.

There continue to be, however, many reasons that the

phonetic output shows variability.

2.601 Optionality; I can write, for example, many

phonological rules that can apply to an underlying string,

but not obligatorily, so that much of the elaborate formal­

ism I can propose for the language is optional.

2.602 First Approximation: It may be the case that

any statement about Yavapai vocalism will remain at the

"first approximation" stage because of (1) the optionality

of many phonological rules, (2) system instability in a

moribund language. A symmetrical system can be perceived,

but it is also clear that it is changing rapidly.

2.70 Length

Yavapai has three distinctive vowel lengths, written

/a/, /a*// and /a:/ cooccurring with primary and secondary

stress. In addition, a vowel of any length, i.e. regard­

less of its specification with respect to length in the

lexicon, may occur overlong as an emphatic device.

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 Examples 2.70a-v

(a) / ” £/ 'I say'

/’’I*/ 'wood'

(b) /k’ila/ 'rough sides'

/k’I*la/ 'canyon'

/” I:li/ 'steep'

/” £ :1a/ 'thread' (Spanish hilo)

/” i*la/ 'worm'

/’’I:1a/ 'worms'

(c) /nwlrfii/ 'cook' v. pi.

/nwl'ri/ 'cook' v. sg.

(d) /0piri/ 'hard'

/Gpl-rpi/ 'strengthen'

/9p£::rpi/ 'strengthen' (emphatic)

(e) /” e/ 'deep'

/” §•/ 'I give'

(f) /w4/ 'vagina'

/ ’we*/ 'mouse'

(g) /k£la/ 'younger sibling'

/k4*la/ 'younger siblings'

(h) /hm£/ 'let's go!'

/hmd*/ 'testicles'

/’hmd/ 'quail'

/’hmd:/ 'gourd'

/ ’ha/ 'water'

/ ’h£*/ 'cottonwood'

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 /’ha:/ 'bitter; spicy'

(j) /6k6afi’l/ 'squirted on'

/fihfia-tti/ 'sprinkle'

(k) /ttma’li/ 'rake' v.

/&n&:li/ 'rake' n.

(1) /fiyAlpi/ 'painted'

/fiyA'lpi/ 'face paint'

(m) / ’pA’/ 'me' (disjunctive)

/ ’pa/ 'road'

/ ’p W 'sun'

/’pa:/ 'black'

(n) /’kho/ 'pinon'

/'?k h6*/ 'daughter's child'

(o) /k<5la/ 'mother's mother'

/k6•la/ 'mother's mothers'

(P) /np<5‘/ 'father's father'

/0mp5:/ 'bee'

(q) /hi€ul/ 'cheeks'

/hi0u*li/ 'slow'

/0{t:l{3i/ 'lame'
(r) /tpiili/ 'wetten'

/impA*la/ 'forehead'

/kmpu:l(3a/ 'humpback'

(s) /fiyGti/ 'rub straight'

/6£yA*ti/ 'rub straight' pi.

(t) /sk’ti-la/ 'beads'

/sk’u:la/ 'bead'

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 46

(u) /hkl’u*pi/ 'mirror'

/’urpa/ 'tobacco'

(v) /’fikurSa/ 'once upon a time'

/’^kussrGV 'a long time ago'

2.71 Pitch

Yavapai has two distinctive pitch accents cooccurring

with primary stress only (see 2.73). Pitch 1 is high,

Pitch 2 falling (see 2.70a-v).

2.72 Stress

Three levels of stress — primary, secondary, and

tertiary — are distinctive at the systematic phonetic

level; however, primary stress is ultimately predictable

at the level of lexical representation.

Examples 2.72a-d

(a) /pklmelk’l/ 'lick one's lips or chops'

(b) / ’h k ’pdsSfc/ 'cotton spring'

(c) / ’&hw&y£’ai’d-/ 'smoke hole'

(d) /'?6 h w4ya/ 'smoke'

/?o’<£li/ 'I draw out'

2.73 Interaction of Length, Pitch, and Stress

Pitch can be distinguished only when it occurs with

primary stress. With secondary and tertiary stress the

pitch distinction is neutralized to a mid tone. It becomes

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 47

absorbed by sentence stress and intonation. The three-

length distinction is reduced to a two-length distinction

with secondary and tertiary stress (see 2.70a-v).

2.74 Realization of Pitch 1 and Pitch 2

Pitch 1 is always realized as a high level pitch,

regardless of vowel length. Pitch 2 is realized as a

falling pitch. The falling pitch is most noticeable on

vowels of Length 3 and least noticeable on those of Length

1, where the fall is of short duration.

2.75 Stress Assignment

Although the system of transcription used in this work

overwrites the suprasegmentals (see 2.12), primary stress

is predictable at the systematic phonemic level. It is

automatically assigned to the vowel of the last syllable

in the stem or root, where root and stem are the same

(see Chapter Three). In compounds, primary stress is

assigned to the last stem or root. If the compound con­

sists of only two stems (with or without the addition of

affixes), secondary stress is assigned to the first stem

(See 2.72a-d). It is, however, not predictable on suffixes

(see Chapter Three).

2.76 Function and Analysis of Pitch

Pitch, Stress, and Length — interrelated phenom­

ena — play significant roles in both the inflectional and

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 48

the derivational morphology and are discussed in Chapter

Three. Nevertheless, problems remain at the word level.

After examining a large corpus of data containing

forms in which both pitch and length were carefully marked,

Langdon (p.c., 1972) suggested that pitch is "more phrasal

than anything else" and "that there is no meaningful dif­

ference between" Pitch 1 and Pitch 2. Differences in pitch

in elicitation forms result from the fact that the speaker

perceives the forms as occurring in isolation or as part of.

a larger phrase affected by sentence intonation.

Langdon's suggestion is compelling: it accounts for

a significant portion of the data and is intuitively ap­

pealing. The pattern she describes seems to be the emerg­

ing or dominant one. The exceptions to the pattern could

be the result of free variation.

2.77 Recalcitrant Data

The minimal pairs in the example set listed below,

nevertheless, remain distinct in the speech of many

Ya,vapais. Members of the first two groups are deriva-

tionally related. It seems possible to consider here

one or both of the following explanations to account for

these forms: (1) They are vestiges of phonological

distinctions such as those of length or voicing, or

the presence of a final consonant or an additional

syllable. (2) In an older system, pitch was used as

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 49

a derivational morpheme to move from a concrete to a meta­

phorical meaning or to move from one form class to another.

Examples 2.77a-c

(a) /’wa/ 'I am sitting'

/ • w 'dwelling'

(b) /hnu/ 'be ungrateful'

/hnti/ 'scoop out'

(c) /kwl/ 'horn'

/k w&/ 'Indian spinach'

2.78 Transcribing Length, Pitch, and Stress

The Yavapai-English and English-Yavapai dictionaries

included in this work reflect che fact that the analysis

of the suprasegmentals is incomplete. At this writing I

must still include more phonetic detail than may ultimately

be necessary. I transcribe the forms to show instances of

free variation. In cases affecting vowels, lengths of one

or more additional morae are included in parentheses.

Vowels marked by a falling-rising accent / v/ vacillate

between Pitch 1 and Pitch 2: In those cases where the

accuracy of the recording with respect to pitch is in

doubt, I have recorded only primary stress (see 2.70a-v).

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 2.80 The Underlying Vowel System

Yavapai has five distinctive vowels: /i, e, a, o,

u/. Alternations and other phonological phenomena pro­

vide clues about the origin of /e/ and /o/. There is,

however, not enough motivation for reducing the underly­

ing vowel system to /i, a, u/ despite the alternation

between /e/ and /ay/, /o/ and /aw/ (and /i/ and /uy/)

which is shown below.

Examples 2.80a-h

(a) /kmye*/ 'moan'

/kmya•ypa/ 'the moaner'

(b) /tyd/ 'tell a lie' sg. subj.

/tydyi/ 'tell a lie' pi. subj.

(c) /topd/ 'help' sg. subj.

/topdyi/ 'help' pi. subj.

(d) /n<5*/ 'heavy'

/kpnawi/ 'carry heavy objects in arms'

(e) /y6:/ 'be located' sg. subj.

/ydswi/ 'be located' pi. subj.

(f) /kipo/ 'rain'

/klpAwa/ 'rain' (absolutive)

(g) /pqi/ 'woman'

/pqu'ya/ 'women'

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 51

(h) /epli/ 'hole'

/0|31ti*yi/ 'having holes'

2.81 Other Sources of /e/ and /o/

Some occurrences of /e/ are derived phonologically

from an underlying /a/ in a palatal environment.

Examples 2.81a,b

(a) /ya£/ 'seed'

[ye£] ~ [y§£]

(b) /myala/ 'bread'

[miyala] ~'[miy6la]

In unstressed or reduced-stress positions (the latter

arise from constraints imposed by sentence stress and

intonation), /i/ and /u/ are lowered in Allegretto and

Presto to [e] and [o] :

Examples 2.81c,d

(c) /Pqihmap/ 'little girl'

[pqeipap/

(d) /tu* qwa8a/ 'quite yellow'

[[Link]]

Spontaneous alternations are found between /u/ and

/o/ before liquids.

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 Examples 2.81e-g

(e) /mdl/ ~ /mdl/ 'name'

(f) /sdlsuli/ ~ '/sdlsoli/ 'clear, transparent'

(g) /mo*ri/ ~ /md*ri/ 'knead'

2.811 There are also many forms in Yavapai

which contain /e/ or /o/ which cannot be accounted for

on the basis of any of the above explanations. The

proposal of five phonemic vowels is the only one that

can be justified on the basis of the synchronic facts.

2.90 Schwa

At the systematic phonemic level Yavapai morphemes

have representations which are rich in consonant clusters

but poor in vowels. Many consonants may be strung to­

gether, with few restrictions on cooccurrence, forming

underlying clusters:

Examples 2.90a-e

(a) /’mmani/ 'get me upI'

(b) /tm’ampi/ 'capsize'

(c) /tmhwirpi/ 'loincloth'

(d) /pdlwd*qki/ 'come out'

(e) /dpnpdpi/ 'carry many objects'

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 53

On the systematic phonetic level the situation is much the

opposite; the language is rich in vowels and other [+syl-

labic] segments but very poor in consonant clusters:

Examples 2.90a^-e1

(a1) [’amomani]

(b^) [tama’ampi]

(c^) [timo,fiwCrp i ]

(d^ [pifialwd*qkt]

(e^) [£upajjup£p t]

The vowels and other [tsyllabic] segments introduced by

phonological rules are inorganic; they carry no meaning

and are present only to facilitate the articulation of

consonant clusters. The syllabic segments introduced are

also unstable and can appear with differing qualities in

different occurrences of the same morpheme. They may be

absent, appear as [a]/ or add syllabicity to a nasal or

liquid.

2.91 The Inorganic Vowel

The quality of the inorganic vowel depends on its

position with respect to the stressed segments of the mor­

pheme; that is, segments which are introduced behave dif­

ferently according to whether they are inserted pretonically

or posttonically.

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 54

2.911 Pretonic vs. Posttonic; Vowels introduced post-

tonically present a far simpler picture than those intro­

duced pretonically. In the former case, one may state that

the vowel inserted between each posttonic consonant is

schwa. In Andante and Largo such vowels are realized as

schwas. In Allegretto and Presto the schwa disappears be­

fore nasals and liquids, making these syllabic.

2.912 Simplex vs. Complex Environment; Pretonically

the situation is complicated; a number of different pho­

netic outputs is possible. If the consonantal environment

#
is simplex (i.e. #? ?V#), the vowel introduced is an "echo"

of the following stressed vowel in the stem:

Examples 2.912a-e

(a) / ” £/ 'I say'

[*i’£/
(b) /,9d/ 'deep'

(c) /’’d/ 'saguaro (cactus)'

p A ’d]

(d) / ” 6/ 'fire'

(e) /” £•■] 'I see'

[’u’d*]

If the consonantal environment is complex (see 2.90a^-e^),

the vowel introduced will be modified by that environment.

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 55

A vowel in a simplex environment in Andante and Largo may

behave as though it were in a complex one, although the

converse is not true. In Allegretto the vowels introduced

lose much of their distinctive quality and are reduced to

schwa. In Presto they may disappear altogether. Here

sentence-stress and rhythm play a_ large role.

2.913 Free Variation; If one can accept the notion

of free variation built into the phonological component,

the above sketch of inorganic vowels or vocalic segments

in Yavapai and related dialects and/or languages is satis-

factory. See however, Chapter Four.

2.914 Ambiguous Vowels; Another difficulty is deter­

mining which pretonic vowels are inorganic. Posttonically

this is not a problem because organic vowels in this posi­

tion are always articulated clearly in Andante and Largo.

Pretonically an inorganic vowel may have at least three

different representations: (1) root-copying vowel,

(2) vowel modified by immediate environment, or (3) schwa.

Of course, any organic vowel appearing before the root

or stem can also be reduced to schwa. The difficulty lies

in determining the origin of the pretonic vowel. Is it

part of the lexicon or has it been introduced later in the

derivation by phonological rules? Three possibilities

must be considered: (1) the pretonic vowel has been

introduced by one of the phonological rules which insert

vocalic segments between consonants; that is, the specific

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 56

rule(s) involved can be made explicit; (2) the pretonic

vowel comes directly from the lexicon since its shape with

respect to consonantal environment cannot otherwise be

explained; and (3) the pretonic vowel could be the result

of phonological rules having operated on a consonant

cluster or it could be present before the operation of any

phonological rules — a combination of (1) and (2).

2.915 Punctilating Convention: A notational device

which can capture the ambiguity of case (3) above must be

sought. Throughout this work the "suspect" vowels are

punctilated.

Examples 2.915a-c

(a) /kapdmka/ 'grasshopper'

(b) /^aghucrm/ 'in winter'

(c) /hi£l*la/ 'nit'

In Example 2.915c the [i] of the first syllable

could have been inserted by phonological rule. Its shape

could be explained by a rule which copies the stressed

vowel of the stem, [i*] or by one which takes into account

the nature of the consonant preceding the stressed vowel,

[6]. In either case, I would expect to find a high

3
front vowel. On the other hand, I know that / h i (•)-/

is a prefix. Since the root /+£l*l+/ means only 'to fall

asleep (an arm, leg),' T cannot readily etymologize the

form /hi+£l•1+a/, nor do I know other forms containing

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 /h£x'l+/. To resolve the ambiguity 'nit' is written

/hifil*la/, the punctilated vowel is shown to be one of

uncertain origin.

2.92 An Integrated Theory

In Chapter Four the question of schwa is taken up

again. A new solution, which incorporates many other

aspects of the phonology as well, is proposed. Before

examining an integrated theory of Yavapai phonology, it is

necessary to make an excursus into the morphology— both

inflectional and derivational — in order that the com­

position of a word be understood.

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 58

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

1. Hypocoristic forms involving [si and [£] (also

written [A]) are discussed in Chapter Three.

2. Yavapai phonotactics are discussed at the begin­

ning of Chapter Three. The distribution of the segments

and restriction on cooccurrence, as well as other facts

relating to canonical shape, are treated in "Inflectional

and Derivational Morphology."

3. The prefix /hi(•)-/ probably contains as its

initial segment the h discussed on page 37 (5.111). There

is only indirect evidence that this is so: forms for 'my

nit, your nit,' and the like were never elicited; there­

fore, I do not wish to write / i (•)-/* especially so since

the _i itself may be an epenthetic vowel.

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 CHAPTER THREE

INFLECTIONAL AND DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY

3.00 Introduction

Chapter Two presented the phonological facts of

Yavapai and discussed the areas that have continued to be

problematic. Chapter Four reexamines the phonology

and attempts to bring solutions to the problems. While

Chapter Two makes a prosaic statement of the phenomena,

Chapter Four restates the phenomena within a more theoret­

ical framework and seeks to explain the data. The approach

is two-pronged: Chapter Two presents a taxonomy; Chapter

Four presents a theoretically oriented accounting.

3.01 Chapter Three

Chapter Three is intended to have the same two-pronged

purpose: factual and theoretical, although its scope is

less ambitious than that of Chapters Two and Four, which

deal with the phonology, the focus of this dissertation.

Chapter Three presents the morphology in the form of a

sketch. It organizes the elements of word formation along

lines which it does not seek to justify at every step.

The terminology is that which has been developed the past

two decades among Yumanists in general and Pai specialists

59

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 60

in particular. In considering terminology and organiza­

tion of the morphology, two recent works have figured in

the writer's own presentation: "A Thumbnail Sketch of

Havasupai Grammar,” found in Hinton (1977) and the en­

tirety of the description of Tolkapaya found in Hardy

(1979). In following the line of development of terminology

from that summarized and elaborated by Hinton to that used

by Hardy and finally to that used in the current outline,

the reader can identify clearly the morphological entities

discussed and use the material to study the difference

between Northeastern Yavapai and Western Yavapai, hereafter

called simply NEY and Tolkapaya. Chapter Three has had as

its stated goal a better understanding of the phonology of

Yavapai and of the Yavapai-English and English-Yavapai

dictionaries of Part II. Each lexical item found in the

dictionary appears in a citation form from which can be

derived the other inflected forms.

3.02 From Meaning to Sound in Yavapai

Although it is necessary in describing a language to

present areas of the language — the phonetics, the

phonology, the morphosyntax, and so forth — in a piece­

meal, atomistic fashion, one should have a notion of how

the language works as a whole. In presenting the

various areas of the language, it is impossible to take

time at every step in an explanation and relate each

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 development to the overall hypothesis about how the

language operates. Nevertheless, there are certain

notions in these theoretical areas which, if outlined,

would allow the reader to know the general thrust of

the thinking behind the presentation; and would also

allow me to proceed with the description of the data

without having to allude to the obvious similarity of

certain affixes or to the implication of a particular

datum.

3.03 Overall View

The following outline is meant neither as a dia­

chronic nor a synchronic statement. Nor are there neces

sarily any psychological claims being made for the model

The description seeks to make the grammar of Yavapai

comprehensible.

3.04 Level II Representation

It is necessary to conceive of two levels of

abstractions that of the root and that of the stem.

A stem is a morpheme or a combination of morphemes that

can take verbal or nominal inflectional affixes, that

is, it has undergone derivational affixation which has

changed it from a root to a stem. The stem has a

more or less well-defined meaning. The affixes that

are attached to the stems at this second level of

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 62

representation also have fairly well-defined meanings and

specific positions which they occupy with respect to the

stems. This level of abstraction, consisting of tradi­

tional concepts of stem and affix, will be called Level II

Representation. It is approximately the same as classical

morphophonemics or systematic phonemic representation.

3.05 Level I Representation

At Level I I propose that one has in Yavapai

roots and affixes. Neither the root nor the affix

necessarily has the identical meaning which is retained at

Level II. Meaning at Level I is more abstract than that

at Level II. At Level II stems are either verbal or

nominal; at Level I roots are neither. Both roots and

affixes have a more iconic meaning.

3.06 Example of Level I Representation

Consider the root hwaL (roots and pre-affixes are

italicized), which is neither verb nor noun. Its meaning

can be described as 'a claw-like scooping motion into or

within a area.' The L represents the potentially sound-

symbolic, liquid termination of the root. It is an

"archisynaestheme," having a realization at Level II, as

two stems: /hwal-/ 'dig out (for planting)'; and /hwar-/

'scoop out (e.g. the interior of a log).’ The realization

with /l/ represents the larger movement, with /r/ the

smaller. (see 3.801) The stems can take among others

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 63

the affixes /m-/ 'second-person prefix' and /-i/ 'absolu-

tive' (called 'declarative' or 'absolutive' by Hardy. See

below). Primary stress has been assigned to the root;

/-i/ is inherently unstressed (see below). The resulting

forms /mhwali/ 'dig!' and /mhwari/ 'hollow it out!' are

both imperatives, which will undergo further phonological

rules giving an eventual systematic phonetic output.

3.07 Homonymy v s . Polysemy

One could also look more carefully at the affixes

/m-/ and /-i/. Highly abstract meanings have been pro­

posed for them and other affixes; that is, polysemy has

been favored'over homonymy. The reverse proposal has

been made as well. I do not seek to provide answers to

these questions; I do, however, compartmentalize the

problems by maintaining Levels I and II. In other words

at Level II one is clearly dealing with homonymy; that

is, one has the same phonological shape for many affixes

which are semantically distinct at Level II. At Level I,

on the other hand, one may be dealing with polysemy in

many instances, but probably not in all.

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 3.10 Word Stress

It is useful to recall at this point that the present

analysis recognizes three degrees of phonetic stress:

primary, secondary, and tertiary (or unstressed). At the

systematic phonemic level, primary stress is predictable,

assigned to the root vowel of each morpheme. Some affixes

are inherently stressed, and some are inherently unstressed

Inherently stressed affixes carry secondary stress; in­

herently unstressed affixes carry ipso facto tertiary

stress. Compound nouns, which consist of at least two

stems carrying primary stress, undergo a rule which reduces

the first primary stress to secondary stress.

3.101 Predictability of Stress: Since some affixes

are stressed (secondary stress) and other affixes are un­

stressed (tertiary stress), and since there are no cri­

teria for determining which affixes are stressed and which

are not; it follows that it is only the distinction between

secondary and tertiary stress which is unpredictable.

Primary stress is completely predictable (it is on the

vowel of the root). This dissertation, however, always

indicates primary stress by default. One recalls that

Pitch 1 is written /a/; Pitch 2: /&/; Variable Pitch: /&/

and Indeterminate Pitch: /k/ (see Table 4, page 25).

Since the pitch distinction is maintained only on vowels

with primary stress, I automatically indicate primary

stress when I write pitch.

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 65

3.102 Form Classes: There are only two form classes

in Yavapai: verbal and nominal.

3.103 Root and Stem: The root is subject to but does

not always undergo the structural modification — deriva­

tional affixation, sound symbolism, suprasegmental shifts —

which converts it to either a verbal or a nominal stem.

Consider, for example, the root wa 'being at rest; sit­

ting; dwelling (singular subject).' This very productive

root enters into many compound verbs and nouns. As a

simplex verb or simplex noun, however, it is found with

the meanings 'sit' and 'dwelling' respectively. The

modifications it undergoes to become either a verbal or

a nominal stem are, in this case, not many:

3.103a Stress Assignment Rule: Primary stress is

assigned to the root vowel: wh

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 66

3.103b Pitch Assignment Rule; Pitch 1 is assigned to

verbal stems; Pitch 2 to nominal stems: wa

'sit' and w£ 'dwelling.'

3.103c Noun Marker Prefixation Rule; /’-/ is pre­

fixed to the root w £ .

3.103d Root to Stem Conversion Rule: If these forms

modified to this point are to undergo no fur­

ther derivational affixation or compounding,

they may become stems: /wl/ and /’wi/, verbal

and nominal respectively. As the notational

devices indicate, the abstract root wa, later

W e t, has become the morphophonemic or system­

atic phonemic verbal and nominal stems /wa/

and /?wei/.

3.104 Type A Stems: The verbal stem /wa/ ends in a

stressed vowel. As such it is classified as Type A. A

Type A simplex verb (see below) can occur alone as an

utterance, at least in elicitation form. It is generally

glossed as 'to sit,' 'sit,' or 's/he sits,' although this

is somewhat misleading, since /wa/ is not marked for

aspect or tense. It is that form of the verb which becomes

the imperative (singular) after prefixation of /m-/ 'sec­

ond person': /mw5/ 'sit down!' /wa/ might better be

glossed as 'for one to sit down' or something more in that

vein. For convenience the citation forms of verbs will be

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 67

glossed by the infinitive form (without to) in English,

i.e. 'sit.'

/’Wei/, a Type A Simplex Noun, is the citation form of

'dwelling, house.' The noun is in the absolutive.

3.105 Type B Stems: The root ha: 'look' must appear

with one of the derivational suffixes -k or -m, direc­

tional verb suffixes. After the application of the rules

cited in 3.103a,b, and d, the verbal stems */ha:k/ 'look

over this way (toward speaker)' and */h5:m/ 'look over

that way (away from speaker)' are derived. These are not

citation forms. They cannot occur in elicitation. All

Type B stem verbs require the ending /-i/, an ending with

no greater assignable meaning than the zero ending of /wa/

above. Thus the forms can occur as /haski/ and /ha:mi/.

Prefixation of /m-/ 'second person' will produce the

imperative forms (singular) of these verbs, as was the

case for /wa/:

a. /mhasmi/ 'look awayI'

b. /mhaski/ 'look this wayl'

Hardy (1979 calls this the "absolutive, short form of

(the) verb" or a "declarative" mood, and I will follow

her usage.

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 3.106 Type B Stem Nouns: A nominal stem which ends

in a consonant and cannot appear as a citation form with­

out the addition of an obligatory vocalic suffix belongs

to this group (see below). The neutral vocalic suffix in

such cases is /-a/, the absolutive. A noun of Type B may

also occur with one of two nominalizing suffixes: /-i/

'artifact' or /-o*/ 'location.' (see below.)

3.107 Type C Stem Noun: A nominal stem which ends

in a consonant and can appear as a citation form without

the addition of an obligatory vocalic suffix belongs to

Type C. There seems to be no semantic or phonological

conditioning that determines which nouns fall into this

category. Consider the examples below which illustrate

the three Types of nominal stems:

Examples 3.107

Type A: /nqw^/ 'crane'

/kO’e:/ 'a drink made from berries'

/jimi/ 'cat'

Type B: /k’6ya/ 'crown of head'

/’u:0a/ 'tobacco'

/skwala/ 'large hawk'

Type C: /h’£l/ 'louse1

/’pak/ 'awl'

/mqwiO/ 'flying squirrel'

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 69

Type C nouns may also appear as Type B nouns in other

dialects; for example, Tolkapaya 'awl' is /{3aka/. One

finds examples of Type C nouns being used as Type B, but a

Type B noun cannot lose its /-a/ to become a Type C at the

whim of the speaker. At any rate the conditioning factor

for membership in B or C is elusive, although the major­

ity of its nouns are of either Type A or B.

3.20 The Verbal Stem

In surveying verbs in Yavapai, one finds two recur­

rent types of stems: 1) Simplex and 2) Complex. The

classification is based on the phonological structure of

the stems, not on covert categories. The discussion will

include as well a brief description of the auxiliary verbs.

3.201 The Simplex Verbal Stem: To this category

belong the verbal stems with or without derivational pre­

fixes. The last pretonic consonant cannot be analyzed

further synchronically. The posttonic consonant(s) may

or may not be analyzable. The examples given below show

the absolutive suffix automatically attached whenever the

stem ends in a consonant (the second person forms, both

singular and plural, are imperatives as well as "ordinary"

second person) :

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 Examples 3.201a-g

(a) Stem: /ma:/ 'eat (soft things)'

1 /’ma:/ /’’mafii/

2 /mma:/ /mmafii/

3 /ma:/ /ma£i/

singular plural

(b) Stem: /sm&:/ 'sleep'

1 /’smd:£i/

2 /msm£:/ /msmd:6i/

3 /smd:/ /smd:6i/

singular plural

(c) Stem: /kwl*w-/ 'speak'

1 /’kwl'wi/ /’kwa'wfii/

2 /mkwa’wi/ /mkwa*w£i/

3 /kwl*wi/ /kwa*wfii/

singular plural

(d) Stem: /’e*/ 'give'

1 / • ’ •’ S - / / ” e -S i/

2 /m’e*/ /m’e ’ci/

3 /’e*/ /’e'ci/

singular plural

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 71

(e) Root: smd: 'sleep'

Stem: /tsma*£-/ 'dream'

1 /’tsma'fii/ /’tsma'fifii/

2 /mtsma*£i/ /mtsma*6£i/

3 /tsma*£i/ /tsma*££i/

singular plural

The above examples contain the following affixes:

(f) Derivational

/t-/ causative

/-£/ iterative

(g) Inflectional

/’-/ first-person subject

/m-/ second-person subject

i/0-/ third-person subject)

/-£/ plural subject

/-i/ absolutive

3.202 Simplex Verbal Stem with Vocalic Prefix: To

this category belong the verbal stems with the vocalic

derivational prefixes /i(*)-/ and /u-/. These prefixes

involve the h created ex nihilo by phonological rules.

To show this operation, examples are given in both a

systematic phonemic and a systematic phonetic transcrip­

tion .

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 Examples 3.202a,b

(a) Stem: /i*par-/ 'learn'

1 /’i'pari/ /’i'parfii/

2 /mi*pari/ /mi*par£i/

3 /i’pari/ /i*parfii/

singular plural

1 p i ’pari] p i ’parfit]

2 [mi*pari] [mi*parfii]

3 [hi*part] [hi*parfii]

singular plural

(b) Stem: /u’al-/ 'take out'

1 /’u’ali/ /’u’aliii/

2 /mu^ali/ /mu’alfci/

3 /u’ali/ /u’alSi/

singular plural

1 p o ’ali] p o ’alSi]
2 [mo’ali] [mo’alfii]
3 [ho^ali] [ho’alfii]

singular plural

3.203 Punctilation: The convention of punctilating

segments which are either suspected of being inorganic or

known to be inorganic is used throughout this work (see

2.915). I claim no theoretical status forpunctilation;

it is only a notational device. Itscontinued use is for

the sake of consistency. Most transcriptions in this

analysis are systematic phonemic, tending occasionally

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 73

toward more abstraction to the classical morphophonemic or

toward more concreteness to the classical phonemic. If I

invoked biuniqueness, I would have to write h in both the

more abstract and the more concrete transcription. One

can write h and still point to its marginal status by

punctilating it. A revised writing of the third-person

examples from above can now be introduced:

Examples 3.203a,b

(a) Stem: /i*par-/ 'learn'

/hi*pari/ 'he learns*

(b) Stem: /u’ll-/ 'take out'

/hu’ali/ 'he takes out'

(Yavapai has no gender distinction. I use 'he' in glosses

merely for convenience.)

3.204 Complex Verbal Stem: Verbs in this category

consist of two parts: the stem carrying primary stress

preceded by a class of bound morphemes which could be con­

sidered a special set of prefixes consisting of incor­

porated roots. The prefixes carry secondary stress and

never take personal prefixes. The personal prefixes are

infixed before the stem.

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 74

Examples 3.204a,b

(a) Stem: /yk.,.^4^-/ 'understand'

1 /yhwipi/ /y£” <§pfii/

2 /y&m’ipi/ /y&m’^pfii/

3 /yk?£pi/ /y^’^pfii/
singular plural

(b) Stem: /w&...s£*p-/ 'think'

1 /w&’sf*pi/ /wk?sf*p£i/

2 /wcimsf*pi/ /wkms£*p£i/

3 /w^s£*pi/ /w^s£*pfii/

singular plural

3.205 Unspecified Object Marking with Complex Verbal

Stem: Verbs in this subcategory all require an object com­

plement . In the absence of a named object, the complement

is either /kwe*-/ or /?£-/. Personal prefixes, as in all

complex verbal stems, are infixed before the stem carrying

primary stress.

Examples 3.205'a-c

(a) Stem: /kw£*...0o*/ 'eat something (hard)'

/ku£-’0o*/ /kuk'?eo‘&i/

/kuk*mBo‘/ /kwfe'm0o'fii/

/kw&*0o*/ /kw&*0o*£i/

singular plural

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 75

(b) Stem: /’£...fid’m-/ 'make a mistake'

1 /’fi’fidrmi/ /’ii’fid'mfii/

2 /?6m£d*mi/ /’^mM'mSi/

3 /’fifid’mi/ /?&&&•mfii/

singular plural

(c) Stem: /’£... relp-/ 'be sick'

1 /’£’r&0i/ /’fi’r&pfii/

2 /’fimr&pi/ /’fimr&pfii/

3 /’£r&|3i/ />6r£p£i/

singular plural

3.206 Augmented Verbal Stems: A number of verbs,

both simplex and complex, require a vocalic augment in

[a]. In simplex verbs the augment supports the personal

prefixes; in complex verbs the augment precedes the bound

morpheme which precedes in turn the personal prefixes.

Examples 3.206a-d

(a) Stem: /-pe*m-/ 'go away (dual); be all gone'

1 /’ape*mi/

2 /mape*mi/

2 /pe*mi/

(b) Stem: /-’urn-/ 'no; not (negative verb)'

1 /?a’umi/

2 /ma?umi/

3 /?umi/

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 75a

(c) Stem: /-r...?tS*y-/ 'be proud'

1 /’ar’d'yi/ /’ar’yd-yfii/

2 /mar’d ’yi/ /mar’ri’y&i/

3 /r’d ’yi/ /r^ii’yiSi/

Compare the following verb, with a similar initial shape,

which behaves, however, like an unaugmented complex verbal

stem:

(d) Stem: /’ar.-.y^*/ 'be thankful'

1 /’ar’y^-km/ /’ar’y^'ykm/
2 / ’armye’km/ /’armyi*ykm/

3 /’ary^’km/ /’aryi'ykm/

3.207 Quality of the Augment Vowel: The /a/ which

serves as a vocalic augment is definitely not identical

with the so-called schwa. Gemination and cloning are

not present in conjunction with the augment-a. Neither

is the [a] unstable.

3.208 Note on Transcription: I am writing the

auxiliary verbs with primary stress, although in sentences

or phrases the auxiliaries have stress reduced to sec­

ondary.

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 76

3.210 The Auxiliary Verbs; Hardy (1979) proposes

four classes of auxiliary verbs for Tolkapaya. NEY

auxiliary verbs lend themselves to the same classifica­

tion, although there is some difference in detail. To the

extent that these differences are known, they will be dis­

cussed. This section is not an exhaustive excursus into

auxiliary phrases in Yavapai, merely an outline to show

the great agreement between the two dialects and to point

out what appear for the present, at least, to be some dif­

ferences.

3.2101 Table 1 illustrates the four classes of auxil­

iary verbs in NEY and uses Hardy's Tolkapaya definitions

and terminology but my transcriptions. A selection from

among them will be exemplified.

3.211 The Locational Auxiliary /ukwa / :

Example 3.211

Stem: /smd:/ 'sleep'

lsg /’smdshk ^uk^&Z 'I feel sleepy'

2sg /msmd:hk mukwd/ 'you (sg) feel sleepy'

3sg /smd:hk hukwd/ 'he feels sleepy'

lpl /’smdjfiahk ’ukwd/ 'we feel sleepy'

2pl /msmdjftahk mukwd/ 'you (pi) feel sleepy'

3pl /smd:£ahk fcukwd/ 'they feel sleepy'

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 TABLE 6

Northeastern Yavapai Classes of Auxiliary Verbs

Class I: Locational Auxiliaries:

1. /ukwI/ 'feel, sense'

2. /nu’/,
'incompletive'
/unii*/

3. /w£r-/ 'additional'

Class II: Existential Auxiliaries:

A: Behavioral:

1. /y u (*)/ 'b e '

2. /wi (•) / 'd o '

3. /’’li")/ 'say'

B: Cognitive:

4. /y i (*)/ 'think'

Class III: Modal Auxiliaries:

1. /yi’te*/ 'contrary to expectation'

2. /lwl/ 'should'

(/I£(•)/) Verde Valley Yavapai)

3. /hi:/
'purposive/obligatory'
/y£:/

Class IV: Adverbial Auxiliaries:

1. /ma:t-/ 'apparently'

2. /-?um-/ 'negative verb'

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 78

3.212 The Locational Auxiliary /(u-)nu1/ 'in the

process of doing something; about to be doing something':

This auxiliary occurs either with or without the prefix /u-/

in Prescott NEY. The auxiliary phrases with /unu*/ have

the same syntactic properties as those described by Hardy

for Tolkapaya; that is, the first verb has final /-k/,

'same subject marker,' preceded by the 'irrealis marker,'

/-h/ on main verbs but not on the behavioral auxiliaries

/yk/ 'be', /wx/ 'do', and •/’£/ 'say' (see 3.214).

Example 3.212a

(a) Stem: /yk-m-/ 'go away'

lsg /’yi*mahk ’uni*/ 'I'm leaving'

2sg /myk •mahk munu•/ 'you're leaving'

3rd /ya*mahk hunu•/ 'he is leaving'

lpl /’ya*mcahk ’unu*/ 'w e 're leaving'

2pl /mya*mcahk munu*/ 'you're leaving'

3pl /ya*mcahk hunu*/ 'they're leaving'

Examples 3.212b,c,d

(b) Stem: /yu/ 'b e ' 'is that what he's doing?'

/pfcp yuk hunu*’/ (e.g. being afraid)

(c) Stem: /wx/ 'd o ' 'is that what he's doing?'

/piip wxk hunu:?/ (e.g. eating)

(d) Stem: /’i./ 'say' 'is that what he's doing?'

/piip ’xk hunu*’/ (e.g. telling something)

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 79

Example 3.212e

(e) Stem: /yd*m-/

lsg /’yd'maOi) ’nd*/ 'I'm going to leave'

2sg /myd*ma(h) mnd*/ 'you're going to leave'

3sg /yd*ma(h) nd*/ 'he is going to leave'

lpl /’yd*mda(h) ’nd*/ 'we're going to leave'

2pl /myd*m£a(h) mnd*/ 'you're going to leave'

3pl /yd*m6a(h) nd*/ 'they're going to leave'

(The transcription tries to reflect the fact that /-h/ is

audible here only in the most careful speech.)

The difference in the forms having the same-subject

marker on the main verbs, 3.213a, and those without the

/-k/, 3.213b, seems to be the same difference found in

Tolkapaya between those with /-h/ and those without /-h/,

although I cannot characterize the difference.

3.213 The Locational Auxiliary /war-/: The auxiliary

means 'additional, in addition to.' In Yavapai it occurs

with the recursive morpheme /-p/ alone or followed by the

second recursive morpheme /-i-/ (Tolkapaya -ee), glossed

'too' and 'again' respectively:

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 Examples 3.213a,b

(a) /’wf: p’e'pok ,?wdra(h) ’nti'km/

'I am going to give him the money for you'

t’-wi: p-^e'-p-o-k ?-w£r-h ’-niS'-km#

NM-money 1/2-give-too-APP-SS 1-ADD-IR 1-INC-IC

NM = noun marker

1/2 = first-person subject with second-person object

APP = applicative-benefactive

IR = irrealis

IC = imperfective contracted auxiliary phrase

(b) /tu* mfir’uypik mwdre7/

'are you (sg) just teasing me again?1

#tu: m-ir’uy-p-i-k m-wdr-e7#

PART 2-tease-too-again-SS 2-ADD-Q2

PART = particle

Q2 = interrogative on Type 2 stem

3.214 The Behavioral Auxiliaries / 'say',

/y u (*)/ 'be', /wi(*)/ 'do': These occur as existential

auxiliaries in NEY, although not with the same meaning

they have in Tolkapaya. In NEY they are rather unusual,

highly marked sentences:

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 81

Examples 3.214a-c

(a) /kn£-p-/ 'tell' + / ’I/

/’knd*pk ” Im/ 'I am the one telling'

/’knd*pk ’’ip/ 'I am the one who told'

(b) /smd*/ 'sleep' + /yu/

/’sm£*k ’yum/ 'I am the one sleeping'

/’smd*k ’yup/ 'I am the one who slept'

(c) /ma:/ 'eat (soft things)' + /wl/

/’mask ’wim/ 'I am the one who eats'

/’mask ’wip/ 'I am the one who ate'

/-k/ 'same-subject marker'

/-m/ 'imperfective'

/-p/ 'perfective'

In Tolkapaya these forms have the far more common glosses:

(a) 'I am/was telling'

'I told'

(b) 'I am/was sleeping'

'I slept'

(c) 'I am/was eating'

'I ate'

3.215 The Contracted Auxiliary Phrasess NEY con­

tracts the verbal phrases in order to have the illocu-

tionary force of sentences like:

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 82

3.214a 'I am/was telling'

'I told,1 etc.

It is the third-person singular of the contracted forms

and the third-person singular absolutives that are the

most frequently heard as citation forms of the verbs in NEY.

Examples 3.215a-c

(a) Stem: /kn^* {3-/ 'tell'

/kni. •pkm/ 'he is/was telling'

/kni*pkp/ 'he told'

(b) Stem: /smd:/ 'sleep'

/smd:km/ 'he is/was sleeping'

/smd:kp/ 'he slept'

(c) Stem: /ma:/ 'eat (soft things)'

/ma:km/ 'he is/was eating'

/ma:kp/ 'he ate'

3.216 The Reduplicatable Verbal Stem with /?i(*)/: To

this special type of auxiliary phrase belong reduplicated

stems as well as potentially reduplicatable stems. The

behavioral auxiliary in such phrases might better be

glossed as English 'go' as in 'the cow goes moo'

/qwakt6 mu*?l/ or 'the old man coughs = the old man goes

"cough, cough"' /pihe*p£ pk&hkeh7!/. Another use is seen

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 83

in 'the earth quakes' /m£.t& p’in?!7!/, which might be seen

as 'the earth goes "’in’In"' if it were referring to the

noise; but it is the quaking the sentence talks about. A

better translation might be 'the earth manifests itself in

quaking.' /’£(•)/ will be glossed 'say' throughout this

work, but it might be more accurate to call it as "mani-

festative1' verb, especially when it is used in "expressive

'say' constructions" as Langdon called them (1977b).

Examples 3.216a-c

(a) Stem: /qla*/ 'croak'

1 /pqla*??!/

2 /pqla*mi/

3 /pqla-’l/

(b) Reduplicated Stem: /qla*/ 'scream'

1 / p q U * qla-’’I/

2 /0ql^*qla*mi/

3 /pqllrqla*’!/

(c) Stem: /mafi/ 'wink'

1 /pma6” i/
2 /pma£mi/

3 /pmafi’i/

(d) Reduplicated Stem: /mlfi/ 'blink'

1 /pm&cma£’:'‘:,i/

2 /pma£mafimi/

3 /pm&fimaii’l/

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 Reduplication is treated in more detail in the derivational

morphology (3.812).

3.217 The Cognitive Auxiliary /y£(‘)/: Only one usage

of this will be cited, the occurrence of this existential

auxiliary in a complex verb within an auxiliary phrase.

Fuller discussion of /yl(*)/ appears in the next section

(3.218).

Example 3.217

Stems: /kw&*...-8o*-...w&l...-yl*-/ 'want to eat something

(hard)'

lsg /ku& ,,:>9o*hk w&l’yl*/ 'I want to eat'

2sg /kwfe*mQo*hk w&lm(y)I’/ 'you (sg) want to eat'

3sg /kw^*05*hk w&lyl*/ 'one wants to eat'

lpl /kyk m’Oo'fiahk wkl’yi*/ 'we want to eat'

2pl /kwfe’mSo'fiahk w&lm(y)I*/ 'you (pi) want to eat'

3pl /kw&*9o*£ahk wklyl*/ 'they want to eat'

3.218 The Modal Auxiliary /yi’te*/: Although this

verb is multimorphemic and is not marked for person, it

functions as an auxiliary meaning 'contrary to expectation,'

and belongs to the clause it follows (Hardy 1979:291).

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 Examples 3.218a-d

(a) /’yd'mafh) ’nii* yf*t&* marmirm yu*ha/

'I intend to go, but it will be later'

♦’-yd’m-h ’-nd* yf*t&* marm&r-m yu*-h-a#

1-go-IR 1-INC MOD later-DS be-IR-ASSR

(b) /’kn^'po yi*t yuh/

'I tried to tell her, but didn't!'

I’-kn^'fJ-o y£*t yu-h#

1-tell-APP MOD be-IR#

A /-te*/ appearing on other verbs may be the same

morpheme.

(c) /mplte*?/

'why don't you drop dead?!'

#m-pl-te*-?#

2-die-MOD(?)

(d) /’pd’ m’espat^*/

'give me some, too!'

’p^-’ m-’e:-p-a-te-#

1P-DISJ 2-give-too-IR-MOD(?)

IP = first-person pronoun

DISJ = disjunctive suffix

3.219 The Modal Auxiliary /lwi(•)/; This is found

in NEY of the Verde Valley as /li(*)/. In Prescott NEY,

however, the morpheme, meaning 'should, ought to' has

the same shape as that in Tolkapaya.

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 Example 3.219

/k6yd: ’’u'h ’lwi*a ’ytirma/

'I really ought to see a doctor'

#k«y£: ’-’u ’-h ’-lwi’-a ’-yu'-ma#

doctor 2-see-IR 2-MOD-ASSR 1-be-ASSR

3.220 The Modal Auxiliaries /hi'/ and /y£•/; These

are glossed as 'purposive/obligational' in Tolkapaya.

They occur with relatively high frequency in Yavapai and

pose many problems. It is difficult even to disentangle

the many forms that resemble each other closely in both

form and meaning diachronically. Synchronically gram-

maticization of related (?) forms like /yi'th'/ and

/w&l...yl*/ (see above) compound the difficulty.

Examples 3.220a-d

(a) /pci*tkwl*la(h) hi*km/

'he intends to win'

#pk*-tkwI*l-h hi*-km#

PLo-win=over-IR MOD-IC

PLo = plural object prefix

(b) /mpo*ma(h) myi*km/

'you are to return'

#m-p5*-m-h m-yi*-km#

2-walk-DIR-IR 2-MOD-IC

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 87

The examples above show a rather clear distinction between

the two auxiliaries; however, this unambiguous circumstance

is exceptional. Most examples show the entanglements

alluded to before:

(c) /niSl ’yd*ma(h) ’£*km/ alternates freely with

/p\Sl ’yd*ma(h) ’yi*km/

11 want to leave here'

#pd-l ’-yd*m-h ’-X-km#

DEM-LOC 1-go-IR 1-X-IC

(d) /’ha m81:(h) mf*k<}6*/

'...when you want to drink water'

#’-ha m-91:-h m-£*-k8&*#

NM-water 2-drink-IR 2-X-when

/X/ is written to show that it is unclear which of the two

modal auxiliaries is occurring in the example.

3.2201 Kendall (1976:34) proposes another two kinds

of /i/s (her transcription), which she glosses

'inchoative' and 'purposive.' Examples of

each are given in my transcriptions:

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 88

Examples 3.2201a,b

(a) /’a'infiadi) ’£• kp/

'he started out wandering'

#’?I*miS-h ’I’-kp/
wander-IR X-PI

PC = perfective contrated auxiliary phrase

(b) /pmfpu ’yosk ^w^* kmwa:Sa(h) ’£•ka/

'I got that cat to kill mice'

#pmi-pu ?-y5:-k ?-w&* kmwa:fi-h ?i*-ka#

cat-DEM 1-get-SS NM-mouse kill(many)-IR X-ASSR

3.2202 There are other occurrences of i's throughout

Yavapai. Consider, for example, the auxiliary verb

'pretend', in which Hardy (1979:167ff) sees a relationship

to /’I*/ (and I agree with her). There is the prefix

/i(*)-/ and the absolutive or "manifestative” /-i/, and

this does not complete a list of i/s occurring in Yavapai

as morphemes. Nor is a claim being made that the instances

of i that have been singled out are ultimately related.

There is a commonality in shape and meaning (or perhaps

vagueness of meaning) which these i^'s and the i's to be

discussed in the next section share.

3.221 Speculations on /?£•/, /£•/, /hi'/, and /y£•/;

It may be the case that no amount of further investigation

will reveal more about these forms. There are some

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 89

phonological considerations that could form the basis for

future investigations, both pan-Pai and pan-Yuman.

It has been observed that the verb 'say' exhibits an

unexpected phonological (?) change in the second person:

Example 3.221a

Stem: /’£(•)/ 'say'

lsg /o->i'/

2sg /mi'/

3sg pi'/

One could expect */m’l*/ with the meaning 'you say.'

Mixco (1972) makes the same observation in Kili'wa and sug­

gests a phonological rule suppressing jV after m in this

verb. This may seem rather ad hoc at first glance, but

experience with NEY shows this can happen with /hi*/ and

/yi*/» they both are realized as /mi'/ or /mi:/ (Vowel

length here is not presumed to play a role. Because of

sentence stress and intonation, one would expect vowel-

length variation in these forms.) There is stylistic

variation between /myi•/ and /mi'/, in Andante and

Allegretto respectively. One never finds, however, an

variation between /mi'/ and */mhim/. 3.220c ones see

free variation between p i ' / and p y i ' / (This speculation

rests on the assumption of partial homonymy.)

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 90

3.2211 Let us assume that there are three distinct

verbs at Level II: /’£•/ 'say'; /!•/ ’mean';

/y£•/ 'think' 'Think1 is an ambiguous gloss

in English. /wk...sl*p-/ is also glossed

'think.' The latter, however, is 'think' in

the sense of using one's mind; the former

/yi*/ is 'think' in the sense of expressing an

opinion. Within the Germanic languages

English, German, and Norwegian (Danish and

Swedish and others as well), there is a similar

confusion for a speaker of one of these learn­

ing one or two of the others. The etymologi-

. cally identical forms Eng. mean, Ger. meinen.

Nor. m e (i)ne (a borrowing from German) all

have diverging and overlapping meanings. Most

of these can be found within the various

definitions of mean in English alone. The

notions of intention and significance, both

prosaic and philosophic, are included in

English meaning. German Meinung will include

opinion with intention, but exclude signifi­

cance in the sense of definition. Norwegian

m e (i)ning leans (for this speaker) more toward

intention in the sense of having something in

mind. German and Norwegian use the verb as

'say' or 'think' in the sense of "Well, what

do you say about that?" or "Well, what do you

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 91

think about that?" German meinen and

Norwegian m e (i)ne are also common quotatives,

corresponding to English "..., he said.' or

"..., he replied." There is much more that

could be said along these lines, but the point

to be made is that it is quite easy to see how

these three verbal stems might well have (had)

one root, at least from a semantic point of

view.

3.2212 From a phonological point of view one can

imagine several different ways in which the

current state came about: It will be recalled

how simplex verbs (and nouns) having the

initial prefix /i(*)-/ add personal prefixes:

Examples 3.2212a-c

(a) Stem: /iha*n-/ 'tame'

lsg /’iha^ni/

2sg /miha*ni/

3sg /hih&'ni/

One possibility is that the original verb, at Level I, was

?i* The stem at Level II, /?!'/, would have been con­

jugated:

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 92

(b) 1st /” £■/

2sg

3sg /’£■/

If the original verb, at Level I, were ij^, the stem /£ •/»

would have been conjugated:

(c) 1st /’£•/

2sg /m£•/

3sg /hi*/

The aspirate onglide of the third-person in found in

Yavapai only (NEY, Tolkapaya, and SEY) . Northern Pai

(Havasupai and Hualapai) have a palatal onglide, [y].

Paipai has both possibilities, although whether this

is free variation or dialect admixture is unknown. I

suggest, however, that dialect admixture played a role

in the developments under discussion; namely, Havasupai

and Hualapai treats a stem /i*/ as:

(d) lsg /•=»£•/

2sg /m£•/

3sg /yf*/

3.2213 Yet another development would have yielded a

confusion: Supposing that the original stem

/’£*/ were prefixed with /i-/, giving both:

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 93

Example 3.2212b

(b) (repeated)

lsg /??£•/ » [’i’i •]

2sg /m’£•/ = [mi’i*]

3sg /’£•/

and: Example 3.2213a

(a) 1st niPl'/ = p i ’i*]

2sg /mi’x*/ = [mi’i*]

3sg /hi’£•/ (Central: NEY, SEY, WY; and Paipai)

3sg /yi’i*/ (Northern: Ha, Hu; and Paipai)

It ought to be borne in mind throughout this discussion

that verbs such as these are used more often as

auxiliaries rather than main verbs; that is, their phono­

logical integrity was eroded by rhythm, stress timing,

sentence stress, and intonation.

3.2214 The foregoing speculation was meant to suggest

several of the possible routes which might

have lead to the confusion today. It is an

interesting problem from both a synchronic and

diachronic standpoint on the one hand and from

a phonological and semantic standpoint on the

other hand.

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 94

3.222 The Adverbial Auxiliary /ma:t-/ 'apparently1:

Example 3.222

/p0a£ ytlh mSstkm/

'it appears he will be the one'

#p-6a-£ yu-h m3:t-km#

DEM-DEM-SUBJ be-IR ADV-IC

3.223 The Negative Adverbial Auxiliary /-’um-/: As a

main verb /-’urn-/ means 'be not.' It is as a third-person

singular verb with infinitival suffixation, i.e. /’umi/,

the equivalent of English no. It is also a stem which

requires a-augment before the first and second person pre­

fixes.

Examples 3.223a,b

(a) /’a’um£ahk ’nu-ma/

'we cannot do it'

t’-a-’um-iS-h-k ’-nu--ma#

1-AUG-NEG-PL-IR-SS 1-INC-ASSR

(b) /’pa hapsii* ’paspfi yQh ’a’umi/

'I am not a Havasupai'

#’pa hapsi*’p&:-p-6 yu-h ’-a-’um-i#

lp Havasupai-DEM-SUBJ be-IR 1-AUG-NEG-INF

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 95

3.224 Additional Adverbial Auxiliaries: Hardy (1979)

lists two auxiliaries in .Tolkapaya which have not been dis­

covered in NEY, at least as auxiliaries: (hu)puk and

chat, meaning 'first' and 'almost.' NEY uses the

simplex verbal stem /-i*0o/ for 'first,' although the noun

stem /piSk/ does mean 'bottom, foot of; foundation. In

SEY /yu'Q&hti/ is 'almost,' however, NEY has /rx«pk/.

3.30 Pluralization

3.301 Number: Yavapai generally operates with only

two numbers: singular and plural. Some verbs, through

suppletion, show a distinction between singular, dual,

and plural subjects; or between singular and plural objects:

Examples 3.301a-e

(a) 'go away, leave'

/ya*m-/ singular subject stem

/-pe*m-/ dual subject stem

/ya*m£-/ plural subject stem

(b) 'kill'

/neh-/ singular object stem

/kmwa:c-/ plural object stem

Pronouns can be inflected for singular, paucal plural,

and multiple plural:

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 96

(c) /?pd-/ first person singular stem

/’pdfi-/ first person paucal plural stem

/’pdfcp-/ first person multiple plural stem

(d) /m&i-/ second person singular stem

/mi.6-/ second person paucal plural stem

/m&&$-/ second person multiple plural stem

(e) /p©d-/ third person singular stem

/p8cl£-/ third person paucal plural stem

/pGclfcp-/ third person multiple plural stem

3.302 Verbal and Nominal Pluralization; While a num­

ber distinction, usually just singular and plural, is an

integral component of the verb stem, the noun stem, in­

cluding demonstratives, is different with respect to

plural. 1) A great number of nouns show no formal dis­

tinction between singular and plural. 2) Other nouns have

distinctions between singular and plural in the same variety

of ways that verbs have (see below). (There is, however,

the suggestion that these are deverbalized nouns (Langdon

1977).) 3) Many nouns and demonstratives which have a

formal distinction between singular and plural often are

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 97

not inflected for plural, allowing the verb in the sentence

to take this function.

3.303 Variety of Plural Formation: Section 3.40

Affixation lists the affixes and processes by which a stem

is inflected for singular and plural distinctions. Table 7

is a summary of plural formations. Their exemplification

is found in 3.40.

TABLE 7

Pluralization

1. Ablaut

a . / & (:)/ ~ / k (:)y/

b. / 6 (:)/ ~ /&(:)w/

c. /£(:)/ ~ /ti(:)y/

2. Prefixation and Suffixation

a. /t-/

b. /£-/, /-6/

c. /n-/

3. Length Shift (affecting vowel only)

4. Reduplication (discussed more fully in 3.80)

5. Suppletion (indicated in the dictionaries)

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 98

3.40 Nominal Stems

There are two kinds of nominal stems in Yavapai:

noun stems and demonstrative stems. Demonstrative stems

are in turn divided into pronouns and determiners. The

demonstrative system requires prefixes and affixes, used

as deictics, which further define the stems.

3.401 Dictionary Entries; Noun or verb stems and demon­

strative stems are rarely listed in the dictionary as stems.

The dictionary entry is usually a citation form, for nouns

and demonstratives the absolutive form. Derived nouns are

also entered in the absolutive; that is, if the derived

noun stem ends in a vowel (Type A Stem), it is entered as

is; if the derived noun stem ends in a consonant (Type B

Stem), the absolutive ending /-a/ is added, in so far as

this is possible.

3.402 Nominal Inflection; Nouns and demonstratives

are inflected for case, degree of definiteness, number,

and possession. Examples of nominal inflection are found

in the following section, Affixation.

3.50 Affixation

3.501 Introduction; Prefixes and suffixes are pre­

sented in an articulatory order summarized below. The

presentation lists, exemplifies, and occasionally dis­

cusses each affix without regard for its position with

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 99

respect to the stem or for its classification as either an

inflectional or a derivational affix. Information of this

kind is included in the description of each affix*

3.502 Processes Besides Affixation; Inflectional and

derivational processes in addition to prefixation or suf-

fixation — ablaut, length shift, pitch shift, reduplica­

tion, suppletion — are either discussed together with the

specific affixes involved or are discussed in 3.80.

3.503 Order of Presentation of the Affixes: Most

Yavapai affixes are monosegmental and these will be listed

first, followed by the multisegmental morphemes. Both sets,

monosegmental and multisegmental, will-follow the order below.

The list is for orientation only and says nothing about

frequency of occurrence, homophony, or restrictions.

l.(/p/> 6. /p/ 10. /m/ 15. /y/ 17. /i/

2. /t/ 7. /e/ 11* /n/ 16. /w/ 18. /e/

3. /£/ 8. /s/ 12. /p/ 19* /a/

4. /k/ 9* /h/ 13. /I/ 20. /o/

5. / V 14. /r/ 21. /u/

3.510 /p-/ 'synaesthetic alternate of /-p/': (See

3.565).

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 3.521 /t-/ 'plural' (not productive)

Example 3.521

/n£a*/ 'first cousin'

/tn£&m£a/ (plural)

3.522 /t-/ 'iterative':

Example 3.522

/&qn’oni/ 'fold once'

/6tqn,?6*ni/ 'fold repeatedly'

3.523 /t-/ 'causative':

Examples 3.523a,b

(a) /puli/ 'be wet'

/tpuli/ 'wetten'

(b) / ’u^fii/ 'they are seen'

/t9u:{J£i/ 'they show'

3.524 /-t/ 'temporal coordinator':

(See Example 3.524 next page)

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 101

Example 3.524

/’uitm ya:mkm/

'while one was looking, the other went away'

I’ui-t-m ya:m-km#

see-TMP-DS go=away-IC

DS = different subject follows

IC = imperfective contracted auxiliary phrase

3.531 /-£“/ 'plural (on noun)':

Examples 3.531a,b

(a) /hume/ 'son (man speaking)'

/hu&nd'ya/ (plural)

(b) /qmwirma/ 'old woman'

/q£mwi•rma/ (plural)

3.532 /£-/ 'iterative':

Example 3.532

/£y£tti/ 'rub'
'rub'

/££yu*ti/ 'rub repeatedly'

3.533 /&-/ 'causative':

Examples 3.533a,b

(a) /n&li/ 'fall'

/^ncl* li/ 'drop'

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 102

(b) /yimmi/ 'go away1

/£yi•mi/ 'send away'

3.534 /-&/ 'plural (on verb)':

Examples 3.534a,b

(a) /’pi:/ 'person; Indian'

/’pi :6a/ (plural)

(b) /swa*ri/ 'one sings'

/swa:rci/ 'they sing'

3.533 /-&/ 'iterative':

Example 3.535

/’a*mi/ 'pass'

/wa’am£i/ 'visit frequently'

3.536 /-&/ 'subject case':

Example 3.536

/’6kmtu’p£ q£’5*lkm/

'the watermelon is round'

#’6=kmtu-*{3-6 q6’o*1-km#

watermelon-DEM-SUBJ round-IC

DEM = demonstrative

3.541 /k-/ 'relativizer; agentive':

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 Examples 3.541a,b

(a) /mydla/ 'bread'

/kmy&’la/ 'baker'

(b) /yk...p d •p-/ 'be responsible'

/ya*kpi*pa/ 'the one responsible'

3.542 /-k/ 'same subject':

Examples 3.542a,b

(a) /■>u:tk kw£*wkm/

'while he looked, he spoke'

tt’us-t-k kw^’w-km#

see-TMP-SS talk-IC

Compare:

(b) /’ustm kwd’wkm/

'while he looked, he (someone else) spoke'

t’ui-t-m kwci*w-km#

see-TMP-DS talk-IC

TC = temporal coordinator

SS = same subject

DS = different subject

IC = imperfective contracted auxiliary phrase

3.543 /-k/ 'locative case':

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 Example 3.543

/wi•kpt£*piiikahk/

'at the foot of Granite Mountain'

#wl *-k- pt6 •-pilk-h-k#

rock-REL-big-bottom-DEM-LOC

REL =* relativizer

DEM = demonstrative

3.544 /-k/ 'directional':

Examples 3.544a,b

(a) /tcihki/ 'throw (toward speaker)'

/mtclhki/ 'throw it this way!'

Compare:

(b) /teihmi/ 'throw (away from speaker) '

3.551 /">-/ 'noun marker' (found on monosyllabic

nominal stems, lost in compounding):

Examples 3.551a,b

(a) /” £•/ 'wood'

/’i'shyarpa/ 'table'

(b) /’wa/ 'dwelling'

/wampuppa/ 'wickiup'

3.552 /*>-/ 'first-person (on verb or noun)':

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 Examples 3.552a,b

(a) Stem: /pydm-/ 'run'

/7pydmkm/ 'I am running'

(b) Stem: /y&/ 'mouth'

/7yk/ 'my mouth'

3.553 /-’/ 'disjunctive (on demonstratives)':

Examples 3.553a,b

(a) /’p & V 'me!'

(b) /Py^V 'this one'

3.554 /-‘V 'interrogative/vocative':

Examples 3.554a,b

(a) /pka7 m ’u:7/

'who(m) do you see?'

#p-ka-7 m-’u:-’#

#DEM-WH-DSJ 2-see-QA#

DEM = demonstrative

WH = wh-word

DSJ = disjunctive

2 = second person

QA = Type A Stem interrogative

(b) Stem: /k6l-/ 'mother's mother'

/k6la/ (absolutive)

/kola7/ (vocative)

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 3.561 /p-/ 'inchoative/punctual':

Examples 3.561a,b

(a) /m&t6 p?d:p’l/

'twilight = the ground becomes visible'

#mdt-£ p--?ti:-p-’l#

ground-SUBJ PCT-see-MP-"say"

MP = (medio)passive

(b) /phi*p^:’im/

'it begins to get dark'

#p-hi•p & :-’1-m#

PCT-night-"say"-IMP

3.562 /p-/ 'demonstrative':

Example 3.562

/ p k y h m/

'who is it?'

#p-k£-£ yd*#

DEM-WH-SUBJ be

3.563 /-p/ 'demonstrative':

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 Example 3.563

/wi:p£ pl&pkm/

'a rock hit me'

#wi:-p-£ p-lap-km#

rock-DEM-SUBJ 2o-hit-IC

2o = second-person object with third-person

subject

3.564 /-p/ 'stative; attributive'

Example 3.564

/ k w& : p i /

'horned'

# k wd-:p-i#

horn-ST-ABS

ABS = absolutive

3.565 /-p/ '(medio)passive':

Example 3.565

/’p & ’pfi ’drdpk spdpkm/

'it is apparent that the man is sick'

#?-pa*-p-g 'Pfi=rdp-k sp6-p-IC#

NM-man-DEM-SUBJ COM=hurt-SS know-MP-IC

COM = dummy complement

NM = noun marker

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 108

3.571 /-0/ 'temporal coordinator':

Examples 3.571a,b

(a) /’usOm p0dl Pqi'pfi w&m y6*k/

'seeing that the woman was in there, he took her'

t’us-O-m p-0d-l Pql-:p-d wd-m y6*-k#

see-TMP-DS DEM-DEM-LOC woman-DEM-SUBJ sit-DS

take-SS

(b) /ppiwl*0ah ’nd’km/

'I will have finished'

#p-piwI*-0-h 'J-nd’-km#

PRF-finish-TMP-IR INC-IC

PRF = perfectivizer

IR = irrealis

IC = imperfective constracted auxiliary phrase

3.572 /-©/ 'demonstrative':

Examples 3.572a,b

(a) /kwe*0 kd{3 mwi*/

'what are you doing'

#kwe ’-0 kd-p m-wl*#

thing-DEM WH-DEM 2-do

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 (b) /mAt6 m ’sitQk/

'you are the only one'

#md:-6 m-’sit-Q-k#

2P-SUBJ 2-one-DEM-SS

2P = second-person pronoun

3.580 /s-/ 'causative: move together or apart

laterally':

Examples 3.580a-c

(a) Stem: /’am-/ 'move, pass'

/t’ami/ 'cover, patch'

/s’ami/ 'close (a door)'

(b) Stem: /hke*/ 'other, opposite, different'

/shke*pa/ 'bridge'

(c) Stem: /qaw-/ 'break' v.i.

/sqawa/ 'e gg'

3.591 /-h/ 'demonstrative':

Examples 3.59la,b

(a) /hlelh twdyi w&km/

'the moon is far away'

#hla-h twdy-e wd-km#

moon-DEM far-TSLOC sit-IC

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 (b) /’sashfi nehk /

'the eagle killed (her)'

#’-sa-:h-6 neh-k #

NM-eagle-DEM-SUBJ kill-PC

PC = perfective constracted auxiliary phrase

3.592 /-h/ 'irrealis':

Examples 3.592a,b

(a ) / ’ p&d ’ k n d *p a h k ’ n d ’ k ’ y iim /

•I am the one who is going to tell'

# ? p d -6 ? - k n d * p - h - k ’ - n d ’ - k ’ -y d -m #

1P-SUBJ 1-tell-IR-SS 1-INC-SS 1-be-IMP

(b) / k we , m0<5’ h & 'V

'do you want something to eat?'

#kwe •-m-Qo•-h-a-?#

thing-2-eat-IR-INC-QB

INC = increment

QB = Type B Stem interrogative

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 3.5101 /m-/ 'second person':

Examples 3.5101a-c

(a) /’pd’ mhwdkk ’ape’madi) ’nd*?/

'are you going with me?'

fppd-’ m-hwdk-k ’-a-perm-h ’-nd*-’#

1P-DISJ 2-tWo-SS l-AUG-go=dual-IR 1-INC-QA

(b) /pOdfi m ’e ’kp/

'he gave me'

#p-Qd“.£ m-’e'-kp#

DEM-DEM-SUBJ 2-give-PC

(c) /mi*tdtp rdpfeV

'does your backbone hurt?'

#m-i*tdt-p rdf3-&’#

2-backbone-DEM hurt-QB

3.5102 /m-/ 'cylindrical':

Examples 3.51Q2a-e

(a) /mpdra/ 'leg'

(b) /mlqi/ 'neck'

(c) /mydr/ 'penis'

(d) /mltdt/ 'barrel cactus'

(e) /(’bjmlhu/ ~ /’mhld*/ 'pipe'

3.5103 /-m/ 'temporal locative':

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 Example 3.5103

/myula k [Link] maifii/

'Christmas=candycane-eating time’

#myul-a kw&l-skwiskwI ma-i-fi-i#

sugar-ABS red-spirals eat-PL-PL-ABS

3.5104 /-m/ 'instrumental':

Example 3.5104

/’pAipm pili/

'one is burnt by the sun'

t’-pdz-p-m pil-i#

NM-sun-DEM-INS burn-ABS

3.5105 /-m/ 'comitative':

Example 3.5105

/pk •hmi:pm ’hwaki/

'we are two men'

#pcrhmli-p-m ’-hwak-i#

man-DEM-COMIT 1-two-ABS

3.5106 /-m/ 'imperfective aspect':

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 Example 3.5106

/ ’jid’ y&P’pesgfi ’yrim/

'I am a Yavapai'

♦’-pa-’ yap’pes-p-6 ’yd-m#

1P-DISJ Yavapai-DEM-SUBJ 1-be-IMP

3.5107 /-m/ 'directional':

Examples 3.5107a,b

(a) / ’smami/

'I stay overnight (literally: I sleep away)'

I’-sma-m-i#

1-sleep-DIR-ABS
(b) /fiyuwmi/

'drive away'

#d-yuw-m-i#

CAUS-come-DIR-ABS

3.5108 /-m/ '(medio)passive/stative' (suspected

identity with /-£/):

Examples 3.5108a,b

(a) /yfrri.s’ammi/

'button' (compound noun)

#y£lr-i.s-’&m-p-i#

enter-ART+CAUS-move-MP-ART

ART = artifact

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 114

(b) /wa*si:pemma/

'drunkard ("crazied")' (compound noun);

#wa*si:-pem-p-a#

mind+go=dual-ST-ABS

3.5109 /-m/ 'different subject':

Examples 3.5109a,b

(a) /’kwa'wm hniS’km/

'I'm speaking, and he's offended'

t’-kwehw-m hniS’-km#

1-speak-DS offended-IC

(b) /l&’wm ’’uikm/

'I see many (literally: there are many I see)'

#lci*w-m ’-’vh-km#

many-DS 1-see-IC

3.5110 /n-/ 'diminutive'(see SoundSymbolism 3.80)

3.5111 /n-/ 'plural subject' (limited to. this example)

Example 3.5111

/pa*/ 'arrive (sg. subj.)'

/npa*/ 'arrive' (pi. subj.)'

3.5112 /n-/ 'ascending generation in kinship system':

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 Examples 3.5112a,b

(a) /pi/ 'nephew or niece (child of father'

older sister)'

/npx*/ 'aunt (father's older sister)'

(b) /?kh6*/ 'daughter's child'

/nk6/ 'great-grandmother; great-aunt'

3.5113 /-n/ 'demonstrative' (suspected identity

with /-p/):

Examples 3.5113a,b

(a) /’h a ’n qnu*km/

'the water is muddy'

#’-ha-*n qnQ*-km#

NM-water-DEM muddy-IC

(b) /’’onfi qwati/

'the fire is burning'

tt’-’o-n-i q wat-i#

NM-f ire-DEM-SUBJ burn-ABS

3.5121 /p-/ 'possessive':

Examples 3.5121a,b

(a) /p&’pm&ta/

'my land'

tpd-’+p-ndt-a#(compound)

1P-DISJ POS-iand-ABS

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 (b) /yaph3ya/

'saliva (literally: mouth-its-liquid)'

#y£-p-ha-y-a#

mouth-POS-water-DER-ABS

DER = derivational suffix (See /-y/)

3.5122 /p-/ 'temporal subordinator'

Example 3.5122

/pye*kkk8&*/

'tomorrow (literally: when it dawns)'

#p-y6*k-k-k-G-6*#

TSUB-dawn-SS-REL-CON-TEMP

CON = contrastive modal

3.5123 /p-/ 'third-person subject with first-person

object':

Example 3.5123

/wi:f3£ plcipkm/

'a rock hit me'

#wi:-0-£ p-lap-km#

rock-DEM-SUBJ 3/1-hit-IC

3.5124 /p-/ 'first-person subject with second-person

object':

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 Example 3.5124

/p’Chik ?wd*rm ’hdnkm/

'I am glad to see you again'

♦p-’us-y-k ’“W ^ T - m ’hdn-km#

1/2-see-again-SS 1-ADD-IMP good-IC

3.5125 /-p/ 1demonstrative':

Examples 3.5125a,b

(a) /mfitap k&p ’I ’/

'what did your father say?'

#m-£ta-p kd-p ’I-’#

2-father-DEM WH-DEM say-QA

(b) /[Link].y d •m ’6 •/

'trachea (literally: where the air goes away

into the neck)’

#mlqi-p+mdthdy+yd*m-':>6* #

neck-DEM+wind+go away-NOM

NOM = nominalizer

3.5126 /-p/ 'perfective':

Examples 3.5126a,b

(a) / ’iSke-k ’wlp/

'I'm the one who pushed it'

# ^-Ske■-k ^-wi-p#

1-push-SS 1-do-PERF

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 (b) / ’dke'kp/

'I pushed'

t’-fcke’-kp#

1-push-PC

PC = perfective contracted auxiliary phrase

3.5127 /-p/ 'too':

Examples 3.5127a,b

(a) /ppdfi swa*rpk w d r e V

'is he singing, too'

#p-pd-£ swa•r-p-k wdr-fe’#

DEM-DEM-SUBJ sing-too-SS ADD-QB

/’ya-mpik wdra(h) ’nd'km/

'I'm going, too'

fP-ya-m-p-l-k wdr-h ’-nti'-km#

1-go away-too-REC-SS ADD-IR 1-INC-IC

3.5131 /-!/ 'inner locative':

Examples 3.5131a,b

(a) /?sdll ’i ’kokm/

'I carry it in my hand'

#,?-sdl-l ’-i*k6-km#

1-hand-LOC 1-carry-IC

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 119

(b) /’wasgl ?wa/

'I am (sitting) in the house'

#’-w^-:p-l ’-wa#

NM-house-DEM-LOC 1-sit

3.5140 /-r/ 'plural' (limited to examples given):

Examples 3.5140a,b

(a) /hi££p/ 'daughter; girl'

/hifca:rapo/

'for the girls'

#hi£a-r-a-p-o#

gir1-PL-AUG(?)-DEM-APP

(b) /hme/ 'boy (sg.)'

/hma:r(a)/ (plural)

also: /hom4*£a/

3.5150 /y/ is an affix only in so far as it alter­

nates morphophonemically with /i/ See 3.518.

3.5160 /w/ appears to be an intrusive glide between

/i/ and /o/, although it seems to have become

grammaticized. See 3.5203 and 3.5204. See

also Hardy (1979:27ff).

3.5171 /i(*)-/ 'derivational prefix' (meaning uncer­

tain) : This is a common prefix occurring on

both verbs and nouns. It usually occurs on

transitive verbs and has a meaning that is

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 120

causative. It also occurs on many body parts.

The examples below are selected to illustrate

these remarks. There are, however, many forms

more difficult to explain. Some of them will

be listed as well:

Examples 3.5171a-i

(a) /i•h a •ni/ 'repair; tame'

/’hani/ 'good, perfect'

(b) /i *k6/ 'carry in the hand'

/kpk6/ 'block; cup (the ears)'

(c) /i*piri/ 'learn'

/pari/ 'sharp; intelligent'

(d) /i•puk/ 'neck'

/ptik/ 'bottom; foot (of a mountain)'

(e) /i'tit/ 'back; spine'

/tit/ 'thorn'

(f) /ytfC)/ 'eye'

/’u:/ 'see'

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 121

(g) /i*p5*/ 'be first; be in front'

/po*/ 'walk'

(h) /i*waya/ 'heart'

/wa/ 'sit; dwell'

(i) /i•md/ 'dance'

/ma/ (?) !be ripe, be ready'

3.5172 /-i/ 'denominalizer' (see 4.50 for analysis):

Examples 3.5172a-c

(a) /phayi/ 'be like liquid'

#p-ha-i-i#
DEM-water-DEN-ABS

(b) /^kwi’yi/ 'cloudy'

#’-kw£-i-i#

NM-cloud-DEN-ABS

(c) /(’Jruyi/ 'hot'

/rupi/ 'dry'

This presupposes an unattested *rd undergoing two deriva­

tional processes:

(c') /(’)rdyi/

#(’)-rti-i-i#

(?)-dry/hot-DEN-ABS

'(c") /rtipi/

#rtS-p-i#

dry-hot-ST-ABS

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 3.5173 /-!/ 'recursive':

Examples 3.5173a,b

(a) /miyi/

'say it againI'

#m-£-i#

2-say-REC

(b) /p0cUS ya'miye’/

'Is he gone/ too?'

#p-0a-£ ya’m-i-e’#

DEM-DEM-SUBJ go away-REC-QB

3.5174 /-i/ 'absolutive'

Examples 3.5174a,b

(a) /’pash ’sp5h ’a’umi/

'I do not know the man'

#’-pa:-h ’-spo-h ’-a-’um-i#

NM-person-DEM 1-know-IR 1-AUG-NEG-ABS

(b) /mpa0k£i/

'shut up (pi.)1'

#m-pa0k-£-i#

2-shut up-PL-ABS

3.5175 /-i/ 'artifact' (often [-e] after [...y-])

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 123

Examples 3.5175a,b

(a) /?[Link]/

'eyeglasses'

#-?_khwa+yu-i-i#

NM-glass/metal-eye-PL-ART

(b) /’k ufe*.trdypi/

#’-kwe*+t-rd-i-p-i#

NM-thing+CAUS-dry/hot-DEN-ST-ART

3.5176 /-i/ 'plural':

Examples 3.5176a-c

(a) /’ya’s 0o*ifii kwa*hm/

'Thanksgiving (literally: turkey eating time)'

tt’-ya's 95*-i-d-i k-wa-•h-m#

NM-turkey eat-PL-PL-ABS REL-sit-DEM-TLOC

(b) /’k^[Link]'rpa/

'pinon hills (Pin.: Prescott Heights)'

#’-kho-i+k-ho*r-p-a#

NM-pinon-PL-REL-hills-ST-ABS

(c) /p&*pl tu*ifii/

'they cremate (the) corpse'

#pk*-pl tu-'i-fi-i#

HA-die burn-PL-PL-ABS

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 124

3.5181 /-e7/ 'interrogative' (on Type B Stems):

Examples 3.5181a,b

(a) /?ya*m6&V

'are we going?'

1-go away-PL-QB

(b) /k^kydfipa mhna:q&‘V

'which one did you want?'

#kd-k-yd-£-{3-a m-hna:q-e?#

WH-REL-be-NOM-DEM-ABS 2-want-QB

3.5182 /-&’/ 'vocative' (on Type B Stems):

Examples 3.5182a,b

(a) /’dwh?/, cf. / ’dwa/ 'grandson' (ABS)

'grandson (man speaking)!'

t’dw-e’3#

grandson-VOC

(b) /kpmsdp^7/

'Kemo Sabe!' (literally: 'white things,' not

'white man')

tk-pmsdp-^’#

REL-white-VOC

3.5183 /-k/ 'spatiotemporal locative' (occurs often

preceded by /’-/ or /h-/) :

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 125

Examples 3.5183a-e

(a) /miipk’e/

'after'

#mfspk-?&#

after-STLOC

(b) /puka(h)le/

'at the bottom'

#puk-h-l-e#

bottom-DEM-ILOC-STLOC

(c) /q’qw&rhk/

'outside'

#q-’qw^r-h4#

REL-wilderness-STLOC

(d) /[Link] cA'hk/

'the top of the hill'

#m4t+k-h5r-p-a cd*-h&#

land+REL-hill-ST-ABS top-STLOC

(e) /p6me/

'end, edge'

/P’omi/

'last'

3.5190 /-a/ appears mostly in combination with other

suffixes and is considered an increment, lend­

ing the suffix to which it is attached more

assertive illocutionary force. Related to

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 126

this kind of assertion is the a-augment on

some verbs, it is assumed.

/-a/ also occurs in a number of forms

where it is either quite clearly in some cases,

and at least arguably in other cases, an allo-

morph of either the 'irrealis' /-h/ or the

'demonstrative' /-h/, the latter itself being

in a synaesthetic or at least stylistic alter­

nation with /©/.

The occurrences of /-a/ as an increment

are treated in 3.60; occurrences as an augment

have been exemplified in passing; and occur­

rences as a morphophonemic variant of /h/ are

treated under /h/, 3.59.

/-a/ is the absolutive suffix found on

nouns of Type B Stems. It has been exempli­

fied throughout this work, /-a/ as an absolu­

tive may also be derived from an underlying or

earlier demonstrative /h/ or /6/.

3.520 /o/ is found to vary freely with /u/ when it

occurs with primary stress in the environment before a

liquid and sometimes even before a nasal. Conditions of

sentence stress also lower unstressed /u/ to /o/ (which

happens also with /i/, lowering it to /e/. See Chapter

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 Two). For alternations between /o/ and /aw/, /i/ and /uy/,

and /e/ and /aw/ see 3.72 Ablaut.

3.5201 /o-/ 'inchoative': See /u-/.

3.5202 /o-/ 'demonstrative': See /-u/.

3.5203 /-6/ 'applicative':

Examples 3.5203a-d

(a) /’smdlkpa '?8riSy6km/

'I pierce(d) my ear'

(f’-smcilk-p-a ’-Oruy-fc-km#

1-ear-DEM-ABS 1-pierce-APP-IC

(b) /kwa•w 7 7iw6k/

'I am teaching him to speak'

#kwci*w (w) 6-k#

speak 1-say-(?)APP-SS

(c) /^h&t php<5y&/

'shoe a horse'

(P-hclt phpo-i-6#

NM-horse shoe-DEN-APP

(d) /•?khW^mlw6/

'rock music' (literally: makes instrument cry)

#'?-khwa+ml-(w) o#

NM-instrument cry-(?)APP

(Epenthetic w's, glossed as "(?)," are discussed in 4.50)

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 128

3.5204 /-o/ 'perfect/evidential':

Examples 3.5204a-c

(a) /ti*pk y&okm/

'she's pregnant for sure'

#ti*p-k yu-o-km#

pregnant-SS be-P/E-IC

(b) /pmi*p8 ’w^sh nehk wlwokm/

'the cat did kill the mouse'

#nmi-*p-£.’-w^s-h neh-k wl-(w)o-km#

cat-DEM-SUBJ NM-mouse-DEM kill-SS do-(?)P/E-IC

(c) /’fiOl: qyatok wiwokm/

'he drank too much (but he did not realize it)'

qy3t-o-k wi-(w)o-km#

COM-drink much-RES-SS do-(?)P/E-IC

3.5205 /-o/ 'resultative'

Examples 3.5205a,b

(a) /ykp^pd’p6 ’hano qyatk k’u* piSpkm/

'the Yavapai weaves very beautiful baskets'

tfyhpvpd’-p-d ’han-o qySt-k k’u* ptip-km#

Yavapai-DEM-SUBJ beautiful-RES much-SS basket

weave-IC

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 129

(b) /pa:pm ’fc^ma: qy&to/

'I ate too much today'

#pcl:-p-m ’fi-’-ma: qy&t-o#

sun-DEM-TLOC COM-l-eat much-RES

/?£...Bit/ and /’£...ma:/ are complex verbs.

3.5206 /-£'/ 'locational nominalizer':

Examples 3.5206a,b

(a) /p&*.r6p6*/

'west'

#p&*+rdp-6*#

sun+go=down-LNOM

(b) /my&*.ty0*wp6*/

'horizon' (literally: where the sky is made

to come to)

#mya•+t-yA•w-p-6•#

sky+CAUS-come-ST-LNOM

3.5207 /-ot7)/, /-o:/ 'vocative (unseen addressee)':

Examples 3.5207a,b

(a) /koloV

'grandmother!' (literally: mother's mother)

/kola/

(absolutive)

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 130

(b) /mhamko:/
•hello'

#m-ha-m-k-5:#

2-look-DIR-SS-VOC

/mhamka/ is the usual form.

3.5211 /u-/ 'derivational prefix' (meaning uncertain)

Examples 3.5211a-c

(a) /u’al-/

'take out, remove'

/S’al-/

'rise, come out'

/’d-1/

'swell, be swollen'

(b) /und*/

'incompletive' locational auxiliary (not well

exemplified in 3.213 and contrasting with

/nd*/):

(c) /upd/

'father-in-law'

/pa’pd/

'my daughter-in-law'

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 131

3.5212 /-u/ 'demonstrative':

Examples 3.5313afb

(a) /hmdpu ’h&’0pu*y6h ’nti’km/

'I am going to wash the baby'

#hmap-u ’-h^-’-Opu-y-&-h ’-mi'-km#

baby-DEM NM-water-l-wash-APP-IR 1-INC-IC

/’ha...0pu*yi/ is a complex verb.

(b) /(’)kw£ * p u / ~ / ( ’)kw£*po/

'some thing, the thing'

# (’-)kwe*-p-u#

(NM)-thing-DEM-DEM

3.60 Multisegmental Prefixes and Suffixes

3.601 Introduction: The prefixes and suffixes pre­

sented, exemplified and discussed in the foregoing section

are monosegmental. Those which follow consist of at least

two segments, most of which may be broken down and be shown

to consist of two morphemes. In some cases the segmenta­

tion into constituents may be an obvious one (at least to

a Yumanist). Sometimes more than one analysis is possible.

3.602 Order of the Multisegmental Affixes: This list,

like the list in 3.503 Order of the (Monosegmental) Affixes,

is for orientation only. It differs, however, in that each

affix listed functions monomorphemically, which is hardly

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 132

the case with monosegmental affixes, most of which are

homophones.

1. /-P&*/ 'interrogative conjunction'

2. /pa(*)-/ 'plural object' (on transitive verbs)

3. /-tk•/ 'exhortative'

4. /-«p-/ 'multiple plural'

5. /-ka/ 'emphatic' (?) 'increment' (?)

6. /-k0 6 -/ 'conditional'

7. /-km/ 'contracted imperfective auxiliary

phrase'

8. /-kp/ 'contracted perfective auxiliary phrase'

9. /’ ...m-/ 'second-person subject with first-

person object' (on transitive verbs)

10. /-ha/ 'emphatic irrealis' (?) 'increment' (?)

11. /-m&•/ 'conjunction' (?) 'increment' (?)

12. /-ma/ 'assertive'

13. /-m6* / 'dubitative'

14. /-ra(p) / 'intensifier'

15. /-we7/ 'past question'

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 133

3.611 /-pe*/ 'interrogative conjunction's

Examples 3.611a,b

/’ya'mk ’yupape*/

'and how would it be if I went?'

#-?-y5.m-k ’-yu-p-i-p^*#
l-go=away-SS ’-be-DEM-IR-QCON

(b) /pci’iSfii•pipe •/

'and what about my mother (ellipticized: where

is she? or what did she do?)

*-p-£-p&*#

1-lP-mother-DEM-SUBJ-QCON

3.612 /pa(.*)-/ 'plural object' (on transitive verbs):

Examples 3.612a,b

(a) /m&:6 p a ’mswdsrfiom ’e'piitajh/

'you (pi.) sing for them? they'll hear it'

#md:-fi pa*-m-swd:r-£-o-m ’e ’p-fi-h#

2P-SUBJ PLo-2-sing-PL-APP-DS hear-PL-IR

(b) /pBdfi p’e'km/

'he gives it to me'

/p0dc pa*p?e’km/

'he gives it to us'

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3.613 /-te*/ 'exhortative':

Examples 3.613a,b

(a) /mplte*7/

'why don't you drop dead?'

im-pi-te*-’#

2-die-EXH-QB

(b) /m’e ’pate*/

'give me some, too!'

#m-’e •-p-a-te•/

2-give-REP-AUG(?)-EXH

3.614 /-6§-/ 'multiple plural'

3.615 /-ka/ 'incremented same-subject marker' (?)

Examples 3.615a,b

(a) /mi*wd*yl mnhme'rpka/

'be kind in your heart!'

#m-i*wA*y-l m-nhmS*rp-ka#

2-heart-LOC 2-kind-SSa

(b) /mnhme*rpk mspdpka/

'be kind and mindful!'

#m-nhme*rp-k m-spo-p-ka#

2-kind-SS 2 mindful-SSa

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 135

3.616 /-kQb'/ 'conditional' (discussed in 3.5122)

3.617 /-km/ 'imperfective contracted auxiliary phrase'

3.618 /-kp/ 'perfective contracted auxiliary phrase'

(Both /-km/ and /-kp/ are discussed in 3.5215.)

3.619 /’ ...m-/ 'second-person subject with first-

person object' (on transitive verbs);

discontinuous morpheme with plural

object marker /pa*-/

Examples 3.619a,b

(a) /md£p£ ’nPe’fikp/

'you (pi.) gave it to us'

#mci-£p-fi ’m-’e ’-fi-kp#

2P-MPL-SUBJ 2/1-give-PL-PC

(b) ’pa^m’e ’Skp/

#m£-6j3-£ "?-pa* -m-’e •-£-kp#

2P-MPL-SUBJ 2/PLo/l-give-PL-PC

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 136

3.6110 /-ha/ 'incremented irrealis marker' (?)

When either /-h/ or /-ha/ 'irrealis'

appears before a pause, the verb

expresses futurity:

Example 3.6110

/psaha/

'I will sting you'

#p-sa-ha#

1/2-sting-IR

3.6111 /-m&•/ 'conjunction after clause-final /-m/' (?)

'incremented clause-final /-m/' (?):

Examples 3.6111a,b

(a) /pcttS k’u* ?piij3k ’I ’wila ’kytflk mirmira yti£m&*/

Jwe make baskets out of long, straight branches'

#pd-£ k?u* ?-pdp-k ’i'wlla ’kYdl-k mirmfr-a

yd-6-me•#

1P-SUBJ basket 1-weave branch long-SS straight-

ABS be-PL-mCON

(b) /ma’ummfe*/

'and don't (do that either)I'

tm-a-’um-m^•#

2-AUG-NEG-mCON

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 137

3.6112 /-ma/ 'assertive on clause-final /-m/':

Examples 3.6112a,b

(a) /” £• ma/

'I declare'
#?-?£•-ma#

1-say-ASSR

(b) /ma’umadi) mnu*ma/

'you cannot'

ffm-a-’um-h m-nu*-ma#

2-AUG-NEG-IR 2-INC-ASSR

3.6113 /-m6*/ 1dubitative':

Examples 3.6113a,b

(a) /mya*mfi ?h5na hi*m6*/

'I hope you have a good trip' (literally: that

your going may be good)

#m-ya*m-6 ’han-a i*-m<5*#

2-go=away-SUBJ good-ABS X-DUB

(b) /md*m ’hwdkk ,;,ape*ma(h) y£*m6*/

'maybe the two of us are going'

#m^*-m ’-hw^k-k ^-a-pe *m-h y i ’-mo*#

2P-ASS0 1-two-SS l-AUG-go=dual-IR COG-DUB

(literally: 'I am two with you; we are going')

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3.6114 /-ra({3)/ 'intensifier':

Example 3.6114

/qAe*ra/ ~ /qAe*r&pa/

'disgusting!' (considered a strong oath)

#qAe*-ra# #qAe’-rA-p-a#

bad-INT bad-INT-ST-ABS

3.6115 /-we’/ 'past question':

Examples 3.6115a,b

(a) /’hanok w£wk?/

'did he do it well?'

t^han-o-k wf-w^7#

good-TEM-SS do-QP

(b) /k&pyu mydk mthd'tow&V

'why did you hide her from me?'

#kd-p yd m-yd-k m-thd*t-o-w^7#

WH-DEM be 2-be-SS 2-hide-APP-QP

3.70 Quantitative and Qualitative Vowel Alternations

Shifts in vowel length and pitch and in vowel quality

take place as both inflectional and derivational processes.

Pitch shift is restricted to derivations. Length shifts,

which affect only vowels, and ablaut are used to distin­

guish number in verbs and nouns. See 3.302: Verbal and

Nominal Pluralization.

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3.71 Pitch Shift

Pitch accent in Yavapai is the least understood area

of the morphophonemics. The reasons have been outlined in

Chapter Two. These may be reviewed and summarized at this

point. There are so few speakers of any dialect of Yavapai

left that it is impossible to record pitch from one speaker

to another with any consistency. Speakers themselves show

considerable variation. The linguist is prone to error in

recording the pitch, both because of inherent difficulties

and because the speaker has difficulty producing elicita­

tion forms, i.e. producing utterances without imagining

them in some sentential context. Since Yavapai is a

stress-timed language, rhythm and sentence stress make it

difficult to elicit a form out of context. When one then

takes the effects of intonation into account, one can

understand why such an incoherent picture of pitch emerges.

Nevertheless, there are some rather clear-cut examples of

how pitch operates within the derivational morphology and

interacts with length as well.

3.711 Suprasegmental Adjustments in Derivation: The

root yaL has the gestural meaning 'circular motion on a

plane.' The addition of the prefix /6-/ (interpreted here

as 'causative,' although 'iterative' is also possible)

combines with the synaesthetic choice of /l/, indicating

the larger of a potential pair, to produce the simplex

verbal stem /fiydl-/. (Stress but not pitch may be assigned

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 140

to the root at this point.) The stem now means 'paint.'

To this can be added the suffix /-{3/ ' stative,' giving

/cydip-/ 'be painted.' The stems now derived surface as:

(a) /fiySli/ 'paint (transitive verb)'

(b) /6y&ipi/ 'be painted (stative verb)'

The 'absolutive' /-i/ must be added since both are Type B

Stems. The transcription also reflects the different

pitches on the forms: Pitch 1 on /£y51i/, Pitch 2 on

/fiy c lip i/. The stative stem /cdyip-/ can be further modified

with the addition of /-i/ 'artifactive,' (homophonous with

the 'infinitival' /-i/ in Prescott Yavapai, /-e*/ in

Tolkapaya). The resulting form is /fiyd’ipi/ 'face paint.'

Immediately apparent is the length shift from one mora to

two.

3.712 The preceding example, together with the example

using the root wa (3.103), presents an interesting account

of the interaction of length and pitch. Unfortunately,

this portion of the phonology does not display the con­

sistency I need in order to make definitive statements and

to propose rules. It is possible that more research could

be conducted along these lines, perhaps by native-speaker

linguists. It may be enough to say now that after I

have excluded all the interference posed by rhythm, timing,

sentence stress, and intonation, I am still convinced that

pitch is distinctive.

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3.72 Ablaut

Alternations occur between /i/, /e/, and /o/ and

/u(*)yA /a(*)y/, and /a(*)w/ respectively. The alterna­

tion /e/ ~ /a(*)y/ is common. Less common are the alterna­

tions /!/ ~ /u(*)y/ and /o/ ~ /a(*)w/.

Examples 3.721a-d

(a) /pi/ 'die, be dead'(sg.)

/pft*yi/ (plural)

(b) /pql/ 'woman' (sg.)

/Pqu*ya/ (plural)

(c) /epii/ 'make a (larger) hole'

/6pi£l*yi/ 'having (larger) holes'

(d) /eprl/ 'make a (smaller) hole'

/«prfi*yi/ 'having (smaller) holes'

Examples 3.722a-c

(a) /66'fii/ 'fight' (sg.)

/6Amwpi/ (plural)

(b) /n6*/ 'be heavy'

/k|3nawi/ 'carry heavy objects in arm(s)'

(c) /kip5/ 'rain'

/kipawi/ 'be rainy'

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Examples 3.723a-c

(a) /p^*/ 'bear fruit; be born (sg.)'

/p£yi/ (plural)

(b) /{3t£/ 'big, large (sg.)'

/pta’yi/ (plural)

(c) /q£(*)/ 'sticky; dusty (sg.)'

/qayi/ (plural)

Section 3.741 exemplifies the interaction between

ablaut and length shift.

3.73 Length Shift (See Hardy 1979b)

Vowe1-length distinction can be reconstructed for

Proto-Yuman. Yavapai has three distinctive vowel lengths,

although whether this is at a systematic phonetic level (in

older terms "classical phonemic") or at a higher level is more

a matter of linguistic levels than of phonetic reality.

In order to transcribe and utter Yavapai to a native

speaker's satisfaction, one must use three distinctive

vowel lengths. Length shift is found in both the deriva­

tional and inflectional morphology. Usually a short vowel

becomes longer corresponding to increasing morphological com­

plexity (i.e. singular to plural, derivational affixation). A

long vowel (Length 2) tends to remain long, although it may be

lengthened (Length 3) by derivational affixation or short­

ened (Length 1) by inflectional affixation. Unfortunately,

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specific rules cannot be proposed, although a variety of

patterns emerge.

3.74 Examples of Pluralization

Plural formation by means of prefixation, suffixation,

and ablaut have already been discussed and exemplified.

Plural formation by suppletion is noted in the dictionaries.

The following examples are presented to illustrate the

variety and complexity pluralizations offer. These exam­

ples do not exhaust the possibilities; they merely present

a random sampling of plural formations not already specif­

ically covered in the preceding sections.

3.741 Length Shift:

Examples 3.741a-i

(a) /wisa/ 'mother's older sister'

/wi•sa/ (plural object)

(b) /kipa/ *great-grandchild'

/ki•pa/ (plural object)

(c) /’slti/ 'on e '

/’si:ti/ 'few'

(d) /kwera/ 'mother's older brother'

/kw5*ra/ (plural object)

(e) /kela/ 'younger sibling'

/ke•la/ (plural object)

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(f) /waka/ 'older sibling'

/wa•ka/ (plural object)

(g) /’awa/ 'mother's parents to Ego'

/’a*wa/ (plural object)

(h) /pk'tAya/ 'old person'

/pk’t&’ya/ (plural)

(i) /qw^[Link]/ 'Zufii; Ute' (literally: redhead)

#qw&w+k-hwat-a#

hair+REL-red-ABS

/[Link] •ta/ (plural)

3.742 Quantitative and Qualitative Alternations Com­

bined with Affixation:

Examples 3.742a-l

(a) /tkdpi/ 'gather'

/ttka:pi/ (plural subject)

(b) /sklpu*yi/ 'hug'

/tsklp£t*ypi/ 'hug each other'

(c) /tn&kpi/ 'meadow-like'

/ttna:nkpi/ (plural)

(d) /kfiaqi 'drip'

/k££a:qi/ (plural subject)

(e) /fckvati/ 'cut ’

/6&kvkti/ (plural object)

(f) /6GG:li/ 'wash'

/£60u:li/ (plural object)

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 (g) /£yuti/ 'rub'

/££yu:ti/ (plural object)

(h) /ma:/ 'eat (soft things)'

/ma£i/ (plural subject)

(i) /sw£*ri/ 'sing'

/sw^’rfii/ (plural subject)

(j) /tphk^-pi/ 'exchange, swap'

/tthka*ypi/ (plural subject)

(k) /’ar’y^'km/ 'I thank you'

/^ar’y a ’ykm/ 'we thank you'

(1) /•?&•?yx:/ 'I love' (from ?e*..

/■?&*£?yi *£{3i/ 'we love each other'

3.80 Sound Symbolism

3.801 Introduction: Langdon (1972:169) states that

"[a]ny new information available for Proto-Yuman is of

direct relevance for problems of Proto-Hokan reconstruc­

tion. It is therefore pertinent to ask whether there is

evidence that symbolic consonantal ablaut can be recon­

structed for Proto-Hokan." This section attempts to

present data deemed to be "of direct relevance for prob­

lems of" Proto-Pai reconstruction, and, it is hoped, for

those problems of Proto-Yuman and eventually for Proto-

Hokan reconstruction as well. The matter at hand is

to make "new information available" and to review

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 146

as well what is already known about sound symbolism in

Yavapai.

3.802 Overt and Covert Sound Symbolism; Yavapai sound

symbolism can be of two orders: overt and covert. The

former reflects properties of external reality, mediating

directly between form and meaning. The latter uses the

aesthetic properties of sounds, an internal reality, of a

particular language. Covert sound symbolism is a closed

system and only partially, if at all, interpretable to

someone not knowing the language. Overt sound symbolism, on

the other hand, is readily interpretable to a non-speaker, even

if the language uses sounds not found in the phonological

inventory of that non-speaker. Overt sound symbolism is

open-ended and could be extended to include phenomena

normally considered non-verbal or vocal behavior. More

narrowly, overt sound symbolism, as it relates to Yavapai,

is onomatopoeia or sound echoism; covert sound symbolism

in Yavapai is synaesthesia or phonaesthesia. A few exam­

ples from each category illustrate the dichotomy:

Examples 3.802a,b

(a). Overt Sound Symbolism:

1. /8irk8irka/ 'cricket'

2. /mu*7!/ 'moo v . '

3. /p’u:p’u:’ik/ 'thunder v . '

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(b) Covert Sound Symbolism:

/qAe-pi/ 'bad'

/qAe-pi/ 'worse'

/pmsdpi/ 'white'

/pmQdpi/ 'grey'

/ki6i/ 'tiny'

/qi&i/ 'small'

/mkwdni/ 'pound'

/mqwdni/ 'pulverize'

/hwdli/ 'dig out'

/hwdri/ 'scoop out'

/*n&/ 'ouch'

/’r &/ 'ow'

/’Id/ 'ugh'

/’kwa8i/ 'brown'

/’q wa8i/ 'yellow'

/'?qua [s] i/ 'yellow' (W. Gazzam)

/kl’dlki/ 'ridges'

/qr’drqi 'furrows'

/kwaki/ 'opens'

/qwaqi/ 'shatters'

3.803 Reduplication: Reduplication is by no means

limited to overt sound symbolism. Reduplicands may come

from either category. Occasionally it is difficult to

decide whether one is dealing with overt or covert sound

symbolism. (See Munro 1979a.)

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Examples 3.803a-c

(a) Onomatopoeia:
&
/h£:hi:/ 'whinny'

(b) Synaesthesia:

/hii:qwl0qw£0a/ 'bird'

(c) Overlap:

/s&hs^h/ 'sigh'

/BhhBdh/ 'breathe'

3.804 Reduplicands: The following list of redupli-

cands is presented to give the reader an idea of the semantic

range of reduplication. For the sake of simplicity the

reduplicands are listed as either stems or roots. The

glosses either capture the meaning quite well or can only

approximate the meaning. A gloss preceded by indicates

that the reduplicand appears in the word following ..., but

it is not clear what meaning can be assigned to the redup­

licand itself.

3.804 List of Reduplicands

1. /p£q/ 'crack'

2. /p<5q/ 'slender

3. tiL 'disk'

4. /tips/ 'rattle'

5. /tiB/ 'tick'

6. /t6c/ 'drop'

7. /ts£•/ 'squeal'

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 8. /Mq/ 'drip'
9. /Ml/ '...boulder'

10. / (0) M r / 'pierce'

11 . /£!&'/ 'lightning'

12. /kl6/ 'little'

13. /kih/ 'cough'

14. /kd(r)/ 'cockadoodledoo'

15. /kd’rk/ 'rock back and forth'

16. Kop 'beat; cave in'

17. koL 'rocks; dice'

18. /ksi/ 'point'

19. /kufr/ 'spin'

20. Kwa*KB 'open slowly; gallop; busted up'

21. /kwd*m/ '... cotton

22. /(h)qis/ 'rub hard'

23. /qir/ 'giggle'

24. /qd/ 'sticky'

25. /qih/ 'crack'

26. /q£w/ 'fox bark'

27. /q<5£/ 'tickle'

28„ /qld*/ 'scream'

29. /qw6*/ 'stirred up'

30. /qwfe/ 'point'

31. /quir/ 'point'

32. /’in/ 'quake'

33. /’ir/ '...butte'

34. /*?d*(w)/ 'howl'

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 35. /p6(h)/ 'bark'

36. /w6(h)/ 'bark'

37. /eirk '...cricket'

38. /9iw/ '...javelina'

39. 9uL 'itch'

40. Seh 'sigh; breathe'

41. seL 'stick up'

42. /sul/ 'transparent'

43. /sol/ 'transparent'

44. /sk"1/ '...candycane'

45. /h£6/ 'stacked'

46. /hir/ 'slide down'

47. /hi/ 'pant'

48. /ha:/ 'whinny'

49. /hin/ 'massage'

50. /hir/ 'work'

51. /h6l/ 'flow'

52. /h6r/ 'top'

53. /huV 'hoot'

54. /htip/ '...level ground

55. /huir/ 'ripple'

56. /mfn/ '...hummingbird'

57. /mlr/ 'straight'

58. /mi6/ 'blink'

59. /mir/ 'rub in circles'

60. /mir/ 'trot'

61. /ni */ 'exclamation of :

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62. /p6m/ '...countless

63. LiB 'flutter; qui

64. Lap 'flat'

65. /ldw/ 1many'

66. /l6*h/ 'snore'

67. /ldl/ '...flute'

68. /rfp/
69. /rxO/ '...freckles'

70. /rap/ 'hurt'

71. /rdy/ 'small path'

72. /ydp/ 'very round'

73. yaL 'circular'

74. /ydk/ 'oblong'

75. /yds/ 'cool'

76. wiL 'shake'

77. /w6*/ 'bark'

78. /woq/ 'growl'

3.81 Synaesthetic Alternations

The examples sets number 1 through 9 (3.802b) illus­

trate eight synaesthetic alternations among the phono­

logical rules of Chapter Four, which have been arranged in

the following manner:

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1. Synaesthetic Alternation: /p/ and /p/

2. Synaesthetic Alternation: /k, k w/ and /q, qw/

3. Synaesthetic Alternation: /©/ and /s/

4. Synaesthetic Alternation: /6, s/ and /£/

5. Synaesthetic Alternation: /n/, /l/, and /r/

6. Synaesthetic Alternation: /l/ and /r/

7. Synaesthetic Alternation: /l/ and /A/

8. Synaesthetic Alternation: Nasalization

The alternations affect almost exclusively the con-

sonants. Nasalization affects only the vowels. Vocalic

synaesthetic alternation is a far less productive process

in the more transparent areas of the lexicon. The deeper

and less transparent areas of the lexicon show traces of

vocalic synaesthetic alternations. (See 3.824).

3.82 Classification of Alternations

A three-way classification of the major synaesthetic

alternations is possible. The first criterion for classi­

fication is in phonostylistics.

3.821 Phonostylistics; One needs to distinguish at

least two styles in Yavapai when discussing synaesthesia:

unmarked, i.e. "normal," unaffected speech; and marked:

"abnormal," hypocoristic speech, under which one includes

the nursery forms of baby talk. It is the latter phono-

stylistic category which will be examined first.

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3.8211 Hypocorism: Terms of endearment, nicknames,

nursery words of baby talk, and other kinds

of phonostyles which bring

into the phonology new phones or make new use

of those already on hand will be referred to

as hypocorism. No systematic study of hypo-

corisms in Yavapai has ever been undertaken. I

note their existence because of the

encroachments they have made into the un­

marked, ''normal" lexicon.

3.82111 The Hypocoristic [§]; The most pervasive

hypocoristic phone found in the unmarked

lexicon is [§], a voiceless, palatoalveolar

slit spirant. It occurs in synaesthetic

alternation with both /0/ and /s/:

Examples 3.82111a-c

(a) /B&vta./ 'offspring'

/Sdwa/

(b) /sahi/ 'stink'

/Sahi/

(c) */mse*/ 'fear'

/mSe*/

/0dwa/ and /&£wa/ occur with equal frequency. Yavapais

claim that a /Sdwa/ is smaller than a /B&vta/ or that the

former is reserved for the offspring of animals and the

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 154

latter for the offspring of humans. These explanations

have never been consistent. /£ahi/ is far more common

than /sahi/. Yavapai usually "correct" themselves and

offer /sahi/, but the first form they cite is /SShi/. In

the case of /m£e*/ one never hears an unmarked variant,

which would be */mse*/* One explanation for this is that

/m£e*/ may not be a hypocorosm at all. The form in Paipai

is /msy£:/, and cognates in other, non-Pai languages sug­

gest the Proto-Yuman form was *msya:y. One could account

for /m£e*/ by postulating a rule: sy -*• £ / __ e. The

restricted environment accounts for forms like:

Example 3.82111d

(d) /syami/ 'recede (e.g. water)'

/syumi/
'puli' (in free variation)
/syomi/

Personal names offer another source for hypocorosm.

The /£[Link]/, phonetically [£imi] is from unmarked

/[Link]/. (/msL/ 'woman' + /hmi/ 'energetic').

3.82112 Nasalization: One finds nasalized vowels

throughout the marked style:

Examples 3.82112a-c

(a) Onomatopoeia:

/ha*h£*/ 'pant' vs. /himh £ m/ 'whinny'

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 155

(b) Synaesthesia:

/llwa/ 'offspring (sg.)' vs. /i§£:wa/ 'offspring (pi.)'

(c) Interjections:

/ni’tii'/ or /ni'ni*/ (exclamation of fear)

(d) Sporadic Occurrence:

/mhwa:/ 'badger' or /mhwt:/ (free variation)

3.82113 /n/, /r/, /!/ Gradient Alternation: A third

kind of hypocoristic alternation involves

the interjections.

Examples 3.82113a-c

(a) /?n£/ 'ouch'

(b) /’ra/ 'ow'

(c) /’l£/ 'ugh'

The continuum /n...r...l/ is a gradient synaesthetic

alternation representing increasing degrees of unpleasant­

ness or distastefulness expressed by interjections. The

roots ra and la underlying the interjections are found in

the stems /r&pi/ 'hurt' and /’lchyi/ 'be bad.' I can­

not find forms derived from a root na, meaning the least

unpleasant of the set. I speculate that the n is

relatable to that of /n-/ 'plural affix,' or even to

nasalization, if n had been infixed, causing nasalization.

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 156

3.82114 Hypocoristic /!/, /A/ Alternation; This

alternation is related to the gradient alter­

nation /n ~ r ~ 1/ above and occurs in only

one stem, /qAe*/ 'dislike,' and related forms

(See below).

3.822 Progression of Alternations: There are three

arrangements of synaesthetic alternations:

3.8221 Paired Alternations

a. /p/ and /£/

b. /k/ and /q/

c. /kw/ and /qw/

d. /©/ and /s/

e. /I/ and /r/

f. /I/ and /A/

3.8222 Tandem Alternations

a. /kw...©/ and /qw ...s/

b. / k ...1/ and /q...r/

c. /kw...k/ and /qw...q/

3.8223 Gradient Alternations

a. /n/ and /r/ and/l/

b. /ki/, /ke/, /ka/, /qa/, /qe/

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3.823 Productivity of Alternations; Some of the

synaesthetic alternation listed in 3.81 are much more pro­

ductive than others, or at least it seems so since the

sound-symbolic sets they produce are more semantically

transparent. Those alternations which are the most pro­

ductive are ranked below in a rather impressionistic way

for the more productive sets. The least productive sets

are usually represented by single examples.

3.8231 /l/ and /r/

2 /k/ and /q/

3 /kw/ and /qw/

4 /kw...k/ and /qw...q/

5 /k...l/ and /q...r/

6 /©/ and /s/

7 /n/ and /r/ and /l/

8 /l/ and /A/

9 /p/ and /£/

10 /ki/, /ke/, /ka/, /qa/, /qe/

11 /kw...9/ and /qu...s/

3.824 Meaning of the Synaesthetic Alternations: Most

alternations deal with relative size or relative intensity,

which may be an objective or subjective evaluation of an

event; for example, /hwdli/ 'dig out' involves larger

physical motions than /hwdri/ 'hollow out.'/mkw£ni/

'pound' could be said to involve less intensity of motion

than /mqwdni/ 'pulverize.' /kwciki/ 'open' has less

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 158

intensity than /qwaqi/ 'shatter.' The 'furrows' described

by /qr’iirqi/ are of smaller dimensions than the 'ridges'

described by /kl’iilki/. / ’na/, /?ra/» and /?la/

relate an ascending scale of both size and intensity.

/kifii/ is smaller than /qe£i/, which in turn is smaller

than /qa£i/. Of more metaphorical meaning, requiring

greater subjectivity, is the distinction between /pmsdpi/

'white' and /pmGdpi/ 'grey' or /kweUJi/ 'brown' and /quci0i/

'yellow.' /qAe-pi/ 'bad' is not as "bad” as/qAe* pi/, but only

when one sees nouns from the same stem, does one begin to

have an idea of the difference; i.e. /qAe*pa/ is 'some­

thing rotten,' while /qAe*pa/ is used for a 'real slob.'

3.8241 Discussion of /qAd*P-/: For a number of

reasons /qAe*p-/ 'bad (in some w ay)' is the

most interesting stem in the language. It is

derived from /qAe*/ 'dislike.' The /p/ is the

alternate of /p/, which is identified with

/-p/ '(medio)passive.' The derivation is

clear this far: 'disliked, dislikable.'

The /A/ is a subjective/metaphorical distor­

tion of la 'bad'; the /q/ could be understood

to be a /k-/, perhaps the 'relative,' perhaps

another derivational /k-/. The presence of

/§•/ is easy to understand when one knows the

ablauted plural /qAdiypi/. It remains to

state that /p/ is rarely found posttonically

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 159

within a stem (the few exceptions seem to be

nursery forms: /pa:pi/ 'carry (a person) on

the back, and /&upi/ 'eat something mushy');

and that this is the only occurrence in

Yavapai of /A/, which is the reason for mar­

ginal status of /A/, a reason related to that

for the marginal status of /5/; that is, both

are produced or come about synaesthetically.

3.825 Augmentative and Diminutive: The discussion

of synaesthesia in Yavapai can be more productively con­

fined to an analysis of those morphemes which seem to be

members of the most productive sets: /k/ and /q/, /kw/

and /qw/, /s/ and /%/, and /l/ and /r/. The shift from

one alternate to the other can be characterized as

'augmentative-diminutive,' and that the first member of

each setdenotes the larger, more usual, more stable mem­

ber ofthe stem-sets in which it appears.

3.83 Archisynaestheme

In order to characterize the meaning of a Yavapai

word that contains one or more of the synaesthetic segments

or suprasegments (i.e. nasalization), one has to be able to

write the root in a neutral manner which, at the same time,

suggests that the root can undergo synaesthesia; that is,-

one would like to show that at Level I , the root has a

single representation. Such a representation could best

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 160

be called an archisynaestheme or archiphonaestheme. The

former is somewhat more accurate, although both might be

used for different entities if one were to elaborate this

strictly notational device. One can now write the exam­

ples sets 1-9 in 3.802b as:

Examples 3.83a-i

a. KLVe’B

b. pmSaB

c. KIc

d. mKwan

e. h waL

f. ?Da

g- ■?k«aS

h. KL’uLK

i. KwaK

This was the notational device followed in listing the

reduplicands in 3.804.

3.831 Archisynaesthemic Symbols: The choice of sym­

bols had to be careful enough to be able to include the

unmarked as well as the marked synaesthemes. Some of the

choices were obvious ones considering phonological marked­

ness; i.e. the unmarked member of pair was used: K, K^, S,

L. B was chosen over P, because /p/ is rare and its

counterpart is voiced. D was needed for the triplet, not

only because it is neutral, but also because N is used for

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 161

nasalization. The status of the marked, hypocoristic /£/

and /A/ can be captured by SY and L^. Other forms appear^

ing in this section can now be written in this shorthand:

Examples 3.831a-i

(a) R:Seh /skhsdh/ 'sigh'

/9khQ6h/ 'breathe'

R = reduplication

(b) SVaw /B&wa/ 'offspring'

/&&wa/ (hypocoristic)

(c) SYah /sahi/ 'stink'

/Sahi/ (hypocoristic)

(d) mSYe* /ms6•/ 'fear'

(e) R:ha* /hk’hi.'/ 'pant'

(f) R:Nha* /hl*hA-/ 'whinny'

(g) SYNa:w /Sa:wa/ 'offspring (pi.)'

(h) mhwNa: /mhwa:/ 'badger'

(i) R:nNi* /ni•n l •/ (exclamation of fear)

3.832 Synaesthetic Derivations: The archisynaestheme

is not only a convenient shorthand for representing stems

which are linked synaesthetically. One can also use the

archisynaestheme as a device for uncovering derivations

that are not as transparent as most.

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 162

Examples 3.832a-d

(a) /ptir/ 'hat'

/impCl* la/ 'forehead'

The forms of 3.832a may not appear related unless one is

aware of the synaesthetic alternation /l/ and /r/ and

length shift as derivational processes. The archi­

synaestheme is puL.

(b) /kapdmka/ 'grasshopper'

/qa(m)pclpqa/ 'bat (animal)'

The form for 'grasshopper' may be onomatopoetic in origin,

but the one for 'bat' is related to it synaesthetically.

(c) /he’li/ 'flow (as a river)'

/holhol/ 'flowing (as a waterfall)'

/herher/ 'slide down'

An archisynaestheme hVL relating to the movement of

liquids might underlie the forms of 2.832c.

(d) /skwI/ 'stand up v.t.'

/’cskwIli/ 'sew' (SEY)

/skwI*ni/ 'turn off (an appliance)'

I can see the relatedness of the above forms by

means of skwi-D/ from which I can detach the prefix,

leaving k ui , which looks like /kwi*/ 'weave.' Example

set 2.832e lists these and other possibilities.

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 163

/kwi*/ 'weave'

/0kwx*/ 'squeeze, wring out'

/ek^Ijii/
'wrinkled'
/’k wipi

/kwinfii/ 'soften (buckskin)'

/smkwinpa/ 'stirred around (like gruel)'

/kwir{3a/ 'coiled'

3.8321 The above list continues. There are

however, inherent pitfalls: forms with the same potential

synaestheme that do not seem to enter into a sound-

symbolic relationship. For example, /’kw£/ 'cloud' might

be seen as 'spinning, whirling,' but the puL underlying

'hat' and 'forehead' bear no obvious semantic resemblance

to /puli/ 'be wet.'

3.834 The Derivational Family of 'hand': /ski/ 'hand;

arm' is a Yavapai morpheme which recurs in the lexicon in

many guises. As the quasi-classifier /si-/ and as the

first root /ski-/ in compounds relating to body parts it

is quite common and bears no relationship to synaesthesia.

Examples 3.834a,b

1. /slpu/ 'armpit'
2. /slmctka/ 'shoulder blade'

3. /sklq£qe*£a/ 'little finger'(sg.)

4. /sklkfiki’fia/ 'little finger' (pi.)

5. /sklslhwo*/ 'fingernail' (classifier and root)

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 164

To write /ski/ in the archisynaesthemes SVL would be

motivated by the examples below:

1. /khw&mscir0a/ 'fork*
2. /mlkms&*rpa/ 'toe'
3. /ke«£r/ 1dog; archaic: 'coyote'
("lefty")
4. /s&lkGi:r6*/ 'left hand'
5. /kw& •m9a:rp’lfia/ 'net'
6. /Grapi/ 'five'
7. /h&18u*yi/ 'nine'
8. /s£*l{3i/ 'stick up like fingers'
9. /ks&ls^li/ '...(cock's)comb'
10. /ptirkse*ipa/ 'war bonnet'
11. /piirkserpa/ 'Indianhead penny'

3.8341 Although no other root has been found as pro­

ductive as 'hand' (and the 'hand' forms are

not exhausted), it can be presumed that there

are many other such derivational families,

many of which can be discovered by examining

sound symbolism in general and synaesthesia in

particular.

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 165

3.90 Conclusion
Chapter Three has presented the data of Yavapai

morphology -- inflectional and derivational — without

very many speculative digressions. The presentation of

so many homophonous morphemes with related meaning was

deliberately obtuse. There is a relationship between the

affixes and synaesthesia, and it was not fortuitous that

'hand' was used as the example of a particularly produc­

tive derivational family. One must now take a closer look

at Yavapai phonology, this time a more disciplined look,

a look tempered by the broad outlines of a theory of

phonology.

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 NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

1. /w&l...yl*/ is a complex verbal stem. When it

occurs in an auxiliary phrase, the 'same-subject marker'

/-k/ preceding the /wal...yi*/ produces a labiovelar stop

in this position. Because of sentence stress, it is im­

possible to hear any break between the [k] and the [w].

/’smashk wal’yl*/ occurs as:

[Link]: h .kw&l.’[Link]*] ■

(Three levels of sentence stress are: ['] primary, ['].

secondary, and [“] tertiary. [s] and [ni] are syllabic.

This circumstance led me initially to analyze auxiliary

phrases of this type as /kw&l...yl*/)

2. The transcriptions reflect the fact that the /y/

is the second-person forms is unstable, leading to con­

fusion with 'say.'

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 CHAPTER FOUR

THE PHONOLOGY

4.00 Introduction

The preceding three chapters have served as prelude

to Chapter Four, in which the thesis of this dissertation

is presented; namely, that the major features of Yavapai

phonology can be characterized as epiphenomena proceeding

directly (or indirectly) from what I call the General

Syllabicity Rule (GSR). There are very few aspects of

Yavapai phonology which are not affected by the GSR. Evi­

dence that the GSR is a pan-Yuman phenomenon, rather than

one restricted only to Pai, can be found in my own

field data and can be inferred from the phonologies of

other Yuman languages. The details of realization may

differ from one Yuman language to another, but the dif­

ferences are never so marked as to obscure the fact that

the General Syllabicity Rule is the hub of the phono­

logical component in Yavapai.

4.01 Major and Minor Problems in Yavapai Phonology

The problem of the unstressed vowels in Yuman is

central to this work, and for this reason it is necessary

to survey the thinking of Yumanists with respect to this

167

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 168

question. The phonological statements in Chapter Two

regarding the problem of unstressed vowels conform for the

most part to those made by all Yumanists. This includes

as well all my own statements since the time of my first

paper on Yavapai phonology in 1966. In Chapter Two I

presented my traditional solution to this problem within

the vocalism in order to address my attention to other

"minor" problems within a more familiar framework. I con­

sider the General Syllabicity Rule, as a solution to the

"major" problems of the unstressed vowels, to be the pri­

mary contribution this dissertation makes to the field of

Yavapai (and Yuman) phonology. I also feel that my pro­

posals in Chapter Two about widespread phenomena (like the

effects of /h/, e.g. vocalic realization of /h/, preaspira­

tion, postaspiration, sonorant devoicing, etc.) and about

minor problems as well to be important enough to warrant

an exposition uncomplicated by the simultaneous introduc­

tion of the GSR.

4.02 Phonological Analyses by Kendall and by Hardy

In their dissertations^ and in other publications,

Martha B. Kendall and Heather K. Hardy make use of systems

of transcription based on analyses which are different

from my own and from each other. I would like to describe

the basic differences. To do this in a simple fashion, I

will refer to them together since I find them essentially

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 169

identical in theory, whereas in actual application, I find

Hardy's transcriptions more in accord with my own.

4.021 Postaspiration; In Chapter Two I recognize a

series of postaspirated stops and a postaspirated affri­

cate as systematic phonemes: /ph, t h, £Sh, k h, k hw/.

Kendall and Hardy do not recognize these as phonemic, but

rather treat them as clusters of a consonant plus h.

While this is certainly a possible interpretation, I prefer

to reserve the C+h-transcription for true clusters and not

for truly aspirated consonants.

4.022 Palatalization and Labialization: In the same

vein I write the labialized and palatalized segments /hw,

k w, k hw, kY/ as systematic phonemes. Kendall and Hardy

write these without superscripts. Although both recognize

that they are distinct from true C+w- and C+y-clusters,

only Hardy is consistent in writing the distinction.

2 2
4.023 Vowel Length: Judith Joel and I are the only

Yumanists to distinguish three distinctive vowel lengths.'*'

Kendall and Hardy distinguish only two for Yavapai. I

have not been able to analyze any one of the three lengths

as an allophonic variant, nor was Joel. Furthermore, I

have found that I cannot pronounce Yavapai to a critical

native speaker's satisfaction without using three vowel

lengths.

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 170

3
4.024 Pitch: M a u n c i o Mixco and I are the only

Yumanists to write distinctive pitch. Mixco distinguishes

three for Kiliwa, while I distinguish two for Yavapai:

4
high and high-falling. At a recent meeting I suggested

that the problem of pitch and lengths seems to be contain­

able within Pai.

4.025 Stress: Kendall and Hardy do not write stress.

Primary stress falls on the final syllable of the stem, and

one need not write it; however, secondary stress, which

occurs predictably on the first member of a compound, is

wholly unpredictable on suffixes and must be written.

Since I write secondary stress, I mark primary stress as

well in order to distinguish primary-stressed vowels from

unstressed ones. Because the pitch accent is distinctive

only in vowels with primary stress, I redundantly locate

primary stress by indicating pitch.

4.03 Summary

My transcription and analysis of Yavapai differ from

those of Kendall and Hardy in two respects: First, I

recognize a series of postaspirated stops and a post­

aspirated affricate, second, a three-way vowel-length

distinction, third, the necessity for writing both stress

and pitch. The remaining differences in our three tran­

scription systems result from our selection of symbols and

are superficial.

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 171

4.04 Treatments of the Unstressed Vowel

I do not wish to discuss at great length the solu­

tions to the problem of unstressed vowels proposed by

other Yumanists. To avoid this, I present a view of the

problem in Chapter Two which is generally consistent with

the view held by other Yumanists during the 1960s and

1970s, although I wish to point out that Halpern's monu­

mental treatment of Yuma (1946) precedes by two decades

the great spate of writings in 1966 which ushered in the

Yumanist era in American Indian linguistics. These are,

in approximate order of their appearance (see the bibli­

ography for titles and further information):

1946: Halpern for Yuma.

1963: Seidan for Havasupai.

1966: a. Crawford for Cocopa.

b. JoSl for Paipai.

c. Langdon for Diegueno.

d. Redden for Hualapai (Walapai).

e. Shaterian for Yavapai (ms.)

f . Winter for Hualapai (Walapai).

1971: a. Mixco for Kiliwa.

b. Shaterian for Yavapai (ms.)

1972: a. Kendall for Yavapai (Verde Valley dialect).

b. Kozlowski for Havasupai.

1974: Munro for Mojave.

1977: Hinton for Havasupai.

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 172

1979: Hardy for Tolkapaya (Western Yavapai).

1980: Gordon for Maricopa.

4.041 There have been other workers in Yavapai,

notably Robert Madigan (1963), Sandra Chung (1974), and

students of Langdon and of Munro. The transcription sys­

tems these investigators have used does not differ markedly

from those of Kendall and Hardy. In the past decade there

have also arisen numerous practical orthographies, which

I will not discuss since they are not designed to take the

problem of unstressed vowels into account.

4.042 Previous approaches to the problem of unstressed

vowels may be characterized, for the sake of generalization,

into three groups with an intersecting axis representing

the changes in phonological theory over the past 40 years:

a. Group 1: The unstressed vowels are treated-as

occurrences of the phoneme or quasiphoneme schwa. Each

occurrence is consistently recorded, according to the

biuniqueness principle. For notational purposes, syl­

labic segments are interpreted as schwa+segment.

b. Group 2: Schwa is not used at all at the (sys­

tematic) phonemic level. Complex rules are required to

insert schwa at the phonetic level.

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 173

c. Group 3: Unstressed vowels which have a stable

quality are written as occurrences of one of the five

phonemic vowels or of schwa.

4.043 One might even propose a Group 4 for an

approach which does not operate with a clear recognition

of the problem and uses notational devices taken from all

three of the above.

4.044 It is difficult to survey the previous treat­

ments of the unstressed vowels and to state that any

Yumanist followed one approach or the other consistently

over any length of time. This is why I claim that the

approach to the problem which I present in Chapter Two

is not inconsistent with any of those presented in the

past, but is, as will be seen below, one which can be

replaced by an approach which draws on far more dynamic

phonological perspectives with far more explanatory

power.

4.05 History of the General Syllabicity Rule

In 1970, at the occasion of the First Conference on

Hokan Languages, I was still using schwa as a notational

device, although I had rejected it as a classical phoneme

or as a systematic phoneme. Between that time and late

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 174

1971, when I submitted the first draft of this disserta­

tion (entitled Yavapai Phonology), there evolved the

idea that ultimately led to the GSR in its current for­

mulation. In 1975 I presented "No more schwa for Yavapai"

at the First Yuman Languages Workshop. It was here that

I discussed the rudimentary steps which have led to the

integrated theory of unstressed vowels presented here.

In the years since that time, it has become clear to me

how other phenomena within Yavapai (and Yuman) phonology

can be seen as part of the GSR and need not be regarded

as atomistic entities.

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 175

4.10 The Yavapai Canon

Yavapai phonotactics must always be discussed on two

levels, the systematic phonetic and the systematic phonemic.

The underlying representations of a Yavapai word are poor

in syllabic or vocalic segments. Through the application

of phonological rules, more syllabic or vocalic segments

are added to the word, giving, in the case of almost every

polysyllabic form, the surface representation of that word a

different shape from its underlying one. The most complex

and theoretically interesting aspect of Yavapai phonology

is the process which converts the paucal-syllabic morpho-

phonemic representation of a word into its multisyllabic

phonetic output.

4.101 My initial discussion of the canonical shapes

of Yavapai words will be limited to those found at the sys­

tematic phonemic level. Gradually, during the ensuing dis­

cussion about syllabicity, cloning, and gemination, a

coherent picture of the canonical shapes at the systematic

phonetic level will emerge.

4.11 Phonotactics

If one allows C to represent any consonant, including

9
a glide, and V to represent any primary-stressed vowel re­

gardless of length or pitch in words at the systematic

phonemic (and not phonetic) level, one sees the following

most common patterns:

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 176

1. CV

2. CVCV

3. CCV(C(C)V)

4. CCCV(C(C)V)

5. CCCCV(C(C)V)

6. CCCCCV(C(C)V)

7. ...VC

These canonical patterns exclude nominal compounds and com-

plex verbs. There are, therefore, virtually no pretonic

vowels. Pretonic vowels come from either compound initial

elements, vocalic prefixes, or the a-augment. They present

no special problem within this discussion. For the sake of

simplicity, however, they will be excluded from the dis­

cussion for the time being.

4.11 The following is a list of free forms of the canonical

9
shape C V ;

la. /pi/ 'die'

b. /pe/ 'carry on the head'

c. /pa/ 'stick' v.t.

d.

e. /pu/ 'put away'

2a.

b.

c. /ta*/ 'grind'

d. /to*/ 'sated'

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 /tu/ 'burn1 v.t.; 'pound

3a. /si-/ 'lay, put'

b. /«£•/ •put away' (SEY)

c. /Sa*/ 'pour'

d. /S6/ 'set dovm'

e. —

4a. —

b. —

c. /kVa*/ 'shout'

d. —

e. —

5a. . —

b. —

c. /ka/ 'what? how?'

d. —

e. —

6a. /kwi*/ 'weave'

b. —

c. /kw£/ 'Indian spinach'

d. ■—

e. —

7a.

b. /qe/ 'dirty, sticky'

c. —

d. —

e. --

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 178

8a.
b.

c.

d.

e.

9a. /’!(•)/ 1say'

b. /9e*/ 'give'

c. /’a/ 'hush!' (interjection)

d. ~ 5

e. /’u*/ 'see'

10a.

b.

c. /pa*/ 'arrive'

d. /p6*/ 'walk'
e.

11a. /ei*/ 1drink1

b. /8e/ 'blown by wind'
c.

d. /eo*/ 'eat meat'

e.

12a. /si/ 'count; read'

b. /se/ 'fatty'
c. /sa/ 'sting'
d.

e.

13a.

b.

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 179

d.

e. /hu:/ 'nose'

14a. /hwi/ 'smell'v.t.

b.

c.

d.

e.

15a. /mi/ 'foot'

b.

c. /ma/ 'ripe, well-done'

d.

e.

16a.

b. /ne*/ 'scoop Up'

c.

d. /no*/ 'heavy'

e. /nu(*)/ 'going to, etc.' (auxiliary)

17a. /pi*/ 'an in-law'

b. /pg/ 'hunt'

c.

d. /p5/ 'quiet!' (interjection)

e. /pu/ 'this'

18a.

b.

c.

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 180

e. •"■■

19a. —

b. /re*/ 'play'

c. --

d. —

e. --

20a. /yi*/ 'want' t

b. —

c. /y a / 'mouth'

d. /yo*/ 'tooth'

e. /yu/ 'be'

21a. /wi/ •do'

b. /we/ 'vagina'

c. /wa/ 'sit'

d. —

e. ___

4.12 Examples of CVCV

The example sets 4.12 to 4.17 may contain derivational

affixes but no inflectional affixes except the absolutive

suffixes /-i/ and /-a/:

1. /pa*pi/ 'carry on back'

2. /qwati/ 'burn' v.i.

3. /ya*2i/ 'harvest'

4. *CVkYV

5. /poki/ 'come back'

6 . *CVkwV
7. /peqi/ 'hit'

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 8. *CVqwV

9. *CV’V

10. /pi*pi/ 'medication'

11. /qaOi/ 'shout'

12. /yu*si/ 'cool'

13. /pShi/ 'cast a spell'

14. *CVhwV

15. /pemi/ 'stand against' v.t.

16. /qwini/ 'lukewarm'

17. /tipi/ 'thick'

18. /pili/ 'burnt'

19. /suri/ 'spot, catch sight of

20. /pu*yi/ 'die' pi. subj.

21. /qaqi/ 'break in two'

4.13 Examples of CCV(C(C)V)

la. /Opiri/ 'hard; strong'

b. /spe/ 'lean against'

c. /Opa*/ 'freeze'

d. /npo*/ 'father's father'

e. /fipu/ 'insert' v.

2a. /stl:ti/ 'cut; plow'

b. /’te/ 'many; old, grown up'

c. /ptapsi/ 'snap shut'

d. /pt5tpi/ 'collapse'

e. /hi•p a :k siptu’yi/ 'midnight'

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 3a. /kfix/ 'step v . '

b. /pS<*-/ 'daughter' (man speaking)

c. /nfia•/ 'first cousin'

d. /sfi6/ 'pluck'

e. /sfiftipi/ 'stick into'

4a. —

b. /fikVe*/ 'push'

c. /tkYati/ 'cut with an ax'

d. /fikVo/ 'bite'

e. /’kyu-li/ 'long'

5a. /tki/ 'add'

b. /pk<§V •where?; NEG'

c. /skari/ 'glide'

d. /pkopi/ 'fence' n.

e. /kku*/ 'bird species'

6a. /ek«x-/ 'squeeze, wring out'

b. /•?kw6*/ 'something'

c. /8kwA* pi/ 'wide'

d. —

e. —

7a. /?qi*ra/ 'ditch; furrow'

b. /pq^q^’i/ 'sticky'

c. /sqawa/ 'egg'

d. /qqor/ 'fox'

e. —

8a. /mqwx0/ 'flying squirrel'

b.

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 c. /’qwa:ka/ 'cow'
d. —

e. —

9a. /k’i-la/ 'canyon'

b. /h’el/ 'louse'
c. /s’ami/ 'close (door)'

d. /t’oli/ 'boil'

e. /m’ul/ 'antelope'

10a. —

b. /(p)peV 'over there'

c. /spalp6/ 'joint'

d. /sp6/ 'wait for'

e. /yk’l ’pii-ra/ 'burro'

11a. /nOI-/ 'mother's older sister'

b. /p«e-/ 'breathe'

c. /t8&mi/ 'spotless'

d. /fi6d-li/ 'wash'

e. /pOd-r’i/ 'cave in'

12a. /msiwi/ 'smell (like blood)'

b. /’se/ 'shadow1

/mse•/ 'fear'

c. /qsamta/ 'mushroom'

d. /qsdpa/ 'mole (on skin)'

e. /psvi/ 'bile'

13a. /thipi/ 'move' v.t.

b. /phe/ 'tail; dress'

c. /sha/ 'hang' v.t.

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 e. /shuna/ 1hundred'

14a. /khwiwa/ 'skunk'

b. —

c. /mhwa;/ 'badger'

d. /phwo*pi/ 'bristle' v.

e. —

15a. /hm L/ 'tall; ambitious'

b. /sme*/ 'lose'

c. /hmlt/ 'container'

d. /qmossa/ 'mistletoe'
e. /hmuki/ 'three'
16a. /knl*li/ 'stirrups'

b. —

c. /mnat/ 'yucca'

d. —

e. /mnuna/ 'belly'

17a. /kpi*ya/ 'mother-in-law'

b. /mpe/ 'fine, perfect; tasty'

c. /kpapa/ 'slight rise in land'

d. /hpomi/ 'exercise' v.

e. /ppu’/ 'that one'

18a. /hli/ 'milk' v.

b. /sle/ 'paperflower'
c. /hla/ 'moon'
d. /hlo/ 'cottontail'

e. /mluGa/ 'measles'

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 19a. /en/ 'doubt; think'

b. /hr£pa/ 'cliff; brim'

c. /Orapi/ 'five'
d. /hrokpi/ 'hooked'

e. /triapi/ 'dry'v.t.

20a. --

b. /qAe*/ 'dislike'

c. —

d. —

e. —

21a. --

b. /tye•mi/ 'desert' v.
c. /Pya/ 'this'

d. /6yo-/ 'set, put down

e. /pyu-li/ 'mix'v.

22a. /kwi/ 'dove'

b. /mwe/ 'warm'

c. /kwa•/ 'cicada'

d. /cwo*/ 'set, put down

e. — —

4.14 Examples of CCCV(C(C)V

1. /ckpa:/ 'climb'

2. /’mtaq/ 'brittlebrush
3. /tpcu*pi/ 'arc-shaped'

4. /p0kYa*ypi/ 'crack (egg)1’

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 5. /kOkepa/ 'glass'

6. /&nkwIla/ 'yellow palo verde'

7. /mlqi/ 'neck'

8. /mtqwI* sa/ 'plant species'

9. /kO’e:/ 'drink made from berries'

10. /Pqpo-’i/ 'growl'

11. /ktOukpa/ 'curved'

12. /tqsl/ 'prairie dog'

13. /’m h u (•)1/ 'ashes'

14. /(sal)slhw5*/ 'claw, nail'

15. /6smaypa/ 'cousin'

16. /kpnawi/ 'carry heavy objects'

17. /ktpi*pa/ 'quiet; graceful'

18. /epii/ •hole'

19. /p0rx*8?i/ 'jump in surprise'

20. /qrye:/ 'clear'

21. /fimwa-Oa/ 'spleen'

Examples of CCCCV(C(C)V)

1. /sklpiiyi/ 'hug'

2. *ccctv
3. /’fikfixfipa/ 'thief'

4. ♦CCCkYV

5. /kkpko•pi/ 'shield' n.

6. *CCCkuV

7. *CCCgV

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 8. *CCCqwV

9. /sknY’oka/ 'elbow'

iO. /slhpo*/ 'claw'

11. *cccev
12. *CCCsV

13. /?£SkhS: pc&*/ 'store'

14. *CCChuV

15. ♦CCCmV

16. /’iSpndmmi/ 'needle'

17. /’fikpe/ 'hunter'

H
GO

/ftfipll’yi/ 'ruler'
•
VO
I-*

*CCCrV
•

20. /’fikyOki/ 'ancient'

21. /sqmwi•ra/ 'ankle'

Example of CCCCCV(C(C)V)

1 . /tsklpu*ypi/ 'hug each other'

2. /’fikmtu/ 'watermelon'

3. *cccc£v
4. *CCCCkVV

5. *CCCCkV

6. *CCCCkwV

7. *CCCCqV

8. *CCCCqwV

9. /Stqn’Bni/ 'fold repeatedly'

r
10. *ccccpv

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 11. *ccccev
12. *CCCCsV

13. *CCCChV

14. *CCCChwV

15. *CCCCmV

16. ♦CCCCnV

17. *CCCCpV

18. ♦CCCC1V

19. *CCCCrV
to

*CCCC1V
o
•

21. /’fiknwi *ra/ 'cook' n.

9
4.17 Examples of ...VC

9
1. *.. .Vp

2. /tat/ 'thorn'

3. /ki’afi/ 'hail'

4. *...Vkv

5. /hipuk/ 'neck'

6. *...Vkw

7. /kO&q/ 'burden basket'

8. *...Vqw

9. /p^V 'I/me' (disjunctive)

10. /h&ms’ip/ 'bulrushes'

11. /mqwi9/ 'flying squirrel'

12. /’ya-s/ 'turkey'

13. *...Vh

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 189
»
14. *...Vhw

15. /tlkw&m/ 'horned toad'

16. /kepii*n/ 'oven'

17. /hmap/ 'baby'

18. /” ul/ 'lantern1

19. /ke&r/ 'dog'

20. *...Vy

21. *...Vw

4.18 Phonotactic Restrictions

The preceding lists, and the charts which follow

(Tables 1 and 2) show not only the degree of complexity of

the Yavapai word at the systematic phonemic level but also

reveal the restrictions on the occurrence and cooccurrence

of the consonants. In some cases the gap may be only

fortuitous; however, those restrictions which are not felt

to be the result of chance can be summarized in a few

statements.

4.181 A Note on Coarticulated Consonants: The con­

sonants /kv, kw, q w , hw/ are coarticulated and limited in

distribution, /p/ is not a coarticulated consonant; it is

a nasal stop and not a nasalized stop; and as such it does

not share the same restrictions as the coarticulated con­

sonants.

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 190

4.19 Statements of Restrictions

4.191 All 21 consonants can appear in absolute pre-

tonic position before any of the five vowels. The coar­

ticulated consonants show restrictions related to their

palatal or labial coarticulation; that is, they do not

occur before front or back vowels respectively. The

absence of */0i/ may not be fortuitous. This is discussed

below (see Table 6).

4.192 In clusters of two or more pretonic consonants,

the restrictions are more severe. See Table 7. For the

consonant immediately preceding the stressed vowel, that

is, in absolute pretonic position, the restrictions are

those that obtained for 4.191. Excluded from the

penultimate, the antepenultimate and so on are the

coarticulated consonants /kv, kw, q w, h w/; the glides

/y» w/; to a large degree the liquids /r, 1/? and /p/ com­

pletely. I consider the remaining gaps to b e .fortuitous.

The occurrences, cooccurrences, and restrictions are exem­

plified in the examples sets 4.11 through 4.16.

4.193 Example set 4.17 displays the restrictions in

final position on the single occurrence of a consonant.

The coarticulated consonants, the glides (except /’/), and

/p/ are excluded.

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 TABLE 7

»
Cooccurrence Restrictions: CV

p Pi pe pa PO pu
t ti te ta to tu
fi fii fie fia fio fiu
kv — kve kVa kvo kYU

k ki ke ka ko ku
kw kwi k«e k«a — —

q qi qe qa qo —
qw q«i qwe qwa -- —
•? ?i ?e ’a ’o ■?U

P — pe pa po pu
e 0i Be 0a 0o 0U
s si se sa so su
h hi he ha ho hu
hw h“i h«e h«a h uo —
m mi me ma mo mu
n ni ne na no nu

P pi pe pa po pu
1 li le la lo lu
r ri re ra ro ru

y yi ye ya yo yu
w wi we wa wo wu

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 £ a > I a a a a a a a a a a 1
a P x i & o ca 9 CD X B c a H 1

>1 >i >i i >2 >1 >i >1 * >i

>1 P X> x i CT <v ca 9 (0 X 6 ft U

I 1 i i 1 M M U P 1
u 1 1 i i 1 tv (ft 9 X . 1 1 1

>
1 *-l pH r H H H rH H 1 H H 1 1
H 1 P X) X D» fv ca a A 1 B ft 1 1

1 Cl ft ft ft ft c. a ft 1 c. C 1 1
& 1 p x> X 0* tv CQ. to A 1 B a i i

1 c c c c C c c G 1 s i i i
C 1 p X) X CT r 9. (0 A 1 B i i i

1 B B a B B B B B S 1 I E S J j
S I p XJ X & fk 9. 9 to A l ft 1 1

3 3 3 3 3 3 s'
CCV

3 1 X £ X A A A 1 1 X 1 t 1
£ 1 P X) X fV ca. 9 1 1 B t t I
Restrictions:

1 X X A X X A 1 •Bs X 1 1
X 1 P X) X r ca 10 1 ft i I

1 to to to to to >to to I I I
to 1 p X cr tv ca 1 B B l I I

1 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 1 9 1 1
9 1 P X) X 0* tv 9* A 1 ft 1 1

1 1 9. CO. ca ax ca 9. 1 ca ca i i
ca 1 1 o X cr tv to X 1 c ft i i
Cooccurrence

1 C* tv tv tv r tv tv fv tv l tv tv | 1
(V 1 P X) X cr tv 9. 9 (0 X 1 S ft 1 1

3 3 3 3 3 3 3
3 1 0* o» cr O1 tr a1 2* cr I I I
cr 1 p X) X r 9. to l B G I I I
3
1 0* cr O' cr cr cr cr I I i
cr I p X cr tv ca to A I l I

3 3 3 3 3 3 3
3 1 X X X X X X X I i I
X 1 P x> tv ca 9 (0 B I i I

1 X X X X X X X X %G ) i I
X 1 p X) X tv ca 9 to 2 i I i
> >» > > > >»
>» 1 1 X X X X X X 1 i I I
X I I >o <a 9 to S I t I i

1 X) >o >o X) X) X) X) X) X) 1 l l 1
x> 1 p >0 X i (V .ca 9 to X B 1 I I I

1 p p p p p p p p i i i
p 1 p >o X cr (V ca to X 1

i a a Qt i i a a a Q* a & a I t i
Q* i p >0 X i i (V ca 9 to X S c

>
>0 X X X cr cr tv ca 9 to X X B c ft H U
p

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 193

4.194 Other cooccurrence restrictions on posttonic

consonants have been inadequately explored. It is the

pretonic consonant clusters which will occupy our atten­

tion in the following section.

4.20 Syllabicity

Among Yumanists schwa has been used (1) as a shorthand

notation for an epenthetic vowel of indeterminate quality and

(2) as a symbol used in transcribing vocalic nasals or

liquids. I have demonstrated {Shaterian 1976a,b) that syllab­

icity can occur with all [+sonorant] segments: /m, n, p,

1/ r, (.A) , y, h, hw, w/. Syllabicity occurs also as a

feature of any consonant as well; that is, all consonants

in Yavapai may have a syllabic representation at the sys­

tematic phonetic level. The spirants /{3, 0, s, (£)/,

nasals, liquids, and glides become syllabic themselves;

while the remaining consonants, the stops and the affricate

/p, t, 6, kv, k, k w , q, q w/, have syllabic representations

through epenthesis; i.e. by the insertion of a vowel, the

cover symbol for which is schwa.

4.201 A Note on the Aspirated Stops and the Affricate

/ph, t h, fih, k h, k hw/ are not present at the most abstract

level of phonological or lexical representation. They are,

however, present at the systematic phonetic and/or clas­

sical phonemic level. These postaspirated segments are

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 194

derived by phonological rules by processes under discus­

sion in these pages. Their phonogenesis is described

below.

4.21 Hierarchy of Syllabicity

Within Yavapai one finds segments which, in isolation,

are always syllabic (the vowels) and those which are

usually not considered syllabic (the stops). In between

are those segments which are not normally syllabic but

which are capable of sustaining a syllabic peak (the

spirants, nasals, liquids, and glides). The affricate /£/

has properties of both the stops and the spirants. A tri­

partite classification of segments with respect to their

syllabicity may be made as follows:

1. [tsyllabic]: /i, e, a, o, vi/.

2. [asyllabic]: /p, G, s, (§), m, n, p, 1, r, (A),

y, h, h w, w/ and sometimes /£/.

3. [-syllabic]: /p, t, kv, k, kw , q, qw/ and some­

times /fi/.

4.22 The Proliferation of Syllabicity

The use of schwa as a cover symbol for syllabicity

represents the proliferation of more syllabic segments in

the language at the surface than would be indicated by the

i

underlying morphological material entering the phonological

rules. There are two reasons for the increase in

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 195

syllabicity: (1) ease of articulation and (2) the tendency

toward the avoidance of a monosyllable, despite the counter­

examples of 4.11.6

4.221 Ease of Articulation: It is clear from the

examples sets 4.12 through 4.16 that most of the clusters

of from two to five consonants preceding the stressed vowel

cannot be articulated without a syllabic peak, which links

the consonants. Yavapai does have true, pretonic clusters

at the phonetic level, all involving the spirants /%/ and

/s/ as first members or /h/ occurring either before or

after another consonant (see below).

4.222 Avoidance of a Monosyllable: The examples in

4.11 are an almost exhaustive list of elicitable monosyl­

lables in Yavapai. They all come from one of three cate­

gories: (1) verbs, (2) body parts, or (3) interjections.

One dismisses interjections on the grounds that they are

"abnormal," that they can be of a variety of shapes, and

that they can also occur with nasalization, which is not

a normal speech sound. The first two categories, however,

are significant in that they may not take the prefix /?-/

gratuitously (explained below: 4.223); [Link], /?-/

on verbs signifies the first person subject with third

person object and first person object with third person

subject; on nouns, specifically on body parts, it indicates

first-person inalienable possession. There is, therefore,

a semantic constraint requiring that these CV-sequences

remain monosyllables.

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 196

4.223 The Creation of Inorganic Clusters; It may be

seen from the examples 4.11 through 4.16 that the most

unusual canonical shape of a word in Yavapai at the sys-

9
tematic phonetic level is CV, i.e. a consonant-vowel mono-
9
syllable. CV is a common sequence for a root (i.e. a

morpheme at the systematic phonemic level); however, as a

nominal stem which is not a body part, it is normally

inflected, and either prefixation or suffixation prevents

its becoming a surface monosyllable. Noun roots of the

9
shape CV require the prefix /’-/, which was called in

Chapter Three a 'noun marker.' It is an obligatory prefix

and has been classified as derivational. It is equally

probable that it functions largely as a phonotactic require-

7
ment. One recalls that the 'noun marker' is removed when
9
the CV(CV) structures enter into a compound:

Examples 4.223(1)-(8)

(1) /’pa:/ 'person'

/■ph •qy&ta/ 'rich person'

(2) /•?kw£*/ 'something'

/kwfe-pAya/ 'fruits, nuts'

(3) /’sa/ 'eagle'

/skwlila/ 'eagle feather'

(4) /” !:/ 'wood'

/■^•w&yi/ 'wooden chair'

(5) /’’hk/ 'water'

/heihwaipa/ 'well n . '

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 197

(6) /’wl*/ 'rock'

/wl*Sw6/ 'brick (hardened rock)'

(7) /’pci/ 'road'

/pcishe'pa/ 'bridge'

(8) /’ra*/ 'it hurtl' (interjection)

/r&pi/ 'hurt v.i.'

4.2231 If one accepts that the so-called noun marker

8
is largely a phonotactic constraint/ one sees

that there is a strong tendency in Yavapai to

avoid phonetic monosyllables. This recalls the

obligatory suffixation of the Type B stems —

/-i/ on verbs and /-a/ on nouns — to which the

name 'absolutive' was given (3.103). It

appears that these obligatory endings /-i/ and

/-a/ have no substantive meaning, since Type A

stems (i.e.-those ending in a stressed vowel)

9
do not require them.

4.2232 The clusters achieved by the prefixation of

/’-/ are found as the first member of the

examples (1) through (8) in 4.223. They are

transcribed phonemically and are not intended

to be pronounceable. They must be disyllabic,

one assumes, both to ease articulation and to

conform to phonotactic constraints. The addi­

tion of a glottal stop (or glottal onglide)

might be seen as the purest instance of Yavapai

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 198

avoidance of the monosyllable (except where

semantic constraints intervene), even if this

requires introducing a segment, a glottal

pulse, in order to achieve an extra syllable.

One is reminded of the "bootstrap hypothesis"

in quantum physics; that is, when Yavapai must

produce an extra syllable, it does so by creat­

ing it out the most fundamental unit of phona-

tion, the glottal stop.

4.24 The Pronunciation of the Inorganic Clusters

There are three ways in which consonants achieve syl­

labicity (cf. 4.20):

1. Vocalization: glide to homorganic vowel:

a. /y/ to /i/

b. / V to /a/

c. /h/ to /a/

d. /hw/ to /a/

e. /w/ to /u/

2. Syllabication: spirants, nasals, and liquids to

syllabic spirants, nasals, and liquids:

a. /p» s, (5)/to 0, |>, (2)/

b. /m, n, p/ to /i{i, i}/

c. /I, r, (A)/ to /l, r, (A)/

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 199

3. Epenthesis: stop augmented by schwa:

a. /p, t, kv, k, k«, q, qw/ to

/ap, at, akv, ak, akw, aq, aqw/

c. /ft/ to /tft/ or /atS/

4.241 Below I have listed forms showing the way I tran­

scribed unstressed vowels using the schwa notation and not

mapping in the phonetic details of the realization of the

schwas:
Examples 4.241(1)-(8)

(1) /’pa:/ 'person*

Papa:]

(2) /’k we*/ 'something'

[’akw6*]

(3) /’sa/ 'eagle'

[’asa]
(4) / ’ ’I: / 'wood'

[’a’l:]

(5) /’ha/ 'water'

t’afid]

(6) /’wl*/ 'rock'

[’awl;]

(7) /’pa/ 'road'

[’spa]

(8) /’ra-/ 'it hurtl'

[’era*]

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 200

4.242 Many transcriptions have gone beyond these and

have mapped in more phonetic detail; that is, they de­

scribed the "phonetic realization of schwa." This was easy

to do for examples (4)-(6) because there is little varia­

tion; that is, the vowel is a schwa in Allegretto, but in

Andante one can hear the vowel articulated in greater

detail. Compare the following:

Examples 4.242(4)-(6)

(4) [’ i ’I:] 'wood'

(5) [ ’ Afid] 'water.'

(.6) [?uwt*] 'rock'

Since these forms could be transcribed to any recorder's

satisfaction, it was assumed that the other "realizations

of schwa" were equally easy to transcribe. (1)— (3) how­

ever, are quite difficult to transcribe, not only because

of idiosyncratic variation but also because of a funda­

mental misunderstanding of what is really happening pho-

nologically in examples (4)-(6).

4.25 Gemination^

One way to describe what is happening in (4)-(6) is to

state that the schwa, or a [+syllabic] segment, is intro­

duced (in this instance to prop up the glottal stop) and

then modified to have the quality of the stressed vowel of

the following syllable. Closer examination, however, shows

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 201

that the one consonant (in these examples) which immedi­

ately precedes the stressed vowel is split and made gemi­

nate. Gemination plays a crucial role in syllabification.

To understand it fully, one may conceive of gemination as

taking place in a series of steps. The first step is the

gemination of the consonant preceding the stressed vowel,

creating a potential syllable — in this case, a syllable

beginning with a glottal stop and ending in an unreleased'*'3'

[-syllable] segment whose twin or clone appears before the

stressed vowel. The initial step, gemination by splitting,

is shown below using the sample examples:

Examples 4.25 (4) — (6)

(4) #” .?!:# 'wood'

(5) t’[Link]# 'water'

(6) t’[Link]*# 'rock'

4.251 The second step is to introduce syllabicity

into the potential syllable which has just been cloned by

splitting and gemination. (3), (7), and (8) can be added

at this time.

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 202

Examples 4.251(3)-(8)

(3) Ps . s a # 'eagle'
I
(4) 'wood'

(5) P h. h i # 'water'

(6) t’[Link]*#
1 'rock'

(7) Pp. p a # 'road'

(8) t’[Link]*# 'it hurt!'

1

The third step is to produce the systematic

phonetic output by means of vocalization for the glides

and syllabication for the spirants, nasals, and liquids:

Examples 2.252(3)-(8)

(3) [’[Link]]
V

(4) P i . ’I:]

(5) Pa . fid]

(6) [Link]*]

(7) [Link]]

(8) [Link]-]

4.253 A Note on Transcription: If one compares the

transcriptions (4) — (6) of 4.252 with (4) — (6) of 4.241 one

can see how fundamentally different this approach is. The

quality of the vowels in 4.252 (4)-(6) can be obscured to

schwas, reflecting what happens in Allegretto. In 4.341

(4)-(6) one must speak of mapping-in more detail in order

to transcribe the forms in Andante.

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 203

4.254 A Note on Gemination: The gemination in (3),

(7), and (8) is clearly audible. In forms (4)-(6) the

gemination is not audible because the cloned segment

created by gemination has been vocalized. Forms of the

type in (3), (7), and (8) are not easily identified as

geminate clusters because of the location of the stress.

Gemination in more familiar languages — Arabic, Aramaic,

Finnish, Hungarian, Italian, Japanese, Norwegian, Swedish —

occurs almost always post-tonically. In Yavapai gemination

of the kind under discussion at the moment is wholly pre­

tonic. It is also possible to hear vowels within the syl­

labic spirant, nasal, or liquid. Occasionally, for sty­

listic reasons, in song, for example (see Hinton 1977:77-95)

true vowels are inserted, but this does not happen in nor­

mal spoken Yavapai. Because of tradition I have tran­

scribed the examples under discussion in the dictionary

without showing the gemination and the syllable boundary.

Throughout this section, however, syllable boundary will be

written for better visualization.

Examples 4.253(3) — (8)

(3) /’ .sa/ ~ /’sa/ 'eagle'

(4) /’ .’I:/ ~ /’’I:/ 'wood'

(5) /’.ha/ ~ /’ha/ 'water1

(6) /’.wl*/ ~ /’wl*/ 'rock'

(7) /’.pa/ M / ’pa/ 'road'

(8) /’.rl*/ ~ /’ra*/ 'it hurt!'

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 204

4.26 Epenthesis
If one follows the steps with examples (1) /’pa:/

'person' and /’kwe*/ 'something' one can see the similarity

in the phonological derivation up to the point of the

realization of syllabicity:

Examples 4.26(1),(2)

Input: (1) /’pa:/ (2) /’kw£*/

Step 1 #’.pa:.# #’.kwe*#

Step 2 #’p “[Link]:# #’k"[Link]*#

Step 3 *’[Link]: *’[Link]*

I I

4.261 The starred forms in the derivations indicate

that no property of these stops is potentially syllabic.

When this occurs, one would expect a [+syllabic] segment

to be introduced before the stop. One possiblerealization

is the following:
(1) [’ap~[Link]:] (2) [’ak"l. k we*]

4.262 It might also be argued that in a case like

this in which the created cluster contains a glide-stop

sequence, that the glide assumes the syllabicity by means

of vocalization. If this happened, the examples would be

written as follows:

(1) [*ap~[Link]:] (2) [,ak~'.kwe*]

One would have a less audible glottal onglide in the second

instance instead of the more audible glottal stop of the

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 205

first instance. Spectrographic data and other evidence

gathered by instrumentation are required to determine which

is the actual realization. Although it is likely that one

would find both. My acquaintance with Aramaic and German,

where initial /’/ is more audible before a stressed vowel

than in English (where it is only a deletable onglide)

initially after a pause (i.e. [*]), suggests to the ear

that the first transcriptions are the more accurate ones.

4.263 Directionality of Syllabic Realization: It is

important to determine whether the syllabicity proceeds

from left to right or from fight to left. That is, in the

newly created clusters, is it the clone or the initiator

(i.e. the consonant initiating the gemination) to which

syllabicity is assigned? In the above examples, we were

able to study the problem in some detail. As more examples

with clusters of greater complexity are examined the ques­

tion will become more important.

4.30 The General Syllabicity Rule

The phenomena that have been discussed in 4.1 and 4.2

are interrelated. I have suggested that more syllabicity

is required at the systematic phonetic level than at the

systematic phonemic level and have stated that syllabicity

is needed both to ease articulation and to meet a morpheme

structure condition at the systematic phonetic level.

Syllabicity may be required for other considerations such

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 206

as intonation, tempo, or rhythm. It is clear that Yavapai

requires more syllabicity as its morphemes emerge from

underlying representations to surface manifestations. The

examples above have shown, by using simple instances, how

additional syllabicity is achieved. The steps may be sum­

marized using the CV-notation.

Examples 4.30(1)-(4)

9
Underlying form: /CCV/: a consonant cluster in pretonic

position.

Coding: tC^^V#: identifying the two consonants

as different.

1. Initiation: #C^.C2V#: initiator separates from con­

sonant immediately preceding

stressed vowel.

2. Splitting/
Gemination/ , n1
Cloning: tC-jC^.CjV#: first C 2 is unreleased.

3. Syilabicity
designa- ,
tion: #ci92 rC 2V # : first C 2 is [+syllabic].
4. Phonetic
realiza- ,
tion: #CjX.C2V#: X shows that the final step can­

not be illustrated diagrammatically, since this depends on

the category of C2 : [+syllabic], [-syllabic], or

[asyllabic].

4.301 The name General Syllabicity Rule suggests it­

self for this rule since its function is to generalize

syllabic segments throughout the phonetic output.

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 207

The rule, henceforth abbreviated GSR, can be broken down

into four main steps with three subsequent or detailing

steps:

4.302 Initiation: The initial segment can be said to

trigger the GSR by identifying and marking a potential syl­

lable boundary between itself and the following consonant.

It will be seen in the example sets which follow that in

cases where the initiator fails to do this, the GSR does

not apply to the sequence. .

4.303 Gemination: One must assume that there is

either a splitting or copying of the consonant following

the initiator. This consonant is called the clone.

4.304 Syllabicization: This may occur simultaneously

with Step 2: Gemination. The segment to the left of the

syllable boundary and to the right of the initiator (i.e.

the clone) becomes potentially I+syllabic]. It may be the

case that the initiator becomes [tsyllabic].

4.305 Phonetic Realization: The clone is realized in

one of three ways depending on its articulatory classifica­

tion: Glides are vocalized; spirants, nasals, and liquids

are syllabified; and stops are given vocalic augmentation.

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 4.31 Examples

The Appendix lists 378 examples illustrating the

application of GSR to a great variety of pretonic clusters

The examples are arranged along two lines: increasing pre

tonic consonantal complexity and the articulatory order

established in this dissertation:

1. CpV...

2. Ct V __

3. CSV...

4. CkyV . ..

5. CkV...

6. CkwV . ..

7. CqV...

8. CqMV . ..

9. C?V...

10. CpV...

11. COV...

12. CsV...

13. ChV...

14. ChwV . ..
9
15. CmV.

16. CnV...

17. CpV...
18. CIV...
19. CrV...
20. CyV...
21. CwV...

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 4.311 An example in the Appendix will not show all

six steps of a GSR application: namely

i. Underlying form: /’pa:/ 'person; Indian

ii. Coding:

iii. Initiation:
*’l*p2S:^
iv. Gemination:
*,l ,p"12*p 25 : *
v. Syllabicization: #’^a.p~l2 *P2® !#
vi. Phonetic realization: [’[Link]:]

The examples show rather only steps i and ii,allowing the

reader to fill in the intermediate steps, as in thefol­

lowing example:
/ ’pa:/ 'person; Indian

#’[Link]:#

[’ap^.pa:]

4.312 Exceptions: Some CCV-clusters preceding the

stressed vowel display a distribution of syllabicity which

is not mechanically predictable. The mechanism triggering

gemination, which was said to be the presence of the

initial consonant, can be suppressed to allow true clus­

ters to emerge at the systematic phonetic level.

Examples 4. 312(1), (2)

(1) /€kYa*ypi/ 'shatter v.i'

#ekYa*[Link]#

(2) /ek«a*pi/ 'wide'

#6kwa*.pi#

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 210

Clusters of this type are restricted to the structures

SKYV or SKWV

(This is interpreted as a /%/ or /s/ before a palatalized

or labialized velar or backvelar, that is, before /k*/,

/kw/, or /qw/ .)

The true clusters of this shape show no variation. Gemi­

nation never occurs.

4*32 CCCV-Clusters
f
A more complicated situation obtains for CCCV-clusters.

If one simply expands the GSR given in 4.30 to include the

additional consonant, the predictable pattern, one would

assume, will simply contain an extra syllable.

9
i. Underlying form: /CCCV.../
9
ii. Coding: fC^CjCgV...#
9
1. Initiation: #C1 .C2 .C3V . ..#

2. Gemination: [Link]^.C^^.[Link]...#

3. Syllabicization: #CjC2~I.C2C 3"I.C3V . . .#

* /
4. Phonetic Realization: #C^X.C2X.C3V . ..#

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 211

Examples 4.32(1),(2)

(1) i. /ktOukpa/ 'curved'

ii. ^lclt2®3^k4^5a^ (coding unnecessary in real

examples)
1. #[Link]#

2. #[Link].©[Link]#

3. #[Link]#

4. [k t.t€.6uk.^a]
I
(2) / e p 11/ 'hole'

1. #[Link]#

2. #[Link]#

3. #[Link]#

4. [[Link]]
f I

4.321 The examples presented above of the CCCV-

clusters are the most straightforward cases. The example

sets which follow show that many of these clusters achieve

syllabicity in a manner wholly predictable from the initial

formulation of the GSR. A examination of the clusters

which behave in this predictable manner reveals that they

all contain a stop, the affricate, or /p/ as the second or

central consonant of the CCC-cluster; that is, C 2 is one

of the following: /p, t, 6, k, q, p/, the other stops

/kv, k w , q w/ having already been excluded since they occur

only in absolute pretonic position. It is noteworthy that

/p/ appears in this group; that is, that it patterns like

12
a stop and not like a spirant.

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 212

4.33 CCCV-Clusters with [asyllabic] Cps

When C 2 is not [-syllabic] or /P/, but rather speci­

fied [asyllabic] — /s, (£) , h, m, n, p, 1, r, y, w/ (/hw/

and / A / having been excluded by morpheme structure condi­

tions— the result is one of two possibilities, illus­

trated using the CV-notation:

I. Expected Realization: II. Alternate Realization;

i. /CCCV/ i. /CCCV/

ii. ttC^C-jV# ii. ICj C ^ V #

1. #c1.c2.c3v# 1. tOjC^ C3V#

2 . #C1C2 '1..C2C3"I.C3V# 2. t O j C ^ . ^ V #

3. #C1C2“I.C2C3“I.C3V# 3. fCjC^.C-jV#
4. ^X.C^.C-jV# 4. fC-jX.C-jV#

(X in the CV-notation is used to show that the ultimate

syllabic realization of the cloned consonant is dependent

on its specification with respect to the feature 'syl-

labicity.')

Examples 4.33(1)-(4)

I. Expected Realization: II. Alternate Realization:

/’mpifia/ 'brush, plant' /’mp&Sa/

1. t’.m.p&.fia# i’m.p&.fia#

2. #?[Link]~l.p&.£a# #?[Link].6a#
3. #?[Link]"l.p&.£a# #?m.p&.fia#
4. [?[Link]£a] [’[Link]]

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 213

4.34 Exceptions to Alternate Realizations

There are forms which can have only one of the reali­

zations of the type described and exemplified above. The

reason for this is not known. For instance, the realiza­

tion of /qmpaya/ 'brain(s)' is only [[Link]], never

* [[Link]].
f '
4.35 /h/ as C? in CCCV-Clusters

When the second member of the CCC-cluster is /h/'and

the third member a stop or the affricate, two realizations

are also possible:

I. First Realization: II. Second Realization:

/’hpalka/ 'ironwood' /’hpalka/

1. t’[Link]# i’.[Link]#

2. #?[Link]# #?[Link]~[Link]#

3. #?[Link]# #?[Link]~[Link]

(??) tt’a.p^.[Link] (??)

4. [Link]] ^ [’a.p^[Link]]

4.40 Aspiration in Yavapai

One usually understands by aspiration only that which

can more narrowly be called postaspiration. It has been

claimed in this work that the series of aspirated stops:

/ph, t h, k h, k hw/ contrast minimally at the systematic

phonetic or classical phonemic level with their plain or

unaspirated congeners: /p, t, 6 , k, k w/ (Recall that /ky,

q, qw/ never cooccur with aspiration.) There are very few

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 214

occurrences of aspirated stops in Yavapai. In each case

they are preceded by /?-/ and are of the shapes /?ChV.../.

The aspirated stop is pretonic.

4.41 Classification of Aspiration

*

Example sets in 4.35 show two realizations (called

f
First and Second) for the underlying sequence CCCV, where

C^ is /’- A C 2 is /h/, and C^ is any of /p, t, 6, k, k w/.

The First Realization produces preaspiration of stops; the

Second Realization produces postaspirated stops. If one

refers to these phenomena as Preaspiration and Postaspira­

tion respectively, a more accurate description of their

role in Yavapai (rather than Pai or Yuman) phonology is

achieved.

4.42 Preaspiration

This phenomenon is the more common in Yavapai. It has

been remarked that /h/ devoices the fricative /JV, the

nasal stops: /m, n, p/, and the liquids: /I, r/. This

can now be viewed within the framework of aspiration in

general. Evidence from Preaspiration in Northeastern

Yavapai is related directly, and in fact alternates with

postaspiration in Tolkapaya, Havasupai, and Hualapai (see

4.752-4.755).

4.43 Postaspiration

The examples in 4.35 show two possible realizations

9
for underlying ^hCV...: preaspiration and postaspiration.

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 214a

4.44 Sonorant Devoicing

I demonstrated in 1976 that the sequence /h/+sonorant

without an intervening syllable boundary in Yavapai de­

voices the sonorant. The underlying sequences, shown to

the left are realized on the surface, shown on the right, as:

1. /hm/ -* [m]
2. /hn/ -»■
3. /h / ->■

4. /hi/ [1]
•

5. /hr/

4.441 The phonetic transcriptions above are made in a

shorthand notation. They are the kinds of transcriptions

I have usually made to show that the /h/ devoices the fol­

lowing sonorant and is then deleted, as is shown by

1. /hmi/ [^] 'tall; ambitious

energetic'
2. /hna:qi/ -* [na:qi] 'want'
3. /hpomi/ -> [gomi] 'exercise' v.
4. /hi 1/ -> [li] 'milk' v .
o
5. /hrepa/ -*• [repa] 'brim; cliff'

4.442 The transcriptions above can be revised to show

how the General Syllabicity Rule incorporates sonorant de­

voicing. The revised transcriptions are

1. /hmi/ -*■ [[Link]]

, ¥ g
2. /hnasqi/ -*■ [[Link]]
3. /hpomi/ -*■ [h^[Link]]
4. /hli/ + [[Link]]
5. /hrepa/ [hr. re. pa]

(See Appendix 1, examples 162-164, 174, 184, 194-196,207-209)

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 215

The first example is NEY (and SEY), the second is WY; that

is, Tolkapaya is the dialect that produces the

9
(post)aspirated stop from the underlying ^hCV...-sequence.

NEY and SEY sometimes show a (post)aspirated stop or affri­

cate with the same lexical incidence as WY. As a rule of

thumb one may say that if a stop or the affricate is (post)-

aspirated in NEY and SEY (the two appear to be identical in

this respect), then the same stop is (post)aspirated in WY.

The converse is not true, however, so that there are more

occurrences of (post)aspirated stops in WY than in the two
other dialects.

4.45 Resemblances to Havasupai and Hualapai

In Havasupai and Hualapai the lexical incidence of

postaspiration is greater than that for NEY and SEY but

approximately the same as that for Tolkapaya (WY).

Havasupai and Hualapai differ from all dialects of Yavapai

in that postaspirated stops can appear in word-initial

position, which is not the case for Yavapai, where an

initial glottal stop is always required to trigger GSR.

With respect to preaspiration, however, Havasupai,

Hualapai, and Yavapai are in complete agreement.

4.46 Aspiration in Pai

Paipai, in contrast to Havasupai, Hualapai, and

Yavapai, does not exhibit either pre- or postaspiration.

Paipai /x/ and /xw/ have not been develarized,as is assumed

to have happened in the other Pai languages. There are no

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 216

restrictions on preaspiration in Havasupai, Hualapai, and

Yavapai: /h/ preceding /p, m, n, p, 1, r, (A)/ which is

realized as preaspiration does not take the position of the

stressed syllable into account before it operates. Post­

aspiration, on the other hand, is subject to many more

restrictions depending on dialect or subdialect, namely:

1. Paipai shows no evidence of postaspiration.

2. Havasupai and Hualapai have a small number of

forms occurring pretonically as aspirates. They

may occur word-initially.

3. Yavapai:

a. Western Yavapai (Tolkapaya) has a small num­

ber of high frequency forms occurring pre­

tonically as aspirates. They may not occur

word-initially.

b. Northeastern and Southeastern Yavapai have a

smaller number of high frequency forms

occurring pretonically as aspirates.

4.50 Intrusive Glides

I have developed two notions here. One is that the

glides /y; w ; h, h w/ (the last is phonetically [m ]? the

phone is analyzed /hV/ phonologically to capture its struc­

tural parallelism with the labiovelar and labiopostvelar

/kw/ and /qw/) are morphophonemically identical to /i; u,

[a]; a, a/. The other is that the two sets of five phonemic

(or quasiphonemic in the case of [a]) are the syllablic and

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 217

nonsyllabic realizations of the same abstract entities. The

consistent syllabic realizations (in deliberate speech) of

/y, w, h, h.w/ is i, u, a, a. The syllabic realization of

schwa can be any of the five phonemic vowels /i, e, a, o,

u/ (See 4.252:4).

4.501 It is often difficult to determine from syn­

chronic evidence alone whether one is looking at an intru­

sive glide or at a derivational or inflectional morpheme.

In the course of linguistic change, some morphemes arise

in this way; that is, they are intrusive segments which

are later lexicalized. Sometimes this is clearly the case

of an intrusive glide; sometimes it is not quite so clear.

4.502 The noun /’k wx/ and the stative verb / {'?)'kvL'yi/

'be cloudy' appear to be related by a straightforward

derivational process: In both cases the root is kwi . The

noun requires only the 'noun marker' /’-/. The denomi-

nalized verb seems to require only the absolutive /-i/, so

that at one stage in the derivation of the verb, we could

imagine #kwi-i#; at a subsequent stage #[Link]#; and then

#[Link]#. It appears that the absolutive /-i/ is geminated

and then desyllabified in a way that is the opposite of the

operation of the General Syllabicity Rule as we have

observed it so far. The lengthening of the vowel yielding

ultimately /kui*yi/ is a low-level phonetic rule. There

14
are no length contrasts in this environment.

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 218

4.503 It is beyond the strictly synchronic ambitions

of this work to speculate on the degree of abstraction

which can be teased out of the language using reductionist

motivations; nevertheless/ I can see that the General

Syllabicity Rule works in both directions and that I will

one day be able to describe as intrusive glides many of

the h-segments and ’-segments as well.

4.60 Vowel Lowering

I repeat here the Example 2.21b:

1. /’fikmtu* tu* qwei6a kafia/ 'cantaloupe'

melon+INT+yellow+little

/’fikmtu* [to xw&ha] ka&a/

and cite:

2. /pql-hmap/ 'girl'

woman+child

[pq£.hipan]

The examples above illustrate Vowel Lowering in Allegretto

of segments not under primary stress. It is the high

vowels /i/ and /u/ that are affected and lowered to /e/ and

/o/. The phenomenon is straightforward.

4.601 In word-final position in Allegretto /-i/, the

absolutive, is lowered to /-e/ and merges with original

artifactive /-e/. This seems to be the case based on com­

parative data.

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 219

4.70 System Instabilities

In Chapter Two I suggested that the problem of the

unstressed vowels in Yavapai could never be understood un­

less the notion of free variation were built into the phono­

logical component. In this chapter I have shown that the

problem of the unstressed vowels can be treated success­

fully and elegantly within the framework of the GSR

(General Syllabicity Rule). I have not been able to propose

a comparably elegant solution, or indeed any solution at all

to the problem or problems of vowel length and pitch accent,

since there are no longer enough speakers of the language

to allow me to perceive a coherent system. Without such

information, generalizations about length and pitch must

remain at the level of ad hoc speculation.

4.701 There are other areas in the phonology where

free variation, either within an idiolect or from dialect

to dialect, may be observed. Some of these may ultimately

be trivial, as is, for example, the variation between /u/

and /o/ before liquids; others may be of importance for

more far-reaching diachronic investigations. I have chosen

to list and discuss all of these phenomena of free varia­

tion in an order which suggests something about the ranking

I give them at this time. I do not wish to suggest, how­

ever, that any of these can be dismissed as unimportant.

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 220

4.71 Glide Variation

A verb meaning 'set down' or 'harden' (if these are

the same) appears variously as:

1. /fio*/

2. /£yo*/

3. /fiwo*/

4. /fihwo/

The verb 'bite' is usually (5) /fikYo/, but it is occasion­

ally heard as /ftkwo/. These cases involve stressed /o/

finally and /c/ initially.

4.72 Vowel Variation

There are some few examples of free alternation of /u/

and /o/ before liquids and nasals:

1. /mul/ ~ /mol/ 'name'

2. /mam/ ~ /mori/ 'knead'

3. /syumi/ ~ /syomi/ 'puli'

Another two examples show an unconditioned variation

between /i/ and /e/ and between /e/ and /a/:

4. /tki/ ~ /tke/ 'add'

5. /sme/ ~ /sma/ 'lose'^^

(6) /slwa/ varies freely with /suwa/ 'ripen' but also with

/swa/. Since this example involves Stress Shift, it will

be treated below.

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 221

4.721 Vowel Lowering in unstressed or weakly stressed

syllables may account for the lexicalization of the /o/-

variant of 'name' when incorporated into the verb 'be sad'

(if this is cognate):

Example:

/m6l...[Link]/

/m&l’[Link]/ 'I am sad'

/[Link]/ 'you (sg.) are sad'

/m6lyi*pi/ 'one is sad'

4.73 Consonant Variation

4.731 A small number of instances of free variation

occurs between /t/ and /9/ in initial position, suggesting

that the variation affects only a prefix. The more common

form has the /9/i

1. /©’Sli/ ~ /t’eli/ 'sour, bitter, salty'

2. /Gfieqpa/ ~ /tfieqpa/ 'dress'

4.732 Consonant variation can also be observed between

/p/ and /m/. In Largo /p/ has not yet assimilated to the

preceding /m/:

Largo: /yfrri.s’&mpi/ 'button'

Allegretto:/yiiri.s’cimmi/

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 222

4.74 Stress Shift

Under conditions not yet wholly clear,the placement of

stress or the distribution of stress levels within a word

varies between two syllables. When this occurs, it is not

certain from a synchronic point of view, that either syl­

lable can be said to carry the stress. Although Stress

Shift is not widespread synchronically, it may account for

the ablaut set /!/ ~ /u(*)y/ and have other more strictly

historical significance for Pai and Yuman. I will suggest

below how this could be true.

4.741 The following examples make, up a complete list

of occurrences of Stress Shift:

1. /’rlyi/ ~ /’riye/~ /’ryS/ 'important'

2. /k9x:yi/ ~ /k0ye*/ 'physician'

3. /’l*kml*yi/ ~ /’i'kmye*/ 'ocotillo'

4. /mlyi/ «, /mye/ 'bad spirit'

5. /ki*pa/ ~ /kpa*/ 'younger cousins'

6. /slwa/ ~ /suwa/ ~ /swa/ 'not ready, not

ripe'

4.742 If we use the notion of Stress Shift to probe

the vocabulary, we find other forms that appear to b e -

derivationally related, although they no longer show the

free variation of the examples cited above:

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 223

1. /sili/ 'roast, broil'

2. /slls/ 'fry'

3. /sa’rlyi/ 'holy, sacred'

4. /rlyi/ ~ /riye/ ~ /rye/ 'important'

5. /qrye:/ 'clear'

4.75 Metathesis

Yuman languages commonly exhibit metathesized forms

(see Langdon 1976d). Between Tolkapaya and NEY-SEY there

are forms that show metathesis. Usually metathesis in­

volves /h/, although metathesized sequences are not en­

tirely limited in this way. Metathesis is examined here

only because (1) it has bearing on the classification of

the Pai languages; (2) it triggers aspiration and (3) sono­

rant devoicing; and (4) plays a role in syllabicity and

other aspects of the phonology.

4.751 The single example of metathesis not involving

/h/ is:

1. /hapkra*pa/ .'butterfly' NEY-SEY

/hapkpei*ra/ 'butterfly' WY

4.752 The following list of forms are metatheses in­

volving /h/. The first of each set is from Grace Mitchell

(Prescott NEY), the second from Warran Gazzam (WY or

Tolkapaya):

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 224

1. /pihe/ : /phle/ 'old man'

2. /’bmlhu/ : /’mhldt*/ 'pipe'

3. /klh5/ : /khl5/ 'boat'

4. /pa•hkaya/ : /pa*khaya/ 'stranger'

5. /thpa */ : /tph&:/ 'fishhook cactus'

6. /’hta/ : /?tha/ 'reed, cane'

7. /thko•/ : /tkh5*/ 'tripe'

8. /khtata/ : /kthata/ 'procupine'

4.753 Occasionally one finds aspiration in one dialect

with no corresponding /h/ in the other:

1. /.i’tat/ : /i*that/ 'back, spine'

2. /fiipa/ : /fipha/ 'split'

4.754 One example shows a contrast in NEY and between

Ch and C h:

1. /mktha*pi/ : /?mth&*{3i/ 'north'

4.755 It must be borne in mind that there are occur­

rences of postaspirated stops and devoiced sonorants in

all Yavapai dialects. Some of these may have arisen from

metathesis. For others there is no internal evidence to

suggest this:

1. /•?fihiSra/ 'winter'

2. /•?5hu .xi/ 'year'

3. /’k^o/ 'pifion'

4. /?kho/ 'daughter's child'

5. /’k hwa/ 'metal; knife'

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 225

6. /?hma/ 'quail'

7. /’hna:la/ 'gourd rattle'

8. /phpo/ 'shoe'

9. /hlo/ 'cottontail'

10. /hruyi/ 'take off, doff'

11. /nohpi/ 'gamble'

4.80 Lenition

Lenition is a pan-Yuman phenomenon (see Langdon 1975a).

There are three types of synchronic lenition or articulatory

weakening in Yavapai:

1. Partial voicing of the nonaspirated or plain stops:

/p, 6, kv, k, k w, q, qw/. This excludes /t/, whose arti­

culation is always fortis. The partial voicing is most

prominent in posttonic environments of voiced segments.

2. Spirantization of /q/ and /qw/ in Allegretto, the

realization being either voiced or voiceless: /a/ and /aw/

or /%/ and / x w/ * (Historically *£ underwent a similar

(w)
spirantization.) If /q / undergoes more than allophonic

spirantization, this will be seen as a change affecting the

extreme points of articulation within the oral cavity.

3. Loss of point of articulation of the fricative

/0/: /h/, realized as [h] or [fij. This is the most inter­

esting lenition in that it brings with it lexical and his­

torical problems.

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 226

4.8Q1 Grace Mitchell and Warren Gazzam generally

lenited /B/ in Allegretto, when /B/ occurred in the deic-

tics /p0a-/ 'that' and /p0e-/ 'there.' That is, in con­

nected discourse (never in citation form) they occur as

/pha-/ and /ph4-/, sometimes simply as /hA-/ and /he-/,

that is, weakened to the extent that the prefix /p-/ is

also lost. Occasionally I also observed a sporadic leni­

tion of a pretonic /B/ in other forms; for example,

/kOar/ ~ /kh4r/ 'dog.'

4.802 In the speech of Mitchell and Gazzam the lenited

forms (the forms with /h/ instead of /©/) were semantically

identical to the forms with /B/. Mitchell refused to

acknowledge that she used the lenited forms. When I played

them back for her on tape, she invariably repeated the

sentence with the non-lenited form, thereby restoring the

/B/. It seems from her behavior vis-k-vis /B/ vs. /h/ that

the lenition was highly stigmatized.

4.8021 Other Yavapai speakers, those a generation

younger, do not view £-lenition as stigmatized.

They go so far as to assign differences in

meaning between /p8a-/ and /pha-/ and between

/p0e-/ and /ph£-/, declaring the latter, the

lenited form, to refer to the more remote

deictically. In other words the allophonic

alternation has been lexicalized. (See

Gensler 1982) It is likely that a similar

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 227

lexicalization or grammaticization might have

occurred in the verbal morphology, but this is

beyond the scope of this study.

4.803 8-lenition is of no great antiquity.

It oc-
[u)
curred after a similar lenition, which can be called x -

lenition, during which *x and *xw lost their velarization

and became /h/ and /hw/. This is quite clearly the case

since the phonetic realization of the lenited deictics

is [pifia’] and [pi fie’]. If the /h/ were of any antiquity

and not historically different from /9/, then one would

expect *[pafia’] and *[paFie’] as phonetic outputs. One

would expect *[kafia£] instead of [kt<Ja£], a possible

9 17
variation with inserted vowel of [[Link]].

4.90 Conclusion

I have shown that the operation of the General Syl-

labicity Rule can account for two of the four major areas

of phonological interest in Yavapai — the unstressed

vowels, h-phenomena, vowel length, and pitch. The GSR

accounts for the unstressed vowels and h-phenomena and

treats them at the syllabic level rather than at the seg­

mental level.

In this chapter I have also accounted for many minor

areas of phonological interest. Yet there remains the

problem of vowel length and pitch. While I feel confident

that the problem — and I believe it is only one problem —

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 228

18
will be resolved, I regret that I have been unable to

make any significant contribution to the analysis of

length and pitch at this writing. I hope to explore in

future works the operation of a reverse GSR and its effect

on glides, and many other problems in Yavapai phonology

that I was not able to treat before I completed this work.

They will have to wait.

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 229

NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

1. Kendall, Martha B. Selected Problems in Yavapai

Syntax: The Verde Valley Dialect. New York: Garland, 1976.

247 pp. Hardy, Heather K. Tolkapaya Syntax: Aspect,

Modality, and Adverbial Modification in a Yavapai Dialect.

Los Angeles: University of California dissertation, 1979.

319 pp.

2. Jo8l, Judith. Paipai Phonology and Morphology.

Los Angeles: University of California dissertation, 1966.

86 pp.

3. Mixco, Mauricio. Kiliwa Grammar. Berkeley:

University of California dissertation, 1971. 279 pp.

4. In making the selection for these and other exam­

ple sets, I have preferred words containing short vowels.

Words containing vowels of two or three morae in length are

given as examples only if there is no appropriate word with

a short vowel (that is, one of one mora).

5. The reader may expect here the form for 'fire.'

This is not possible since 'fire' is / " o / and contains the

initial glottal stop called a noun marker. The initial

glottal stop is lost only when 'fire' appears in compounds.

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 230

6. The tendency to avoid the monosyllable has been

carried even further in Havasupai and Hualapai by the addi­

tion of obligatory suffixes in citation forms.

7. Langdon (1970:23-24)/ in writing about Diegueho

phonotactics/ makes these two points quite clear; namely,

that (1) there is "the obvious preference of the language

for words of at least two syllables" and that (2) "the

/’-/ may be omitted under some circumstances in connected

discourse... or compounds...." Her further suggestion

"that the strongly stressed character of the language,

demanding... a balancing of stressed and unstressed syl­

lables... may contribute to the maintenance of a large

number of forms with initial ’a-" is equally true of

Yavapai.

8. One must also not be too quick in dismissing oc­

currences of /?-/ as phonotactic constraints; that is, one

might make the statement that all occurrences of an initial

/’-/ before a noun of a CV-shape are predictable and that

they are deleted (or never inserted) only in those in­

stances where ambiguity would be created, i.e. where the

/’-/ would be interpreted as a first-person marker. Sta-

tive verbs, for example, may take an initial /?-/, since

they require a prefix /ph*-/ 'human attribute' in order to

be "personal" application. An example of this is /’kVu’li/

'long, tall,' which cannot refer to humans without the

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 231

prefixation of /pci*-/, a classifier. /pk*kYu*li/ is

'tall (about humans)'. The / ’-/ has been deleted, since

it would now create ambiguity: /p9a£ pci*kYu*lkm/ 'he is

tall/she is tali' contrasts with /’pafi pci*’kYu*lkm/ 'I am

tali'. This would seem an excellent example of the appear­

ance and disappearance of /?-/ in initial position. There

are, however, some occurrences of /’-/ on verbs which can­

not be explained by invoking deletion motivated by disam­

biguation. For example,

(1) /rugi/ 'dry'

(2) /’ruyi/ 'hot'

are assumed to have the same root ru 'hot'. The addition

of the infinitival /-i/ preceded by its desyllabicized

clone /y/ and the prefixation of /’-/ all are required to

produce /’ruyi/. Suffixation of /-£/ 'mediopassive' and

the automatic /-i/ produce /rtipi/. Thus far all has pro­

ceeded predictably; however, the addition of the prefix

/t-/ 'causative' to (1) and (2) produces:

(3) /tru0i/ 'dry v.t.'

(4) /t’ruyi/ 'heat v.t.'

One does not get *truyi; that is, the /’-/ is not deleted;

yet no explanation in terms of what has been advanced so

far is satisfactory; that is, there can be no phonotactic

constraint to observe and no ambiguity to avoid.

9. /sal/ 'hand, arm’ seems to violate these con-

traints in two ways: it has no initial /’-/, since this

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 232

would be interpreted as 'first person possessor.' It also

has no absolutive /-a/. This may be related to the extra­

ordinary semantic potential of /sal/ because of its

phonaesthetic versatility, but it is unclear how.

10. Langdon (1970:19-20) remarks on gemination of

consonants in Diegueno. This makes one feel it is a pan-

Yuman phenomenon, although in Diegueno it does not have

the far-reaching effects that it has in Yavapai. Langdon

states that gemination or "lengthening of consonants...

seems to be restricted to very careful speech... rarely

recorded in texts." This is true, of Yavapai, as well.

It is the generalized syllabicity which the gemination

leaves in its wake rather than the gemination itself which

is of importance to Yavapai phonology.

11. It is actually only the cloned stops and the

first components of the affricate that are unreleased:

p: [[Link]]

t: [Zt^.tZ]

fi: [zt^.tSz]
kY: [Zk^.kYE]

k: [[Link]]
kw*. [Zk^.kZ]

q: [[Link]]

q«: [[Link]]

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 233

12. /p/ comes from Proto-Yuman *p.

13. The First Realization may also be written more

narrowly [?[Link]] or [?[Link]]; that is, the /h/ is

ambisyllabic. In Allegretto it disappears altogether. In

any case one can speak here of preaspiration. In the

Second Realization the /h/ is clearly not ambisyllabic but

fuses rather with the stop, producing a (post)aspirated

stop: [’a.p^[Link]].

14. Langdon (p.c.) believes that this is historically

*kwi:y-i and that the £ is the same as in Yuma /xa*y/ 'wet'

and others (see Halpern).

15. In Havasupai this word is /sme/ in the singular

and /smay/ in the plural (Hinton, p.c.).

16. The apparent cognate in Havasupai is /wakmuk/,

which varies freely with /wakmok/, has lost the 1 but still

retains the u/o-variation that seems to be otherwise con­

fined to the position before sonorants (Hinton, p.c.).

17. Hinton (1979:3-38) discusses the alternation be­

tween /S/ and /h/ in Mojave, as a possible indication of

lenition of all fricatives excepts /0/.

18. Margaret Langdon continues to pursue this problem,

if only indirectly, and continues to get closer to the

solution as more data become available. In "Did Proto-Yuman

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 Have a Prefix *a:-?" (ms.), she presents some tantalizing

correspondences sets showing the interrelatedness of

length and pitch (and stress).

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 .APPENDIX 1

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 1. person, Indian /’pa:/

#’p .p a :#

[’ap^.pa:]
2. tired /Pp W
#Pp •x *#

[pap"[Link]*]

3. hard, strong /0piri/

#[Link]#

[0ap~[Link]]
4. strengthen /Gpi*rpi/

#[Link]*[Link]#

[©ap^.pl*rpi]
5. touch /tpaGi/

#tp.pa9i#

[[Link]]

6. hoe v . /Speqi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
7. insert v. /6pu/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

8. clover /kpi’la/

#[Link]*la#

[kap^.pi*.la]

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 9. freeze /Spa•/

#0p.p&*#

[[Link]*]

10. wink /Opaqpi/

#[Link]#

[0ap~[Link]"l.{3i]

11. lean v. /spe/

#[Link]#

[sap^.pe]
12. know /spo/

#sp.p6#

[sap”*.p6]
13. grinder /hpi/

#[Link]#

[hap~[Link]]
14. leg /mpara/

#[Link]#

[map^.[Link]]

15. father's older sister /npi/

#[Link]*#

[[Link]•]

16. father's father /np5*/

#n.p5*#

[nap^.pS*]

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 237

Ct

17. itch /ttmo•/

#[Link]*#

[t9t"l. [Link]* ]
18. spit v. /fituhi/

#[Link]#

[t^O. [Link]]

19. kick /ktohi/

#[Link]#

[kat"[Link]]

20. collapse /ptotpi/

#[Link]#

[pat”'.totT. pi]

21. many; old, grown /’t!/

#’ .t£#
pat"[Link]]

22. thorny /?tatha/

tt’[Link]#

[,?at"'.ta. t ha]

23. snap shut /ptapsi/

#[Link]#

[pat"', tap. si]

24. midnight /hi*pa:k siptu*yi/

#hi*.pa:k [Link]'.yi#

[hi*.pa:k [Link]^.tu*.yi]

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 25. cut, plow /stl:ti/

#[Link]:.ti#

[sat7!.ti:.ti]
26. prickly pear cactus /hte/

#[Link]#

[hat-*,te]

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 239

CS

27. dress /tbeqpa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

28. step on /5S.a*yi/

#[Link]*yi#

[[Link]*.yi]

29. step v. Acl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

30. fish /’*!•/

[’[Link]*]

31. kiss /pfil0...1/

[Link].i#

[pet~!.tSi0.i]
32. daughter (man

speaking) #[Link]*#

[pat~l. ts£* ]

33. squaw dress /©Seqpa/, /tceqpa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

34. sweep /scl/

#sc •ex.#

[[Link]]

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 240

Cfi
35. stick in /sfiftipi/

#s.££[Link]#

[s9t~[Link]]

36. pluck /s£6/

#s.£6#

[set"). tS6]

37. Milky Way /h£a•/

#h£.fia* #

[[Link]*]

38. sneeze /hamfiiOki/

#ham.£[Link]#

[ham.£[Link]]

39. hungry /m£a*yi/

#m£.£a*.yi#

[met~I. tSa* .yi]

40. first cousin /n£a*/

#n.£a*#

[nat~l. tSI* ]

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 41. cut with an ax /tkVati/

#[Link]#

[tak^.kVci. ti]

42. push /6kYe*/

#[Link]*#

[[Link]*]

43. knife, ax /6kVati/

#[Link]#
[[Link]^.ti]
44. bite /6kVo/

#[Link]#

[tSkXkYo]

45. long /’kYu-li/

#’[Link]*.li#

[’[Link]*.li]

46. the whole body /ma:t hiGkVetk/

#m4:t [Link]#

[ma:t [Link].t9k]

47. shatter v.i. /8kYa*ypi/

#8kVa*[Link]#

[8kVa*[Link]]

48. breastbone /skYata/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

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 49. step into /ntkvu'li/

[Link]*.li#

[mak^.kyu*.li]

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 243

Ck
50. add /tki/
#[Link]#

[tak”*.ki]

51. split /tka-pi/

#tk.k£-pi#

[tak"[Link]*.pi]

52. wide /ika•mi/

#[Link]*mi#

[[Link]*.mi]
53. slippery /kklsli/

[Link]#

[kak"*.[Link]]
54. bird species /kku•/

#[Link]*#

[kak~[Link]*]

55. jackrabbit /’kula/

t’[Link]#

[’ak^.[Link]]
56. where?; NEG /Pke’/

#[Link].’#

[pak"[Link].’a]
57. who(m)? /pka?/

#pk.k&’ .#

[pak^.ka’a]

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 58. fence n. /{3kopi/

[Link]#

[pak"[Link]. pi]
59. bridel /y^skapi/

#[Link]#

[y^.sek^.[Link]]
60. glide v. /skari/

#[Link]#

[sak~[Link]]
61. great-grandmother; /nk6/
great-aunt #[Link]#

[nak~[Link]]
62. other, different /hke/

#[Link]#

[hak^.ke]

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 245

Ckw
63. win /tkwi:li/

#[Link]:li#

ttak"*.kwi: .li]

64. lung(s) /£kwal/

#[Link]#

[t|k"*.kwal]

65. cloud /7k wi/

#’k.k«i#

[’[Link]]

66. something /•?k«e*/

#7.k”e-#

[’[Link]*], [’[Link]-]
67. gallop /pkw&*kpakwa:kpa7i/

#[Link]&*[Link]:k.p?.7i#

[pak^.kwk*k”*.[Link]:k^. pa7,’i]
68. squeeze, wring out /ek^I*/

#ek«I-#

[ek^.kwl*]

69. wide /8kwa* pi/

#0kwA*.pi#

[ e k ^ . W * .pi]

70. shell, peel /skwa*ni/

#[Link]*.ni#

[sak"*.kwa* .ni]

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 71. rolled up /mkwirpi/

#[Link]#

[mak^.[Link]]

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 72. leak v. /kqaqi/

[Link]#

[[Link]]

73. fox /qqor/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

74. ditch, furrow /’qi:ra/

#’ .qi*.ra#

[’[Link]*.ra]

75. sunflower / ’qata/

#’[Link]#

[’[Link]]

76. sticky /Pq&qe’i/

[Link].’l#

[£q1.q&.q6.’l]

77. stab /Pqami/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

78. shove /sqimi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

79. egg /sqawa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

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 248

80. rub back and forth /hqisqi-s’i/

(violin) #[Link] *s’i#

[haq"[Link] •s .’i]

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 249

Cqw

81. rifle /kqwii0/

#kq.qwa0#

[kaq1.qwa0]

82. uncover /fiqwati/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

83. light v.t. /tqwati/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

84. deer /?qwA:ka/

t’ .qWa:.ka#

[’[Link]:.ka]

85. yellow / ’qwa0i/

#’[Link].0i#

[’[Link].0i]

86. broken /pqWaqpi/

#[Link]#

[{[Link]]

87. stirred /sqw^r’i/

#sq.qw4r.’l#

[[Link].’i]

88. flying squirrel /mqwi0/

#m.qwi0#

[[Link]]

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 89. pulverize /mqwani/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
90. crane /nqw&/

#[Link]&#

[[Link]^]
91. plant species /mtqwI*sa/

#[Link]*,sa#

[[Link] •.sa]

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 92. close, cover /t’ami/

#t’ .’ami#

[to’-!,’ami]

93. boil /t’oli/

#t.’5.1i#

[ta’I.’[Link]]

94. gather (acorns) /£’d*mpi/

#fi’ .’&*[Link]#

[t|’~*.’&*[Link]]

95. pointing /kslk’Ita/

#[Link].k’.’Ita#

[[Link]*.ks’^.’[Link]]

96. canyon /k’i *la/

#k.’i*.la#

[ka’I.’i •.la]

97. basket, plate /k’u*/

#k’ .’u-#

[ka’^.’u*]

98. biscuit /myalq’Sra/

# m y .y & l .q ’ .’o .r a#

[mi.y&[Link]’”l.’5. ra]

99. saguaro / ’’a/

#” .’!#

[’a.’a]

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 100. become visible /p’u-pi/

#p’ .’[Link]#

[pa’"l.’u* .pi]

101. close (door) /s’ami/

#s.’[Link]#

[sa’l.’[Link]]
102. trap; skewer /s’oni/

#s’.’[Link]#

[sa’"t.’[Link]]
103. sour, bitter /6’eli/, /t’eli/

#0’ .’[Link]#

[Oa’^.’[Link]]

104. louse /h’el/

#h.’el#

[ha’I.’^l]

105. antelope /m’ul/

#m.’ul#

[ma’1.’ul]

106. sweat /p’o/

# p ’ . ’ 6#

[pa’“*.’6]

107. sacred /sk’riyi/

#s&.’[Link]#

[sk.’[Link]]

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 108. sift /6pti*yi/

#£p.p{t* ,yi#

[t|p. p{l*yi]

109. pray, ask for /kpa-pi/

#[Link]-pi#

[k^.pA-pi]

110. burro /y^'l’pu'ra/

#y^*l.’[Link]*.ra#

[ylrl.’^.pu* .ra]
111. joint /spdip6/

#[Link].p6#

[[Link].p&]
I
112. wait for /spo/

#s.p6#

[[Link]]
I
113. arrive pi. subj. /npa:/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]:]
I
114. there /pPeV

. #[Link].’#

[[Link].’a]
I
115. claw, nail /slhpo*/

#[Link].hp5*#

[[Link].$o*]

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 254

116. spotless /t0ami/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
117. suck (blood) /fi0eqi/

#60.0Sqi#

[t£[Link]]
118. wash /£0iS*li/

#6.0\S*li#

[t§[Link]]
119. burden basket /k0aq/

#k0.0aq#

[k^.Oaq]
120. basket on back /qOiq/

#q0.0aq#

[q0.0iq]
121. salt /’«£•/

#’0.0i-#

[’0 .01-]
122. breathe /pee-/

#p.0e*#

[p0.0e-]
123. cave in /p©6-r’l/

#p0.06-r.?i#

[p0 .0 6 -r.’l]

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 255

124. mother's older sister /nGl*/

#[Link]*#

125. over there /pGeV

# p e .6 e .’ #

[[Link].’e]

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 256

Cs

126. squeal /tsitsL/

#[Link]#

[[Link].t|.si]

127. crow /qsaq/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

128. mushroom /qsamta/

#[Link]#

[qs. [Link]"*. ta]

129. mole (on skin) /qsopa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

130. shadow /’se/

#’ .se#

[Link]]

131. bile /psu/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
•I
132. woman /msl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

133. smell (like blood) /mslwi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 257

134. fear /mSe•/

#m.3e-#

[m|.§e •]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 135. move v.y. /thipi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

136. cloth /thuma/

[Link]#

[[Link]]

137. avenge /£hlri/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

138. follower /khaga/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

139. horse /’hat/

t’[Link]#

[’[Link]]

140. tail; dress /phe/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

141. guts, entrails /pha/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

142. hang v.t. /sha/

# s .ha#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 143. hundred /shtina/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
144. ashes /mhu(*)1/, /’m h u (•)1/

#[Link](*).l# #’[Link](*)l#
[[Link](*)l] [’[Link] (•) 1]

145. liquid /phaya/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 260

Chw

146. brick-shaped /Shw6pa/

#Sh.hw6pa#

[t£[Link]]

147. skunk /khwxwa/

#[Link]£.wa#

[[Link]]

148. blood /’h wat(a)/

I’[Link]#

[Link]]

149. bristle, pop up /phw5* pi/

#p.hw5*.pi#

[[Link] * .pi]

150. settle (coffee grounds) /0hw£la/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

151. badger /mhwa:/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]:]

152. claw, nail /sklslhwo*/

#[Link].hw5*#

[[Link]*]
I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 261

Cm

153. put out, turn off /tmafii/

#[Link]#

[[Link].6i]

[[Link]]

154. female /fimi•ya/

#[Link]*ya#

[t|[Link]*.ya]

155. bring, deliver /kmi•/

[Link]•#

[[Link]•]

156. mistletoe /qmo:sa/

#[Link]:.sa#

[gm.m5:.sa]

157. wood rat /’malka/

t’[Link]#

[’[Link]]
158. sundown /pmarpi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

159. lend /Bmk/

#€[Link]#

[[Link]]

160. lose /sml•/

#[Link]*#

[[Link]*]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 262

Cm

161. sleep /smci:/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]: ]

162. tall; ambitious; /hmi/

energetic #[Link]#

[[Link]]

163. container /hmat/

[Link]#

[[Link]]

164. three /hmuki/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

165. leave v.t. /nmaki/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

166. settle, live on /pmati/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 263

Cn

167. meadow /tna*k|3a/

#[Link]*[Link]#

[[Link]*k~l. pa]

168. lose; drop /&na*li/

#£[Link]*li#

[t|[Link]*li]

169. stirrups /kni•li/

#[Link]*li#

[[Link]*li]

170. muddied /qnu* pi/

#[Link]*.pi#

[[Link]*.pi]

171. mesquite tree /’na-li/

f’[Link]*.li#

[Link]* .li]

172. cave in /pncL'm...1/

#[Link]*m.i#

[Link]*m.l]

173. rope /snapa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

174. want /hna:qi/

#[Link]:.qi#

[[Link]:.qi]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 175. yucca /mnat/
#[Link]#

[[Link]]

176. belly /mnuna/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 177. hollow /£ptilkpi/

[Link]#

[[Link]]

178. white oak /tpik/

[Link]#

[[Link]]

179. mother-in-law /kpl*ya/

#[Link]*.ya#

[[Link]* .ya]

180. slight rise in land /kpapa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
181. sotol cf. poppy /qpu:r/

#[Link]:r#

[[Link]:r]

182. sun /’pS:/

tt’[Link]:#

[’[Link]]
f
183. sit down /Ppa(•)p’i/

fpp.patOp9!#
[[Link](*)p.?i]
I
184. exercise /hpomi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
0
1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 185. fine, perfect tasty /mpe/
#[Link]#

[[Link]]
186 . this/that /ppu/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 267

Cl

187. tired /tlahpi/

#[Link]#

[[Link].$i]

188. limp from arthritis /klum’i/

#kl.,lum.’i#

[[Link].’i]
I
189. limp /qlumi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

190. bad /’la/

#’[Link]#

[’1.1a]
I
191. tired /piah’l/

#[Link].’l#

[[Link].’i]
192. fry /slls/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]:]

193. paperflower /sle/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

194. milk v. /hli/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 195. moon /hla/

#[Link]#

[hl.l£J
f
196. cottontail /hlo/

#h.l6#

[[Link]]

197. measles /mluOa/

#[Link].6a#

[[Link].6a]
198. tame /pie*mi/

#[Link]*.mi#

[[Link]*.mi]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 269

CA

199. dislike /qAe(-)/

[Link]*#

[[Link]*]
t

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 270

Cr

200 . dry v.t. /trupi/

#t.r&.pi#

[[Link]]
I
201 . important /’rye/, / ’riyi/

#’[Link]# t’[Link]#

[’[Link]] [’[Link]]
I I
202. it hurt (inter­ /’ra•/

jection) #’[Link]*#

[’[Link]*]
I
203. jump /priti/ /prit’i/.

#[Link]# [Link].’i#

[[Link]] [[Link].’i]
I I
204. doubt; think /0rl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
205. five /0rapi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
206. pierce /0ruyo/

[[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
207. brim; cliff /hrepa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 208. hooked /hrokpi/

#[Link]#

[Link]]

209. untie, take off /hruyi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
210. bean(s) /mri*ka/

#mr,ri*.ka#

[[Link]*.ka]
I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 211. tell a lie /ty£/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

212. desert v. /tye*mi/

#t.y£*.mi#

[[Link]*.mi]
213. bone /fiya•ka/

#£y.y&*ka#

[[Link]*.ka]

214. set, put down /£y6*/

#6.y6>#

[[Link]*]
215. gray hair /kya *ya/

#[Link]*ya#

[[Link]*.ya]

216. really, very /qyati/

(intensifier) #[Link]#

[[Link]]
217. I think /’yi-/
#’.yi*#

[Link]* ]
218. mesquite beans / ’ya-/.

#’[Link]-#

[’[Link]-]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 219. this /Pya/
#[Link]#

[[Link]]

220. mix /pyti-li/

#[Link]*.li#

[[Link]* .li]

221. half-peeled juniper /66qa Oyalqa/

#[Link] ©[Link]#

[[Link] [Link]]
222. pull /syo*mi/

#[Link]*mi#

[[Link]’.mi]
223. high /mya•/

#my.y a •#

[[Link]*]

224. tomorrow /pye:kkk©6*/

#[Link]:k.k.k0 .0 6 *#

[pi.y4:kak"'.k0.06* ]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 274

Cw
225. rest /twl*mi/

#[Link]*mi#

[[Link]*.mi]
226. scatter /iw c i'w i/

#£w.w&*wi#

[[Link]* .wi]
227. set# put down /£w6*/

#£.w6-#

[[Link]*]
228. dove /kwl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
229. cicada /kwa*/

#[Link]*#

[[Link]*]
230. hair, scalp /qwawa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
231. mouse / ’w e •/

t’[Link]*#

[’[Link]*]

232. carry (a bucket) /pw&li/

#[Link]#

[pu.w&.li]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 275

Cw
233. placid /Owe/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

234. scrape (hair from skin) /swl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
235. two /hwaki/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
236. warm /mwe/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

237. cook, prepare /nwi•ri/

#[Link]*.ri#

[[Link]*.ri]
238. over there /pwe’’/

#[Link].’#

[[Link].’e]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 276

CCp

239. kidney /Smpclppa/

#6m.p&[Link]# ~ #[Link].p&[Link]#

[tSm.p&[Link]] ~ [[Link]"1.p&[Link] ]

240. manzanita /imprik/

#fim.p6k# ~ #[Link]#

[[Link]] ~ [[Link]^.puk]
I I
241. hump(back) /kmpusipa/

#[Link]:[Link]# ~ #[Link]:[Link]#

[[Link]:[Link]] ~ [[Link]"[Link]:[Link]]
I
242. brain(s) /qmpaya/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

243. brush, plant / ’mp&fia/

[Link]# ~ t’[Link].p^.fia#

[?[Link] tSa] ~ [Link]^.p&.tSa]

244. mushroom /’mpoqa/

I’[Link]# ~ #'?[Link]#

[Link]] ~ [’[Link]]

245. fly /Qmpti *rka/

#<[Link]*[Link]#

[[Link]*[Link]]

246. band for cradle /smpu*rpi/

#[Link]*[Link]# ~ #[Link]*[Link]#

[smpu*[Link]] ~ [[Link]"[Link]*[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 247. tie up, knot v. /kOpaipi/

#[Link]#~ #[Link]#

[[Link]] «, [[Link]]
• I f
248. have cramps /pepaip’i/

#[Link].?i# ~ #[Link].p’ .?i#

[[Link].p^.i] ~ [[Link]’ .’i]

I v
249. fishhook cactus /tphi:/ /thpi:/

#[Link]:# ~ #[Link]:#

[[Link]&:] ~ [[Link]:]

250. ironwood /'?p hAlka/, /’hpi^lka/

#,?p [Link]# ~ t’h.p^'[Link]#

[?[Link]&[Link]] ~ [’a.p&'[Link]]

/’hpalka/

~ #'?[Link]#

~ [Link]]
251. swell v. /piPi*tn/
#[Link]*t.’i# ~ #[Link]*.t’.’i#

[[Link]*.t’i] ~ [[Link]*.ta’I.’i]
252. armpit /slpu/

#[Link]# -v #[Link]#

[[Link]] ~ [[Link]]

253. navel /mlpu•/

#[Link]*# ~ #[Link]*#

[[Link]*] ~ [[Link]*]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 278

CCp

254. animal / ’fipaya/

tt’[Link].p&.ya#

[’[Link]~[Link] ]

255. climb /fikpa•/

#£[Link]*#

[tSk~[Link]* ]

256. full /tmpiri/

#[Link]#

[[Link]~[Link]]

257. kidney /Smpllppa/

#fim.p&[Link]# ~ #£[Link].p&[Link]#

[t^[Link]] ~ [[Link]~[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 279

CCCp
258. carry many /£pnpe*pi/

objects W.G. #£[Link]*.pi#

[[Link]*.pi]

259. carry many /&nnpe*pi/

objects G.M. #£[Link]*.pi#

[[Link]*.pi]

260. hug /skluyi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 280

CCt

261. heaven, sky /my&•khti•la/

#[Link]*[Link]*.la#

[mi.y&*.[Link]*.la]

262. porcupine /kth3ta/, /khtata/

. #kth.t [Link]# ~#[Link]#

[kat"[Link]] ~ [[Link]]

263. reed, cane /’tha/

#’[Link]#

[’at"!. t ha]

264. brittlebrush /’mtaq/

S’[Link]. taq#

[Link]^.taq]

265. north /’m t hcl*pk/, /matha*pk/

tt^[Link]*1.t h&*.pk# ~ #[Link]*.pk#

[’[Link]"!. t hci* .pak] “ [mat”[Link]*.pak]

266. barrel cactus /mltat/

#[Link]# ~ [Link]#

[[Link]] ~[ml. lat"l. tat]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 281

CCCCt
267. watermelon /’fimtu/

tt’[Link]#

[’[Link]”!.tH]
• I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 282

CC6
268. precipice /wi* sk6I* pi/
#wi*.sk.k6.61•.pi#
[wl* ,sak"l.k9t"[Link]* .pi]
269. arc-shaped /tp6u*pi/
#tp.p6.6u*.pi#
[tp.pt6.t6u*.pi]
V I
270. winter /’6hu*ri/
#’6h.6hu*.ri#
[’at"1.t6hu* .ri]
271. year /’6hura/
#’[Link]#
[’at"[Link]]
272. first cousins /tn6a•6a/
#tn.6a*.6a# #tn.n6.6a*.6a#
[tn.t5a*.tSa] [[Link]"1.t5a*tSa]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 283

CCCfi

273. thief /’£k£l£pa/

#’[Link]£.[Link]#

[’[Link]~l.t§it”[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 284

CCkv
274. forked post /’i-tpkVala/

#'?i* .[Link]#

[?!'* .[Link]~[Link]]

275. crack (egg) v.i. /p€kVa*ypi/

#p«.[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
276. tie around /klkv6pi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 285

CCk
277. two people massing /ktka*ma/
(Prn. m.) #[Link]*.ma#

[kat~[Link]* .ma]
278. sides coming almost /wi•ktkupa/

together #wi*[Link]#

[wl* ,ket”[Link]"[Link]]
279. killdeer /hamkki/

#[Link]#

[[Link]^.kl]
280. fingers /salk£kl*£a/

#s&l.k£.[Link]*,6a#

[s&[Link]"[Link] •. t§a]
I I
281. cup (ears), block /kpko/

#k{[Link]#

[k0.0ek~[Link]]
I
282. glass /k0kepa/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
283. tent /kske*0a ’wa/

#[Link]*.0a ’[Link]#

[[Link]*.0a ?u.w&]
I
284. stomach, tripe /tkh5:/, /thko:/

#[Link]:# ~ #[Link]:#

[tak^.k^o:] ~ [[Link]:]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 285. cross v . , be across /khke•/

#[Link]*#

[[Link]*]

286. ford n. /pakhke*/

#p&.[Link]*#

[p&.[Link]*]

287. pinon /‘?k h6/

#’kh.kh6#

[’ak^.kho]
288. daughter's child /’k ho*/

#’[Link]*#
[’ak^.kko* ]

289. pick n. /•?khw^shkepa/

#’[Link]^.[Link]#
[’ak”!.k hvk .sa.k e .pa]

290. button /yuri skh&ppi/

#[Link] [Link]&[Link]#

[[Link] sak~[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 287

CCCk
291. shield n. /kkpko-pi/

[Link]*.pi#

[kak~[Link]~[Link]* .pi]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 288

CCkw
292. cotton /fi0kwam a/
#[Link]#

[t§[Link]&[Link]]
f
293. stand up /Pskwi(*)/

#[Link](*)#

[[Link] (•)]
I
294. yellow palo verde /imkwila/

#£[Link]#

ttSm.m [Link]'.la]
t

295. jealous (man) /smkwI*rpi/

#[Link]*[Link]# ~ #[Link]*[Link]#

[[Link]*[Link]] ~ [[Link]~*.kwI*r .pi]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 289

CCq

296. dusk /ptqep’i/

#[Link].’i#

[pat"!.taq"[Link].’i

297. fingers /salq&qe•6a/

# s&l.q6.6q.q e •.6a#

[s^[Link]^.qe*.tSa]
I I
298. neck /ralqi/

#[Link]# ~ [Link]#

[[Link]] ~ [[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 290

CC’
299. capsize /tm’&mpi/

#tm.m?.’[Link]#

[tm.me7”!.’am. pi]
I
300. full /tm’ori/

#tm.m?.’[Link]#

[tm.ma7"!.’[Link]]
I
301. tease /fir’u ’yi/

#6r.’u*.yi#

[tSr.’u*.yi]
I
302. necklace /sk’u :la hnaqfia/

tsk.k’.’u: .la [Link].q£.£a#

[sak~'.ka':>-'.’u: .la [Link]^.[Link]]

i •
303. engine (iron /khw&kp’amma/

runner) #khw&.kp.p’ .’[Link]#

[khw^.[Link]’"*.’[Link]]
I
304. last one /kp’o ’ma/

#kp.p’ .’o*.ma#

[[Link]’l.’o*.ma]
I
305. drink made from /kG’e:/

berries #ke.,e’ .’es#

[[Link]?_1.’e:]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 306. curved /ktOukpa/

#[Link]#

[kat"l.t0.0uk~[Link]]

307. lizard /th0i•la/

#th.h0i*la#

[tah.0i*.la]

308. earth (spread /matkh0l:la/

out) #m&t.k h .0i :.la#

[m&t"'.ka h.0 l :. la]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 309. prairie dog /tqsi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I
310. agate /wi•’qsa/

twl.’[Link]#

[wi•.’aql.q s .sa]
311. star /hammsi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 293

312. growl /Pqpo:’!/

#[Link]:.’1#

[paq^.qp.p5:.’i]
I
313. feverish /khp6*yi/

#kh.hp6*.yi#

[kah,$6*yi]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 294

CCh

314. Pinon Heights /?khoykhorpa/

tt’k*[Link]#

[’[Link]]
I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 CCCh
315. store /’fikhe:p£6*/

#’[Link]:.p£.«&-#

t’[Link]:.pat-*.tS6*]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 296

CCm

316. swell up /phma'mk’i/

#[Link]*mk.’i#

[[Link]*mk. ^i]
f
317. kind /nhmerpi/

#[Link]#

[nah .iper. pi]

I
318. help me get up /’mmani/

t’[Link]#

[Link]]
I I
319. eyebrow /yuklme:/

#[Link]:#

[y&.[Link]:]
i •
320. sinew /msma:/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]:]
I I
321. quail /’hma/

S’[Link]#

[’a h^ia]

322. gourd /’hma:/

#?[Link]:#
[•?ahipa:]
I
323. sack, bag /’hmal/

tt’[Link]#

[9ah$al]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 297

CCm

324. turn it off I /mskwinkmtma8i/

(an appliance) #[Link]#

[[Link]*.nekmet^.[Link]]
I 1
325. valley /matfikmi•ya/

#[Link]*.ya#

[m^t.t Sk"l.k m .ml •. y a ]

I •
326. I bring/brought / ’kmi *km/

#’[Link]*.km.#

[’ak~[Link]* .kam]

327. cousin /fismaypa/

#£[Link]# ~ #£[Link]#

[t§[Link]] ~ [t£[Link].0a]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 298

CCn

328. I want / ’hnaiqi/

tt’[Link]#

[Link]: .qi]

329. gourd rattle, /’hna:l/

bule #’[Link]:l#

I9ah.$a:1]
330. small, level /ktn5.*kpa/

land #[Link].n^*[Link]#

[ket-*.[Link] •k .pa]
I

331. I dropped it /’iSnci•1km/

#’£.fin.n & •[Link]#

[91&.tSn.n& •1. lk"[Link]]

t t
332. whine /pqna-k/

#[Link]*k#

[peq"[Link]*k]

333. carry heavy /kpnawi/

objects #[Link]#

[[Link]*.wi]
I I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 299

CCp

334. shoe /phpo/

#ph.hp5#

[[Link]]
O
335. scissors / k hw^£mpayi/

#khwi.&[Link]#

[khw&.[Link]]
I I
336. sun-ripened / ’mpa/

t^[Link]#

[’[Link]]
• i
337. discharge /pmp&*/

#[Link].p£*#

[[Link]*]
I I
338. quiet; graceful /ktpi*pa/

#[Link]*.pa#

tket"1. [Link]* pa]

I
339. scissors / k hwk5ppayi/

#khw^.[Link]#

[khw^.[Link]]
i i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 300

CCCp

340. hunter /’fikpe/

#?[Link].p§#

[Link] .pe]
I
341. I hunt / ’fi’pe/

♦’fi.’[Link]#
[9tS.’p .pe]

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 301

CC1
342. death rattle /phl6:hlo:hi/

#ph.hl6*[Link]*.hi#

[[Link]*.hi]

343. snore /smlo(•)hi/

#[Link](*).hi#

[[Link](*).hi]
I I
344. crack like lightning /^6lA:'?±/

#p£.£l.l&:.’i#

[[Link]:.’i]
I I I

345. crack like lightning /p£l&*Sla*’I/

#[Link]*.[Link]*.’I#

[ptSt"[Link]* .[Link]* .’I]

I I I
346. hole /epi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
• I
347. cliff /wi*khle*pa/

#wl•.k h .hie•.pa#

[wl*,[Link]*.pa]

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 348. doll /•?£re*/

#’£.£[Link]-#

[’[Link]*]
I I
349. naked /halsqra*pi/

#[Link].q r .ra•.pi#

[[Link]^.[Link]*.pi]
I
350. make hot /t*?ruyi/

#t?.[Link]# ~ #t’ .’[Link]#

[te’[Link]] ~ [ta7^.’[Link]]
I
351. pierce /0prl/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]
I f
352. squint /©prlri/

#©[Link]#

[[Link]]
t •
353. pierce /0pruy6/

#[Link].y6#

[[Link].y6]
I I
354. jump in surprise /pOriy’i/

#[Link].’i#

[[Link].’i]
t I
355. untie! /mhruyi/

#[Link]#

[mah.£[Link]]

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 303

CCCy

356. ancient / ’Skyfiki/

t^.[Link]#

[Link]]
I
357. cigar /’uspa fimmyaipa/

#?u:.pa [Link]#

pu:.pa [Link]]

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 304

CCy

358. automobile /kw&*£py&:mi/

#kwe * p y . y & . m i #

[kw&*.t|[Link].y&.mi]

359. cantiles /wi'khylrpa/

#wl*.[Link]#

[wl*.[Link]]

360. table. /shyara/

#[Link]#

[[Link] ~ [[Link]]

table. /91*shyarpa/

t’i*.[Link]#

[’i*.[Link]]

361. ramada /washyaipa/

#w&.[Link]. pa# ~ #w^.sh.y^[Link]#

[[Link].y&[Link]] ~ [[Link].y&[Link]]
I
362. dig /shyuki/

#[Link]&.ki#

[sah.y&.ki]

363. soda /thwopi tmyu*li/

#[Link] [Link]*.li#

[[Link] [Link]*.li]

364. the moaner /kmya*ypa/

#[Link]*[Link]# ~#[Link]*[Link]#

[[Link]*[Link]] «. [[Link]*[Link]]

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 365. clear /qrye:/

#[Link]:#

[[Link]:]

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 306

CCw

366. spider (W.G.) /matkpwe•/

#m&[Link]’#

[m&[Link]*]
I
367. snake /’lwi/

I’[Link]#

[^[Link]].
368. correct /plwi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

369. elbow (SEY) /sklqrwi:so/

#s£[Link]:.s6#

[[Link]:.s6]

370. determined /fimwiipi/

#[Link]#~#[Link]#

[t|[Link]]~[t|[Link] .pi]

371. spleen ,/fimw4*0a/

#[Link]*.0a#

[[Link]*.0a]

372. they massacre /pa*kmwa:fifii/

them #pk*.[Link]#

[pk* .[Link]:t"*. tit"'.tSi]

373. old woman /qmwi•rma/

#[Link]*[Link]# ~ #[Link]*[Link]#

[[Link]*[Link]] ~ [[Link]*[Link]]

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 307

CCw

374. my brothers /pa’fiwaskpa/

#pa.’[Link]. pa#

[pa.’et"'. [Link]]

375. scorpion /ni•stkwalka/

#ni*[Link]# ~

[nl*[Link]~[Link]] ~

#ni*.[Link]#

[nl •sat"!.tak"[Link] .[Link]~[Link]]

376. growl /Pqwo*’I/

#[Link]*.’I#

[paq~[Link]*.’1]
I
377. perforate /kOwarpi/

#k8.0w.w^[Link]#

[[Link]]

378. correct /lwi/

#[Link]#

[[Link]]

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 APPENDIX 2

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 309

SYMBOLS USED

Symbol Name of Symbol Use or Meaning

V acute primary stress (no indica­
tion of pitch)

< left arrow comes from

right arrow goes to; is used in

[X] square brackets systematic phonetic

transcription

% ■ breve tertiary stress or un­

stressed
A
V circumflex low or falling pitch with
primary stress

#CVC# cross hatches step in a phonological

derivation

C degree subscript voiceless or partially

voiced

X=X equal sign one gloss for both elements

V* raised dot one morae of vowel length

V: two dots two morae of vowel length

C ...C three dots links elements in a discon­

tinuous morpheme
V grave secondary stress with pitch
neutralized to a mid tone

C-C hyphen morpheme boundary

CVC italicization root or pre-stem (Level I

Representation)

V macron high pitch with primary

stress

(X) parentheses optional or alternate

element

C.C period syllable boundary

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 310

Symbol Name of Symbol Use or Meaning

C+C plus sign division between roots

in a compound

C punct inorganic segment (punc-

tilation)
£ sigma a syllable

/C/ single slashes classical phonemic or

systematic phonetic

V tilde nasalization of vowel

9 verticle underline syllabic segment

^ wedge variable pitch with

primary stress

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 311

ABBREVIATIONS OF MORPHEMES, NAMES, AND OTHER WORDS,

THEIR DESCRIPTION AND SHAPE

Abbreviation Description Shape

A Type A Stem (Chapter Three)

ABS absolutive /-i/ on verbs

• /-a/ on nouns

ADD additional, "too" /w£r-/

ADV adverbial auxiliary /ma:t-/

APP applicative-benefactive /-o/

ART artifactive /-i/

ASC ascending generation /n-/

ASSR assertive /-ha/, /-ma/, /-a/

AUG vocalic augment /-a/

B Type B Stem (Chapter Three)

B archiphonaesthemic /P/ ~ / P /
C Type C Stem (Chapter Three)

CAUS causative /t-/, /£-/, /s-/

COG cognitive existential /yi •/

auxiliary

COM dummy object complement / k ^ - / f /*«-/

COMIT comitative /-m/

CON contrastive modal /-«/

CYL cylindrical /m-/
D archiphonaesthemic /n/ ~ /r/ ~ /l/

DPRN demonstrative pronoun /Ba-/, /pu—/

DEM demonstrative prefix /P-/, /n-/

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 Abbreviation Description Shape
DEM demonstrative suffix /-u/, /-o/, /-p/

/-G/, /-h/, /-n/

/ “ P/r /“ PU/

DEN denominalizer / - i - A /-y-/

DS different subject marker /-m/
DISJ disjunctive /-v
DIR directional derivational /-k/, /-m/
morpheme

DUB dubitative /-mo•/

EXH exhortative /-thV
G.M. Grace Mitchell (Chapter One)
GSR General Syllabicity Rule (Chapter Four)
Ha Havasupai (Chapter One)
Hu Hualapai (also Walapai) (Chapter One)
I archiphonaesthemic /i/ ~ /e/
IC imperfective contracted /-km/
auxiliary phrase

IMP imperfective /-m/

INCP incompletive locational /- (u)nu'/
auxiliary

INCR increment /-a/

INS instrumental /-m/
INT intensifier /-ra(p)/

IP inchoative-punctual /p -/
IR irrealis /-h/f /-a/
IRa emphatic irrealis /-ha/
ITER iterative /6-/, /-£/

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 313

Abbreviation Description Shape

K archiphonaesthemic /k/ ~ /q/
Kw archiphonaesthemic /kw/ ~ /qw/
LV arch iphonae s themic /l/ ~ /A/
LNOM locational nominalizer /-*>•/
LOC locative case /-k/, /-l/

mCON conjunction increment /-mfe•/

MOD modal auxiliary /lw 1/

/I'/, /hi•/, /yi

MP (medio)passive /-P/
MP1 multiple plural /-fip-/
N archiphonaesthemic (Chapter Three)
vocalic nasalization
NEG negative adverbial /-’urn-/
auxiliary, negative
verb

NEY Northeastern Yavapai (Chapter One)

NM noun marker / ’-/
1 (i.e. one) first-person prefix / ’-/
IP first-person pronoun /(’)pa-/

1/2 first-person subject /p-/

with second person
subject

p, pi, PL plural (Chapter Three)

pSUBJ plural subject /n-/, /-i-/, /-£/
PART particle /tu:/, /tu*/

PC perfective contracted /-kp/

auxiliary phrase

PERF perfective /-P/

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 Abbreviation Description Shape

PLo plural object personal / p W

prefix

sv archiphonaesthemic / e / ~ / S / f /s/~
SUBJ subject (Chapter Three)
3/1 third-person subject /p-/
with first-person
object

TC temporal coordinator /-t/, /-e/

TLOC temporal locative /-m/
TST temporal stative /-o/
TSUB temporal subordinator /-p/
2 second-person prefix /m-/
2/1 second-person subject / ’ ...m-/
with first-person
object

2/PLo/l second-person plural /’pci'm-/

object with first-
person sub j .

2P second-person pronoun / m a (:)-/

VOCA vocative on Type A /-’/
stem
VOCB vocative on Type B /-e?/
stem

VOCU vocative (unseen /-op)/, /-o:/

addressee)

W.G. Warren Gazzam (Chapter One)

when subordinator /-kB b ’/
WH wh-word A W
WY Western Yavapai= (Chapter One)
Tolkapaya

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 315

Abbreviation Description Shape

Pin placename (Dictionaries)

Prn personal name (Dictionaries)

POS possessive /-p/

Pp Paipai (Chapter One)

PRF perfectivizer /p-/

P/E perfect/evidential /-o/

QA interrogative on Type A /-V

stem

QB interrogative on Type B /-e’/

stem

QCON interrogative conjunction /-p&*/

QP past question /-w&V

R: reduplication of fol- (Chapter Three)

lowing stem

REC recursive, "again" /-i/, /-p/

REL relativizer; agentive /k-/

RES resultative /-o/

S archiphonaesthemic /©/ ~ '/s/

s, sg singular (Chapter Three)

SEY Southeastern Yavapai (Chapter One)

Sp. loanword ultimately but (Dictionaries)

not necessarily directly
from Spanish

SS same-subject marker /-k/

SSa emphatic increment /-ka/

ST stative /-p/

STLOC spatiotemporal locative /-e/

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 316

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Wares, Alan Campbell. A Comparative Study of Yuman Con­

sonant ism. (JL-SP, 57.) The Hague: Mouton, 1968.

100 pp. Cf. review by Langdon 1970.

Winter, Werner. "Yuman Languages I: First Impressions."

IJAL, 23 (1957), 18-23.

________ . "Yuman Languages II: Wolf's Son, a Walapai

Text." IJAL, 32 (1966), 17-40.

________ . "The Identity of the Paipai (Akwa'ala)." In

Studies in Southwestern Ethnolinquistics, ed. by Dell

Hymes and William E: Bittle. The Hague: Mouton, 1967,

pp. 403-451.

________ . "Switch-Reference in Hokan Languages." In

Hokan Studies, ed. by Margaret Langdon and Shirley

Silver (JL-SP, 181.) The Hague: Mouton, 1976,

pp. 165-174.

Yamada, Jeni E. "Tolkapaya Passives: a Second Preliminary

Look." Ms., 1977.

_____. "Foregrounding Constructions in Tolkpaya

Yavapai." In Proceedings of the 1979 Hokan Languages

Workshop, ed. by James E. Redden. Carbondale: Southern

Illinois University, 1980, pp. 25-42.

Yamamoto, Akira Y. "Notes on the Interpretation of /-m/

and /-k/ in Walapai" in Proceedings of the First Yuman

Languages Workshop, ed. by James E. Redden, Carbondale:

Southern Illinois University, 1976:149-152.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ________ See also Watahomigie, Lucille J.

Watahomigie, Lucille J., Jorigine Bender, and Akira Y.

Yamamoto, et al. Hualapai Reference Grammar. Los

Angeles: American Indian Studies Center, UCLA, 1982.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 YAVAPAI PHONOLOGY AND DICTIONARY

Alan Shaterian

PART II

5.00 Introduction to the Dictionaries

6.00 Yavapai-English Dictionary

7.00 English-Yavapai Dictionary

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 330

5.00 Introduction to the Dictionaries

The Yavapai-English and the English-Yavapai Diction­

aries have been included alone in two sections of PART II

of this dissertation in order that a user might detach the

dictionaries for convenience. It is certainly not the

case that one can use the dictionaries without some under­

standing of PART I.

5.01 Theoretical Level

All Yavapai entries are to be considered as appearing

in phonemic slashes. The writing of each Yavapai form may

be thought of as being on a theoretical level at any point

)

between classical phonemic and systematic phonemic; that

is, the forms are not highly abstract, nor are they filled

with redundant phonetic detail at the segmental level. At

the suprasegmental level such redundant detail is included.

The reason for doing this and the motivating factors behind

all transcriptions are discussed in PART I.

5.02 Ordering Within Each Entry

For each lexical item listed the first entry is its

stem with the absolutive suffixes /-i/ and /-a/ for

verbs and nouns respectively (See Chapter Three). If more

forms follow this initial entry, they can be expected to

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 331

be 1 ) indication of different speakers' pronunciation of

the same form; 2 ) free variation within one idiolect, sub­

dialect, dialect, or even within Yavapai itself taken as

a whole; 3) irregular inflections or derivations; 4) exam­

ples of usage, using compounds, phrases, or sentences as

illustrations.

5.03 Key to the Symbols Used in Transcription and Listing

Table 4: YAVAPAI SUPRASEGMENTALS and Table 5s

YAVAPAI SYSTEMATIC PHONEMIC SEGMENTS are reproduced here

for convenience to the reader.

5.04 Additional Symbols and Conventions

The dictionaries make use of other ways to abbreviate

information contained in the entries. These are listed

below (see also Appendix 2):

1. /,/ Comma separates forms in free variation or

forms in different dialects. In the case of the latter,

the speaker's initials are given.

2. /;/ Semicolon separates different lexical

entries in one language corresponding to a single lexical

entry in the other.

3. /./• Period may show open juncture as well as

syllable boundary.

4. /:/ Colon may be used in English glosses in a

conventional manner.

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 332

5. /-►/ Arrow is used in English glosses to indi­

cate that the Yavapai stem or root to the left of the arrow

may be found in the word to the right of the arrow.

6. /-/ Hyphen is used occasionally for affix

boundary.

7. /+/ Plus is used occasionally for morpheme

boundary in compounds.

8. /t / Punct (a period beneath the segment) indi­

cates the putative status of that segment. It may be a

suspect vowel or an inorganic aspirate onset (See 2.915

for both).

9. /!/ Exclamation Point is used in the English

glosses for imperative forms and interjections.

10. /()/ Parenthesis is used 1) for Yavapai to show

optional vowel length and 2) for English to enclose mor­

phemes in compounds that explain more about the entry; for

example, the gloss '(earth)quake' is interpreted as mean­

ing that the Yavapai form is used mostly in 'earthquake'

but make also mean 'quake.'

5.05 Order of Entries in the Yavapai-English Dictionary

Instead of the traditional alphabetical order, the

Yavapai-English Dictionary uses a phonetically based

order: an articulatory order based on two interlocking

parameters — 1 ) manner of articulation and 2 ) point of

articulation. The listings proceed (along Parameter 1)

from a) stops and affricates, b) vowels, c) fricatives,

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 333

d) nasals, e) liquids to f) glides; and (along Para­

meter 2 ) from bilabial to glottal within each division of

Parameter 1:

1. p (ph)
2. t (th)

3. 6 (C h)

4. kY

5. k (kh)

6. k w (kh

7. q

8. qw

9. •?

10. ’i

11. i

12. ’e

13. e

14. ’a

15. a

16. ?o

17. o

18. •?u

19. o

20. p
21. 6

22. s (1 )

23. h

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 334

24. hw

25. m

26. n

27. p

28. 1 (A)

29. r

30. y

31. w

5.06 Diachronic Application

The lexical entries in the Yavapai-English Dictionary

have been arranged articulatorily, not only for the sake

of phonological elegance. This alone would not be worth

the initial difficulty a user, particularly a linguis­

tically naive user, would encounter. The dictionary is

designed rather to enable the user to carry out diachronic

investigations, i.e. to look for cognates.

5.061 Using the Dictionary: Each Yavapai word has

several listings depending on its phonotactic complexity.

One assumes a basic canonical chape of CV, where C is any

consonant and V any vowel occurring with Primary or

Secondary Stress. Words of this shape would have only

one listing: under the consonant C followed by the vowel

V in an i, e, a, o, u order. A phonotactically more com­

plex form of the canonical structure C^C^CgV would be

listed three times: 1 ) under C^C^CgV, 2 ) under -£ 2— 3— '

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 335

and 3) under -C 3V. The procedure eliminates one step at a

time the morphological material which might obscure cog­

nation for the reader. This device is followed only for

consonants occurring pretonically. After a stressed vowel

one may find derivationally relevant material arranged

within each entry.

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 YAVAPAI-ENGLISH DICTIONARY

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 337

Pi
P

die; dead, cf. hug

pdyi (plural)

pti-yi

P P *’ tired

?hk...9piS(* )yi bathe, swim

tpiiyi cause to die or be sick

pk*px corpse

father's sister

npi* father's older sister

hpi grinder ■+• jaw

?pi

Pi’Pi medication < pi^

hi'pinpi win

plli be burnt

pilrupi plant species

kpi’la clover

Spfri hard, strong

e p f ’rpi strengthen

9ip£:r0i

tmpiri full

?p£ra just, only

P<£ carry on head

Smnp£* pi carry many objects

fipnp^’pi
pe

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 -pfe(•) 'and where... '
spd lean v.

six

dSp^ reach
pdpi lean v . ;.follow

fipdpi blanket

hip£ near

hcipeya whatever may happen

top^ help
tdpdyi (plural)

pd* bear fruit, be born

y ^ ...p e • be born

y a ...pdyi (plural)

syape *pa soul

qmo'sa pe* mistletoe berries

peqi hit

fipeqi hit

(s)peqi pound v.
peska Pin: Prescott

imp&sqi slip, drop

p4*mi not there

?ape*mi we two go
waype(*)mpi beautiful; wonderful

p£mi stand object against

pehi cast a spell

p&lmelk?i lick one's chops or lips

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 339
pe
mdtsape’yi shovel
?pd: person, Indian
?pd(*)Sa (plural)

P ^ ’-> see page 347 (plural object)

ph'-r see page 348 (personifier prefix on adjective)

p£* shine
hi*pa* evening
pi, see page 344 stick v.
?pa arrow
h wd(*)£p.a* raid
cpa get out; sprout
9pa* freeze
y a ...pi responsible
hopd four
pipd*t?i blister
?mpdSa brush (plant)

hh*pa*ka la*ka elephant

pdkka snow
pdqi come out, sprout
tpdqi (causative)
pdqpdq sharp, cracking noise
Spdqpi wink
pdpi bake in ashes
Smpdppa kidney
pashci ambush, cf. £pd*
kapdmka grasshopper

qa(m)pdpqa bat (animal)

pa

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 k 0p& 10 i tie up, knot
q 0pdl 0 i

9pala peach
hi*p£l tongue
himp£l

00 pdlp?e cramps, cf. tie up

?phdlka ironwood tree
pdri sharp; intelligent
ipdri learn
kpet*r0a satisfied

hapkp£*ra butterfly

hapkr£*pa

mpctra leg

pdya all

-pliya cf. p4*, ?pd: dweller, inhabitant of

?Spdya animal

qmp&ya brain

paya first cousin (female)

spo know
np6 * father's father
p 6 (•)ra

poqp6 q slender

??i*p6 qp6 qa digging stick

p<5qi spill

tp6 qi pour

?mp5qa mushroom

P'S put away

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 fipii insert things
wl*Spu*S<5* bank (financial)

piS* rip cloth

qwkepG* ?Ikl throwing out rays

(m)pfc*kl?ut tarantula

?hci*p{l:S6 cottonwood spring

slpd armpit

mlpu* navel
w&hpu buttock(s)
hpti-L something which shoots

Hpd 2 stagnant
puk bottom, foot (figurative)
i *prik neck

w&hipuk collarbone area

mipdk/mmpdk knee
spuki

cpuki cover v.

spftki pillow

hopdfia sptik(k) fourth time

fimpuk manzanita

hk(p)puk coral-colored snake

pvkpi weave

twpu* pi preserve (food) v.

twpft:pi

spumi take apart

p u (•)ppi dome-shaped -*■ wickiup

pdli be wet

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 tptfli wetten
himpd(*)la forehead

kmpusipa hump(back)

pdr hat

yciktpurpa lip

0mpd *rka fly n.

smpu’rpi band for cradle

sklpuyi hug v.

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 343
Loanwords
pe* money; dollar < peso

pap£*la paper < papel

kape*la (dissimilation)
pa*pa potato < papa

paste*la pie < pastel

pa(*)p (hand)kerchief < pafio

Loanwords

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 p£ stick v.

pointed weapon

(?)pikwIrpa arrow
pcricuIr{3&kwaye quiver

?p2unqw£n*a gunpowder

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 345
"^pci*
?pa* (sg.), ?pH*£a (pi.) (G.M.)

?p4s. (sg.), ?pi:Sa (pi.) (W.G.)

person, human; Indian

p c i * pa ?sl:ta I name the people

?p&*p£ klkv6*pi a man is in jail

?pa*p£ pim tkappi funeral

?pa*p£ pim kwa*wi funeral oration

?pa*pfi pim swa*ri funeral song

?pa*p£ ?£rapk sp<5pkm It is apparent that the man

is ill

P**PI corpse

p£*p£ £mf*ya female corpse

p£*p£ spuk w 6 (k) s££:pa tombstone

p£*(pi)tu*y£i they cremate

?pa*

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 346
pk--
p k ’hmi(ya) 'man'

pk •hml

p^*hml ?wi(?wiyi) I have a husband

pk*hmi ??G» (k?ytom) (W.G.) I see a man
pk*hmI*po ??e* I give it to the man
p£rhml:p£ lwepi man marries
pci*hmf*pm hhw4ki two men
p k ’hmi*pm ?hw£ki

pa'hmipmaya man's breast

pk'-

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 pk*-^ 'plural object'

pk* kml•km brings them

pk*kmwa:££i they massacre

pk'kwi^fii distribute

pk*??e*£i I give to them

pk* ??e*kwi*£i I distribute to them

pk* ??e*kwiy£i

pk* ?sl:ti I name them

pk??sl:gi I count them

pk*mkliml:ye feel sorry for us!

pa*mkl?km£:yi

mol?e*yi* feel sorry for

pa*mnhmerpi be kind to them

pa*wlp<5 they drove away the people

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 pk*~2 human attribute

pk*kpoqp6qa the slim one (Prn)

pei*kvCk*lk poqpoq?e tall, slender person
pk*qe*£i a small person
pk'qy&ta rich person
pk*?£kwi*ya rich
p^*?lhwayi mean, nasty, cranky
pa*0akp£pk third-born

pci* plf mya(* )mi you're getting old

p& *hani handsome male
p ^ ’hanah ?umi bad person
pktdyi . h e 's old
til* pk*l£*yi ugly person

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 349
p k*-
pk *- compounds

pk*qwawa ky5 Skull Valley

pk*hu* skull

pk* ?api club

pk'tpkyi witch doctor

pel•sayi stinger
pk *p£hi person wishing bad luck
p a ’taya many people
pa* 80 ^qa blood sucker, medicine man

pk*(h)6hwa warrior

pa*£?hwa enemy

?fihwa

pk*fihwa

£a?hwa

pa*kwa:wo sermon

pa*kkwa:wo preacher

pa*kwk*wo ??4m§pa ??£k I came to hear the minister

?pk:km

p k •ktte:pa healer

pk*kp?6*ma last man (Prn)

?pk*kp?6ma the last man

?pk:k0l:yi Indian doctor

?pk:sma£a medicine man

p k •smada

?pk*hkk:ya Indian from another group,

stranger

pk*-

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 350
pk--
pk-- (continued)

pk-hkaya

p£:kh£ya (W.G.)
pk-mfl-ipa prominent person
pk *neha killer (Prn)

pk-py(i*2a dwarf, midget; little (Prn)

pk • (?) rkwa fast person running
pk*la*wa ?koyu£i I'm making a new generation

pk-lk-wk ?hkepu:yi many swim

New York pk*y&wa he comes from New York (W.G.)

New York pk *y&wk yufik ykm He came from New York (W.G.)
pk*wlya lesser chief
pkia:fia family, clan

pk--

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 p k*- miscellaneous

pk*pii<5 grave offering

p k •peqi strike
pk*ttwi'ni pushed on bone (?)
pk •tu:fii cremate
p k •tur i crowded with people
p k •tmari bury
p a ’tmarkk* grave
p k •tmar£6 burial ground
pk*ty£k*£i friendship
pk*fi9eqi sucks blood
?pk*kmwa*fii massacre
pk*?sl‘tk roll call
pk'hipinki 1 lose
pk*pahpinfii we lose
p k ’nitmlli play a joke on someone

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 352
ti
t

tikwe *6a deep (Prn f.)

tih«ini turn over
tih«lnpi turned over

tlti rip, tear

stl:ti cut, plow
m&tstl•ti furrow
tlpti* pi shake
6tlpti* pi shake (a blanket)
tipi pregnant
tipi thick
mltfpa thick feet
tlei spread

tiltll

h i ’w&y ktlltil?! chest

mya•khti•la heaven; sky

tirtlr

khw^tlrtlr?a ttmdyi plate

tiri tie
epri'tiri bracelet

hte prickly pear cactus

te

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 hamte pumpkin, squash
-ti(-) big; many; much

-t£yi (plural)
1t4 many; old, grown
Pte big

te *qi spicy, hot

te’qi lick

04*qi

pte0q?i burning pain

-t (a) larger of two similar animals

mhwd (•)ta bear, cf. gila monster, cow,

squirrel, mountain lion

ta-
•

tapa break

tapha: fishhook cactus

t^pa* cf. Pima
saltahk&pi ring

myal ta?kwa*00a toast: browned bread

-ta-

cta*£a father

pa?£taha my father^

pa?t£la my fa t h e ^

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 pritakm I jump

?hta reed
?tha

grind
tk:/tk•

tci:pi ground

tdppa

t&pa

tkpstdps

? ?I*t&pst&ps ?Ifia wood rattle

tdt thorn
?tdtha thorny

SOtdt cane

hitdt spine, back

mltcit barrel cactus

£h(h)t&*ti crawl

taqpi split open v.i.

?mataq brittlebrush
tcipsi blossom, flower

tliwsi(SEY)
ptapsik snapped shut

?w&t&pp6 church

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 ?mtha*Pk north

ta:pkyama bladder

tketde

pk:pt&0t&8?xfia watch: "sun ticking"

q wari hitasa bald

?i*ta*sa sycamore

t&hki throw toward speaker

t&hmi throw from speaker

ta*pk < tahpk throw

talt&la elderberry
t&la father

See -td-

to-

tope? help

top^yi (plural)
tom?Impi capsize

to* sated

to8t5fi?lka drip

P totp k collapsed

ktohi kick

t(5 (:) hpi gamble, play cards

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 356
to
tdlki stubborn, going one's own way,

like a bouncing ball

tiilki

tolk?pdya Western Yavapai

s ^ t o •r c marbles (toy)

burn v.t.
tu:Si (plural)

tiS'yfii

pound
kotd gopher

?Skmtu watermelon
smklkatu deaf

smi*lkktu* jimsonweed
t6- intensifier: very, just

bang
?kh«w&ktu*ta blacksmith
tu*pi middle, center
tCt'lpa the one that waddles
trfri crowded
tfir£6 (Pin)

hhp qttir poppy

ttiyi uncertain, unsure, hopeless
hip5:k siptu*yi midnight

tu

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 tpa shell v.
tpaqi sprout
tpaGi touch
yak.t.pur0a lip
k hwattq[q]a*pa nail
ttmo* itches
tfi^q^a dress n.
0fi^q(3a

tS&qga

tfiaqwa

tSma:li rake
tk^* add
tkf

tke*pi (we) stand up

tkdpi gather
ttkdpi

taka(3?i encircle
tk«£*pi split
ttk«£*pi

pa*tk&pka hour
ktki(•)ma two people passing across

(Prn m . )
tkupa sides almost come together
mitkGa heel
tk§sd(•) shadow
tkru crook of a cane
ni *stkwalka scorpion: out of shape

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 ?hei*ktkwI*0a Black Canyon: cottonwood lined

along the banks

tkwisli win
tkuil0i too much, be late
tkwI*ipk a little

ttkwi (*)lpi complete

tkw^ri smoke v.t.

mtqwI*sa plant species
tqwati light v.t.
tkwani thrash

tqipi getting dark

tqepi

tqor fox (W.G.)

tqsi prairie dog
t?Ini stop! leave (it) alone!
t?6li spoiling
e?6li salty

t?£mi dam up, cup (hand), cover,

close

t?51i boil sweat house

t?ori ball

t?6rpa summit, top; edge

t?6*pi show v.t.

t?timi drum

tppuni bubbles
tpfiu'pa arc-shaped -»■ bow

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 tpkvdli comes away from •+■ branch,

fork

te&mi spotless

kt0ukpa curved

hkmtefi'lta gila monster

t0kwi*l clean, wash -+■ spotless

tsltsl squeal, squeak

tspd six, cf. lean

tspdya

tsklpii*ypi hug

tsmd*£i dream

thfpi move

thknha’ni rub (an arm)

thuma cloth

thpd: Pima

thko* stomach, tripe

tkh5*

tak5 *

th0l(*)la lizard

thine* pile up

thmu bake (bread)

thli(*)pa sweet mixture

thwari shave

tom?ampi capsize

tmili fool, play jokes

ttmdli

tmd£i put out, turn off

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 tmdri bury, cover with dirt
tmo* scratch, cf. itch
yu*tmu(*)rpi eye-glare
tmpfri full
tmkwiri roll, wrap
tmqw£ni break
tm?amgi capsize
tm?ori full
tmyu'li sweeten
tni’gi still, quiet

tnlri agitate
tna’kpa (small) level field, meadow
tp lk white oak
tpx*pi rest, settle, see tnl‘0- ?
tp^* yesterday (SEY)
tpe*pi sit, keep still
tliwliw

heuneil ytxwo tllwliwi I'm going to cry

tlahpi tired
pldha?! I'm tired
tlpu road runner
tlk«clm horned
tlwa*yga ?nu* we're getting married
tye lie v. (falsehood)
tydyi (plural)
tyd' near

tyd *g i

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 tyd*mi desert v.
ty^(•)6 corn

tyupi face v.
tyupi

tyd6 relative; 'friend'

tyu* 6a

tyuwpa edge, horizon

twl•mi rest v.

ttwl*ni pushed on bone (?)

twarpi lazy

twami carry
twami cover, smother
tw^yi distant

twa•yi

twpd* pi preserve

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 362
Loanwords
tarple shawl < tdpalo
tom£•ta tomato < tomate
tfc*mlpka ?siti one week < domingo
th&rha*r?i work < trabajar

Loanwords

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 td* intensifier

td* pd*ld*yi ugly person

td* did:0m ?wd*ma ?ndkm I'll skip over parts of it

tu* dr?u*yk ??xm I'm joking

tu* £wdr§i/£wdr0a ?dmk cheap

yd {3km

tu* kedm ?spokm I know a little

tu* kada maca lunch

td* qdfia mdda

td’kpimipm a few

tu* kyo*pi nothing

td* ?pd*km I was walking

td• ?pd *k ?pd *km I got here walking

td* pyd pk*tyd*mkm he deserted them

td* pqdwp?! it breaks

td* ?spdpk (p)pdk ?wd*km I'm just sitting here waiting

td* hihdl gydk kydimpha everything around

td* mipka ?si*ti one week < domingo

td* mpdqpdq qpimd* that long ago you were slender

td* p6ma?p6ma countless

td* pyd*fi(o)k use v.

td * ldwa ldwk beyond one thousand

td* lhlldl?lfca flute

td* yh??£m I'm just saying that

td* yk*swdrpi p0d ??d*mfckm (on vacation) it was very

pleasant over there (where

I went)

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 td* (continued)

td* ydfci be always

td* mpydfik p&*mnhmdrpi always be good to people

td* wdqw<5*q?ikm growl

td* pyd*£k puflyd all the time

td* kk{3yd*6m some other time

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 365
Si
S

Si* lay, put

?Sf' fish n.

kSi step v.
kSiSi mya'mi step it upl
?oSI embers , coal
SSI mother n.
sSi sweep
Sipa split
Spha

Sit a

SI *ta mother n.

SiSi suck
kSI *Sgi steals

Sikw£'0gi wrestle

wi* skcl*gi precipice

pcie?i kiss

ham&leki sneeze

Sihuhi whistle
Si *li falls asleep (arm, leg)

hicl'la nit

Silqi, see Sdlqi defecate

ci'ri shave
Si

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 6§* put away (SEY)

p64(•) daughter (man speaking)

p6&*ya (plural)

66* pi heal
q was6em(?) i admires a lover (woman speaking)

66lqi defecate
6ilqi

66lqa feces

?u-p fiahma* chew tobacco

?wi*pak6ak£pa Black Canyon

p6k kwa*k?i?i yawn v . , cf. gallop
Pal... s6a he owes
q66q666a tickle

s6£ put up

hapfiaC*) mano
hcip?6£

nfia* first cousin

tn6l•6a (plural)
ha6a: Milky Way
pa6a:6a clan, family

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 («k-)(?)q wari clearing; desert
6&- pour
6yaz, 6 ha:
hcil£at<5 polish, cf. smooth
yu*efiati almost (SEY)

6h6a'6i sprinkle, pour on

ku&soficl6a rainbow

V * v /
caqcag drip
{}£aq?l drop
kfccugi leak

?6mc5aq termite

mSaqi choke on food

scaqi split
«&*|Ji eat up

on (top), above
SS:pk on top of
£&:hk

6k *?he

Sasca'sa pifion jay, blue jay

kcasa catclaw acacia

w i •kcasa smooth cliff -»■ Four Peaks
hwa:lkcasca broken-off pine (Pin)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 fiahani paint v.
pfiam?e throw away

6i*mi mistake, misdeed

£-y£*mi (?)

6&*pe on top

hftdp girl, daughter

wl*6kl£cl*l?e ridge, boulder

pfia*r?i shout nearby

mfia•yi hungry

- 66 ' suffix: place where

- 66'
66- set down
6ybm (variants)
2w6*

s£<5 pluck

coqa juniper, cedar

66 ' pi fight
6£*w0i (plural)

p66pi jump into

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 369
£u
fiupi eat something mushy

tpfiu-pi arc-shaped

ha{Jcu*li blow with mouth

kculki small ditch shaped

sculgi stick in

?£hii*ri winter

?Shtfra year

-6tora£ti*r

hu*e£u*ra£u*ra plant for hummingbird

efiur?i insert on object (thread into

needle)
£urka walnut

fipe (.*) reach, cover

Cpd*pi blanket
£peqi hoe v.
fcph£ split
ttipa

iipa* sprout; get out

fipan plant species
£p£ya

?Sp£ya animal
6pu(*) insert many objects bank

£p

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 cpu*£i hibernate

Spuki cover with dirt while planting

spuki

£ta

£fta mother

£ta(*Sa) father

Sttfhi spit

£££ mother

Cfipllviii survey, measure

fittdipi put on ground (rug)

sttA:pi

ttttd'yi step on

fikydti knife, ax

fikyd(*)sa base of skull

ttky<5 bite
fik«6

iSky^* push

ttk4*

fike * push

fikYe*

£k£*pa cousin

£k£*mi wide

fikpa* mount

?fikmtu melon

m&tk£kmi-ya valley

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 (?)wi’3k6*li many rocks

£kl?ulki make a fist

6kr6ti short
£kwdri laugh

fikwcl:ri (plural)

v / ft , *» V, _ ,
cpe*pi cackwa*yi saddle blanket
6k»A put/ lay many objects
S W l lung(s)

&(k)k«f ask

£kpfti peep
fikpef* climb
£kmf * creek

fiknana stink bug

iqn^na

ttknd * command

£krc5ti short

8qn?oni fold once

£tqn?oni fold repeatedly

Pciqwusmx gulp

£qwati uncover

£?in?i‘ni shake, (earth)quake

6?a*mpi gather (acorns)
&?£(li come out

?lwi.S?ur Indian paintbrush (plant)

-fip-

P^Sp- we (multiple plural)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 £pG*yi sift, separate seed
6p k 6 cup (ears)
5pe£* liver
6we£• (SEY)

&0SO* rib
fiwso* (SEY)

fipnpepi carry many objects

£mnpe*pi

£pp£*yi chew -*■ scissors

imp ay i

ipiwi measure v.
ipiwa'qi take out (many horses)
iprari lift
ipyami

kwk *ipyami automobile

&0lli poker stick
£@iqi sucks blood
60 a£?i sift
£0atpi round, bowl-like back
c0u(* )li wash

?c?c0u*li wash repeatedly

cOpali^ tie
d0p^li2 suck, chew (cud)

£0kwampa cotton
?£sd bird

wi *ktsawa Superstition Mountain

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 373
£s
£skwe[ sated
fismSypa cousin
fihani paint, smear
fihari avenge
£hk&pi canyon
£hm&: eat dry, powdered substance

(parched corn)
£hwapi smallpox
£m£* lay long object (down, across)
££ml£i furrow v.
£mirmlri straight
?wa£ml£a nation, tribe
6ml *ya female
£ma*li rake
£mayi plate
£mpappa kidney
£mpa*wa (SEY)

£mpuk manzanita
&nkw£la yellow palo verde
£msl (elder) sister (man speaking)
&nh6 (“)pa taraiso
-fimyala

mkt&myala adobe
fimmyaipa packed into shape
fimpayi chew
mpe tasty
£myril red or fire ant
£m

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 374
£m
fimwiipi determined
&mw&‘6a spleen
5n^(*)li lose, drop
finahpdka black ant (small, brown)
hpiifcpi (• }kpa bow
stuym fipAlkpi middle is hollow, cf. dust
p6la:ik lightning sound
05la*£la*?ik

?khwa£rlipr&*pi kerosene can turned inside out

to make tortillas
myh *15r&pr&*pa tortilla
5lwa*qki

mwe*mm p5lwa*qki comes out in the spring

£r?u*yi joke, tease
6ya *ka bone
£yali paint
fiyaipi painted
6ya*ipi face paint
s5y5qi (s)mash, squash
6yuti rub straight
£5yu*ti (iterative)

C?)ha5wa sand, gravel

5w£*wi scatter

fiw&hapa miser
fiwarpi cheap
5 w c ty i swing

5w

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 £w&(*)ypi swing
fiwo brick -*■ cheese
see also 56*

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 376
?£-
?£-

?£pdya animal
?fi.. .fidrrai make a mistake

?£.. .fieCfli repeatedly

? £ . . .IHci* eat

?fi...pe hunt

?£...pdri intelligent

?£...peqi hit, beat

?£?dyi binoculars

?£pndmmi needle
?£hmikm energetic-

?£hndpa sickness, disease

?fihn<5ga

?fih«d war

?£hwd*yi hostilities
?£hwa (•yk)himddi war dance
?Shwdyk ky<5* (8i) peace no more fighting

?£kfif£pa thief

?Skhd:p£6 store

?fikkd*p£i money

?£kmtd watermelon

?£kmtd ?qwd e a ■

?fikmtd td* qwdea kd&a cantaloupe

?fikmtd ?qwdea ?kwipa casaba

?fi(k)knd;pa messenger

?£(k)knd:p£a
?£-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 377

?£- (continued)

?bknwi*ra cook n.
?ftkpd hunter (Prn)
?£kdrea once upon a time, a long time

ago
?fikd:r0k

?bkyo*b diver or chicken hawk

?ikyAka ancient
?6kydka?pA:6a ancient people -*• Hohokam
?6kyd*kta legend
?6md* eat

?imdii a few eat

?imipa food
?6mS56 restaurant
?imdiii 9p£ri table is hard
?inw£•rb? kitchen

?6nw£rio

?ipdri intelligent
?£p&ypwd animal's abode
?ip4qi hits
? i q wdea
?ir&pi sick
?iri* doll
?isd bird
?isd ld*wi (plural)

?is^ kwlla mockingbird

•> 6-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 76- (continued)

?fiskwili sew NEY

?6skwi*li needle SEY
?fie£: qyati drinks too much
?sw&li I drink too much
?£S£lwf*km I measure
(?)£[Link]*na walking stick (insect)
h wky£*wi enemy strikes

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 379

6a--
6a •- 'top'

6&-?he on top

6&:hk on top
£cL:0k on top
6£*h6 top; roof

6ct*pk ?6m&y6i they devour it

?hciici*pk y£ki float, swim

?hk6&:pk y&ki

?hk6&*pk y£ki

tii*6a:0m ?wama ?nukm I'll skip over these

fid’hk 6kwa-yi put on top

6k?hw£yi w a r , battle
6k?w£ri insist

6k,htkmti crawl

6&td-ti

fiklhil burp

6£k61 step on

6kk6l6i

p k •6a:6a clan, family

6k6a*6i sprinkle

6£i6a6?l squirted on

p d ‘p6*6S6?l handkerchief on top: John

Charger (popular etymology)

?pdp 6&6a-6i

?hcric6a*6pa water thrown on top

6&6kwd•yi saddle v .
6a--

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 6a*- (continued)

£ci£kw&ya saddle n.

6im su*si sprinkle

Ccun£a *6i pour on
c&mSaki splash

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 381
kYe
kY

fileYe* push

fike*

kva* shoot
-kvat break; cut

tkvati cut with an ax

tkva'tm ??a*pi hit with an ax

y&*p*kY&ti?l out of breath

fikYati cut with a knife
sakYati cut with an ax

skYata breastbone
kYd(*)pi luck

fikY^(*)sa base of skull

?ltpkvala forked post

?l:tpky&la branch: comes away from tree

-kYay-

GkYayi light (in weight)

ekYaypi break
0kYa*yi shatter

pekY&*ypi crack (egg)

«kv<5 bite

*kw<5

salklkYo(yi) hobble
kYo

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 382
kYo
klkY6pi tie around an object
kVifOli long

kYu

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 383
ki
k

tki add
tk4

hamkkl killdeer

(?)ki’kawi I meet
kifi little
kefi little
k45 little
qd6 little
kikv6(hi) klkyd hobble
kklski slippery
kihip&:£m tonight
kip- a kinship term
klpa great-grandchild
kl:pa great-grandchildren
klpa younger cousins (pi.)
kpa* younger cousins (pi.)
k i ’pa younger cousins (pi.)

matkl (.•) la wide earth

tke adds
tki

ki

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 384
ke

p&khke' ford v.

6ke* push

khke ‘ across

hike* carry something heavy

hiko
(P)ke*...(?tim-) negative cf. French ne...(pas)
pke? where
ke£, see kx£

?khw&sake0a pick n.

kske*pa ?wa tent

?i*k^9wi we got here

kehkeh cough

kSk^pa glass
k0k£po

kela younger sibling

ke* la (plural)

ke

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 385
ka

kap&mka grasshopper

kampAmka

ka(h)tata porcupine
k thata

kaqwar?e. ksk?Ita corner (outside)

-ka

?i*nka soon, again; wait]

m h S (*)mka hello1
mhamko: halloo1
ka(p) what? how?

kA?sf:ti each one

?kappi many sitting (SEY)

kap£l

pape *la paper < Spanish papel

k&fi-, see kifi

kakara rooster's sound

£ka* pa mother's brother's sons/father's

sister's sons; cousins (m.s.)

-k^§

??x*mtkappi gather wood

w i :tkapk collecting money

p&*tk&pka hour

ka

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 386
ka
?pa*p£ ka§km somebody came

y&ska0i bridle: pin up, button, close

?wl p&k£&kapa Black Canyon
yuri sakh4ppi button
pkap?l hit bull's eye noon
-kd*m-

ktka*ma two people passing across

(Prn m.)
m£tk kfika:ma world, earth;
m£tk £ka*mi country, wide area
?6skapi match

skara glide

ka*rkk£*rk rock back and forth

pirhk&ya different, opposite •* bridge,

ford
w&yka*y{3i beautiful
(.?)ki •kdwi I meet
ko-

koyufi- continue
kotiS gopher
-k H6

?kho pinon, pinenut

?kh5yi

-kh6*

(?)k h6* daughter's child

(?)kh6*£a (plural)
nk6 great-grandmother; greataunt
ko

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 i*k6 carry in hand
hapk6 frog

kpk6 block, cup (ears)

kopk6•p beat (heart)
pkdpi fence

kkpko* pi shield
kdmpi ball

(?)wl*iik6*li many rocks

k&rkd•r

?kwe *6k6rko•ri dice

pa?kora son (man speaking)

?kura son (man speaking)
kor?e? (vocative)
kola mother's mother

ko*la (plural)

kap ku*ck(?)e where (SEY)

nkupe•ya husband's father

kku* bird that goes "ku:"
-kup

?hahela ktkupa river narrows

w i •ktkupa sides almost come together
(?)kula jackrabbit
kur long

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ktira long ago
kurm very far
?6kureS once upon a time
?iku:r9ci a long time ago
kpit turtle
6kpl’ti peep, peek
kpi*la clover
kpa’rpa satisfied Prn m.
ktohi kick
ktti pounding stone
ktka:ma two passing across (Prn m.)
kt?5rga top of hill
ktp«S

m&tktplkpa narrow, level land by mtn.

kteukpa curved
ktnx(*) p i gentle -► Grace (Prn)
ktnS*kpa small level land
kfif step down

kftx*?sxti one foot (measurement)

mk£x£e myd'mi step it up
fi£ik«6, ££k£xfii step on

k£x:£i steal
kfix'ftpi

?£kfixfipa thief
wi'skfil*pi precipice

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 wl*p&kfiaka|3a Black Canyon
wl*ktkupa gully: sides almost comes
together
k£i:sa Mescalero <Cochise?
k&asa catclaw acacia
hwk:l kfi^sfia broken-off pine (Pin)
kd£qi leak v.
kfculki small ditch
k£pko*0i shield

kkpko'pi

hkmkkl killdeer

kklski slippery
kka *pi beg

(? )ki •kawi I meet

kku: bird species (onomatopoeia)
kql’rpa straight line
kqaqi leak, cf. drip
kqwdQ rifle

sik?Ita pointing

k?x(s)1-

k?ila rough sides (Pin)

?wi*k?I:la mountain

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 390
k’
?h&k?ama river
k?5ri narrow ->• high wall
k?6ra ball -*■ tomato
k?oya crown of head cock's comb
k?owya

k?it* basket, plate

k?upo kfi&qi leak v.
k?iilka swarm (of bees)
-k?d*l-

sk?u:la hnaqia beads

sk?u*la (singular)

sklk?hani right hand

kp^*pi pray, ask for

w&kapari like, love

kpt«£* big
kot6 (SEY)

kpk5 block
?l*kpkoppa corral
?1* pkdpa fence

kpskwI* standing

kph£pi tight
kpnawi carry heavy objects < no(*)

tu* kpimipm a few

k?

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 391

kG
k e i : yi (Indian) doctor

kGye:
mikGa heel
kG&q burden basket
ke£r dog
ke£*ri left
... ke6(*) when...
kGpali tie
kGpaipi knot
kGkepa glass
kepii'n hole -*■ oven
kG?e: (a) drink (made) from berries
k(i)9ye* doctor cf. kGisyi
kGwarpi perforate (ears)
ksik?Ita corner

kslksl?lta

??i’ksiPa hwe*0a cross, crucifix

wkks&ipa wall

kske’pa ?w& corner

kaqu ar?e ksk?Ita outside corner

ksnakpa gap: saddle-like

khima&a dancers
(m)ikhi scrape, cut skin out

kh

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 392
kh

?ckhe:{3co store
kherpa Prn given to one too lazy to

walk
khlpa follower
khcipsu(w) a turquoise

k (?)hana right; good

khk£*(p)i (a)cross

khp6*yi

ma: t£ khpo'yi body is feverish

khti•la

mya•khti•la heaven
kh@I:la wide-spread

khld, see klho boat, canoe

khluwipa pulled out

0a{3a khyarpa Kirkland

kmi* bring, deliver
kml*, cry for somebody
pkml:km cries to be brought along

?1*tml’yi ocotillo: sad plant (?)

m^t£kml•ya valley

sakmaka/skmaka skunk

kimahwfrpi loin cloth

km

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 393
km

salkma:rpa fingers

hit^atk kmpti:l|3a camel: humpback (dromedary)

?ckmtu watermelon

w i ’km?er{}a ridge

kms&*rpa toes: small things sticking out,

cf. sal

kmyi*

?l*kmi*ye ~ ?lkmye* ocotillo

kmya'ypa the moaner

kmwa’fti kill many

?kwfe*kxnwa*fii poison

?pk •krnwa *fii massacre

?pk‘kmwa:fifii massacre v. pi.

knl’li stirrups
dkn^* command

s&l?&kn&:mo index (i.e. pointing) finger

sala ?£kna:mi

(?)dhwakkna*ma walking stick (insect)

kna* pi tell

kp&pa slight rise in land

kpl’ya mother-in-law
kn

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 394
kp
knl:fia (plural)

kpltfia

skp?5ka elbow
klum?i limp (from arthritis, rheuma-

qlumi tism)

sklpdyi hug

klkYoyi tie around -»■ jail

mpu*kl?ut tarantula
k?dlki round -*■ beads
klho boat

khlo

yuklme: eyebrow
klma: arms, buttocks
dkroti short
pad pa'Skrotkm I am short

y a (•)kru(•)pm pi thirsty

k h!fakrwisa hammer

ml:t hiQkyetk the whole body

ky

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 pa?ma:t ?i0kye*tk my whole body

kya*(ya) gray hair

?hkkya*£a bubbling water (Pin)
hmapkyo vinagrillo (plant species)
kyo* nothing; no noise .

?£kyftka ancient
?Skyu*kta legend

p6dl kur kyuwaha I was coming way back

kwi dove
sakwlta pigeon

kw i (*)6i distribute
fisakwila mockingbird
kwi*ya owner

kwe* back; down south

kwi*ha situated (found in Pins)

kwa* cicada

nistkwilka scorpion: out of shape

nl •stkwalka

nikwiyk ?hwati it's rusty

kwi’wi talk

kwa*wi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 396
k wi

kwyufik hw^li transplant

(?)kwi cloud

ki (in compounds)

(?)kwI*yi cloudy
kwi* weave, intertwine

-kwi

(?)?e*pkkwI I listen

i*kwiei catch/ grab, hold on

0kwi* squeeze, wring (out)

myula k wklskwlskwl candy cane

Pskwi (*) stand up

?ha*ktkwI* pa Black Canyon: cottonwood

lined along banks

kwinfii soften (buckskin)

?w&sk«ini lock; doorknob

smukwlna gruel

mwdra smk«Inpa cream of wheat;, gravy

?k«ipi wrinkled

Gkwlpi

(?) hat (?)k wIla wolf; mountain lion

■kwi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 397
k wi
tkwi •lpi

qe£mtkwI*lpk m?e* give me a little!

pk*.tkwI*lpi late
[Link]«iipi

?£skwIli sew (SEY)

cmkwIla yellow palo verde
k wlrkw£r spinning

mcithikwIra whirlwind

smkwI ’rpi jealous (male)

k«irpa rolled up, coiled, twined

tmkwIri wrap

k wIwi stretch v.
?kwe* See something

?kwe*yi thingamajig

kw^pea which?
(?)kw^*e which?
kwe*pb thing

kw^ra mother's brother

k w4*ra (plural)

kwas9&a5a rainbow

Sa£kwaya qrwl’sa pommel

Safikw&ya qrwl*sa
k uack alongside of
ukwa feel like

k«a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 398
k wa

ok W«J

p?okkw£ I'm sweating

(?)khw£{ See metal, iron, knife

k wci horn

kw&pa horned

kwa Indian spinach

kwaki open
q waqi

k«£kpi opened

kwakp?i open slowly

pkua*kgakwa:kga?i gallop
k«^:qa deer

0kwa* pi wide

C?)kw^0i brown, cf. yellow

ta?kwa*6pa toast

60 k wampa cotton

P0kwa:mkwa:m?i soft: "when you touch it, it

goes in"

tkwani thrash

skwa*ni peel v.

hide, buckskin

k wal2 reddish, pink rust

?i*kwala plant species: a bush
kwa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 399

k wa
skwala large hawk

k«al (?)

?sma: ?kwcil I want to go to sleep

(?)kwara red clay

k uari bind (a baby)

k war05i swaddled
tkwari smoke (a pipe),
?kwa*y khuphupa level of trees (?)

skwayi mix, turn food in pan

0kwayi light in weight

skwa*yi (W.G.)

k wawa mother's father

k wa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 400
k wb •-
?kw|s*-

?ku£* pm wi-pi wear clothes

?kwfe*6kork6* ri dice

?k«fe*fikviti knife

?kw& *h w&lkm££a vegetable

?ku&*kmw£*£i poison

?kwfe*kn&*pfia story

?kw&*ph£t£a livestock

k w&*r4 toy
?ku&r£ya

?kwfe*s?<5nfia flag

?kw& ’skwi*ni key

?kwfe*t?dspi motion pictures

?kufe*t?iSmi drum

?kw&*th£p?i£i checkers

?kw&*y&6 h w&li sow seed

k«fe*?^*fii kw&*hm Christmas

kwfe*..,e6* eat
kw^*?e6k Weil?£• km I want to eat

?kw^*kap?l(*)fia ??6*pk I hear tell that...

?yiun

kwfe*kkpytifia kkppmlwa whatever you say

kw&*tpurt?tipa motion pictures

kwfe*tdyi mortar

kufe*6ehnftaha wrongs we do
k “fe*fid*mkm one makes mistakes

kwe*~

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 401
k w&*-
?kw4*- (continued)

k w&*££yi jar
kw^*«pyAmi automobile
k w&*£mpdya chewing gum

kw&*hqis hq£s(?)£a fiddle, violin: rub back and

forth

kw^*h«dli plant v.

k wfe*kqlv^pha pci’mty^’mo take the bad away from us

k w&*mdpa ?khw£*pi yd*wa can food v.

kw&*m£pa twpftspi preserve food

kw^*m466’ dishes

?£m&i£i

k w&*me£:rp?i£a net

kwe*m0Bk w&lmi*y£? do you want to eat?

k we*pi*km p?e* gift

k we* pmiya hair, fur

k we*p6 thing

k we*p^ya fruits, nuts

k we*qiy^,ypa p££m?e garbage, trash

(?)kw^ ,mapa food

(7)kuk mmi6a.

k w£*s&ya phiya grease

k wfe*shyelra table

kwfe*sp6 ?umi stupid

kw£*t&psa flower, blossom

kw^»e6pa meat; game

k we*-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 402

k w& '
?kw&*~ (continued)

k w&*w£la feather
(?)kw&:wi*pi wear clothes

kwe*-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 403
k hw&-
?khwk metal, iron; knife

?khwa la*wi metal, iron; knife (plural)

k hwktlrtir?a imHyi plate

k hw&ttq[q]a*j3a nail, cf. 'hit'

k hw£Smclyi spoon

k hwkfippayi scissors

k hwk£mp&ya

k hwcUSkY&ti knife

khw^SfikYati
k hwk£rkprd*pi kerosene can turned inside-

out to make tortillas

?khw&ktu*ta blacksmith: bang v.

?khw^k?6 : plate

khwkkrwisa hammer

?khw&*pm ?l*pk6pa metal fence; barbed wire

khw^kp?amma engine: 1iron runner'

khw^epriya manhole

(?)khwcisulsula window: "metal like water"

(?)khw&shls<5la + drinking glass

?hae i •ya/?h&e £ *yi

(?)khw^sli (* )yi frying pan

khw&swa’ri phonograph

khu^swi'ri musical instrument

khw^swa*ro

?khw£sak§pa pick n.
k hw&-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 404
k hw&-
?khwk (continued)

k^wei(h)mdt bucket
?khwcuniwo make instrument cry -► rock

music

(?)khw£ms£rpa fork
?khw&yuyi eyeglasses
?khwciwiyi metal chair

kfcw^_

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 405
qi

mlqi neck
?s&* tqipi evening: getting dark

?s&* tqgpi

qlrqlri . rub hard against

mktqi*s plant sp.
Pqlrq£r?i giggles

kqlr{3a straight line

?q£*ra ditch, furrow
(3£lqwusml gulp

gfiiqlwusml

Pqeqe?! it1s sticky

q e (*), qaya dusty, sticky

ptqepl?! dusk

see k£6, k£6, qd£-, little

kai, k6fi (?)

qaqwarhe outside

qa (*)p&pqa bat

qampApqa

(?)q£ta sunflower

(hi*way) sqata chest

skyAta

qAc, see qdc-, etc. •little'

halqwa*wa qiicqdca Japanese

qaqd*qa Hohokam ghosts

qa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 (p)q&qp?i crack like a watermelon
kqaqi leak, cf. drop

khwkttq[q]a*pa nail, cf. hit

qaei shout

pqdhpk lightning sound

pqkhpqah?ik

pqami stab, cf. shove

?hdtqqami spurs: little kicks

sqami shoves quickly

q&wi broken, break in two

sqawa egg

qqori qawqaw?ikm fox goes X

Pqana’k whine

Pq6pqop?i caved in (mining shaft)

pydl Pqdt?a?Imi fall down there

qo£q<55 6a tickle

qoloydwa chicken, < qallina

q5ri swing, rock
qqdr fox

tqdr (W.G.)

hapqtdr poppy

qfi?5*li round (watermelon)

q£?<5ri round (marbles)

ski q£qe*fia little finger; fingers

sklkttki*da

hp&q?ilrka pistol

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 myal q?ora biscuit
Pqpo:?1 growl
Pqw5* ?i

q6aq basket on back

qOpali tie up
kBpali

wi*?qsa agate
qsaq crow
qsamta mushroom
qs6pa mole (on skin)
mktqmotql mound
qmoti moundr shaped
qm5:sa mistletoe
qmpaya brain(s), head
qmwi’rxna old woman
q6mwi*rma (plural)
sqmwi*ra ankle
Pqna* whine
(?)qnu mud
qnu*pi muddied

qnuyi muddy

6qn?5ni fold once

qnmo: duck n.
qnwl * side, temple, cheekbone
qpima* not long ago
?qpu*ra sotol, cf. poppy

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 408
qr>
qpii:r

pql«£- croak; scream for help

qlumi limp (from arthritis,

rheumatism)
klum?i

hklsqra’pi naked, cf. flat

qrye: clear (water)

£kfikwa*ya qrwl*sa pommel

6kfikua*ya qrwl*sa

salqrwi:sb (SEY) wrist, forearm

♦
qlA<5 (*) bad -+> dislike
q lA c i (* )yi

[Link]-i very, really -»• rich, much

qytirqi small ditch, furrow
qwawa hair, scalp

mn£tn£ qwd*qw6*?l diarrhea: stirred up

Pqwo*?l growl

pqp5(*)?l

•qw

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 409
q wi
qw

mqwi0 flying squirrel

q wi0qwfe beak, bill
q wirqwir

mtqwI *sa plant species

qwini still (water); lukewarm

qwiri sharp, pointed

?wasqwir(p)qwIrpa corner

hu*qwlrquIra beak

qwas£em(?)i admire a lover (woman speaking)

nqwa crane

q wati burn

tqwati light, kindle

quaqi shatters, open v.t.

k waki

pqwdqpi busted
q waqpqwaqgi busted up

q w^qpi open (a wound)

?qw^;ka deer

qw^:qa

k^atqa

qwakta cow
qw§ta Verde Valley (G.M.)
(?)qwa0i yellow, cf. brown

q wa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 410
q wa
?qw£si (W.G.)

qqwAe rifle

kqwa0a cracking sound

mqwani finely pounded

(?)qwdr- outside, desert; bald, nothing

mktkqwa* rm?e

hmapqwar?i cradle

sqwar?i stirred up (-♦■ diarrhea)

sqwa:r(?)i

fiqwati uncover

q wa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 411
qwakta
qwakta 'cow'

qwaqta

qw5ta Verde Valley dialect (G.M.)

qw£kta papi barbecue a cow

q wdkta £hani smear meat
?quakta6awwa calf
?qwcikta£&wa

q w£kta0awa mst heifer

qwaktas£ya fat on cattle

qw£ktahma*y y<5pa castrate

q uaktahmapa bull

q waktahmappa bull

qu£ktahii*kpte* buffalo

q waktaphaya soup

qwaktapml’ya cowhide

q wSktapmSya cow's milk, butter

q waqtapma *ya6wopa cheese

q wakt§iyu* 1 rawhide, leather; shoe string

q w£ktayu*l ?h£t siqi whip n.

quakta

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 412

?i

.??£• See wood

?l*pk6pa fence
?lwlla grass
?l*hmi(*)ya acorn
?i? noi stop! listen! (interjection)
?I

mt?Ini stop it!

h wI?l what?
?i*nka soon, again, wait

?£ C*) say

??£ Is: I say

mi 2 s : you say

?£ 3s s one says
”?i "goes," says (sound made by X)
mu* ?1 moos

?iwo teach by saying

?£*wo

lCtllCll?:E£a ??I*wok I play the fife

psu’spi ?I*wo squirt
raktha’t p<i:lk?l?l dust

mktmun?i autumn
pmeap?Ik& dawn
phipa?Im begins to get dark, evening

?i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 6hps&*r?l£a whooping cough

?x* want

yx*

k w&* ?65kwal ?xkm I want to eat

ksxksx?xta corner

ksk?xta outside corner

ksik?Ita pointing
hcuns?x{3 bulrushes

?xn?xn move, shake, quake

??x:la thread < hilo

??i-la worm

??x:la (plural)
??x:li steep, precipitous, deep

k?i*la canyon

k?xla rough sides (Pin)

k?xr?xra butte; stem (on pipe)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 414

??/• wood, tree

??i:
?l*p&* ?Ipi hit with wood

??Ispm pa*?a:p£i strikes with a club

??i*p6qp6qa digging stick

??i *tapstctps?I£a wood rattle

?l*t&*sa

??I* tkappi gather wood

??I: tqwatdi they light the wood

??i:tqwatfia firewood

?i:tpkvkla branch: comes away from tree

?ltpkylla forked post

?lwila hcipsu(w)a ttnAskpa meadow

wllh&psu tn&kpi

wilah&psua ktn&*kpa

wllh&psu(w) ttna:nkpi

?l*fikyat(a) ?wl*ykm I own an ax

?l*kpk5p(:)a

??l*kslpa hw£*pa wooden cross, crucifix

?l*kml*yi ocotillo: 'sad plant'

?l*kmye*

?l*kwala plant species, a bush

??l*p6fia wagon

?l*pk6pa fence

?l*0mAqa kindling wood

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 415
•?i*_
??i* (continued)

??l*shyarpa myala £a*nk The bread is on the table,

wakm

?isoma* medicine^ cf. root, sinew

?ismS

?isma*

??l*sw5 barrel

?l*hml(*)ya acorn

?i*hmi(*)y tlpa acorn meal

?i*hml(*)ya t£ppa

?i*hml(*)ya t&m£a

?i*hml(*)ya mqwdna

?i*hml*ya tapa

?i*hmf tilrpi lots of acorns (Pin)

?i*hml*ya £?a*mpi gather acorns
?l*hml*ya qyatkm there are plenty of acorns

?l*hml*ya phaya acorn soup

?lmel(*) greasewood

??l*msma' root

(?)?l-pu* weed, clean out, soften ground

??l:pdt* I garden

? l py&ki bed

?iwlla grass

?iwil grass
?iwllpeqi hoe n.

?iwxl fipeqi hoe v.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 416

??i* (continued)

?iwlla fia’pe shydipkm leaves floating on water

?iwxl tp^qi weeds sprout out
?lwxl sma*lkpi leaf out
?iwll lu*pi weed out
?l*wiyi wooden chair

?l*w&*yi ?wak?yiun I'm sitting in a chair (W.G.)

?i*way k&*rkk&*rk?i££ rocking chair: back and forth

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 iO- (prefix)

ipdri learn, become accustomed,

know (a language)

i (•)ptik nape

i ’keGwi we got here

i*k6 carry in hand

i*kh£ scrape, cut out skin

i*kwi0i catch, grab

i(-)p6- be first, in front

i*pii*ri drowsy

ma:t hiGkyetk whole body

pa?ma:t ?i0kyetk my whole body

iha *ni tame, break in (horse)

ima dance

impesqi ?
kQkepa imp&sqk ?fini*lkm I dropped the glass. It

slipped out of my hand

impu(*)la forehead

i*wa(*)ya heart j chest

/
X
?£ say

?e’ml say yes 1

?e?mlh

?eml that is so

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 mlyl say it again]

k w& ’kkgyufia k&gpmlwa whatever you say

mi* ha say it]

it/yi- want
?hankm glwlkm ml:yi If you want, it is good.

-i ~ -e* (instrumental/agentive)
k hwci6ayi spoon

kei:yi doctor
kGye*

-1 ?

pk:g?alkl sun rising

q w&6pii’?Ikl throwing out rays

-i- ~ -y- (plural; repetitive action)

miyl say it again!

?£m&i£i dishes

myula k w&lskwIskwI Christmas (candy cane

maifii kwa’hm eating time)

?ya*s Goiii kwa’hm Thanksgiving (turkey eating time)

?£hwa, ?fihwa*yi war

?kh5y khorga piflon hills: Prescott Heights

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 419
’e
7e

?e* give
?e*£i

?e*ml give (away from speaker)

kwe*kk ??6 I give back
kefim m?epi give me a little I

k w&*p6*km gift giving

p?e*km I give you

p?e*ki give to speaker

wi: tkapk ??e*£akm two or three collecting money

and giving it to somebody

??e deep; thick, dense

77 Ayi (plural)
?e? yes

?e*ml, ?e?ml say yes 1

?eml that is so
k9?e: a drink made from berries
hal?e shining
?fe*- (prefix)
?fe*m6la get even

...yi* love (singular subject)

?a*yl* < ?ay...yi* love (plural subject)

?fe*?yf I love

?S*pi(yi) she loves me

?fe’pl*kni I love you

we love each other

’e

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ?e* ?i£X:&pi we love each other
?&yi*{3i very lovely

?&*yi*pa ?umi not pretty

molyipi sorry, sad
m6l?&yipi

pk*m6liml:yl feel sorry for usl

pk*m&l?^mi:yi

?&*pi hear
ya... ?^pi understand

-?el-

t?eli bitter
0?ela sour? -»■ orange
h?el louse
wi*km?erpa ridge
-?e (locational suffix)

kaqwar?e outside
m&tkqw^*rm?e desert

wi*£alfi^*l?e ridge; boulder

mi:pk?e after
mya* (k) kf3a:pm?e pray to God
Pcam?e thrown away -»■ garbage

pk* pka©?& noon

pk*pka6?l

p&*pka©£

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 421
e
e

-<§? (interrogative suffix)

ykmru^S? are you thirsty?
~ (y)e (instrumental suffix = -i)
mktsapeye shovel
?hktphes£i*yi horsetail broom
?6skapi match

kw&’Spy&mi automobile
-e (= -i (?))
humape like a child's

p?6me end, edge

£a*pe on top of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 422
’a
?a

??a saguaro (cactus)

?a interjection: hush! listen!
?a£

ki?5& hail
ki?5«

?dpi hit, strike

?£-pi

?d:pi

?l*pk*?a0i hit with wood

pci*?api club

??I:pm p^*?ii:pfii strike with a club

ha?a*ppi jealous
?amapa ripened and dried by the sun
?^lhati greedy
?$n§hmirPkm 1 am kind
?ami place across
?a*mi pass v.
wa?amci visit
k hwak0?amma engine: iron runner
t?ami cover, patch, close, stop up;

catch, cup
t?amPa closed, shut
t?ami cup (the hand)
s?dmi close (a door)
?a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 423
’a
fi?ci*mpi gather (acorns)
k?am(3a ridge

k?a*mpa range
m&tk?ampaha Verde Valley
s?cbni close (a door)

yuri s?dmmi button

tm?ampi capsize
?a*li swell, swollen
p?a*ipi ?Imi go outward
pa*(£)p?£:li sun rise slowly
£?cCli comes out, climbs
sa?&ri peep, peek (in/out)
sa?a*ri sell
sa?a(*)ra store
?r-/r-, ?ar-

?ar?iS’yi/?r?uyi glad, proud

?ar... y6 glad, proud; thankful, happy
?hrye one is happy

?kry£km

?hrjy6km I'm happy, thank you

?kra ?ye*km

ma'c armye are you happy?

?ar§i ?y£:ikm we thank you
?awa, ?a*wa son's child (sg., pi.)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 424

-a

mdcpfci mkwd:w£a (W.G.) you (pi.) may speak, it's

your turn to speak.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 425
’o
?o

??5 fire

?&• cave
?uyd

?wi*y£

?o6I embers, coal

?6hwaya smoke
?&m££q termite
P?6 sweat
?6sak6 place of shadow (from tree or

mountain)
?o*p ?raj3i I'm not so fine (W.G.)
?5*£i catch, take

yo*£i

skp?oka elbow
P?o*q...1 be quick; dart across

P?o*qmi (imperative)

?ohi cough

p?om-

p?6me end, edge

p?omi last

msl kp?6*ma last woman (Prn)

?oni trap

?61:s?6ni fish v.

?hct*ks?6npa cottonwood about to fall,

hanging there (Pin)

?o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 s?5n£a wave v. -*■ flag
£qn?5ni fold once

?6l- round -► watermelon

q£?o*lkm

t?oli boil
?<5r- round -*• marbles
kt?6rpa lip
tm?6ri full

?<5yi bring (incompletive)

k?6ya head, crown
k?owya

mlqlp mkthay ya *m?5 trachea

?hapalq?<5 swallow water

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 All

o
o

kwepb thing
-6 (locational suffix)
?i*hmx tdtrpb lots of acorns (Pin)

hcisya*mp6 Hassayampa River

?watappo church

mya'tyii’wpb* horizon: end of sky

?£nw!rfio kitchen

~?£nwl•ro? kitchen

palqbo* throat

kwe*m5bb* dishes

?bhwayyammo smoke hole.^

?ohwa (*)yfi?&l?o* smoke hole2

pa*b?5lb* east
' Ai \ \ west
pa*ro(•)po

myalsllb broiling oven

yuwo track

yuw5*m ya*mk went the way came (?)

?wa ?wya:wo yard: around the house

pa’PlwI’gm kwe*ma66 eat lunch

msghwe*g(5 cross

s0hwepa

-6
salk6a*r5 on the left side

salkhanS on the right side

mako * part of the back

o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 428
o

sp&ip6 joint

skl?lkn&:mo index, pointing finger

pye*kkke6* tomorrow

-o .

?£?0l: qyatok ?w£wkm I didn't know I was drinking

too much

pis Pm ?fi?6ls qyato I drank too much today

mitpll6 lava

le *k 6 (*) stick out tongue

epruyfc pierce (ears)

Opruyu
halfiat<5 polish

kwe*qiyepha pa*mtye*mo take the bad away from mel

hnu*po kwa*wkm he's speaking unpleasantly

ppi*p?o I sit down for awhile

ky6ha kw&*kqlvepha pke? keep us from the bad

pi*mhip£ (p)wo ma?umi

—W ~ —U ~ —O

?fi?0ls qyitok ?wiwkm I didn't know I was drinking

too much

?i(w)o teach by saying

kwi*w ? ?iwbk I'm teaching him to speak

psu*spi ?I*wo I'm squirting something

?khwim!wo rock music: make instrument cry

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 429
o
yd (:) wo

hctmOil ydwo tllwllwi I'm going to cry

kwlpa*pafipfi yd:wo drizzle

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 430
?u
?u

?uhfcl longtailed mouse

?uhmu mortar
-?ti-

k?d* basket

?khwkk?&: plate
k?u*p<5 kfi&qi leak

?uwi make noise

mkthayd p?u:k wind goes X

p?u*?u*k heavy, low noise

P?u*k thunder sounds

p?usp?u:?xk

?d* see

yu*?u*pa ?umi blind

h^l?u*pi mirror

?i?Qyi binoculars

?kwe*t?d:pi motion picture

t?u*pi show v.

t?u:pdi (pi.)

p?d:yk ?wa*rm ?hankm I'm glad to see you again.

?u:pa tobacco

mpu*kl?ut tarantula

?d* ti boil v.i.

?dmi no; not

?kwfe*t?umi drum

hi'tdt hcun?upa hunchback

?u

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ??uli give light

??ul lantern
?d*li string
hu*?dli teddybear cholla

k?d( •)1- round in shape

sk?u:la hndqfia beads

sk?d*la hnaqfia (singular)

0mp6* k?ulka swarm of bees

?wlkl?ulka beads

wl*kp?u*la Bill Williams Mountain

m?ul antelope
?lwl fi?dr Indian paintbrush (plant

species)
hpbq?Qrka pistol

?d(* )yi
fir?u*yi joke, tease
(? (k)r...)dyi glad, proud
pilqwusmi gulp

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 432
u
u

ukwa feel like

upe father-in-law

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 433
Pe
p

ptil (p)p6? yonder

m£kwk:wp£ are you (dual) speaking?

p«£* arrive sg.
npd* arrive pi.
matpa yk*mpa:pk you are responsible for the

earth

pci’Pei* my^(*)mi you're getting old

paka awl mosquito
?pak

pkk swaipi hold on

mltipa pakw£ thick (eagle's) feet on top

pkk pepi follow
pkl s£a owe: stand in there
p£*m now

pa*m(?) i

papyri* (pa) "and, but"

kwipd’pattpfi yuswo drizzle

kpa:pi ask, pray for

sp&lp6 joint

wdkapari love...

mp&*ri get up! (from sitting)

po* walk

i*p6 first

(?)klpo rain

klpawa
po

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 p6ki come back

Pqp5(*)?l growl

Pqwo* ?i

sp<5 wait for

mchtfi khp6*yi body is feverish
pohpoh?! bark v.
pu* hk&ya different, opposite
ipu*ri drowsy
yci*l ?pu*ra donkey < burro
y & •lwtira

Ppi* tired, cf. pi 'die'

pt£ big, large
pt£*yi

ptiya

pte6q... i burning pain

pt^psi snap shut

pk:ptaet&6?Ifia "sun ticking": watch, clock

ptStpi collapse
ptq£pi?i dusk

ptsl*tsl*?i squeal
pile... 1 kiss, cf. sneeze

pfie (•) daughter(man speaking)

Pca*ya (plural)
hapca(*) mano, grinding stone

hap?£a

pcakwa-k?i?i yawn v.
Pcaq... 1 drop

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 435
p£
pfi5m?e thrown away
p££r...i shout, yell
p£d*r...i ... at greater distance
P&d:r...1 ... at even greater distance
pfiop...imi jump

p£kwd:r...1 smile

hpfctpfiu'pa bow: arc-shaped weapon

h&pfiti’li blow with mouth
pfiqlwusml gulp

p£l£:...1 lightning

p£la*£la‘...Ik

pfilwd'qki comes out (in the spring)

?ltpkVala forked post: comes away from,

falls
pkd (... ?umi) 1. ne(... pas) as in French

2. where
pkfehkdh cough
pkd who

pk«£e?l hit the mark noon

fipk6 cup (ears) v.

kpk 6 block

?l*pk6pa fence

pkw£*kp&kwa:kpa?l gallop

pql woman, female (NEY, SEY)

pqu*ya (plural)

pqlrqir...1 giggles

Pqeqe...1 sticky

0q

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 pqdhpi lightning sound

pq&hpqdhp... ik

matfi pqaqp?im gulch

Pqdmi stab
pq&wp?I it breaks
Pqopq5p?l caved in

pydl Pq<5t?a?Imi fall down there

Pqana* whine

Pqla* ?ik croak

Pqla*qla* ?i scream

Pq-dqpi busted, broken

PqPo(*)...i growl

Pqw5*...l

kwakp?i open slowly

matfi p?In?In?l earthquake
khw^kp?lmma engine: iron runner
p?£li rise (sun)
p?dlk-

p?a*lp(i)?lmi go outward

p?o*q...1 be quick, dart across

p?6mi last; all: no more

p?fi:k wind's sound

p?u*?u*lk thunder noise: heavy, low

p?d*pi become visible

wl*kp?u*la Bill Williams Mountain

pei’h(0e*h)1 breathe

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 437
pe
00cl*qpi catch oneself from falling by

jerking

k«lpp0ayi drizzle
P0o*r?i caved in

P9palP?e cramps
p0kva*yPi crack (egg)
P0kwa:mkwa*m...i soft, cf. cotton
perl...i scared
p0rl*?lfii surprised

psehseh?! pant v.
?6h0se*r?16a whooping cough
khapsu(w)a turquoise
psti bile

psu’spi ?x*wo squirt

pskw£ • stand up

phipa(:)?lm get dark

phd tail, skirt

pherher?! slide down

pha guts, entrails
phi: rattle

hifc(*)i

?lwiphi*?ifia snake rattles

phaha?! rattle continuously

pham?l pant v.

phaswi tender (body, corn)

phmd(*)mk?l swell up, s.t. dead (a lump

from a bite)

ph

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 kphnapi tighten
sndpi tie v.

?h&*pfi makl phwlrphwlrpa water ripples

?Imi

sphwepa cross
msphwe*pfe crossroad
phwd* pi pop up

ya*pa pmltpi?i kiss

prae*t eiqkm overflow

pmafi(p).. .1 wink

pmd&ndfi...i blink
qAepi pm&:kw&*?i smells bad

(p)marpi sundown, dusk

(p)mcLnn m&fia eat supper
pm6rm6r?l trot
hipmfc new, young
pmp6*1 discharge, gun going off
pmpd*

mpdya

mp£

pn&*m...l 1. caved in

2. sew
piSrpnA* li afternoon

kpnawi carry heavy object in arms

kppSwi

khwk fippdyi scissors (W.G.)

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 k^k.&np^yi (G.M.)
0p<£(*)p?i sit

y£k ?waha pnu’km I'm going to sit here

pnflna stomach; belly (W.G.)
mn£t(*)na (G.M.)

epli hole

epi£l*yi

eprl pierce

epriya small opening

?6tqwati k0gli*n oven: large opening

piiplip?i flutters
-pif* - piwi*

hwcislrapa fifipilyi ruler; straightedge

?m&t£fipll*6a surveyor

fipiwl* measure

pk*plwl*pm kwfe*ma£6 eat lunch

pa: kapiwxyi what time is it?

ppiwlem ?no?pira that's all for now

kapiwl? how much, how many

?hankm piwlkm ml:yi it is good that you want it
piwi*pi same

piwiha it will be done

piwl 1. right, correct, proper

2. enough

pi4h?i tired

phlo*hl<5*h.. .i death rattle

piiwl£w?i move

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 440
pi
rlwrfw wag

pip&*t?i blister

plh£ old man

plh£ya (plural)
priti jump

eprlrpi squint
pr£p?l lightning
praprap...1

prA*r?i get up (after falling)

smalka epruyu pierce ears

td* py£ pa*ty£*mkm he deserted them

py6*km early tomorrow

py£ this
pylmi run

k wfe*£py&mi automobile

pyal mescal, cf. century plant

Py£*r.. .i fiy

papyu’pa "and, but”

p&*pyu*si two to four in the afternoon

Pyfi*li mix

pw4 be on guard

pwi:pi ten
pw&li carry (a bucket)
pwari cannot

pwarpi

pw

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 ppd ?0irl*km I suspect, I'm not certain
kOiye* doctor
keyd:

ke£:yi

0ip£:r0i strong

0p£:rpi

(?)khwk sulsula ?hke£*ya window: metal, like water

(?)khuci sulsola ?hci0£*yi

?im0l (*) greasewood

hcun01 soft, separate (nuts from

leaves)
n0l* mother's older sister
e£* drink

?©£• salt
0?eli salty, bitter, sour

?0l*yi salty
mih9a*6a toe

mih 0l:£a (plural) W.G.

0me*t 0lqkm overflow

?w^elnka Phoenix

hd*ella myk?pa*pkm 'not by the hair of my chinny

chin-chin J'
h&m 0 i(*)la

mktkhol:la earth: spread wide

eiri fall

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 442
0i
elr(k)eirka cricket
elwa hollow
mktelwa olla, clay jug
0iw0i*wa jabalina; wild boar (SEY)
06 leaves blown by wind
006* (?) ?.i I breathe
mu 06 fog, damp
mu0d

mu0ayi foggy
puplwiei that's all
0eqi thin
fiQeqa suck out blood
0eqa leaf
waGeqma swayback
p0e* breathe

0&ha 0 6 *

peehi

p06h06hi pant v.
G^lqa see'0y£lqa

k w6p0a m?u*? what did you see?

?£ku:re& a long time ago
?£k\irea once upon a time
mltkea heel
mlheA’Ca toe

mlhel:fia toes (W.G.)

kodq burden basket
q0^q

6a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 443
0a
pe^’qpi catch oneself from falling by

jerking
edpi grey
0&mi clean; clear
0&*mi tasteless (like water)

tedmi spotless
eiii fall -*■ moult

kwa (0&la) Indian spinach

k w&*m0a*rp ?Ifia net cf. s£l

k wk*m0a:rp ?Ifia

k wlppeayi drizzle

ptor (m)m0a:yp?i£a newspaper: lots of printed

matter, cf. moist

0£wa offspring, child
0a:wa (plural)
££wa (hypocoristic sg.)
§S:wa (hypocoristic pi.)
0awpi is born

0a(*)wpa thousand

06 - eat meat

06
hpaqa ho'fia Anglo: beaver eater(s) W.G.

hpaqa 0o* 5a

• ••k05 * when...

p0o*r?ik caved in (hole)

0iS5i urinate
0u*5a urine
0u

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 444
6u
kteukpa curved
6u:npi weak, soft
h i (*)0ul cheeks
hiOik'li slow

h2umte&*lta gila monster

Gusipi lame; lazy, without ambition
qnm£>*0uipa goose: lame duck

fi0iS(*)li wash

h weitk9ura vein, artery

0iiri0u*ri itch in one spot; tickles v.i.
0ul0£kla itching disease
0iil0{fli itch all over
0url: forearm, sleeve
heil0il*yi nine

0plri hard (table)

0pi:ri raise (one's voice)

0pl*rpkm he's strong

see 0ip£(:)ri

Opel* freeze

0pdqpi wink, shut eyes

0pala peach (WY, SEY)

P0p&ip?e cramps, cf. tie

kep&li tie
q0pAli

kepcllpi knot

ep

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 445
ep
?h&...0pu*yi bathe, swim
Gpila bark, skin

0pi*li sheds
Gpila clover-like plant

pkfi ?6kVayi I'm light (in weight)

9kvaypi broken (pottery)
efi^qpa skirt of squaw dress
t££qpa

hir 0ftii*raSri*ra plant for hummingbird

9fiur?i put into, insert one object

(thread into needle)

GkVI-yi shatter
k0k4pa glass

mast hiGkyetk whole body

0kwI* squeeze, wring out, cf. wash,

weave
?kwipa wrinkled

6kwIpi

t0kwi*li clean

0kwa* pi wide

p0kwA:mkwi*m?i soft

0kwdyi light (in weight)

skwd*yi (W.G.)

see 0ky£yi

k0?e: a drink from berries

0?eli sour, bitter, salty
t?eli

g?

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 epif hole, opening
epidyi

0prl • wrist, forearm

©prlrpi squint

(sm&lka) epruyu pierce (ears)

?sm£lkpa ?0ruy£>km I pierce my ears

0huila settle (as coffee grounds)

0m£ lend
0md*pi borrow
?i*9maqa kindling wood

0mp6* bee

0impu•rka fly n.

0rtiy& pierce

ppd ?0irl*km I suspect, I'm not certain

P0rlyi jump in surprise
0rdpi five

0rl 1. think

2. doubt, hesitate
Our I : forearm, sleeve

pili Ora:pi burnt up, burnt out

0rtiyO pierce

£oqa 0y[s]lqa half-peeled juniper

£<5qa 0e*lqa

Owe placid

0wa*mki limp (because of short leg)

smalka kOwarpi perforate ears

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 447
sx

msl woman

si read, count

mi si track, trail v.
sik?lta pointing

hammsi sift

ham (m) si * star

(?)siti one

(?)s£*ti

(?)sx:ti each one

pk:?sl:ti I name them

wa...sx*pi think

sipi count, read

sx*pi

si: pi

phi ?sl:pi I'm counting them

??x*ksipa hwe*pa wooden cross, crucifix

hipask siptu*yi midnight

sihwl:ni turn (car, horse) in motion

sil6ka spinal column

sxli roast, broil

ty£i'& sxwa corn just becoming ripe; not

ready cf. sw£ -*• dough

tya*6 suwa

msxwi smell like cold blood, like

grease or wet hair

sx

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 448
se
fatty

sayi (plural)

se is fat

sa•ykm are fat

siya fat n.

haseyi gray, greasy

?si shadow

?si*ya (plural)
9
sa (in compounds)
msi* fear

msiyi (plural)
si* buzzard

kwilsi(.*) red; pink, light red

siqi whip

wkseqma whipper (Prn.m .)

psehseh?i pant v.

kselseli (cock's) comb

purakse*ipa (war) bonnet

se*ipi sticks up

purkwa0a serpa one cent: Indian head penny

?6hpsi*r?lfia whooping cough

nls?sa (G.M.) spider

ni*sa

wi*?qsa agate

si sting v.

?si eagle* widow

?siyi widow

sa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 449
sa
?£s£ bird
skkwlta pigeon, cf. kwi 'dove'
s&?hani sacred
sk?rlyi sacred
Sci* ?rri (yi) holy, perfect
m^tsape*yi shovel v.
sato*ri marbles (toy)
sakYati chop with ax
shkVa’ti ax

?khwasakeJ3a pick n.

yuri sakhappi button

sakmaka striped skunk
sa?&ri peek
sa?a*ri sell

sa?et(*)ra store
?6sak<5 place of shadow (from tree or

mountain)

q«akta yu*l ?hat saqi whip n .

qs&q crow
sdpa white
tmsA*pi whiten

(?) hcipkasapa centipede

mkts&ga chief, SEY

mkteApa

sdhi smell v.i., stink

Sdhi (nursery word)
qscimta mushroom
sa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 Sell hand
salmaka upper back

(?)khw&msclrpa fork

mlkmsa*r0a toes
wi *kfisawa Superstition Mountain
BOt&t cane; plant species
swt£t

mhwk ksotata pig

mhw&*ksut£ta ?qwarkp&ya jabalina, wild boar
kw^so£&£a rainbow

qsofJa mole (on skin)

sultdsga soldier, scout
sult£:wa Spanish soldado

solsoli clear, transparent

khapsu(w)a turquoise
su’fia father's older brother to Ego
sti’s-i sprinkle, squirt

yiisupi: eyelash
shlstili clear

s6ls5li

?t2iths<i*la buckhorn

su*lit?I£a insect species

suri spot, espy

tykm& suwa, cf. swa ripening corn

See slwa

tsp£ six

sp6 lean object against wall

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 tsp&y- six (in compounds)

?thcikspepa Pin: reed up

m c its p ^ q i hoe: pounds ground

sp6 know
sp6pi is apparent
sp&ki pillow
hop£Sa sp\Sk(k) fourth time
sptiki cover with dirt (while

planting)
fipuki

spumi take apart (in order to do

again)
stlti plow v .

stl*ti plow v .
sti:ti cut v.

stuya middle, center, half

sit sweep, comb, brush
waksiipa wall

qwas£em(?)i admire a lover (woman speaking)

put up

p&lsfid owe: stand in it

(m)sfidqi split v.

s£d:pi put on ground (rug)

fittA:pi

s6o pluck

sfiyoqi (s)mash, squash

pa*pa sfiSqpa mashed potatoes

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 s£&lpa sticking in
?ha:h&*pk ks£(il0a ?p&‘£a Date Creek Tolkpays: cotton­

wood sticking in the water

skVata breastbone
kaqwar?e ksk?ita outside corner

kske (•)pa canvas

?&skapi match
skari glide

skarak?amSa Prn. Yavapai culture hero

sk?u:la hnaqfia beads

sk?(i*la hnaqfia (singular)

skp?oka elbow

skmaka striped skunk

tsklpuiypi we hug each other

sklpuyi put arm around, hug

skrpuyi

yaska£i bridle

yuri skha0i button

wi*skfil*gi precipice
pskwf (•) stand up

myula kw&lskwlskwl candy cane

?wksk«ini lock, doorknob

?kwfe*skwi*ni key

skwl(*)ni turn off (appliance)

?£skwIli sew

?iSskwl*li needle

skw&*ni shell, husk (corn), peel

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 skwala large hawk
skwa*yi light in weight (W.G.)
0kwayi

skwayi mix, turn food in pan

sqi *ri make furrows
( h i'W c iy ) sqata chest

skv^ta breastbone
sqlmi shoves quickly
sqawa egg

sqawpi lay eggs

sqmwi•ra ankle
hklsqra*pi naked, cf. flat
sqwar?i stir

mn(ln£ sqwd;r(?)l diarrhea

?wksqwir (g)qw£rga corner

h&ms?ip bulrushes
s?ami close (door)

?wks?eimi Sunday

yuri s?ammi < s?&mgi button

t?ami cup the hands

s?5ni trap, skewer

s?6npi about to fall

s?5ntta flag

sp&lp6 joint
sp6 wait
mspoka wait for me!

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 sph^gpa cross
msphwe*p6

?wkshelpi porch: extend

sh£ hang

sh£pi weigh; hang down

sh£pi

sahayi hook
shuna hundred

?&sh&li poker stick

shkVepa cross

shke* lay something across bridge

shke’pa

shydlpi not on tight -*■ ramada, float

shy&ra table
shylrpa

shyfiki dig

sihwI:ni turn (car, horse) something

in motion

pfilqwusml gulp

sme* lost, cannot find

smd:

smi: sleep

smami stay overnight

tsmasfii dream

tsma*66i (plural)

sm&• day (24 hours)

?1 (•)smd(•) medicine, cf. root

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 m(i)sm£ * sinew, cf . root
?pa:sma£a medicine man
smdlka ear

sm£ *lka (plural)

sma*lktu* jimsonweed

smalkatu deaf

sma *lki earring

?iwll sma*lkpi leaf out
fismayga cousin
smpu’rpi band for carrying cradle
smukwIna gruel

smkwI*rpi jealous (male)

smlo*hi snore

sml5hi

ksnakpa gap: saddle-like

?hat sn&*yi harness
sndpa braid, rope
sll: fry
sld paper flower
slam shawl
s (i) I6ka spinal column

slpd armpit

slhwtf* nail, claw, hoof (W.G.)

slhpd* (G.M.)

slmdka shoulder (blade)

sykp6*pi soul: the one alive
?h&syam£6* Hassayampa River

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 h&sya*mp6 Hassayampa River
?hat sy5mi reins
syo’mi pull
sy£imi

sydmi

swi scrape (hair off deerskin)

my£la sw£ dough: not ready
siwa

suwa

swa olla-shaped water basket

swa* waterpot
??l*swa barrel
swani stir
sw£l-, swar-

sw£la always;
sw£li love, like
swdlpi hold on, hang on
sw&rpi hang on by fingertips
yci’swarpi suspended (fig.) •* pleasant
swd•r i sing

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 hand; arm

sdlp& pilkm my hand is burnt

skltak&pi ring
skltatkkpi

s£l{3a ?tukm I burned my finger

sklt?ami cup the hand

skls?imi

?sala 61*li my arm falls asleep

sklklkVo(yi) hobble

salkpte: (3akpe{3a middle finger

salkpte* thumb

salkote* (SEY)

salk0a*ri left hand

sklk0a:ri left hand

salkGa’rS m£kpa* get on the left side!

salqAepa left hand
sklk?hanl right side

sklkhdna

sklkhano

sklkhano mfikpa• get on the right side

sklkmksrpa fingers, cf. toes

sklq£qe*£a fingers

skl£kl?CUki make a fist

sklqttqe•Ha little finger

sklkifiki'fia

salqrwl:s6 (SEY?) wrist, forearm

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 s£l (continued)

s^l?£kn&:mo index finger: 'pointing'

sala ?£kna:mi

?s&ll ?i*k6km I carry in my hand

salstu'ypa

salqe*£a pakp£*pha middle finger

?s&lp£ hw&tpkm my hand is bloody

sklslhwo* fingernail

T»

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 459
hi
h

hipin|3i wins
hipe near

hipa

hipatm this morning

hipatk

phipi:?im evening: beginning to get dark

0hipa?lm

hipa£ tu*gk yaki midnight

hipa*m at night

hipa:k siptu’yi midnight

kihipa:£m tonight

pti’kk hiplstm night before last

pu*km hipastm night before last

hipal tongue

himpSl

hipdk neck

hit£t (G.M.) spine, back

hi*the»t (W.G.)

gwari hitasa bald

hi£l*la
• nit

hi£a*rapo to the girls

hike*
•
carry something heavy (olla

with water) on back

hikhl scrape, cut skin out

hik«iei hold on

hi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 460
hi
mathikwIra whirlwind

hlpata goat < chiva, chivo, chivato?

hipd go first

hipu’ri drowsy

hipmd new, young

h i (•)6dl cheek(s)

hiofl’li slow

hihd*ni
•
repair, fix

td* hihul Pydk kyasmpha environment

hihuli time moves, passes

h i (•)ma dance

himpula forehead

himwa*
•
la calf (of leg)

hip5qa green onion (wild)

hill*pll:pi flutters

hi*w£l
•
thigh, hip, hindguarter

hiwdya heart

hi*wdya

hi*wd*ya

hidh16 stacked: on top of one anotlu

-*■ book (pages)

hlpi move (aside)

th£pi -► transplant, checkers move

around

mkthe: white clay or dirt

mathe•

mathd wind n.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 mathaya

phe tail; dress

plhe old man
pahle (W.G.)
pihaya (plural)

&khe:p£i> store
?wkshelpi porch £ extend
h £ (•)li flow

kherpa too lazy to walk Prn

-he (locational suffix)
6k •?he

ia*he top, roof

qaqwarhe outside
qoloyawa sqawa mahe Easter
kwa*hm

-ha/-h/-a (irrealis; definitizer)

ha?a* ppi jealous
?h<£ water
phdya liquid

?hk...0pu(*)yi swim, bathe

?hd(•) cottonwood

?ha* spicy, hot, bitter

?ha:ki

phA* ?lfia rattles (snake)

shd hang
•» <

pha guts, entrails

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 hdt "domesticated" animal
?hdt horse
pha•ta

hktma£a tick n.
hktama *la gophersnake, bull snake

(?)hkt(?)kuIla wolf, mountain lion

?alhati greedy
dwahapa miser
wa...hapi stingy
khapa follower
hap?£a mano, grinding stone
hlip63(*)

hap£ti*li blow with mouth

hcipsd* (w)l blue, green
matha’pi north

?mt^*pk (W.G.)
hdepi scrape, shave

phaha?i continues to
h3ha?l whinnies
w l •hoha•hm side of mountain
pham?i pant v.
ha- look
ha ski look this way
h&mi look over there
ha: ml look that way

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 463
ha
mh£(*)mka! hello!
hcimt^ squash
hcunte£l*lta gila monster
hcunSl (•) 9ki sneeze
hamkkl killdeer
hi*tat him?upa hunchback

hitit him?ola camel

him0l sift
hammsi

hamel(:)la snot

hhmetilta gila monster

hims?Ip bulrushes
him(m) si* star

hammsi sift
himel

(?)h5n± good, handsome, , first,

real, perfect
fihdni paint
si*?hani honored

iha *ni tame

ihdni repair, fix

th&nha *ni rub (an arm)

keir?hana coyote
hapi trog2

hapk6 frog-L
hapk(a)saga centipede

hapkri*pa (G.M.) butterfly

ha

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 464
ha
ha/ikpct*ra (W.G.)

h&pme(*)ra watersnake

h&pqtri*r poppy

ha(p)p&k coralillo (snake)

hal- shine; smooth, naked, •+■

reflection, etc.

hkied*yi nine

y^hkl (?)ml iip

h£l ~ Gil ~ pe^l there (locative)

hciiko Anglo

hkyk5

P(a)haswi tender (body, corn)

hop£ four

hupd

hokwd make one's presence felt

huk«£

kedr hokuakm a coyote is near

kedr hokwatfikm
•

ho?ali draw out, take out

fimh6(.*)pa taraiso

w l *hohS•hm side of mountain

hom§•fia sons

p6dk ?h£tft howa*pk habitat: where horses stay

h6lh6l flowing downward waterfall

h6rh6r top; tent

ho

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 465
ho
h6r0a

hupe father-in-law

hu0e dew

ho6e

hume son

hu&naya

humcipe like a child's

?omlhu pipe

hu* (W.G.) nose; head

hus CG.M.)

huhu hoots

phuhu

shtina hundred

hhphup level ground Thomson Valley

hih&li time moves, passes

?&shfili poker stick

?uhbl longtailed mouse

(?)mhiiO)l ashes

?hpf metate, grinding stone

-*■ chin, jaw

hplnfii lose cf. hipini

hpxppi late

hpfpttpi

m&tsap£*yi shovel

?hpa*lka ironwood tree

?pA*lka

?ph&lka

hp

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 arc-shaped pond, bow

(stagnant)
wfehpiS buttock(s)
hpbq?tirka pistol

hpd2 something to shoo.t with gun,

rifle

Snahptika black ant, small, brown ant

mya•khti•la heaven
?hahtl:ri shallow water
ht£ prickly pear cactus
ka(h)tata porcupine
h£a* Milky Way
hfiap girl, virgin

hia:ra

h£&*ra

h£l•la/hi£l•la nit

skYega cross

sahkVati chop with ax

shkYa‘ti ax

hke* carry
shke ■ lay something across bridge,

ford

?khwetsak5ga pick n.

saltak&gi ring

taklg?i encircle
hke other, different
takdya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 tphke * change v.
tipahkS-pi swap, exchange
tthakasypi

hqlsqf*s rub back and forth ->- fiddle,

violin
h?£l louse
silahpo* nail, claw,
khp6*yi feverish
mktkh9l:la earth, wide-spread
mihG&’Sa toe
mlfih0l:£a (plural) W.G.
hmi tall, energetic, ambitious
p k ’hmf(ya) man
phmf’pi marry (woman speaking)
?i*hmx(ya) acorn

hm£

hmaphml boy

hmaphme

hm£ra chipmunk
hm£:ra

hmilta Harris ground squirrel

nhmfrpi kind, gentle
nhmfrpi

h(9)m^*fia sons
Hnct:ra boys
hma*ra

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ?{k’p£ahma* chew tobacco
hm£ let's gol
hm^* testicles
hm£*yi male

hmapa male

hm£ testicles

ham£:
•

wahma (SEY)

?hmcl quail

?hma: gourd

?hma*

hm£t clay pot, water pot

hrn^p baby, child (not weaned)
hmaspa (plural)

p (h)md(*)mk?i swell up

?hm£l sack, bag ■+• pocket

hma*r < hme boy

thmu bake (bread)

?uhmu mortar

hmu* move one's home

hmu*£i

£hwahmu*£a Navajo
hmuki three

hmiS’ki

(h)md:ka Navajo, Hopi

hl& hne*ya Big Dipper: moon coat (?)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 hndq/hnak necklace

w i •hnaki

hnd:qi want, need

kpnapi tighten
y k •hna:na palate
?hnd•1 gourd rattle
hnu shovel, scoop out
hnu offended
?&hnuga sickness, disease
?£hn5{3a
[Link](*)qa beaver
php<5 shoe
hipdqa green onion (wild)
hp6mi exercise, constitutional
hpd*mi

hll milk v.
wl*khle* pa cliff

hid moon
palo*hal5*hi death rattle, cf. snore
hl6 cottontail
s&pkhldypa scooped out white: Pin

khltiwipa pulled out

hrdpa brim, cliff

hldpa

hrokpi hooked
hrtiyi untie, doff

fitirka kayaipa walnut spreading: Pin

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 shy^lpa not on tight, float -+■ ramada

shy£ra table

shy^rpa
w i •khyarpa cantiles

shyuki dig

??i*ksI0a hw4*pa cross, crucifix

hw£ki two

hwd*ki

hwakpa (elder) brother

hw £ (:11 ponderosa pine

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 471
’h£
?h&/?hci/?hd water

?hd:hci*{3k ks£dl{3a ?pa*fia Date Creek Tolkapays: cotton­

wood sticking in the water

?hkh6lh6l?£fia waterfall: flowing downward

?hkpilq?6 swallow water

?h^p&*wimma?pd:£a Paipai people

kwe •pkpiya hciwamma

?hard •{3km water recede

?hci0p£ *rpi khd'la current

?h&wdyi stagnant water

7hci?dma flood comes and goes; passes

through

hk?d*mi

7ha(*p£) ??d the water is deep

?h£ ?ei: I drink water

?hci7hdna good water

7hk7h«dta wine

?h^?m^la beer

7hci7telya ky&k ocean: much water lying

?h&:{3& ?mdti the water is dirty

7h&*pfi mdki ph«lrphw£rpa the water ripples

7hd*ptt rayd*yekm the water rises

?hi:p£ s6ls6li the water is clear

?hA*pfi yd: km puddle

7h^*pl pi drown

’h^

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 472
’ha
?ha (continued)

?h£*pl r<5*pi sink into the water

?ha£?£lka water coining out

?h&£&:pk y&ki float; swim (lie on top of the

water)

?h&6a,pk y£ki

?hk£A*pk y£ki

?ha£ayi water pot

?hah£la ktkupa the river narrows

?hahk£*pa opposite shore

?hahpu body of water, lake,

?haht£:ri shallow water

?hahwalpa well n.

?hak?£ma river

?hkk?6i• salty water

?h^ka(?)p££a Salt River

?h&kpt£\ ocean

?hak££*fipa water thrown on top

?h&kh&pstia?pc(* Havasupai people

hapsh?p&:(fia)

?hetkhkpstiwa Fossil Creek

?h&khwdta Colorado River

?h&kmdta land of water (Pin)

?hkktydlw(i) pa shore, water's edge

?h^kekydypa Montezuma Well: water broken up

’ha

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 473
’h&
?h& (continued)

?hkkyc5 *6a Pin: crk. near Miller Valley

(bubbling water)

?h£'l p66pk k?imi jump into the water

?h£*n qnd*km the water is muddy

?h£*n tii* 0w£*km the water is placid

?h£:n£ (3k& h^*la ?i5mkm stagnant: not flowing

*
?hd*n£ h&lwirkm the water reflects, cf. smooth

?h£*n£ hklwdri

?h£*ni5 mdt wi*rkm the water finishes ground (?)

?h&pm0£pa gray water

?hkqwini still water; ditch

?h&?qwini

?h&sqi*ri still water ditch

hksydmdb* Hassayampa River

hksy£*mp6

?hkt?eunpa dam

?hk*t(i*pi inch: y£wa island

?ha0pei£ ice

?h&0pd*yi bathe, swim; wash oneself

?hi0priyi

ha??<§ ?i5mi the water isn't deep

( ? ) m0l (•) drink water!

h&nd *ka dip in water

h^s^yi gray; greasy

hkpsu(w)i blue, green

’ha

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 474
’hi
?hd (continued)

haci: Milky Way

hd£dyi thermos bottle

hdfitdhi spit

(?)hd£wd sand, gravel

hd£wd'n£ hdya•1 ydmkm sand sinking to the bottom

(?)hi(k)h£(*)la river, stream

hdhwdipa well n.

hdl£56*ma Maricopa

hdkhi*la river

hdkmwe* hot springs

hdlkwawa Chinese: speaking in water
hdmfifeki sneeze

himfii* 0ki

himkkl killdeer

heuns?£p bulrushes

hdpmdra watersnake
hdpdqa spring, source
hdqdfii khd’la creek

hdqwdea khd:la Pin: creek near Ironsprings

(?)hiripa whiskey

hdsq£*ra ditch

hdtdya kydka seashore

hd*yd*l m££* put (lay) it into waterI

hd •y d •1 m£6 put (set) it into water!

hdpmpi thirsty (SEY)

’ha

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 475
h wi
hw

h wi smell v.t.
khw£wa skunk
h wx?l what? (interjection)
h wI*s0i take care
h wi*si swing in hand
sihwi:ni turn something in motion

(horse, car)
6hwila settle (coffee grounds)
hw£lmi throw down (a log)
phulrhw£r ?Imi it ripples
h«£rpi unfold
kimahw£rgi loin cloth
sj3hwega, msghwe*p6 cross

fighting, war -► enemy

Apache
mhwd* badger
mhwata bear
(?)hudt- red; blood
h«A*li look for, search

wA*li

hwdli, h«dri dig, scoop... plant, hollow

out

thw&ri shave
pk*?lhwayi mean, nasty, cranky
hua(*)yi purify with smoke
h wa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 476

h wa
? & h wciya smoke

thw5pi popper (in cooking)

thwo*pi yeast

£hw6pa brick-shaped •+• cheese

£w6po

s£lslhwo* fingernail
phwo* pi bristle, pop up, rise .(bread);

harden

h wo

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 477
mi
m

foot; bits (in money)

mipuk knee

mmpflk

mis£
•
track, trail

nml mother's younger sister

mlra (W.G.)
pm£ cat
hm£ tall, ambitious

pfclqwtisml gulp

ykhkl(?)ml iip

mwe*mi springtime

mwe*m?l

?e*mi give (away from speaker)

mi: cry

m£*£i (plural)

?khwkm!wo rock music: make instrument cry

?l*kml*yi ocotillo: sad plant

?l*kmye*

wkml • scold

wk . ..miyi mourn

wk...miyi

kmy£*ypa the moaner

pk?wk:p£ ?wl:8pi my enemy

pkmi:km

pkfi ?kml*km I brought it (completive)

mi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 yd*pa pmltpi?i kiss
ml *ka father's brother's son
ml:pk?e after

minmx*na hummingbird

hmll-, hmir- chipmunk/ squirrel

pa*[Link] play a joke on some people

mirmxri straight
imirmlri

mfra mother's younger sister (W.G.)

nmx (G.M.)

nhmirpi kind, gentle

nhmdrpi

miyi (bad) spirit, ghost; devil

myd

matfckmx•ya valley
pmxya hair

smd* lose

?sme* I cannot find it; I lost it.

yuklme: eyebrow
hume son (man speaking)

hu£md*ya (plural)

Pme*t Gxqkm overflow

mp&lmxlk?! lick one's chops or lips
?e*mela get even
mera slender (like a rope)

hdpmd(*)ra watersnake
nhmdrpi k i n d , gentle

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 nhmirpi

ka0y(im(?)e? why?

kapyume? when?

m£ ripe, well-done

?cimapa ripened by the sun

ma* eat

ma&i (plural)

m£i- (plural)

?{tp£ahma* chew tobacco

md:£ you (singular subject)

md*

you (plural subject)

mciymd: matron

ma(*)khapa Mohave

?mukhappa

kwcl*w hnu(km) speak angrily

mkk?yo:ra chief (folk etymology. Sp.

may<5:ra mayora)
P'
hi*ma
•
dance

?hmd quail

?hmd: gourd (wild, larger)

Qm& lend

sm£* sleep

msmas sinew, cf. root

hmat container

mat earth

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ?matlq brittlebrush

mathe: white clay or dirt

math^ windy
mlithay a wind

mlithchya

m£:t flesh, body, skin

pmafi(p)i wink

0ma£?i

pmaima6?i blink

mskwink mtmafii turn off (appliance)!

mdk- back, backward
nmdki leave
maqi douse

?i* Gmaqa kindling wood

nma0(a) raccoon
nmSe

p (h)m£(* )mk?i swell up

mdni move (fast) vertically: fall

get up
?omumani
• •
help me get up!
(?)ma:li foam

m&la

hktamS'la bullsnake

ftma•li rake v.

£m&:li rake n .
?hmdl sack, bag, pocket

(?)malka wood rat

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 481
ma
sm£lka ear
mcirm^r

bmhrmkri rub in circles

m&rmari long (temporally)

manna *r?l£a minute

pci*m^rpi sundown, dusk
tmdri cover; bury
sklkma:r0a fingers, cf. toes
thpk•maya Papago
pm£ya breast
(?)m£ya milk n.
mciyma: matron
?wila ?maya little piles of bushes
6smaypa cousin
ma*ya first cousins: children of two

sisters
qm6t-

mcitqmStql mound-shaped

?mat£ p0a qmotkm ground forms mounds

ttmo•tkm itches v. (hair)

puj3yu*m&? I am not certain

qmo:sa mistletoe

m<5l ?&•.. .yi• sad; feel sorry for

mora father's mother

pmormor?!• trot

mwara mo*rk dough

mO*ri knead

mo

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 482
mu
muGd moist, damp

muGa(:)yi foggy

muGaya steam
muGa fog

see huQa

?mukhappa Mojave

ma(*)khapa

?md sheep; Pleiades

md*?l goes "moo"
hipmu new, young
?fi^uri hlpomufia kwa January: where the new year is
hmd* move

?uhmu mortar

?hwa,?md*Sa Navajo: connected with Apache

m u (•)ka Navajo (confused with Hopi)
m&*ka Hopi

(h)muska

hmdki three
muni cold

mdt md*n?Ime autumn

mdl name

mdl

md •r i knead

md •ri

my clla mu*rda dough

mw&ra mu*ra

mp&lmelk?i lick one's chops or lips

mp

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 483
mp
k0k4pa impesqk ?6n&*lkm I dropped the glass; it fell
?mpa6a brush
himp£l tongue
hi*p£l •

mp£ra leg; wheel

?mpoqa mushroom
iranpAk knee
mipuk

mpu*kl?ut tarantula
mpti(*)ppi dome-shaped: wickiup
impti:la forehead
hithatk kmpu:lga camel: humpback
smpu*rpi band for carrying cradle
hamte squash, pumpkin
?mataq brittlebrush

?mth&(*)pk (W.G .) north

?mtdpk

?ttkmtu watermelon

mtqwl'sa plant species

hcunteft'lta gila monster

hkmfil (•) 0ki sneeze

?m££q termite
?om£dq

mfidqi choke on food

mfid •y i hungry
mikvtil trousers
mkViil

mkv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 484
mkv
mkYilrli steps into

mkyd’li

hciinkki killdeer

smukw£n(0) a gruel# gravy

mkw£rpi rolled up: cigarette

smkwI*rpi jealous (male)

mqwi0 flying squirrel

mqwani pound

tmqwci:ni pulverize

tmqwdni break

wi*km?&rpa ridge

m?ul antelope

?im0£(*) greasewood

hkmdl soft

ham@£:la nasal mucus

k w&*m0a:rp?I£a net

pu*r(m) m0a:yp?i£a newspaper

msl woman

msiya maiden

£msl (elder) sister (man speaking)

hammsl sift

ham (m) si* star

mslwi smell like cold blood# grease#

or wet hair

mse* fear

mSe*

msfe:pi dangerous, fearsome

ms

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 485
ms
mSe:pi fearsome

?mse•(km)

?mie•yi

msdyi they are afraid

tms&’pi whiten

mikmsa’rpa toes

(?)khweunsarpa fork
h&ms?Ip bulrushes

??i*msma* root, cf. sinew, sleep

msmcL: root, sinew, cf. medicine

(?)mhd(*) 1 ashes

?mhlii* ?ii* pa tkw&rfci they smoke a pipe

m h ua : badger

m h wa ( * ) t a bear

m h wa k s o t a t a pig
mnat yucca

mnii (*) n a stomach, belly

pndna (W.G.)

mpe fine, perfect; tasty

mpAya

(p)mpe* semen

mpdya

pmp6*(yi) gun going off

kw&*6mplya chewing gum

?khwk£5ppdyi scissors (W.G.)

?khw&£mpdyi (G.M.)

mlpu * navel

ml

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 486
ml
(?)mltat barrel cactus; prickly poppy
mlql neck

smlo(*)hi snore

mluGa measles; chickenpox

(?6)mlhu pipe

Tmhlh*

mri•ka bean

my e (•) ghost, (bad) spirit

wamye* mourn, be sorrowful, cf. moan

myd'yi
myela bread

see mydla

myd* high
myd’l upstream

myd:yi rises, is high up

mydla bread

kmyd*la baker

mktfimyala adobe
fimmyalpa packed into shape
my dr penis
mydya scar

raya*ypi moan

myd*w?l mews, meows

myu (•) la sugar

myii:li sweet
tmyQ’li

qmwl•rma old woman

mw

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 487
mw
sqmwira ankle

mw£ warm

mw£*m(?)i springtime

tmwe heal

pumwe harvest

himwa•la calf (of leg)

mw£ra flour

mw

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 488
m&t
m&t
earth, land, ground, dirt, clay

?m&t ?hSitA*pi y&*wa island

?mat£ p0d gmStkm ground

matfi pqaq{3?im gulch

matfi p?In?In?i earthquake

matfi p?u*pkm break of dawn

m^tfi p?u*p?l twilight: ground becomes

visible

mat£ 0?u*{3i

mat Sma*li rake v.

mat hnu shovel v.

?mat ?hnu I shovel

matpa ya*mpa:{3k you're responsible for the

earth

m&tktpakpa narrow, level land by mountain

mcitktna’kpal w&yo’km they're living in that part

matk dkd:ma world, earth; country, wide

matk <Ska*mi area

m&tkfikml •ya valley

nAtkqwa *rm?e desert

mcttk?ampaha Verde Valley

m&tkhSrahora
•
hill, mountain (not rocky)

m&tkhel:la earth

mktkpwS* (W.G.) spider

mcitqaqwSra prairie

mat

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 489
m&t
mAt (continued)

matpll6 lava

mkt(s)peqi hoe: pounds ground

m&tsape*yi shovel v.

mktsapeyi shovel n.

matpukmak foot of mountain, bottom

m&ttw&ya distant land

mcitfi^spk mya* yu on earth as it is in heaven

?mlit£6pil,£a surveyor

mat&myala adobe

matki(•)la wide earth

matqi'S plant species (root used as

medicine)

matqmStqi mound

matqwara ?slti one mile

mktqwara desert

m&t?I*la bank; cliff

m^t?h«ata red dirt

m&tpd scout, spy

m&telwa olla, clay jug

mktelwa ekYaypi pottery is broken

mkteapa pA:k?l?l dust

mciteApa chief SEY

m&tsdpa

m&tepll*ya hole

mktepll*! mankm fall into a hole

m&t

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 490
m£t
mat (continued)

£p&y£ mktepilya yOri hibernate

?a£hu:rm

fipiyfi m&tepilya ytirm

?a£hu:rm

mktstl’ti plow n .

mktstl•tk furrow n.

m&tstl:ti plow v.

mktstl:t£a plowed land

mktshydki shovel n.

mathik«Ira whirlwind

m&tho*rpa top, hill

m&thorhora

m&tha'pi north (G.M., G.N.)

mcitmun?i autumn

mktmti •n?Ime

m&tmqwana dust, cf. pound

mcitpu*stlti plow v.

m&tpu*qefia patch (in a garden)

mktpu*kwl’ya farmer

m^tpu* garden, field

mcitpu: farm, garden

mktpu*

m&tyu’si autumn

mktyu:si

mat

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 491
m&thaya
m&thaya wind

mathe windy

matha’y pvl:lk?l?i dust

matGapa pvi:lk?i?i

mathay yu'si wind is breezy

mathaya pe*mi ?hani weather is nice, no wind

(breeze)

mcitha’yfi qwini wind is still

mkthayfi p?6:k wind goes X

matha’yfi 0iplr0i storm: wind is strong

matha*y£ ya:wi wind is howling, whistling

mathaym ?kwa:wi radio (talking)

mathaym swa*ri radio (singing)

mkthaya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 492
myal
mydl bread

mydla pila crust

mydlta?kwa* epa toast

myd*la thmu take bread
myal twpu*pi preserve bread for future use

myal^raprd•pa tortilla
mydlq?ora biscuit

mydlslld broiler
myalaswa dough: not ready

myalamydla cake

myalamu*r£a dough

myal

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 493
ni
n

n l •nx • exclamation of fear (woman

speaking)
nxkwdyi old
nile:mi gentle (of animals, people)
n i (*)ya great-grandparent
kpx’ya mother-in-law
knl:6a (plural)

kpx:6a (plural)
ktnx* pa quiet, graceful
nx*sa spider
nx:s?sa (G.M.)

ni'mi take apart

knx *li stirrups
ne* scoop up
hane*ka dip in water
naya sap
nehi kill

nehpi commit suicide

(hlk)hne*ya Big Dipper: moon coat (?)
cf. ne*

(?)nd ouch
na??wl

pG&m ?n&lkp ykp6*yi I became alive

smd na??wx

snd+ tie v.

na

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 494
na
?hat snk*yi harness

snapi braid

kphnapi tighten

snapa kphnapk n&li knee and inner thigh are taut

mnat yucca
ktnd'kpa small level land

ksnakpa gap: saddle-like

pqana * whine

sk?\i:la hndqfia beads

hncikfia

wl* ?hnd:qi I want money

nasi think (?)

pnami sew

pna:m?I caved in (mining shaft)

pna*mpi

y h.•hna:na palate

nali fall; get down, descend; be

born

na*lki comes down

pa* pn4*li afternoon

?6na*lkm I dropped (it)

finali lose

(?)n4*la mesquite tree

?hna:l(a) gourd rattle (too bitter to

eat)

kpniwi carry heavy objects in arms

cf. n<5(«)

na

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 495
no

ppiwlem ?no?pira that's all for now

n<5(*) heavy
n5* mother1s younger sister
no •6a (plural)
n5hpi gamble
no ’hpi a game
hnu/hn6 scoop
n\S (.•) modal: be going to, about to,

be doing

yak ?waha 0nu*km I'm going to sit here

nd’t(a) mother's brother's daughter

(man speaking)
?lwe*num rape
mnuna belly, stomach
gnuna (W.G.)
nkwdyi old, worn out

pkwdyi

nq«A crane
nhmirpi kind

nhm£rpi

nmaki leave

cf. m£k-

mticle (a) raccoon

nwlrfii cook v. plural

nwi•ri cook v. singular
(?)nw£(*)ha friend

nw

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 496

pi
p

qmwl*rma pi* wife's mother

pehe pi* wife's father

kpl*ya mother-in-law

kpl:fia (plural)

knl:£a (plural)

pl*ni copulate

pisnpi (medio-passive)

fiplrpi (plural subject)

A
pe hunt

?£pe hunt for something

?6kpe hunter

kG^r ?£pe*6a hound

?£?pe I hunt

upe father-in-law

nkup£*ya husband's father

pa?p£ my daughter-in-law

mpe fine, perfect; tasty

mpaya

(g)mp4 ’ semen

mp^ya

pmpe*(yi) discharge like a gun

?lwlla 6a*pe shyalfJkm leaves floating on water

,* i

•pe

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 497
pa
?p£- I, me, my, mine: first person

pronoun, we, us, our, ours

p ^ ? W l*(y i) mine; I own

?p£Si I, subj.

P<££p£ we, subj.

(?)pafi ?ap§*mi we (two) go away

p&?pm&t my/our land

yu*ha pk*m5l?l£k paik as we feel sorry for those who

k we*£a*m£i make mistakes with us

?p£ road, path

?pk*shke*pa bridge

?pa: sun

?pa*

(?) pa:pm today

(?)pa:hm yesterday

?pa: black

?pa*
?patta black (in compounds)
tpdfrpa ?p&:kl&pa Bible: flat, black book

ytxsupi: eyelash

h&p& f r °g 2
pk*kwd*wo ??e*ppa ??ik I came to hear the minister

?p^:km

?eunapa ripened by the sun

wa...pS forget

hpb£p&(*)kpa bow

[Link] beaver

pa

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 498
pa
papa yucca
p£(*)pa

?p&pa tapsa yucca fruit

pdOki be silent

mpaGki shut u p 1

kpapa slight rise in land

ppapi sit down.

pa*l winpi wear socks

palqi swallow

?p6*n fip&*lqa soap swallower

?khwli £pp£yi scissors (W.G.)

?khuk fimpcLyi (G.M.)
?po*&a said by younger children to

older ones (SEY)

?po’ (singular)

po quietI wait!

tu* ?po

phpo shoe

pa*hmx*po ??e* I give to the man

hipoqa green onion (wild)

hpomi exercise

6a*wPa tu* ?pom one million

tu* poma?poma countless

pumwe harvest

prawe
_ rv
PUC that subj.
ppu- that one

pu

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 499
pu
pu*

(rakt) pu* till, cultivate

mktpu:(w) farm, garden
stuym £p{tlkgi middle is hollow

mktha’y pA:lk?l?i dust

mkt9apa p(i:lk?l?l

pd(*)ri spotted
tpd(*)ri write
(?)wappup0a wickiup
pkmi: cries to be brought along
pkw&yi (W.G.) old, worn out
nkwayi (G.M.)

haptu'ra California yellow poppy;(Prn)

hkpqtura

hapt£l*r gold poppy

p?o sweat
s k p ? 5ka elbow

P0e? there
pga- this

P0a? kna*gi

pfiiSk there
p0e? (G.M.) over there
Pdi? that (disjunctive)
pGafi he, she, that one (subj.)
p0a£g£ they, those
phdya liquid

yaki ph?el bedbug

ph

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 500
ph
phm£(*)pi marries a man
php5 shoe

phpd

pm£ cat
pmlta mountain lion
yet (* p)pml . beard

pm£ya fur, hair, hide, skin; bark

hcipmera watersnake, cf. mer- slender
pmat homeland

pmSti settle
pmdya breast

q wkktapmdya cow's milk, butter

(p)msdpi white

w l ’pmsaga silver
pmedpi grey

pm9a*pki dawn

ple*mi tame

pye’k k e 6 (to-)morrow

ye *k6w (W.G.)

pyal pqot?a?xmi fall down there

snapa py&*ki rope v.

tu*pyiS*6 (o)k be; use

pyu’fia little (horse, person pony,

midget)
pwe? the one over there

matkpwe* (W.G.) spider

pwa* home

pw

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 pw<£(*)0i live, dwell

pwa*yi live, dwell

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 pi* sun

? p i : p m pil i one is burnt by the sun

p i *6 pa sunlight

p a *6 pi: sun is shining

(?)pi(*)S pi(*)

pa*tkipka hour

p a ’t k i p k a ? s l * t m one hour

... ? s i (•)ti

pa*tkipka wiipk ?si*ti one second

p i : P m ?£?0 3 l : q y i t o I drank too much today

pi*£?al6* east: sun comes out

?p i * 6 ? a l i sun up

pa : p ? a l k i sun rising

p a * (£)p?i:li sun rises slowly

pi*tkwl*lpi late
pi * t k w i l p i

pi:ptietie?I6a watch, clock: sun ticking

pi:pka0?l noon

pi * p k a e i noon, cf. strike, hits the

bull’s eye

pi*pkae?fe noon

p i * p k 5 e k ?hini good afternoon!

pi * p m i r p i sundown, dusk

p i ’m i r p i

pi * p n i * l i afternoon

p i ’p i w l ' p m k u& * m a & 5 eat lunch

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 503
pi*
pi* (continued)

pa:kapiwlyi what time is it?

pi*Pyu*si two to four in the afternoon

pi*?sxti one o'clock

pi* pm myala pi*m?e give us bread today

pi:pm mini it's cold today

?pi*ropi sundown
pi T o p i west

pa*ro*p&

paspfi ?ru*yi sun is hot

(?) pa*(?)ru*yi summer

?pi:?ruyi

?pa*pm ?ru*yi

pa:?ri*yi

pa:pm ?ru*yi it's hot today

pa:wi day: sun sits

pa*

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 504
pu-
pu- deictic

pu mwl do it I
pumwl ??I I ask you to do it

pumwl ?i he asks you to do it

pumwl mwl:? do you think you can do it?

pipmwf pumwi

pu& tu*pmm(?)nok shapkm he weighs a lot

pu£ tkekm he adds

pufi ?&ryekm one is happy

pui pke sml5ha ?umkm he doesn't snore

pu6 h wale? is he digging?
pu£ nhmirpkm one is kind
pu6 n o (•) it's heavy

ppti ?eirl*km I suspect; I'm not certain

pputt ?6kydtk ppl’km he's tired from chopping wood
pputt ppi(*)km h e 's tired

ppufi prltkm he jumps

pfcpa?! says (it)

pup ?Ifckm they said

pfcplwl same, cf. right

phpiwiei that's all

pfcpyu it's that way

piipyd* it was that way

piipyu&a just that kind (?)

phpydfmo? I'm not certain

puskk ?p&:hm day before yesterday

pu-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 pu- (continued)

ptkskm ?p&:hm

p&'kkhipastm night before last

pti'kmhipa:tm

puk rnsha hang itl

puk yu there is
pul (p)pe? over there

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 506
p9a
pel deictic

pea m5tl m£a*ypkm there's hunger in that land

p9a yimk ya*mk he's going toward it

pe£? ??d*k?ytip I saw him (W.G.)

p0a£ fipiwl* one measures

p0a£ (pa*)?g*pi(yi) she loves us

p0^£ p&*0ipl*rp£ yiun he is strong (W.G.)

pedfipfi pci*eiplrrpfi yiifim they are strong (W.G.)

peafi yum it is he

peafipfi hapsu*?pa:p6 yiifcm They are Havasupais

peak ?h£t£ h9wa*pk habitat: there where the horses

stay

peak/y£k ?wd ?nu: I'm going to sit here

pe&m[h&m] ?nalkp I was born there

ycip£*yi sma na??wl I became alive

p0al kuri kyuwaha it was coming way back

p6a

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 507
li
1

sli: fry

hlf milk v.
hwktlrapa fifipllyi < lwf ruler, straightedge
Gpli hole

epiA’yi

epri pierce

Ogriya small opening

w&'lfi piiplip?! wing flutters
wal hill*pli:pi

li*pi soupy (thick liquid with

something in it)

ll:pk soupy

su*lft?£Sa insect species

?6tqwati kOpli'n oven
pilwllw?! quiver

hamGil yiiwo tliwliwi I'm going to cry

riwriw wag

sl£ paper flower

le *k6 stick out tongue

l&qi squash v.

klma: 16*qpi my rear end is sore

cf. klme:

le'qpa sore n.

w l ’khlS'pa cliff

plesmi tame, gentle

le

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 508
la
?la? ughl keep away! (interjection)

?1«£ bad

?l£:yi bad (plural subject)

tu* ?la:y£i

tu* p&*la*yi ugly person

p£lei:ik, p£ld*6l£*?ik lightning sound

0qla*qla* ?1 scream for help

hl£ moon

hi*wa*ya ?layi angry

w£ya...(?)la*yi angry

l£p flat cf. butterfly

wi:0& ?l&pikm a rock hit him
hu*pa*ka la*ka elephant

(?) Iaj3a prickly pear fruit

pldh?I tired

pl&h?l

sldm shawl

ld( *)wi many

hi 6 cottontail

0hl6*halo*hi death rattle, cf. snore

sil6ka spinal column

sml<5(*)hi snore

(m) ldhl bake (a cake)

ld( *)qi remove; pluck; undo
?lwll lu*pi weed out

mltiea measles
lullul?i bubble -*■ fife, flute

lu

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 509
lp

Plpet* t?i blister

mlpu • navel
mltat barrel cactus; prickly poppy
mlql neck
pihe old man

plhaya (plural)

?alhati greedy

?6mlhu k?Ir?Ira pipe stem

£klhu burp

pa*?lhwayi mean, nasty, cranky

klma:(6a) anus; buttocks

yuklme: eyebrow

?lwl snake
lwi correct
?lw6 marry (man speaking)
lwdyi (plural)
?lw6*pi married (man speaking)

tlwa*ypa ?nu* we're getting married

lw& wife

?lwe’niim rape

mwe*mm p£lwa*qki comes out in the spring

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 510
ri
r

?riyi important, cf. holy, sacred

rx-p k almost
0rx 1. doubt, hesitate

2. think

ppiS ?6irx*km I suspect, I'm not certain

prl*t?l jump, spring up
prlti

mri*ka bean

yh*rlprlp freckles
yii'rlerle

eprxrpi squint

perly?i surprised; jump in surprise

sk*?rri(yi) holy, sacred; perfect
s&?rxyi

re* play

ra *yi (plural)
rd*pi play(ing)

?kwferaya toy

kw^»re toy
?fire* doll

y&*kr6*pa lip
hrdpa brim; cliff

?ra* it hurtI ouch! (interjection)

Grapi five

rkprdp flat

ra

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 511
ra
halsqra*pi naked

hcipkr&*pa butterfly

hkpkp&*ra (W.G.)

hctlkr&:pa blue-green seashell

rkpr£§ pointed
r&pi it hurts v.i.

?6r4pi sick

prkprip7i sparks from lightning

wrclpi (W.G.)
(m)pr&*r?i get upI (after falling)

pci* (?)r&wa fast person running

r6 •pi go down, set
pafi pk*6kr6tkm I am short

hrSkpi hooked

(?) rti(y)i hot

trripi dry v.t.
rdpi dry

t?rAyi make hot

ya(.*)kr{t(.*)mpl thirsty
per kruyruya small trail, path
hrii(* )yi untie

mwlpi mhruyi take off your clothes!

0{3rtiy6, 00ruyu pierce (ears)

?ry4, ?riyi important
k hwkkrwisa hammer

salqrwi:sb wrist, forearm

rw

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 512
yi
y

y i' want, want to

?&*...yi love

m6l?&*...yi* sad

-k wkl...y i • want

k wal...yi*

yim- he's going toward it

p0£ ylmk y£*mk

ylrki hatch

poyl tire, wheel, cf. walk

0ke wlyl ?a?dmaha I'll never do it again

•* *ye (singular)

••-y^yi (plural)

?kr...ye happy, glad, thankful

tyd’mi desert v.

keye: doctor

k0ye*

k0l:yi

my£ spirit

miyi

gryes clear (water)

?y£? £kw&:mah nu* (G.N.) she puts it away

ma:t hiGkyetk whole body

y£*k dawn v.
ye*tk kw&*mafi6• eat in the morning

ye* pm oneself

ye

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 513
ye
mySla bread
mydla

?riye important, cf. holy, sacred

hlah twaye w&km the moon is far away

hwct:lrapa Sfipilyi, -e ruler, straightedge

sahayi hook

?khwkW ayi metal chair

?k^wciyuyi eyeglasses

?khwksll(*)yi drying pan

wayi seat

mnflna w&yi visceral sack

yd mouth

yd: pa face

?yd* mesguite beans

this

?&(.*) yd cave

?iiyd

tu* yd??Im I'm just saying that

?hdkya*£a bubbling water (Pin)

kya *ya gray hair

h udya* strike out

yd...pe* alive, be born

sydp6*pi soul

yd...pa*(p)i responsible

yd*pd*?\!imk £kwd*rkm laughs in disbelief

hu*0ila myd?pa*pkm "not by the hair of my chinny-

chin-chin!"

ya

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 514
ya
yapki (Verde Valley, G.M.) jump

wyati hurt, harm v.

qy£ti really, very much
yi& seed

ya*6i harvest v.

ty£ *6 corn

yik/pBik ?wa ?nu: I'm going to sit here

yaki lie, recline

kya(•)ki lies down

?i*yaki bed
yaki bed

yakyi bed

ya-ki bed

y£:k in front
snafla pya*ki rope v.
ya*ke Yaqui

ya...?&-pi understand

yappe Yavapai
ya0?p£

yag(?)p£ya

?y£*s turkey

y^*swdrpi suspended like a spider, -*■

pleasant

y i (•)mi go
pydmi run

kw&’ttpydmi automobile
ya

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 515
ya
?hksylm£6• Hassayampa River: 'the water
?hksya’mp6 disappears'
£ya*mi 1. send away

2. err
wky&ma village
ykpy<£p very round butte, mesa
ycl*l into, under

y&ly£l^ rectangular
yal cylindrical, rectangular
yaly^l2 big, flat top
yklly&l

yal, yar

mydl loaf of bread

myir penis
?w&shy&lpa ramada
?u:pa fimmyalpa cigar

pyal mescal
yci*l ?pu*ra donkey
y&rydr spreading

?wlla kykryara bunch of bushes

ykry&ra blanket
wl'khyarpa cantiles (large boulders near

Santa Catarina)
??1* shyarpa table

pyd'ri fly v.
myS:yi high

kmya’ypa the moaner

ya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 be located, cf. y<5:

y£*wi

y£:wi

h&yawa island
?m&t ?h^t6*pl y&*wa island
?w& ?wy&:w6 yard: around the house

fihwa*p6 h uciya*wi enemy striker

qoloy£wa chicken < qallina ?

ydwi 2 noise, echo

y£ :wi

qwctwa pk •kfix•r (i) kyufii barber

qw&wa p& *k£I*r (i) kySfii

qw&wa pk*kfcl*r(i) k?5fii

qw&wa p&*kSI*r(i) fi?5fii

?ix:pa ?hmali y5*fia roll-your-own's

?£hu&yk kyo*(£i) peace: no more fighting
?hdt phpoyo shoe a horse

y 6: be located

ydswi (plural)

iy6 • set, put down

fiw6-, So-

?yos willow

y6*pi make

y<5- tooth
y5*pa ?umi not sharp, dull

y6:pi the blade

yo •6 i catch, take

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 517
y°
?5*£i

y<5: grab

y°( :>! be located

y62
make

y63 take

tooth
y64
?y6- willow

wayo’gi noisy «- ya*wi2

ydqi vomit

sdyoqi smash, mash, squash

?hat syoroi reins

syo*mi pull

syumi

syomi

syumi

mkk?yo sra chief

mayd•ra < Spanish mayor

tyd (•)fia relative

yd be

ydp ~ pfcipyd* that is so

ytf(-) eye, face

yuOpa

yb < yu eye
?hway6qaya Tonto: dirty-eyed enemy
tydpi face v.

?yd* owl

SyCtti ruh straight

yu

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 Sfiy£t*ti

hktpyu*6a pony: little horse

yukydk

kYiryfikytika oblong basket

shy&ki dig

?fikyftka ancient
?6kyu*kta legend
yd* si cool, comfortable

yusyus

tyusyHspi fan v.

ni’mk ydl wimi takes apart and throws away

phpokyu*la sandals
myd(*)l- sweet; sugar

mkydl trousers
mkYdl

yu*l rope made of cowhide

Pyu*li mix v.

thw5gi tmyu*li soda

yuri go in
ydri shirt
myuTki enter!

qyurqi small ditch/ furrow

ydwi come

dyd’wi send toward speaker

Sydwmi drive

yuw6 track

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 519
wi

wf do, make
wiwo show, teach

mydwk mwx*wo come and show

?wiw6

?wiwo

wiw-

?wik ?wiwkm I couldn't help doing it

?i*ke0wi we got here

wip<5(?) they drove the people away

pk*wip6

?wf* rock, mountain; money

wi:

pri mwi mwi:? do you think you can do it?

-wi

pe£m [h&m] ?n&lkp I was born

y&p6*yi smd na??wx

swx scrape (hair off deer hide)

nwx * father's older brother
piwi correct, right, proper

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 520
wi

piwl

?lw£ snake
wlta 1. father's older brother

2. father's or mother's younger

brother

wi* ta (plural)

s&kwlta pigeon

kw£ dove

wfpi clothes

w£ *pi wear clothes

wlsa mother's older sister
wl*sa (plural)
salqrwr:s& (SEY) wrist, forearm

k^Akrwisa hammer

wlmi throws away

twl*mi rest v.

pd*l winpi wear socks

phpo yA:l winpi sock

wllwi*li shake to make something sit

properly
?w£la bush, tree, grass

?lwfla

?fisA kwlla mockingbird

wi

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 521

wi
hi’wfl thigh, hip, hindquarters
wfipi quick; early
fimwiipi determined
wlrw£r flutter
w£ •ri finish, use up, spend
wxri dried out muscles
?£knwi•ra cook n.
sqmwi *ra ankle
qmwx*rma old woman
Sa?wxri insist
w£ •yi own, have
w£:yi

w£/wfy-/wi•

p&?wx*(yi) mine
p a •hml ?wx I have a husband
pk’wxya lesser chief
kwx:ya owner
?w£* mouse
w£ vagina
wfehipuk collarbone area
w&hpu buttocks
we take care of
pwe on guard
pwe care for
mwd warm
mktkpwe• spider (W.G.)
qASpi pmi:kw^*?i smells bad

we

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 522
wa
?wa house
pw£ abode
wa sit
?i*w&yi wooden chair

i ’waya heart, chest

??l*swa barrel
swa, svk basket, pot
?ma ?y6 many sitting
kwa'hm season, time

hk£w£ sand
&wk(•)ygi swing
6wayi

nwa*ha friend

pk?wa:p£ ?wl:fipi my enemy (G.N.)

my£la swci dough: not ready
kwd* cicada
hu*wa cricket-like insect
?wd okay
WcifclinCi visit
wkkapSri love, like

w^eeqma swayback

w&s&qma whipper (Prn m .)

wk*... sl*gi think cf. count, read

w&sl:pi

wkslpi wild, untamed

wk*sl*f}a ?umi crazy

'Wet*sl*p6'*mi drunk

wa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 w&...hapi stingy
iwkhapa

Wei... ml • scold

(?)weunlyi mourn, cf. cry

Wctmiyek ?£ma • ?umi mourn by fasting

Wet... p£(*) forget

?wk •lapa plant species

wkyo’pi noisy
?wa?y6 many sitting

tye*pk w&y6yi neighbor

-wa

k w&*k&pyu£a k&gpmlwa whatever you say

waka, w£*ka elder sibling

pk?fiwa:kpa pcrm?e*gi ask my brothers!

hwaki two

fiwA’qi scatter

mwe*mm pfilwa*wki comes out in the spring

Irowa’pi stay, inhabit

pw&spi ten

fimwA* ea spleen

nwd (* 1ha friend

wA*mi bring, deliver

?hk perwamma ?pa:£a Paipai

tiS* ftargm ?wa*ma ?nukm I'll skip over parts of it.

y&:pa twami cover mouth, smother

y&*pa twami carry on head

swdni stir

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 wana mother's older brother

wa •na (plural)

0wa•nki limp (because of short leg)

w£la feather, wing

-kwkl... y£*/kwil... y1

k we*05kwal yl*km one wants to eat

pwHli carry (a bucket)

n l *stkwalka scorpion: 'out of shape'

swali always; hold on; love

pdfi ?swalkm I love/like

hw£*l pine

w£*li look for, look up

h w<£*li

himwi•la calf of leg

pwdrl cannot

kwa’w ?wari stutter (cannot speak)

wdri again

mpSkk mwarka come back1

mwdra flour

hhlw&ri smooth

yei’sw^rpi pleasant, be suspended

swd*ri sing

kewArpi perforate (ears)

mhttw&ya distant land

nikw&yk ?hwati it's rusty

pw£*pi live, dwell

pwa•yi

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 525

wa
wkype *m{3i

wkyp£mpkm beautiful, wonderful

w^ya?lA*yi one is angry

w&y5•km they are living there
£wo • set, put down

£y6*, 66’

q weiqta pm&*ya £w6{5a cheese

pqwo*?l growl
Pqpo(*)?l

w5wo?i barks
w5qwoq7i growls
td* woqwo-q?ikm growl
w£w& show
?iw6 teach by saying

ldllvll?x6a ??I*wok I play the fife

pilqwusmx gulp
yk *lwdra donkey < burro

y a ’ipdra

myal twpu*0i preserve bread

wrapi lightning sound

wyati hurt, harm v.

wy

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 wi*-
?wx• rock; mountain

?wi*paya ?wi*ri I used up all my money

w i •puka foot of the mountain

w i 'pukahk foot of mountain

(?)wi*puk?pa:(6a) Northeastern Yavapai people

?wi•puk?pa*kwaw6a Northeastern Yavapai language

wi *taya mountain

wi *tayakwaha ?6?ali I climb the mountain

wi*kt?5rpa summit

wi*k6asa Four Peaks: smooth cliffs

wi*6alca*l?e ridge, boulder

wi*6alca*lle

w i •6pu■66 bank (financial)

wi *6pu•66kwx•yi banker

w i •6ko *li many rocks

wi*k6sawa Superstition Mountain

wl*6w6 brick

wl*ka6a rock for building

wi*ktkupa gully: sides almost come

together

?wi*k?Isla mountain

wi*ka?x*la Grand Canyon

?wi*ka?x*laha
• •
canyon

wi *km?6rpa ridge

wl*ky&pyd*pa mesa

wiskykpyipa Thumb Butte; butte

wi *

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 527
wl*-
?wl* (continued)

wl*kua0a

?wl:kw&0a ksik?Ita Prescott: brown rock (granite)

pointing into water

wi*k?Ir?Ira butte

wi*k?ampa ridge of rocks

wi*k?a*mpa mountain range

wi*?qs5 agate (white stone found in

area)

wl*kp?u*la Bill Williams Mountain

wi* 0a*wa pebble

w i •0kwaya light rock

wi*skfii*pi precipice

wi*hapsu(w)a diabase

wi*hoha*hm side of mountain

wi*khle*pa cliff

wi*khyarpa cantiles

wi:mun kwa San Francisco Peaks

?wi *pakfiakapa Black Canyon

wi*pmsipa silver

wi*-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ENGLISH-YAVAPAI DICTIONARY

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 abode pwd

animal's abode ?£[Link]

be about to (modal mi(*)

auxiliary)

about to fall s?6npi

above ttS:pk, £&:hk

become accustomed ipari

acorn ?i*hmx, ?l*hml(*)ya

acorn meal ?l*hml(*)ya td'fia, ?i*hml(*)

tapa, ?l*hml*ya tdfja,

?i*hml(*)ya tdppa,

?i’hml(*)ya m qw£na

acorn soup ?i*hml*ya phaya

gather acorns ?l*hml*ya 6?d*mpi

lots of acorns (Pin) ?l*hm£ t0rp6

there are plenty of acorns jl^hml’ya qyatkm

across khke'

add tk£ •, tki

admire a lover (woman qwasfiem(?)i

speaking)

they are afraid, cf. fear m5£yi

after ml:pk?e

afternoon pci*pnA*li

two to four in the after­ pei*pyu* si

noon

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 530
a
again ?i*nka; wdri

agate (white stone found wi *?qsa

in area)

agitate (t)tnxri

be alive yk...pd*
I became alive; I was p0dm [h&m] ?ndlkp yAp£*yi sma

born na??wl

all pdya

all: no more p?<5mi

that's all, finished pdpiwiei

that's all for now pplwlom ?n5 ?pira

all the time td* pyd*fik pupyd

almost rl*p&

almost (SEY) y u ’Gfi^ti

alongside of k wafik

always swdla

ambitious, cf. man; tall hmi

ambush, cf. fipd* pa:hfti

ancient ?ftkydka

ancient people Hohokam ?fikydka ?pel:£a

"and, but" p&pyu*(pa)

'and where... ' (enclitic) -pfe(*)

Anglo h&ik5, h&yko

Anglo: beaver eater(s) W.G. [Link] h6*£a, [Link] e6*£a

angry hi*wA*ya ?layi,

wdya...(?)ld*yi

animal ?fipdya

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 531
a
"domesticated” animal hit

animal's abode ?[Link]

ankle sqmwi(*)ra

antelope m?ul

anus klm5:(fia)

Apache pi*fi?hwi

is apparent sp<5pi

It is apparent that ?pa*pft ?firapk sp«5pkm

the man is ill

arc-shaped tpttu'pi; mpd(*)ppi

bow tpfiu'pa

arc-shaped -»• pgnd, bow hpd1

(stagnant)

wide area matk 6ki:ma, matk fika’mi

arm sil

my arm falls asleep ?s£la 6I*li

armpit slpii

arrive pi* (sg.), npi* (pi.)

arrow ?pi/ (?)pikwlrpa

artery [Link]

ashes (?)mhfi(*)l

ask fi(k)kw 1

ask for kpi*pi, kpi:pi

automobile kwfe *fipyimi

autumn mitmin?i, mit md*n?Ime;

mityu’si (W.G.), mityussi

(G.M.)

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 ax ikviti; shkVei’ti

awl ->■ mosquito pika, ?pak

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 533

b
b

baby hmdp (sg.), hma:pa (pi.)

back hitdt (G.M.), hi'thdt (W.G.)

back maka

move back or down, cf. kwd •

south

backward mdka

bad -»■ dislike qlAd(*) (sg.), qlAd(•)yi (pi.)

bad person pd'hanah ?Omi

badger mhwd* (W.G.), mh«I: (G.M.)

bag, sack ?hmdl

bake (bread) thmu

bake (a cake) (m) I6hi

bake in ashes pdpi

baker kmyd•la

bald (person) qwari hitasa

bald (land, mountain) [Link]*rm?e

ball kdmpi; t?6ra

ball -*■ tomato k?6ra

band for cradle smpu’rpi

bank td* ti

bank (river) mkt?i'la

bank (financial) wl*fipu*tt6*

banker w l *fipu *[Link]•yi

barbed wire ?khwa*pm ?l*pk6pa

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 534
b
barber qw&wa p&*kfcx*r(i) fi?ofii,

qwdwa p&*kfix*r(i) k?ofti,

qw&wa p&*k£X*r(i) kyufii,

qw&wa pei*kftl*r(i) kyofti

bark (on a tree) 9pila; prafya

bark v. pdhp6h?i; wowo?i

barrel ??l*swa

barrel cactus (?)mltat

base of skull dkvd(’)sa

basket k?d*; swd

basket (burden) q9aq

oblong basket k?u*ydky(lka

bat (animal) qa(*)pdpqa (G.M.), qamp&pqa

(W.G.)

bathe ?h&...0pd(•)yi

battle fik?h«4yi

yd

ydf:^ (sg.), yd:wi (pi.),

yd*wi

beads ?wi*kl?ulka; sk?d:la hnakfia

beak qwieqwie, qwirqwir,

hd*qwlrqwIra

be always td* yddi

bean m ri’ka

mesquite beans ?yd*

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 bear, cf. gila monster, mhwa(*)ta

cow, squirrel, moun­

tain lion

bear fruit, be born pd*

beard yM*p)pmI

beat, strike ?d?pdqi

beat (heart) k6pk<5 *p

beautiful w&y pe(*)mpi; w&yka*ypi
beaver [Link](*)qa
bed yakyi, ydkl, yd*ki, ?l*ydki

bedbug ydki ph?el

bee empd •

beer ?h&?m&la

beginning to get dark phip£:?lm, phipa?lm

always be good to people t d ’ mpydfik p&*mnhmdrpi

belly pntina (W.G.), mnd(*)na (G.M.)

beyond one thousand td* ldwa ldwk

Bible: flat, black book tpd’rpa ?p^:kldpa

big ptd, ptd*yi, ptdya, kptd*,

kotd (SEY)

Big Dipper: moon coat (?) [Link]*ya

big, flat top yklydl, y&l?ydl

bile psd

bill (of bird) qwleqwie, qwirqwir

Bill Williams Mountain wl*kp?u*la

bind (a baby) kwari

binoculars ?6?uyi

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 536
b
bird ?fisd, ?Csd ld*wi (pi.)

bird that goes "ku:" kku* (W.G.), kku: (G.M.)

biscuit my&lq?5ra

bite fiky<5, Ckw<5

bits (in money) ml

bitter t?eli, e?eli; ?ha*, ?ha:ki

black ?pa: (G.M.), ?pa* (W.G.),

?patta

black ant (small, brown) finahptika

Black Canyon^ ?wl*p&kfiakapa

Black Canyon 2 : cottonwood ?h^*ktkwl*pa

lined along the banks

blacksmith: bang v. ?khww&.ktu*ta

bladder th:pkyama

blade y6:pi

blanket fipd*pi; yhryAra

blind yu*?(i*pa ?umi

blink pmafimaft?i

blister plpA*t?l

block kpk6
blood (?)hw£ta

blood sucker pk'ftedqa

blossom tdpsa, tdwsa (SEY), k«fe*tApsa

blow with mouth h&pJSd-li

blue hhpsti*(w)i

blue jay fiksfta*sa

boat khl6, see klho

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 537
b
body m d :t

body is feverish m£:tft khp6 *yi

boil sweat house t?51i

boil v.i. ?u* ti

bone 6y 4l*ka

be born^ pe*, ya...p£*, yk...pdyi,

ya...p^£i; n&'li

be born 2 0awPi
borrow 0ma•pi
bottom puk

bottom of mountain matpukmak

boulder wi*cal£a*l?e# wi*calca*lle
bow hputpSu'pa; hpu5pa(*)k0a
boy hmaphmi, hmaphme, hma’ra (pi.

W.G.), hma:ra (pi. G.M.)

bracelet epri-tiri

braid snaPa n. snipi v.

brain (brains) qmpaya

branch: comes away from ?i:tpkVala

tree

bread myal, myala, myela

the bread is on the ??i*shyarpa myala £a*nk wakm

table

give us bread today pa*Pm myala pa*m?e

preserve bread for myal twpu’pi

future use

bake bread mya *la thmu

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 break v.t. kydti; ekvaypi; tmqwdni
break v.i. pqAwp?!, td* pq£wp?l
break v.t. tapa
break of dawn m5t£ p?u*pkm
break in (horse) i(*)ha*ni
break in two qawi
breast pmdya

man's breast pa'hmipmaya

breastbone sk^ata

breathe p0 e*r p 0 ehi, 0eha 0 d*,

p 0e*h( 0e*h)l
I breathe P0e*(?)?i
brick wi *dwo
V 0
brick -*■ cheese cwo

brickshaped -*■ cheese £hu6 pa, fiwdpo

bridge ?pa*shke*pa
bridle yaskapi

brim hrepa

bring km£*; wa*mi

bring (incompletive) ?<5yi

bristle phw5*pi

brittlebrush ?m§taq

broil sili

broiler myalslid

broken qawi, Pqwaqpi

broken-off pine (Pin) hwa:lk£as£a

broken (pottery) OkVayPi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 539.
b
(elder) brother hwdkpa

ask my brothers! p&?fiwl:kpa pct*m?e*pi

father's older brother nwi •

father's or mother's wlta (sg.), wx*ta (pi.)

younger brother

brown (?)k«4ei

brush (plant) ?mpAfia

brush v. sfil

bubble -*■ fife, flute lullul?!

bubbles tppuni

bubbling water (Pin): ?hdkya*fia

creek near Miller

Valley

bucket khu&.(h)mdt

buckhorn ?t^tt'sA*la

buckskin kwdl1

buffalo qwdkta hii*kpte*

bug kkd'pa

bull qw&ktahmlpa, qw&ktahmdppa

bull snake hktam5*la

bulrushes hkms?Ip

bunch of bushes ?wlla kyaryara

burden basket k 0 dq, qedq

burial ground p&'tmarfid

burn v.i. qwati

burning pain pt6eq?l

be burnt pili

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 burnt up pili 9rk:pi

burp fiklhu

bury tmkri

bunch of bushes ?wlla kykryara

bush ?w£la, ?lwlla

plant species (a bush) ?l*kwala

busted pqwkqpi
busted up q waq0qwaqpi

butte wiskykpykpa; wl*k?ir?Ira

Thumb Butte wiskykpykpa

butter qwkktapm&ya

butterfly hkpkra’pa (G.M.), hkpkpk’ra

(W.G.)

buttocks^ wkhpu

buttocks2 klmk:, klma:(6a)

button ykskipi; yuri skhkpi, yuri

sakhappi; yuri s?cbnmi

< s?ampi

buzzard s£*

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 541
c
c

cake my&la mydla

calf ?qw&kta e&wwa, ?qw£kta Sdwa

calf (of leg) himwa*la

California yellow poppy h&ptd*ra, h&pqtura

(Prn)

camel: humpback hitat h&m?ola

Bactrian hithatk kmpu:lpa

dromedary hit^at h&m?ola

candy cane myula kwdlskwiskwt
cane sotdt

canned food kwfe*mdpa ?khwd*pl yd*wa

cannot pwari, pwarpi

(cannot speak) stutter kwa*w ?wari

cannot find sme *, smd:

canoe khl<5, see klho

cantaloupe ?Skmtd td* qwdea kd£a

cantiles (large boulders wl'khyarpa

near Santa Catarina)

canvas kske(*)pa

canyon fihkdpi; k?i*la, ?wi*ka?i*laha

Black Canyon ?wl*p&k£akapa

Grand Canyon wi*ka?I*la

capsize tm?ampi

care for pwe

corral ?i*kpkoppa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 carry twami; hke*

carry (a bucket) pw£li

carry heavy object in kpnawi

cf. n<5 'heavy'

carry in hand i*k(5

I carry in my hand ?s£ll ?i*k6km

carry many objects £mnp^*pi (W.G.)* dpnpdmpi

(G.M.)

carry on back p&*pl

carry on head p^, yd*pa twami

carry something heavy hike *, hik<5

(olla with water)

on back

casaba ?3kmtu ?qw^9a ?kwlpa

cast a spell pehi

castrate q w£kta hma*y y<5pa

cat pmi

catch i*kwiei; t?ami

catch oneself from falling p0a*qpi

by jerking

catclaw acacia k£asa

fat on cattle q wakta s£ya

cause to die or be sick tpuyi

cave ?wi*y£, ?o(*)y&r ?iiy£

caved in (hole) peo*r?i

caved in (mining shaft) Pqopq5p?i; pna:m?I

V /
cedar coqa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 center td*pi, sttiyi

centipede (?)h&pkasapa

metal chair ?khw&w&yi

rocking chair: back and ?l*way k&*rkkcL*rk?l£d

forth

wooden chair ?l*wAyi

change v. tphke•

cheap fiwarpi

checkers ?kw&*thfp?ifii

cheekbone qnwl *

cheeks i(*)eul

cheese i5w6, Chwopa, £w&pa

chest (i*wAy) sgata, skv£ta;

i*wdy ktiltll?i; i*wa(*)ya

chew fimpdyi

chew -*■ scissors ttpp^'yl (W.G.), fcmpdyi (G.M.)

chew (cud) 6ep&li2

chew tobacco ?(i*p fiahma*

chewing gum kwfe*iSmpaya

chicken, < gallina qoloydwa

chickenpox mluea

chief, SEY m&tsApa, m&te&pa

chief (loanword) < Spanish may6:ra (G.M.), may<5*ra (W.G.),

mayor m&k?yo:ra (SEY) (folk

etymology)

lesser chief p^*wlya

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 544

child 0dwa (sg.), 0&:wa (pi.), Sdwa

(sg.), Sikwa (pi.); hmdp

(not weaned), hmaspa

Chinese: speaking in water hdlkwdwa

chipmunk hmlra, hml:ra

choke on food mdagi

chop with ax sakyati, sahkYati

Christmas myula k wdlskwIsk«I maifii

kwd’hm; k w&*?d*Si kwd’hm

church ?wdtdpp&

cicada kwa •

cigar ?u:pa fimmyalpa

clan pd£a:fia

claw slhp<5* (G.M.) , slhw6* (W.G.)

lay mdt

clay jug m&telwa

clay pot hmdt

clean edmi

clean spotless t0kwf*li

clean out (?)?l*pu*, ??i:pd-

clear 0dmi, s6lsoli; s&lstili

clear (water) qrye:

clearing .(£&-) (?)qwari

cliff wl*khle*pa, hrdpa; mdt?I*la

Four Peaks: smooth cliffs wi*kdasa

climb-^ fikpd •

climb2 £?dli

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 clock: sun ticking p&: ptdetAe?Iiia

close t?ami; y&skapi

close (a door) s?dmi

closed t?£mpa

cloth thuma

cloud (?)k«i, ki+ (in compounds)

cloudy (?)k«I*yi

clothes wl (*)pi

wear clothes w£*pi

clover kpi-la

clover-like plant Gpila

club p&* ?api

coal ?oesi
(cock's) comb ks&lseli

coiled kwirpa

cold muni

it's cold today pdspm mtini

collapsed ptotpk

collarbone area wfehipuk

Colorado River ?hcikhwdta

comb s&Z

come ydwi

he comes from New New York pk'ydwa

York (W.G.)

I was coming from far pedl kdr kyuwaha

away

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 He came from New York New York p & ’ydwk yufik ydm

(W.G.)

it was coming way back pedl kdri kyuwaha

come and show mydwk mwI*wo

come away from -*■ branch, tpkvdla, ?ltpkvala

forked

come back pdki

come back! mpSkk mwarka

come down nd*lki

come out d?dli

come out, sprout pdqi, tpdqi
come out pfilwd'qki
come out in the spring mwe*mm pfilwa*qki

come out in the spring mwe*mm pttlwa*wki

comfortable yd*si, ydsyds

command ttknd*

complete ttkwi(•)lpi

constitutional n. hp<5*ma
container hmat

continue kdyudi

continues to pant phaha?!

cook n. ?iiknwi*ra

cook v. nwl*ri (sg.), nwlrfii (pi.)

cool yd*si, ydsyds

copulate pl'ni, pi:npi, 6pi:pi

coral-colored snake, hd(p)puk

coralillo

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 547

corn ty £ *fi

corn just becoming ripe ty&*fi slwa, tyd*iS suwa

corner kslksl?lta; ?w&sqwlr(p)qwlrpa

corner (outside) kfqwarhe ksk?ita

corpse p£*pl

female corpse pk*plfimi*ya

correct plwl
cotton £0kwebnpa

cottontail hl6

cottonwood ?hd(•)

cottonwood about to fall, ?h&*ks?6npa

hanging there (Pin)

cottonwood spring ?h&•p d :£6

cough ?6hi; pk£hk£hi

count si, sipi, sl*pi, si:pi

I'm counting them p&:?si:pi

countless tu* p5ma ?p5ma

country mdtk fika*mi, matk £k&:ma

cousin (man speaking) £ka* pi;, fismaypa

first cousins: children ma •ya

of two sisters

cover fcp£(*)» £puki, t?ami, tmdri,

twami

cover mouth yi:pa twami

cover with dirt tmdri

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 cover with dirt while spuki

planting

cow qwakta, q«aqta

cowhide qwakta pml*ya

cow's milk qweiktapmdya

barbecue a cow q«4kta papi

coyote ke&r?h3na

crack (egg) pekv&’ypi

cracking sound kqwlea

crack like a watermelon (p)qdqp?i

cradle hmdpqwdr?i

cramps, cf. tie up p0pdip?i

crane nqwd

cranky pd*?lhwayi

crawl £ & (h)td*ti

crazy wd*si*pa ?umi

cream of wheat mwdra smkwlnpa

creek ttkmf*; hdqd&i khd’la

Pin: creek near Iron- hdqwdea khd:la

springs

they cremate pd* (pi)td*y6i

cricket elr(k)eirka

cricket-like insect h u ’wa

croak pqla* ?ik

crook of a cane tkru

cross shkVepa, khkd*pa; sphwepa

msph«e*p6

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 crow qs&q

crowded ttiri

crowded with people p&*turi

crown of head cock's comb k?6ya, k?5wya

crucifix ??i*ksipa hwe*pa

crust my£la pila

cry •> mi: (sg.), mi*fii (pi.)

cry for somebody kml*2

I'm going to cry hkneil yiiwo tliwliwi

rock music: make instru­ ?khw&m!wo

ment cry

cultivate (mkt) pu*

cup v . t?ami

cup (ears) 6pko, kj3k6

cup (hand) t?ami

cup the hand salt?ami, sals?ami

current ?ha0pi*rpi kh^’la

curved ktBukpa

cut stx:ti; kV^ti

cut skin out (m)Ikhi, i *khi, hikhi

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 550

d
d

dam ?h&t?dmpa

damp mued, mued, mueayi

dam up t?dmi

dance i (•)md

dancers khimifia

dangerous msd:pi

begins to get dark phipd?Im

get dark phlpa(:)?im

getting dark tqipi, tqepi

dart across p?o*q...l

Date Creek Tolkapayas: ?ha:hd*pk ksfitilpa ?pet*£a

cottonwood sticking

in the water

daughter hfidp

daughter (man speaking) piA’ya, pd^(*)

my daughter-in-law pa?pd

mother's brother's daughter nd*t(a)

(man speaking)

daughter's child (?)kh<5- (sg.), (?)kh<5*fia (pi.)

dawn pmedp?Ik&, pme5*pki

break of dawn matdS p?u*pkm

day: sun sits pa:wd

day (24 hrs.) smd •

day before yesterday pu:kk ?p£:hm, ptiskm ?pd:hm

dead, cf. hug; die p£x , piS-yi

d

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 551
d
deaf sm&lkatu

death rattle phl6*hl<5*h.. .1, pal6*halS*hi,

phl£>*hal5*hi

deep ??x:li; ??e (sg.), ??dyi (pi.)

deep (Prn f.) tlkwe *fia

deer kud:ga, ?qwd:ka, q«4:qa

defecate ftilqi, £elqi

(definitlzer) -ha/-h/-a

(deictic) pu, pea

deliver kmi*^; wl*mi

dense ??e (sg.), ??dyi (pi.)

descend n&li

desert {6h-)(?)q«ari, m^tkqwa*rm?e,

mktqwara; ty£*mi

he deserted them tiS* py4 p&*ty£*mkm

determined ftmwiipi

they devour it ttd*pk ?fim&yfii

dew hue4,
• r
ho0&
•

diabase w l ’hapsu(w)a

diarrhea: stirred up mndkn£ qw6*qw6*?l;

mnflnfi squd:r(?) i

dice ?kwe*£k£>rk6*ri

die P*!* pii’yi

different hk£, khiyi

different, opposite pii*hkciya

bridge, ford

dig shy&ki

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 is he digging? pufi h w&l&

digging stick ??l*p6qp6qa

dip in water hane•ka

dirt mat

red dirt mat?hwata

discharge, gun going off mpe, pmpe*, 0mpe*i, {5mpe* (yi),

mpaya
disease ?5hnupa, ?£hno0a
dishes ?cmaici, k we*mSc6*
distant twclyi, twa*yi

distant land mattwaya

* - * V .
distribute pa *kwi•ci

I distribute to them pa*??e*kwi*ci ~ pa*??e*kiyci

ditch ?haqwini, ?ha?qwini; hasqi’ra

still water ditch ?hasqi*ri
small ditch qyurqi
/
do wi

do it! pu mwi

I ask you to do it pumwl ??I

he asks you to do it pumwi ?i

do you think you can pumwl mwl:?» PuPmwi Pumwi

do it?

do you think you can pu mwi mwi:?

do it?

it will be done Plwlha

be doing (modal auxiliary) nu (•)

I couldn't help doing it ?wik ?wiwkm

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 553
d
doctor k(i)0ye*f k9f:yi, kGiye*,

kGyd*, k0ye:

doff hrdyi

dog kGdr

doll ?dre •

dollar pd* < peso

i
donkey ya*l ?f5u*ra, y^*lwdra < burro
doorknob ?waskwini
doubt 0rl

dough mwara m 5 •rk, mwara mu*ra,

myala m u ’rfia

dough: not ready myala swa, myala slwa, mydla

suwa

douse maqi

dove kwl

down south kwe •

draw out o?ali

dream tsma*£i, tsmasci, tsma’cSi

(pl.)
dress fJhe; tdeqPa, 0£eq{3a, t£aq(3a,

tcaqwa

drink 0i-

drink water! (?)ha m 0 x (•)

(a) drink (made) from k0?es

berries

drip toctoc?ika; 6aqSaq

drive cyuwmi
d

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 they drove the people away pa*wlp6

drizzle k wip£*pa£p£ yuswo; k wlppeayi

drop p6aq?l; £n£(*)li

I dropped (it) ?£na*lkm

drown ?h&*pi pi

drowsy i*pd*ri

drum ?kwe*t?umi

drunk w k ’si’pe'mi

dry rdpi

dry v.t. trdpi

dried out muscles wiri

duck qnm<S:

dull yo*pa ?umi

dusk ptqepi?i; pa*marpi, pa*pmarpi

dust matha*y pu:lk?i?i; m^tGapa

pu:lk?i?i

dust, cf. pound matmqwana

dusty qe (•), qaya

dwarf pa*pyu*£a

dwell pwe, pwa*yi (pi.), pwS*pi (pi.)

dweller <?)paya cf. p ^ ’, ?pa:

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 555
e

each one k&?si:ta

eagle ?sd

ear smdlka, sm£*lka (pi.)

early wllpi

early tomorrow pyfe’km “

earring sm&*lki

earth m£t; matk k£k&:ma, matk £ka*mi

earth: spread wide m&tkhel:la

on earth as it is in m&t£a:pk mya*yu

heaven

you're responsible for matpa yermpchpk

the earth

earthquake matfi p?xn?In?l

(earth)quake £?ln?l*ni

east: sun comes out pa*fi?al6*

Easter qoloy&wa sqawa m£he kwa•hm

eat ma* (sg.), ma£i (pi.), m^i6i

(pi.)
I am eating ?fi?ma*

one is eating l&mi. *

a few eat ?£md£i

eat dry, powdered substance fihmd:

(parched corn)

eat in the morning ye*tk k we*ma£6*

eat lunch pa*piwl*pm k w£*ma£<5

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 556
e
eat meat e<5 (-)

I eat k w&*?0(5*k

I want to eat kw£*?ec5k w&l?i*km

do you want to eat? kwfe'meok w&lmf*yd?

eat something mushy fiupi

eat supper (p)mdrm m££a

eat up 6d-pi

echo y£wi, ydswi

edge t?6rpi, tytiwpi, p?6me

egg sqawa

elbow skp?5ka

elderberry t&tt&la

elder sibling waka (sg.), wd*ka (pi.)

elephant hirpa*ka la*ka

embers, coal

encircle takap?i

end n . p?6me

enemy hwd, p&*6?hwa, ?fihwA, peffihwa,

£a?h«a

enemy striker (Prn) 6hwa*pfi hw^ya*wi

energetic hml

engine: iron runner khw&kp?amma

enough plwl

enter1 myti•rki

entrails {3ha

err fiya*mi

espy, sight v. suri

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 evening hi*p£*, phipd?Im

evening: getting dark ?s4* tqipi, ?s&* tq£pi;

phipd:?1m, phipa?1m

everything around tti* hihSl py^k kya:mpha

exchange tipahke*pi

exclamation of fear nl •n l •

(woman speaking)

exercise hp6(*)mi

eye ytf(•)
eyebrow yuklme:

eye-glare yfc*tmu(*)rpi

eyeglasses ?khwayuyi

eyelash yusupa:

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 558
f
f

face yd:pa; yd*pa

face v. tyupi, tyupi

face paint 6yd*lpi

fall eiri; mdni; ndli

fall down there pydl pq<5t?a?Imi

fall -*■ moult edli

falls asleep (arm, leg) tti*li

family, clan p&6a:£a

fan v. tyhsydspi
farm mdtpu:, matpu*
farmer mdtpu*kwl*ya

fast person running p&*(?)rdwa

fat n. sdya

fat se (sg.), sA’ykm (pi.)

father fita(*fia), tdla

my father p&?£tdha, pd?tdla

husband's father nkupd’ya

wife's father plhe pi*

father-in-law upe

father's brother's son ml *ka

father's father np6* (G.M.), p6(*)ra (W.G.)

father's mother mora

father's older brother su •6a

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 559
f
father's or mother's wlta, wl'ta

younger brother

father's older sister npi*

father's sister P*2

father's sister's sons £ka‘pa

fear mse *, msdyi, mSe*, mSdyi

fearsome ms£:£i, m§4:pi

feather wala, k we*wala

feces £elqa

feel like ukwa

female cml•y a ; Pql (sg.), Pqu'ya (pi.)

fence ?i*Pk6Pa

metal fence ?khwa*Pm ?i* PkoPa

feverish khPo’yi

a few tu* kPlmiPm

fiddle v . : rub back and k we*hqishqis(?)ca

forth

field matpu*

fife lullul?i

fight ca*wpi

fighting h wa

I cannot find it ?sme*, ?sm£*

fine mpe, mpdya

finely pounded m q wani

I burned my finger s^lpa ?tukm

index finger: 'pointing' s&l?£knd:mo, S c ila ?£kn£:mi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 560
f
middle finger s&lkpte: pakpepa, s&lqd*fia

p&kpd *pha

little finger s&lq£qe*£a, Scilk£ki*ca

fingernail salslhwo*

fingers salkma:r£a cf. toes,

salq£qe’£a, salk£ki*£a

finish wi*ri

fire ??o

firewood ??i:tqwat£a

first -*■ original (?) hani

be first i (.•) Po (•)

first cousin nc5a* (sg.), tn£a*cSa (pi.)

first cousin (female) paya

(first person pronoun) ?pa-

fish n. ?cx *

fish v. ?c£: s?oni

fishhook cactus tapha:

make a fist sal£kl?ulki

five Orapi

fix ihani, iha*ni

flag ?kwe*s?on£a

flat, cf. butterfly raprap

flesh mast

float ?haca*pk yaki, ?haSa:pk yaki

flood comes and goes; ?ha?ama, ha?a*mi

passes through

flour mwara

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 561
f
flow h d (*)li
flower tdpsa, tdwsa (SEY), tw£*t&0sa

flowing downward ■+ water holhol

fall

flute lullul?i, td* lulldl?ida

flutter wxrwxr

flutters 01xplxp?x, hilx*plx:pi

wing flutter wal hilx*plx:pi

wing flutters wa'lcS 0liplxp?x

fly n. 0mpu*rka

fly 0ya*ri; 0yd*r...x

flying squirrel m q wx 6

foam (?)ma:li, mala

fog mu0e, mu0a

foggy mu0a(;)yi
fold once cqn?5ni

fold repeatedly ctqn?oni

follow 0ak pe0i

follower kha0a

food ?cma0a, (?)kwe*md0af

(?)kwe*ma£a

fool tmxli (sg.), ttmeli (pi.)

foot mx

foot (figurative) puk

foot of mountain matpukmak, w i ’pukahk

foot of the mountain w x •puka

ford v. pakhke*

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 562
f
forearm eprl*, eurl:; s&lqrwi:s6 (SEY)

forehead impti(*)la (w.G.), impdsla (G.M.)

forget vfcl... pa

fork (?)khw^msdrpa

forked post ?itpkyala

Fossil Creek ?h&kh&ps\lwa

four hopi

fourth time hopdda spdk(k)

Four Peaks: smooth cliffs wi'kfiasa

fox qq<5r

fox (W.G.) tqdr (sic)

fox goes X qqorfi q&wq5w?lkm

freckles yu*ri0rip, yu*ri0rx0

freeze 0pa*

friend nwa *ha

friendship p a •tyu•fii

frogi hapk6

frog2 h&pa

in front ya:k

fruits k we*paya

fry sll:, sli:

frying pan (?)khwasli(*)yi

full tmpiri, tm?ori, km?ori

funeral ?p5*pfi plm tkSppi

funeral oration ?pa*Pc plm kwa*wi

funeral song ?pa*Pc plm swa’ri

fur Pmiya, k we •pmiya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 furrow n.

furrow v.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 564
g
g

gallop pkwd'kpilkwaskpa?!

gamble n o (:)hpi

gambling nohpi

a game n5*hpi

game (meat) k we* 0o0a

gap: saddle-like ksnakpa

garbage k we*qivi*yj3a p£cbn?e

garden matpu:, matpu*

gather tkapi (sg.), ttk£pi (pi.)

gather (acorn) £?a*mpi

gather wood ??l*mtkappi, ??I* tkappi

gentle nhmirpi, nhmerpi; ple:mi

gentle -*■ Grace (Prn) ktp£(*)pa

gentle (of animals, people) ple:mi

get down nali

get even ?e*mela

get out; sprout £pa(*)

get up (after falling) pra•r? i , m^ni

get up! (after falling) (m)pra*r?i

get up! (from sitting) mpra*ri

we got here ?i*ke0wi

ghost m y e (*)

gift kwe*pi'km p?e*

gift giving kwe*pe*km

giggles Pqlrqir?!, Pqlrqir...i

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 gila monster hdmteti*lta

girl h£dp, h£a:ra, hdd’ra

to the girls hida*rdpo

give ?e* (sg.), ?e*£i (pi.)
give to speaker p ?e •ki

give (away from speaker) ?e*mi

I give back kwS•kk ??e

give me a little! qe&ntkwI*lf3k m?e*; k§<5m m?epi

I give you p?e*km

I give to the man pa*hmI*po ??e*

give light ??uli

glad ?ar ?u•yi/?r ?uyi, ?ar...y^

I'm glad to see you again. P?u:yk ?wa*rm ?hankm

glass k0kepa, k0k4po

glide skara

go yd*mi, ydmi

"goes," says X -?i

he's going toward it p0a yimk ya*mk

be going to (modal nd (•)

auxiliary)

I'm going to sit here ydk ?waha pnu*km; p0dk/ydk

?wd ?nu:

let's go hma

go down ro*pi

go first i (•) 0<5 (•)

go in yuri

go outward p?a*ipi ?Imi, p?a*ip(i)?imi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 goat < chiva, chivo, hlpata

chivato

gold poppy h&ptti*r

good (?)hani, k?hana

good afternoon p&'pkaek ?hani

goose; lame duck qnm6*0ulpa

gopher kotii

gopher snake h&tama'la

gourd (wild) ?hmd:

gourd rattle (too bitter ?hnd*l, ?hna:l(a)

to eat)

grab i(*)kwiei; y<5:

graceful ktpl’pa

Grand Canyon wi*ka?I*laha

grass ?lwlla, ?lwil, ?wll

grasshopper kapdmka (G.M.), kampdmka (W.

grave pd *tmar&b•

gravel (?)hdfiwa

grave offering pd*pil6

gravy mwdra smkwInpa

gray hdseyi, pmeapi

gray hair kyS*(ha)

grease k«fe•sdya phdya

greasewood ?lmel(*)f ?lme£(*)

greasy hdseyi

great aunt nkd

great-grandchild kipa

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 great-grandchildren kx:pa

great-grandmother nko

great-grandparent n l (•)ya

greedy ?alhati

green hapsu*(w) i

green onion (wild) hipSqa

grind ti', ta:

grinder •+■ jaw hpi, ?pf

grinding stone ha0?£a, hcip£cl(’)

ground mat

ground up t£:£i, t^ppa, tapa

hoe: pounds ground mat(s)peqi

twilight: ground becomes mati p?u*p?i, mati p?u*pi

visible

growl PqP5:?i, Pqw5*?i

grown up ?te

gruel smukwIna

gulch mat6 PqaqP?im

gully: sides almost come wi *ktkupa

together

gulp Pclqwusml

gun going off Pmpe*(yi)

gunpowder ?pamqwin*a

guts pha

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 568
h
h

habitat: where horses stay p0dk ?hdt£ howa*pk

hail kl?a£

hair qwawa; pmfya, k we •pmiya

half striyi

half-peeled juniper £6qa 0y[l]lqa, £<5qa 6e*lqa

halloo! mhamko:
hammer k hwakrwisa

hand s^l

my hand is bloody ?sal0c5 h wat0km

my hand is burnt sal05 pilkm

cup the hand salt?amir sals?ami

I carry in my hand ?sall ?i*kokm

left hand salk0a*ri, salk0a:ri;

salqAe0a

hand down sha0i

(hand) kerchief < paflo p a (•)P

handsome ?hani

handsome male p a •?hani

hang sha

hang on swal0i

hang on by fingertips swarpi

happy ?ar...ye

I'm happy ?ar?yekm

are you happy? ma*c armye

hard 0piri
h

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 569
h
table is hard ?fimdfififi epfri

harden phwo’pi

harm v. wyati

harness ?hat snd*yi

Harris ground squirrel hmilta

harvest pumwe; yd*fii

Hassayampa River: 'the ?hctsyamfi6*, ?h&sya*mp6

water disappears1

hat piir

hatch yxrki

Havasupai people ?h&khdps\ia?pd*, haps&?p£: (fia)

they are Havasupais pQdfipfi hdpsu*?pa:pfi yufim

have w£*yi, wf :yi

diver or chicken hawk ?fiky6*fi

he (deictic) pGafi

it is he pedfi yum

head qmpdya; k?6ya, k?oya;

hu* (W.G.) i hu: (G.M.)

heal fid*pi; tmwd

healer p&*kfie:pa

hear ?6*pi

I hear tell that... ?kwfi*kap?£ (*) fia ??d*pk ?yiun

heart i (*)w a (•)ya

heaven mya•khti•la

heavy no(*)

i t 's heavy Puc no

heel mikQa, mitkQa

h

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 570
h
heifer qwdktaeSwa msx

hello! m h & (*)mka

help tope, topeiyi

hesitate 0rl

hibernate ... £pu*pi; £pay£ m&topilya

yuri ?a3hu:rm, 6pay6

matopilya yurm ?§i3hu:rm

hide n. k wal; pmiya

high mya*, myasyi (pi.)

hill (not rocky) matkhorah5ra, m&th5•r pa

hindguarter, hip hi*wfl

hit cpeqi; ?a*pi

hit with wood ?i*pa*?api

hit with an ax tkVa*tm ??a*pi

I hit ?c?peqi

hit bull's eye noon pkip?i

a rock hit him wi:Pc ?lapikm

hobble salklkVo(yi)

hoe n. ?lwilpeqi

hoe v. ?iwll £peqi

hoe: pounds ground mat(s)pSqi

Hohokam ghosts qaqa*qa

hold on i*kux0i; Pak swalpi, swarpi

hole ©Pli (sg.), 0piu*yi (pi.),

mat0pii*ya

hole oven k0pii*n

fall into a hole matopil’l mlnkm

h

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 hollow elwa

middle is hollow stuym fipAlkpi

hollow out h wiri

holy sa* ?ri(yi), sk?rlyi

home pw£

homeland pmSt
honored sa•?hani
hoof slhwo* (G.M.), slhp6* (W.G.
hook sahayi
hooked hrokpi

hoots huhu, phuhu

hopeless tuya, tu•yi

Hopi (h)muska, mu'ka

horizon: end of sky mya*tyu*wp6*

horn k ua
horned k wapa

horned toad tlkw3m

horse ?hat

horsetail broom ?hatphesci•yi

hot ?ha*, ?ha:ki; (?)ru(y)i

it's hot today pa:Pm ?ru*yi

make hot t?ruyi

hot springs hakmwe *

hound k0ar ?cpe*ca

hour pa’tkapka

one hour pa*tkaPka ?sl*tm

house ?wa

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 how? kap, k£

how many? kapiwl?

how much? kapiwl?

hug v. sklpuyi, skrpuyi

we hug each other tsklpurypi

human ?p&* (sg.), ?p&*£a (pi.) (G.

?pa: (sg.). ?pa:£a (pi.)

(W.G.)

(human attribute)
P^*“2
hummingbird minml*na

hump(back) kmpu:ipa

hunchback hi*tat hiun?upa

hundred shuna

hungry m£^•yi

hunt pe, ?6pe

I hunt ?£?pe

hunter (Prn) ?6kpe

hurt wyati

it hurts v.i. rapi

it hurt! ?ra*

I have a husband pa*hmx ?wi, pa*hml (?wiyi)

husband's father nkupe•ya

hush (interjection) ?a

husk (corn) shwa*ni

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 573
i
i

I (pronoun) ?pa-, ?pcUSi subj

I own pa?wl*

I own an ax ?i*fikVat(a) ?wl*ykm

ice ?ha9p&£

important, cf. holy, sacred ?riye, ?rye, ?riye

index (i.e. pointing) sal?ckna:mo, sala ?2kna:mi

finger

Indian ?p3* (sg.), ?pa*£a (pi.) (G.M.)

?pa: (sg.), ?pa:ca (pi.)

(W.G.)

(Indian) doctor k9i:yi, ?pa:k9I:yi

Indian from another group ?pa*hka:ya (G.M.), pa*hkSya

(G.M.), pa:khaya (W.G.)

Indian paintbrush (plant) ?lwi c?ur

Indian spinach k ua2 , k ua(9ala)

be in front i (•)P o (■)

inhabit howa* pi

inhabitant of paya cf. p e •, ?pa:

insect species su*lxt?.Ica

insert one object (thread 9cur?i

into needle)

insert many objects c pu(•)

insist ca?wlri

(instrumental/agentive) -i ~ -e*,. -(y)e

intelligent i(*)pari, cpari

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 I'm intelligent ?6?p4rkm

intensifier: very, just tti*

(interrogative suffix) -£?

intertwine k w£ •

into yd*l

iron ?k*iwci, ?kt,wa la-wi (pi.)

ironwood tree ?hp&*lka (6.M.), ?pd*lka,

?phalka (W.G.)

(irrealis) -ha/-h/-a

island ?m£t ?h^td*pl ya*wa,

?h^*tii*pi m£t y£wa

itch all over eineO-ii

itches ttmo•km

itching disease 0&10ula

itch in one spot 0uri0u*ri

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 575

j
j

jabalina 0iw0x*wa (SEY) , mhwa*ksutata

?qwarkpaya

jackrabbit (?)kula

January: where the new ?c ^ ^uri hipomOca kwa

year is
, \ - A \ V #V
Japanese halgwa’wa gacgaca

jar 1 u' V /
k we*cayx.
V \ V_
jay casca*sa

jealous, envious ha?5-ppi

jealous (male) smkwx*rpi

jimsonweed • sma•lkktD•, sma•lktu•

joint sPalPo

joke cr?u*yi

I'm joking tu* cr?u*yk ??xm

jump pcoP...xmi; Prx*t?x, Prxti;

yapki (Verde Valley, G.M.)

he jumps ppuc Prxtkm

jump in surprise P0rxyi

jump into Pcopi

jump into the water ?ha*l Pcopk k?xmi

V /
juniper coqa

just adv. ?pxra; tu*

I'm just saying that tu* ya ??xm

I'm just sitting here tu* ?sPopk (p)Pak ?wa*km

waiting

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 keep away! ?li?

keep still tpe'fii

keep us from the bad ky6ha k ue*kqAepha pkfe?

p&*mhip4(p)wo ma?umi

kerosene can turned inside ?khu&drapr£*pi

out to make tortillas

key ?kwe*skwi*ni

kick ktohi

kidney 6mpappa, fimpawa (SEY)

kill nehi

killdeer hamkki

kill many kmwa*£i

killer (Prn) p a *neha

kind nhmirpi, nhm£r0i

be kind to themI pa*mnhm£r0i

kindle tqwSti

kindling wood ?i*0maqa

Kirkland 0apa khyar£a

kiss ya*pa f3mitfii?i

kiss, cf. sneeze p6i0?i, p£l0.'..i, y£*0a

0mltpi?i

kitchen ?6nwlr66, ?SnwI’r6?

knead m 5 ’ri, mu*ri

knee mipuk, mmpuk (SEY)

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 knife (?)kh««£; ?kw&*£kYclti;
k hu&fcfikv&ti

knot v. kGpctipi, q e p & i p i

know sp6

I know a little tii* k££m ?sp6km

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 lake ?hkhpii

lame edsi pi

land m£t

land of water (Pin) ?[Link]£ta

distant land [Link]&ya

plowed land [Link]:t£a

small level land ktn&*k0a

narrow, level land by mkt.kt0ak0a

mountain

lantern ??ul

large 0t£, 0t£ya, 0t£*yi

large hawk skwala

larger of two similar -t(a)

animals, cf. badger/

bear, deer/cow

last 0?omi

last man (definite) ?pa*.k0?omak

last man (Prn) pa*.k0?o*ma

last woman (Prn) msi.k0?o*ma

late pa* tkwil0i, p h *tkuI •10i

laugh Skwkri, £kwi:ri

laughs in disbelief yk*pk*?Gmk &kw£*rkm

lava mat.pll6

lay £x*

lay eggs sgaw0 i

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 lay long object (down, fimi •

across)

lay many objects £kw<5

lay something across shke*

bridge, ford shke *pa

lazy twarpi; Gvhipi

leaf 6eqa

leaf out ?iwil sma*lkpi

leak k?u*p6 kiciqi

lean v. P^pi
lean object against wall spS

learn i(*)pari

leather q w&ktaytf*l

leave nmaki, cf. m£ka 'back'

leave (it) alone t?Ini

leaves blown out 0e

leaves floating on water ?iwlla 2a*pe shyaipkm

left k0a*ri

left hand salk0a*ri, salk0a:ri;

salqAipa

get on the left side! salk0a*r5 mfikpa*

leg mpara

legend ?fikyu*kta

lend Qmi.

level ground huphup

Thomson Valley ?kw£*y khuphupa

lick t4*qi, 0^*qi

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 lick one's chops or lips pelmelk?!
lie (position) yaki

lies down k y £ (*)ki

lie v. (falsehood) ty4, tydyi

lift fiprari

light v.t. tqwati

they light the wood ??I: tqwatfii

light in weight 0kwayi (G.M.), skwa*yi (W.G.)

0kVayi

I'm light (in weight) pafi ?0kyayi

lightning pr£p?i, 0rapra0...i

lightning sound 0£la:ik, p£la*2la*?ik; PqahfJk

pqah{3qah?ik
light red k walse(*)
like swali; waka05ri
1 like pafi ?swalkm

limp (because of short 0wa*mki, ©wa’nki

leg)

limp (from arthritis) qlumi, klum?i

lip yaktpur0a; kt?6r£a; yci*kre*pa

yahal(?)mi

liquid phaya

listen! ?i?; ?x; ?a (interjection)

listen ?e*pkkwI

little ke£ , kafi, qa£, q e (*)6} see

kic, ke£, q a 6 , ka£, k<5£

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 little (horse, person ■+• pyu*£a

pony, midget)

little (Prn) pa* pyu*£a

a little tkwx*10k

little finger salk£kx*£a, salq£qe*£a

live v. pw£*0i, pwa’yi

they are living there, wayo*km

they're living in matktna*kf3al wayo*km

that part

liver c00x *, CW 0X* (SEY)

livestock ?kwe*ph^tca

lizard th0x(*)la

loaf of bread myal

%
(location) “O

lock ?waskwxni

loin cloth tmhwxr0i, kmhwxr0i

long kVu(*)li

long (temporally) marmari

long ago kura

longtailed mouse ?uhul

a long time ago ?ckS:r0a, ?ckur0a

long ago you were tu* mpoqpoq qpima*

slender

look for hwd*li, wd*li

look this way ha:ki

look that way ha: mi

lose £nali; hpfnfii

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 I lose pk*hip£nfii

we lose peTpahpinfii

lost sme *, smd:

lots of acorns (Pin) ?l*hmx ttirpi

louse h?dl

love ?&•...y£? sw£li; w&kapari

I love ?&*?y£, pdfi ?swalkm

I love you ?4*pl*km

she loves me ?e-pi(yi)

low. noise p?u*?u*k

lucky kv«£(*)pi

lukewarm q u£ni

lunch tii* ka£a m££a, tti* q&£a m£&a

pa*piwl*pm kw&*ma£6

lung(s) &k"dl

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 583
m
m

maiden msiya

make yo2 , y o •pi; wi

make a fist sal<3kl?ulki

make furrows sql’ri

I'm making a new genera p a ’la*wa ?k9 yuSi

tion

make instrument cry -*■ ?k hwamiwo

rock music

make noise ?uwi

male hmlpa

handsome male pa *?hani

man pa*hmx(ya)

last man (definite) ?pa*kp?omak

last man (Prn) pa*kp?6*ma

man1s breast p a •[Link]

two men pa*hmi*pm ?hwiki, p a ’hmi*pm

hhwaki

mano hap£a(*), hap?ia

many ?te; la(*)wi

^ . A
many people pa*taya

many rocks (?)wi*3ko’li

many swim pa*la*wk ?ha0pu:yi

manzanita cmpuk

marbles (game) sat5•ri

Maricopa halc36*ma

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 584
m
marry (man speaking) ?lw4, lwcfyi, ?lw^ *pi

marry (woman speaking) phmi (•) pi

a man marries p a •hmx:p5 lwe pi

we're getting married tlwa*yPa ?nu*

mash s^yogi

mashed potatoes pa*pa sc5gPa

massacre v. ?pa*kmwa*3i (sg.)

massacre ?pa*kmwa:cci (pi.)

match (fire) ?oskapi

matron mayma:

me (pronoun) ?pa-

meadow tna*kpa, wilhapsu(w) ttnarnkpi,

?iwila haPsu(w)fi ttna:kpa

mean (temperament) pa* ?lhwayi

measles mluGa

measure cpiwl*, ccpii*ci

meat k we*0oPa

medication < pl^ pi *pi

medicine, cf. root ?i(*)sma(•)

medicine man pa*c@ega; ?pa:smaca, pa*smaca

melon ?ckmtu

meows mya*w?i

mesa wi*kyapya*pa

mescal, cf. century plant Pyal

, V A
Mescalero < Cochise? kci:sa

mesguite beans ?ya*

mesguite tree (?)na*la

m

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 messenger ?3 (k)kn^:pa, ?£(k)kn^:p£a

metal (?)khwcf, ?khua la*wi (pi.)

metate, cf. chin, jaw ?hpf

middle tii*pi, stilyi

middle is hollow, cf. stuym ifpdlkfJi

dust

middle finger salkpte: pakpe^a; salqe*£a

0akpe•0ha
midget pa*pyd*£a

midnight hipa£ tG*0k yaki; hipa:k

si0tu*yi

one mile matquara ?sxti

milk n. (?)mc(ya

cow's milk q waktapm^ya

milk v. hll

Milky Way haia: (G.M.), h£a* (W.G.)

one million 8a*w0a tu*?pom

mine, of me, of mine ?pi-,.pa?wx*'

minute marma*r?i£a

mirror hal?u*pi

misdeed 6y£ *mi

miser 6waha0a

mistake 6y£mmi

one makes mistake k we*6^,mkm

mistletoe qm5:sa

mistletoe berries qmo *sa p £ •

mix 0yu*li; skwayi

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 moan mya*ypi

the moaner kmya*pa

mockingbird ?Ss&kwxla

(modal: be going to, be nd (•)

about to, be doing)

moist mu6i

Mojave ma(*)khapa, ?mukhIppa

mole (on skin) qs6pa
money pe* < peso; ?wi*; ?fikk&*pfii

I used up all my money ?wx•p&ya ?wi•ri

Montezuma Well: water ?h^k0kvdypa
broken up

moon hl«£

the moon is far away hlah twayi wakm

moos mu* ?i

this morning hipatm

eat in the morning ye*tk k w&*ma£6*

morrow pye*kk0o; ye*kow (W.G.)

mortar k we*triyi; ?uhmu

mother n. fifix; fixta, 6x*ta

father's mother mora

wife's mother qmwx*rma px*

mother-in-law kpx*ya (sg.), kpx:£a (pi.)

mother's brother k w&ra (sg.), k w£*ra (pi.)

mother's older brother wana (sg.), wa*na (pi.)

mother's or father's wxta (sg.), wx*ta (pi.)

younger brother

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 mother's brother's daughter nd*t (a)

(man speaking)

mother's brother's sons dka*{3a

mother's father k Wawa

mother's mother k<5la (sg.), k(5*la (pi.)

mother's older sister n6l*; wlsa (sg.), wx*sa (pi.

mother's older brother wana (sg.), wa*na (pi.)

mother's younger sister nmx (G.M.), mxra (W.G.);

no*, nS*da (pi.)

motion picture ?kwe*t?dspi; kw&*tpdrt?dpa

mound mdtqmStqi

mount 6kpa •

mountain ?wx•, w x •taya; ?wi*k?x:la

I climb the mountain wx*t&yakwaha ?fi?ali

mountain (not rocky) matkhorahora

mountain range wi*k?a*mpa

Bill Williams Mountain wl*kp?u*la

Superstition Mountain wi*k6sawa

foot of mountain, bottom matpukmak; wx*pukahk

side of mountain w l *hoha•hm

mountain lion (?)hat(.?)kwxla; pmxta

mourn, cf. cry w a ...mlyi, w&mye *

mourn by fasting wkmiyek ?&ma* ?umi

mouse ?wd *

mouth yd

move ?xn?xn; pllwliw?!

move (aside) hxpi

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 move one's home hmiS*, hmu*£i

move (fast) vertically mdni

much +t^ (•) # +tc(y-

mud (?)qnu, qntf* pi

muddy qnuyi

mushroom qsamta; ?mpoqa

musical instrument k hwiswA*ri, k hwclswd*ro

my ?p£-

my land p&?pmeit

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 589
n
n

nail slhwo*, slhpo* (body part);

k hwattq[q]a*pa

naked, cf. flat halsqra*pi

name mul, mol

I name them pa:?sl:ti

nape i (*)puk

narrow -*■ high wall k?ori

narrow, level land by matktpakpa

mountain

nasty pa* ?lhwayi

nation ?wacmlca

Navajo 6hwahmu*ca; (h)mu:ka, mu(*)ka

(confused with Hopi);

?hwa*?mu*6a (connected with

Apache)

navel mlpu*

near tye•P; hipe

neck mlql

necklace hnaq, hnak; wi'hnaki

need hnarqi

needle ?cPnammi; ?cskwi*li (SEY)

(negative cf. French (P)ke*...?umi

ne...pas)

neighbor tye*Pk wayoyi

net k we*m0a:rp?ica

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 I'll never do it again pke wiyi ?a?iimaha

new hi pmu

newspaper: lots of printed piir(m) m0a:yp?i£a

matter, cf. moist...

at night hipl*m

night before last pfi*kk hipastm, pti'km hipaitm

nine hkl0iS*yi

nit hifil'la

no ?umi

nol ?i?, ?I (interjection)

noise y&wi, y£:wi

noisy (?) +• ya*w wky6•p i

noon pa*pka0?fe, pk*pka0?l,

pk*pka0i

north mktha-pi (G.M., G.N.);

?mthk(*)pk (W.G.)

Northeastern Yavapai lan­ ?w l •puk?pa•kwkwfca

guage

Northeastern Yavapai people (.?)wl *puk? p a : (6a)

nose hu* (W.G.), hu: (G.M.)

not ?umi

'not by the hair of my hu*0ila myh?pa*pkm

chinny-chin-chin!'

I'm not certain pp6 ?0irl*km; pbpyti#mb?

nothing tu* kyo*pi

h e 's not lazy ?chmikm

not long ago qp ima•

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 not on tight ramada, shy£l(3a

float

not pretty ?e*yi*0a ?umi

not ready ty&*£ slwa, ty&*ft sQwa

not sharp yo*0a ?umi

I'm not so well (W.G.) ?o*p ?ra0i

not there pe*mi

nothing (?)qwdri, m&tkqwa*m?e

now p£*m, 0a*m(?)i

nuts k w&*p&ya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 ocean ?h&.kpt4*

ocean: much water lying ?h£?t£ya ky&k

ocotillo: sad plant ?i*kmi*yi, ?l*kmye*

offended hnu

offspring Gdwa (sg.), 0d:wa (pi.);

i!&wa (sg.), 5S:wa (pi.)

okay ?w«J

old (of a person); pkw&yi

(W.G.) (of a thing),

nkwayi (G.M.)

h e 's old patayi

old man pihe (sg.); pahle (W.G.),

pihaya (pi.)
old woman qmwi•rma, q£mwi*rma (pi.)
olla matQIwa

olla-shaped water basket swa

once upon a time ?ckur0a, ?6ku:r0a

one (?)siti, (?)sx*ti

one cent: Indian head penny purkwa0a serJJa

one foot (measurement) kcx*?sxti

one o 'clock pa* ?slti

the one over there pwe?

the one that waddles tu*ipa

oneself ye •pm

be on guard Pwe

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 only ?plra

on the left side salk0a*ro

on the right side s&lkhano

on (top) £&:pk, ££:hk

on top 6£*pe, ficl*?he

put on top £ci*hk fikwa*yi

handkerchief on top: John p d * p £ c i£ a £ ? i, ?p£p £ e td a *6 i

Charger (popular

etymology)

water thrown on top ?h^k£a*££a

open k waki, qwaqi; k w£kpi

opening epu, epiuyi

open slowly k wakp?i

open (a wound) q w£qpi

opposite [Link]&ya

other hke, hkaya

ouch (interjection) (?)ni, ?ra*

our, my ?pd-

our land pa?pmat

ours ?p£-

out of breath ya*p-kY&ti?i

outside kaqwar?e, qaquarhe

oven: large opening ?2>tqwati k0pli*n

overflow pme *t Glqkm

over there p0e? (G.M.)

the one over there pwe?

owe: stand in it pals6a

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 594

owl ?ytf•

own w£*yi, w£:yi, w£/w£yi/w£'

I own an ax ?l*6kYat(a) ?wi*ykm

owner kwl•ya, kwisya

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 595
P
P

packed into shape dhnmyaipa

paint v.^ 6ah5ni, £?hani

paint v »2 fiyali

painted £yaipi

Paipai ?h& pci*wairana ?pa:£a;

kwe *jBkpciya hctwamma

palate ya*hna:na

pant v. 0sehseh?i; pham?i

Papago thp^’maya

paper < papel pape*la, kape*la

paper flower sle

part of the back mak6 •

pass v. ?a*mi

patch (in a garden) matpu*q§2a

patch v. t?ami

path ?p£, pei’kruyruya

peace: no more fighting ?£hwayk kyo*(£i)

peach Gpala (WY, SEY)

pebble wi*0a*wa

peek fikpi’ti; sa?&ri

peel skwa*ni

peep £kpi*ti; sa?£ri

peel v. skwa*ni

penis myar

crowded with people p a •turi

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 many people pk *tkya

they drove away the people pk*wlj36

perfect sk?rlyi, sk* ?ri (hi); ?hani

perforate ears smalka k9w£r£i

person, Indian ?pk* (sg.), ?pk’£a (pi.)

(G.M.), ?pk: (sg.),

?pk:£a (pi.) (W.G.)

(personifier prefix on pk*-

adjective)

bad person p a ’hanah ?umi

fast person running pk •(?)rawa

prominent person pk: mu*ipa

rich person pk *qykta

a small person pa *qe•6i

tall, slender person pk*kYk*lk poqpoq?e

ugly person tu* pk*la*yi

person wishing bad luck p k ’p^hi

Phoenix ?wkelnka

phonograph k hwkswa*ri

pick n. ?khwksakepa
pie < pastel past^•la

pierce eprl, GfJriya, 0r\Syo

pierce ears smalka 00ruyu

pig mhwa ksotata

pigeon sakwita

little piles of bushes ?wila ?maya

pile up thme*

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 597

pillow spdki

Pima thpd:

pine h w d (:)1

pinenut ?kh5, ?kh5yi

pink k wcklsd (*)

pink rust w i 2

piilon ?kh5, ?khoyi

pifion hills: Prescott ?kh5y khorpa

Heights

pifion jay 2^s£a*sa

pin up y^skapi

pipe (?&)mlhu

pipe stem ?omlhu k?Ir?Sra

pistol hpu.q?urka

place across ?ami

place of shadow (from ?osako

tree or mountain)

Pin: reed upright ?th^.kspepa

place where (suffix) -25*

placid 6we

plant v. k we*hudli

plant for hummingbird hu*02u*ra2d*ra

plant species pilrQpi; 2pan; sotdt, swtdt;

m^tqi*s, mtqwI*sa; ?w&*lapa

plant species: a bush ?l*kwala

plant species (root used matqi•s

as medicine)

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 ocotillo: 'sad plant' ?l*kml*yi, ?i*kmye*

plate k hwcltlrtlr?a Smdyi; ?kh«^k?d

dmdyi

play re*, ra*yi, rd*0i

play cards t<5(:)h£i

I play the fife ltilltil?l£a ??I*wok

play jokes tmili, ttmdli

play a joke on some pefnitmili

people

pleasant y&*swdrpi

(bn vacation), it was td* ylrswdrpi p0d ??d*mfikm

very pleasant over

there (where I went)

Pleiades ?md

plow n. matsti *ti

plow matstl:ti; mlktpu’stlti

plowed land m&tstl:t£a

pluck sd5; lo*qi

(plural object) p

(plural; repetitive action) -i- ~ -y-

pocket ?hmdl

pointed q w£ri; raprdp

pointing sik?Ita, ksik?Ita

poison ?kwe*kmwa*6i

poker stick d011i; ?oshdli

polish, cf. smooth hal£at<5

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 pommel 6e(dkwciya qrwl*sa, fi&fi'kwdya

qrwl■sa

ponderosa pine hwd(:)1

pony: little horse hettpyu’Sa

popper (in cooking) thw5pi

poppy hckpqtrfr, h&pqtii’r

California yellow poppy; hetptu’ra, h ^ p q t u r a

(Prn)

gold poppy h a p t d ’r

pop up phwo* pi

porch: extend Twasheipi

porcupine k^(h)tata, kthata

pot swS

potato < papa pd *pa

pottery is broken matGlwa QkYaypi

pound v. (s)p^qi; td2 ; mqwani

pounding stone ktu

pour tp(5qi; 6ya:f £ ha:

pour on £a£a*£i, c&m£a*£5i

prairie matqaqwara

prairie dog tqsi

pray kpatpi
pray to God mya*(k) kpa:pm?e

preacher pa*kkwa:wo

precipice wi*sk6x*pi

precipitous ??I:li

pregnant tipi

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 Pin: Prescott peska

Prescott: brown rock ?wi:kw&0a kslklta

(granite) pointing

into water

preserve bread myil twpu’Pi

preserve food k we*mApa twpA:pi

prickly pear cactus hte

prickly pear fruit (?)la£a

prickly poppy (?)mltat
prominent person pa: mu*10a

proper piwi

Prn given to one too lazy kher0a

to walk

Prn. Yavapai culture hero skarak?amfia

proud ?ar?u*yi, ?r?uyi

puddle ?ha*p£ y6:km

pull syumi, syumi, syomi, sy6*mi

pulled out khluwiga

pulverize tmqwa:ni
pumpkin hamte

purify with smoke hw a (*) yi

push IbkYe *, tk4 •, fcke *

put hi-; h W k

put (lay) it into ha*ya*l mfci*

water 1

she puts it away ?ye? ckwa:mah nu* (G.N.)

put arm around sklpuyi, skrpuyi

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 put away piS; £e* (SEY)
put down &y&•, fcw6•

put (set) it into water1 hlryd’l mfc<5

put into e£tir?i
put on ground (rug) s64:pi, 6ftd:0i
put on top 6 Amhk fikwa*yi
put out tm££i

put up

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 quail ?hmd

quake ?£n?in

quick wiipi

be quick p?5*q...i

quiet tn£*pi, ktpx’fia

quiet! (interjection) po, tu*?po

quiver n . pcikwirpfikwayi

quiver v. pilwllw?i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 603
r
r

raccoon nma@(a), nma6

radio mkthaym ?kw&:wi; mkthaym

swa*ri
raid h wk(’)Spa*

rain klp&wa

rainbow k u&so£ei£a

raise (one's voice) Opisri

rake £ma*li v . , t£ma:li v.;

fimarli n.

ramada ?[Link]

mountain range wi*k?a*mpa

rape ?lwe*num

rattle pha:, ha«(*)i

rattles (snake) pha*?i£a

snake rattles ?[Link]*?i£a

rawhide q ucikt$yu*l

reach 6p£

read si, sfpi, si*pi, si:pi

real ?hani

really -*■ rich; much qyati

recline y&ki

rectangular yaly^l

red (?)hwati; k walse(*)

red dirt mat?hwata

red clay (?)kw^ra

r

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 reddish k “ii2

red or fire ant £myiil

reed ?hteJ, ? t M

reins ?h^t sy5mi, sy6*mi

relative tyii£i, tyu •£i

remove 1(5 (•) qi

repair i (•)h a (*)ni

repeatedly scratching ?3?<*0ti*li

responsible yi...p^(*pi)

you are responsible matpa y^*mp£:pk

for the earth

rest tn£*pi; twl*mi

restaurant 76mZ66

revenge Shari

rib cSpso*, 6ws6m (SEY)

rich pa* ?6kwi*ya

rich person pa*qyata

ridge k?ampa; wi*km?erpa;

wi*£al£a*l?e; wi*£alca*lle

ridge of rocks wi*k?ampa

rifle kqwa0, qqwa0

right k?hana; plwx

right hand salk?hani

right side salk?hani, s&lkhdna, s&lkhano

get on the right side salkhano mSkpa*

ring saltahk&pi

rip tlti

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 rip cloth pii*

ripe m£

ripened and dried by the ?&mapa

sun

it ripples 0hwirhwir ?Imi

rise (bread) 0hw5*0i

rise (sun) p?«£li

rises mycL:yi

river ?hak?ama, (?)ha(k)h£(*)la

river narrows ?hahela ktkupa

road ?pd

road runner tlpB

toast sil?i, silli

rock n . ?wl*

light rock wi* 0kwaya

many rocks wi*6ko*li

rock for building wi*kaca

Prescott: brown rock ?wl:kwa0a ksik?Ita

(granite) pointing

into water

ridge of rocks wi*k?5mPa

rock v. qori

rock back and forth ka*rkka*rk

rocking chair: back ?i*way ka*rkka*rk?£Sa

and forth

rock music: make instru­ ?khwam!wo

ment cry

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 606
r
roll v.t. tmkwiri

rolled up k wirpa

rolled up: cigarette m k wirpi

roll-your-own's ?ii:pa ?hmali yo*£a

roll call p&*?sl*tk

roof £a*h£, £d*h&

rooster's sound kakara

root ??i*msmS*, cf. sinew, sleep,

msmd: cf. medicine

rope n. sndpa

rope v. snapa py&*ki

rope made of cowhide yu*l

rough sides (Pin) k?ila

round kl?iilki, qr?iirqi

round ->■ beads k?dlki

round, bowl-like back fcOatpi

round (marbles) q£?6ri

round (watermelon) q£?o*li

rub (an arm) thanha•ni

rub back and forth hqlsqi*s

rub hard against qlrqxri

rub in circles tmhrmclri

rub straight fcyuti, £&y(i*ti

ruler hwk:lrapa Jbfcpiiyi < lwi

run Pyami

fast person running pa* (?)rawa

it's rusty nikwayk ?hwati

r

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 607
s
s

sack ?hmeil

sacred s&?hani; sk?rlyi, s^*?ri(yi)

sad m&lyipi, m£>l?&yipi,

m&l?e*...yi•

ocotillo: sad plant ?i*kml*yi, ?i*kmye*

saddle [Link].•y i , fiaikwaya

saddle blanket £p£*0i £afikwa*yi

saguaro (cactus) ??a

said by younger children ?po* (sg.), ?po*£a (pi.)

to older ones (SEY)

salt ?e£*
Salt River ?haka(?)pafia

salty ?8l*yi; 8?eli, t?eli

same piwi*£i

same, cf. right puplwl

sand (?)ha£wa

sand sinking to the hacwa’nc haya*l yomkm

bottom

sandals [Link]’la

San Francisco Peaks [Link]

sap naya

sated to*, cskwa

satisfied kpa*r0a

say ?£(•), ??i (I say), mi (you

say) , li (one says)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 I'm just saying that tri* yd ??fm

say it1 mi •ha

say it again! mlyi

say yes 1 ?e*mx

scalp n. qwdwa

scar mydya

scared 0erl...i

scatter £wci *qi; 6wi •wi

scissors k hwct&np£yi (G.M.); k hw&£|Bpayi

(W.G.)
scold wa...mi*

scoop hnu, hncS; h w^ri

scoop out hnri; hltfyi

scooped-out white: Pin sapkhliiypa

scoop up ne*

scorpion: out of shape [Link], ni*[Link]

scout matpo

scout < Spanish soldado sult£:0a, sultdiwa (SEY)

scrape i ’khi; h^00i

scrape (hair off deerskin) swl

scratch, cf. itch (t)tmo*

scream for help Pqla*, f5qla*qla*?i

search h wa*li, wa*li

blue-green seashell halkra:pa

seashore hataya kyaka

season hwa'hm

seat wayi

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 one second p & ’tkapka wiipk ?si*ti

see ?ri*

I see a man p&*hml ??ti* (k?y£im) (W.G.)

I saw him pe£? ??A*k?yiip (W.G.)
seed y&6
sell sa?I*ri

semen (p)mp£*; mpdya

send away fiya*mi

send toward speaker Syd*wi

separate (nuts from leaves) h&mei

separate seed iSpfl’yi

sermon p&*kw£:wo

set (sun) r6*pi

set down fiy6, 6w6

settle pmati
settle, settled tp£-pi
settle (as coffee grounds) 6hwila

sew pnami, pna*m...i; ?£skwIli

shadow ?s^f ?sa*ya; tkpsd(*)

shake 6?in?i*ni, ?in?£n

shake (a blanket) 6tipti*pi

shake to make something wilwi'li

sit properly

sharp q wiri

sharp; intelligent pdri

sharp, cracking noise p^qpdq

shatter 0kYa*yi, qwgqi, k waki

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 610
s
shave thw£ri; df'ri; hdepi

shawl slam

shawl < tdpalo ta:ple

shed v . 0p£*li
sheep ?mii

shell v. tpa; shw£*ni

shield k£pko*pi; kkpko*pi

shine p d •; hcil+

shining hal?e
shirt yuri

shoe php5? phpia

shoe a horse ?hat phpoyo

shoe string qwdkta yd*l

shoot kVa-

shore ?[Link](i)pa

opposite shore ?ha.hk4*pa

short fikr6ti

I am short paS pa*6krotkm

shoulder (blade) slmdka

shout qaGi; p££r...l, p£d'r...i

(at greater distance),

P&£:r...l (at even greater

distance)

shovel matsapeyi n . , mats^pe’yi v.;

mat hnu v.; matshyuki n.

I shovel ?mat ?hnu

shoves quickly sqami

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 show wiw&

come and show mytiwk mwI*wo

show v.t. t?u*pi (sg.), t?u:p£i (pi.)

shut t?ampa
shut eyes Gp^qpi

shut up! mpaSki

elder sibling waka (sg.), w£*ka (pi.)

sick ?£r£fii

sickness ?£hnu0a, ?£hno£a

side qnwl*

sides almost come together wi *ktkupa

(at the) side of mountain wi*hoha*hm

sift Sf3u*yi; 60 a6 ?i; hammsi, h^mOx

be silent pd0ki
silver wi*pmsa{3a

sinew, cf. medicine, root msma:,* mism£*

•

sing swa *ri

sink into the water ?ha*pi ro*pi

(elder) sister (man fcmsx

speaking)

mother's younger sister mira, nmi; no*, no*ca (pi.)

mother's older sister wlsa (sg.), wl*sa (pi.)

sit tpe*(3i; 0pa(*)p?i; wa

I'm going to sit here yak ?waha 0nu*km, yak/p0ak

?wa ?nu:

I'm just sitting here tu* ?s0o|Jk (p)Pak ?wa*km

waiting

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 many sitting ?wa?yo

situated (found in Pins) kwa *ha

six, cf. lean tspl, tsp^ya
skewer s?oni

skin Qpxla; m£:t; pmxya

skirt 0h<*

skirt of squaw dress 8£eq{3a, t£^q0a

skull p a ’hu*

Skull Valley p a •qwawa ky5

skunk khwxwa;9 sakmaka,
m ’ skmaka
sky mya•.khtx *la
sleep sma:, sm^•

I want to go to sleep ?sm5:?kwal

sleeve 0ur x :
slender poqpoq

long ago you were ti5* mpoqp6q qpima*

slender

slender (like a rope) mera

slide down pherher?!

slight rise in land kpapa

the slim one (Pm) pa*kpoqpoqa

slippery kkxski

slow hiGu-li

small ditch kculki; qyurqi

(small) level field tna*kpa

small opening eprxya
% A V ,
a small person p a #qe-ci

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 smallpox £hwapi

(s)mash sfiyoqi

smear fih^ni

smear meat qwcikta £hani

smell v.i. B&hi, Scihi

smell v.t. h wi

smell like cold blood, msiwi

grease, or wet hair

smells bad qAepi pma:kwe*?i

smile p£kwci:r...i

smoke ?&hw£ya

smoke v.t. tkw£ri

they smoke a pipe ?mhlfc*?u*pa tkwarfii

smoke hole ?ohwa(*)y£?&l?6*; ?6hw£yyammo

smooth; naked halwari

smooth cliff -*■ Four Peaks wi*k£asa

smother y a :pa twami

snake ?lwi

snapped shut ptipsik

sneeze ham£i0ki, h&m£l(*)0ki

snore smlohi, smlo*hi

he doesn't snore pu£ pke smlSha ?umkm

snot, nasal mucus hamOi(:)la

snow pakka

that is so ?eml

sock php5 ya:l winpi

wear socks p£*l winpi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 soda t h w5pi tmyu*li

soft 0u:npi? h£m0l

soft: "when you touch it, pek w£ : m k wcl:m?i,

it goes in" P0kwci:mkw£*m...i

soften (buckskin) k w£nci

soften ground (?) ?i* pu*, ??i:pia*

soldier < Spanish soldado sult£:pa, sult£:wa (SEY)

some other time kaPyu’fcm

something ?kwe*

something dead (a lump phma(*)mk?l

from a bite)

something which shoots hpu

gun, rifle

son hume (sg.)., hu£maya (pi.),

home*&a (pi.)

son (man speaking) pa?kora, ?kura, k6r?e?

(vocative)

son's child ?3wa (sg.), ?a*wa (pi.)

father's brother's son ml •ka

soon ?i •nka

sore n. le*qPa

my read end is sore klma: le*gpi, cf. klme:

be sorrowful wamye•

sorry molyipi, mol?eyipi,

mol ?e*...yi*

sotol, cf. poppy ?qp u *ra

soul syape *p i

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 soup qwakta phAya

soupy (thick liquid with 11*p i , II:pi

something in it)

sour 0?eli, t?eli

sour orange 6?ela

source hapAqa

sow seed ?kwe*ya£ h wali

sparks from lightning 0ra0r£p?i, wra0i

speak kwa’wi, k wawi

he's speaking un­ hnu*0o kwa*wkm

pleasantly

you (pi.) may speak, mSc0ci mkwaswca (W.G.)

it's your turn to

speak.

speak angrily kwa’w hnu(km)

are you (dual) speaking? mckwa:w0e

spend wi*ri

spicy te*qi; ?ha*, ?ha:ki

spider ni*sa, nl(:)s?sa (G.M.);

matknwe* (W.G.)
spinal column siloka

spine hitat (G.M.), hi*that (W.G.)

spinning k wirkwir

spirit mye, miyi

spit ctuhi, hactuhi

splash camcaki
V A _A
spleen cmwa*0a

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 split tk^’pi; dipa, dp ha; sd^qi

split open v.i. taqjJi

spoiling t?eli
spoon k hwacayi; k hwacmayi
spot v. suri
spotted Pu(*)ri

spotless tQami
spread tiei

spreading yaryar
spring hapaqa

hot springs hakmwe *

springtime mwe’mi, mwe*m?x

spring up prx*t?x, prlti
V \ V— V , V ,_____ _
sprinkle caca•ci, cam su'si
sprout paqi, tpaqi; cpa, cpa*

spurs: little kicks ?hatqqami

spy n . mat 0o

squash scySqi v . , leqi v.

squash v. hamte

squeak, squeal tsxtsx

squeeze 0kwx*

squint 80rxrpi

squirrel hmlra

squirt 0su*s0i ?x*wo

I'm squirting something 0su*s0i ?x*wo

v* V_ vn »
squirted on cacac?x

stab, cf. shove Pqami

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 stacked: on top of one hlfihifi

another -* book

(pages)

stagnant hp*2
stagnant: not flowing ?ha:nc Pke he*la ?umkm
stand object against pemi
stand up Pskwi (•)
stand up tke’pi
star ham(m)si*
stay howa *Pk
stay overnight smami
steal kcl:ci, kcl*cpi
steam muQaya
steep ??I:li
stem (on pipe) k?Ir?Ira
step down kci
step into (trousers) mkVu-li, mkyu*li
step it up! mkclci mya*mi
VS, VS, V A VS. V.V, V V /
step on cakci, cakce, cakcici; cca*
/
stick v. pa
stick in scuipa
stick out tongue le*ko(*)
sticks up se*lPi
sticky qe(*)t qaya
it's sticky Pqeqe?!
still poqi; tpi*Pi
y / •
still (water) qwini

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 618
s
sting v. sd
stinger pci* say i

stingy wa...ha(3i, fiwahapa

stink sahi , sahi
stink bug cknana, cqnana
stir sqwar?i; swani

stirred up (-*• diarrhea) sqwar?i, sqwd:r(?)x

stirrups knx*li
stomach thko*, tkh5 * , tako*; 0nuna

(W.G.)/ mnu(*)na (G.M.)

stopl t?xni; ?x?, ?x (interjection)
stop it! mt?xni
stop up t?ami

store ?ckhe:{3co; sa?a(')ra

storm: wind is strong matha*yc Qipxrjii

story ?kwe* .kna*{3ca

straight cmxrmxri, mxrmxri

straightedge hwailrapa ccPlxyi < lwx

straight line kqx(*)pa
stranger ?pa*hka:ya (G.M.), pa*hkaya,

pa:khaya (W.G.)
stream (?)ha(k)he(•)la

strengthen 9px*rpi, QipxsrPi

stretch v. k wxwi

strike (pa*)peqi; ?a*f3i

strike with a club ??x:Pm pa* ?a:Pci, ??x:0m

pa*?a:Pci
s

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 619
s
strike h waya*

enemy strikes chwa*Pc hwaya*wi

string ?u *li

striped skunk sakmaka, skmaka

strong 6pxri, 0ipi:rpi, 9pi:r0i

he's strong 0px*rPkm, pOac pa*0ipI*rPc yum

they are strong p0acPc pa*0ipI:rPc yucm

stubborn, going one's own tolka

way, like a bouncing

ball

stupid k we*spo ?umi

stutter (cannot speak) kwa*w ?wari

V /V . Vfl A . ,
suck cxci; c0pali2

suck blood c0eqi

sugar m y u (•)la

commit suicide nehPi

summer (?)Pa*(?)ru*yi, ?pa:?ruyi,

?Pa*Pm ?ru*yi, pa:?ru*yi

summit wi*kt?orPa

sun ?Pa: (G.M.), ?Pa* (W.G.),

?na*. (g .n .)

sun is shining pa*c pa:, (?)pa(*)c pa(*)

one is burnt by the sun ?Pa:0m pili

A V —
sunlight Pa*c pa

sun-up ?Pa*c?ali

sun rising Pa:P?alki

east: sun comes out pa*c?al6*

s

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 620
s
watch, clock: sun pa:pta9ta?Ica

ticking

sun rises slowly pa*(c)p?a:li

sun is hot pa:0c ?ru*yi

day: sun sits pa:wa

sundown pa*marpi, p a ’Pmarpi; ?pa*ropi

Sunday ?wa.s?ami

sunflower (?)qata

Superstition Mountain w i *kcsawa

surprised 00rl*?lci

jump in surprise P0rly?i

V V o , -•> ^ V •
survey ccpii'ci

surveyor ?matccpil*ca

suspect Qirl*

I suspect ppu ?0irl*km

•

suspended (fig.) -»• pleasant ya*swlr0i

swaddled kwSrPckm

swallow palqi

soap swallower ?Po*n cpa*lqa

swallow water ?ha palq?o

swap tiPahke*Pi

swarm of bees 0mpo*k?ulka

swayback wa0ecpa

sweat P?o

I'm sweating P?okkwa

v»
sweep SCI

sweet m yu:li

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 sweeten tmyu’li

sweet mixture thlf(*)pa

swell ?5*li
swell up phmi(*)mk?i, p(h)md(*)mk?i

swim ? h c i . . .0pii*yi, ?h&&&:f)k ydki,

?het£d*pk ydki

many swim p k ’lci'wk ?hk0pd:yi

swing £wayi, £wci (•) y0i; q5ri

swing in hand h wi*si

swollen ?a*li
sycamore ?i*ta*sa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 table k we*shyara; ??i*shyarpa

the bread is on the ??i*shyarpa myala 23*nk wakm

table

tail 0he

take

take apart ni*mi

takes apart and throws ni*mk yuk wlmi

away

take apart (in order to spumi

do again)

take the bad away from me! k w&*qAepha pa*mtye*mo

take care h wI*sf5i

take care of we

take off your clothes! mwl^i mhruyi

take out o?ali

take out (many horses) cpiwa’qi

talk kwa*wi, k wa*wi
tall hmi

tall, slender person pa*kYu*lk p5qpoq?i

tame iha*ni; ple*mi, plesmi

taraiso cmho (•) (3a

tarantula mpu*kl?ut

tasteless (like water) 6a*mi

tasty mpe, mpSya

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 legs are taut snapa kphnipk nali

teach by doing wiwo

teach by saying ?iwo

I'm teaching him to kwa*w ??iwok

speak

tear v. titi

tease cr?u*yi

teddybear cholla hu-?uli

tell kna’pi

temple (part of face) qnwl •

ten Pwa:Pi

tender (body, corn) P(a)ha:wi

tent kske*Pa ?wa

termite ?omcaq

testicles hma, hma*, hama:, hma*ya,

wahma (SEY)

thankful r...y e (•)

thank you ?ara?ye*km

we thank you ?ara?ya:ikm

Thanksgiving ?ya*s 0oici kwa*hm

that pQa-; pu-

that's all for now ppiwI0m ?n5 ?pira

that is so PuPyu*

that one PPu-

it's that wa y , that's the puPyu

way it is

there pPe?; pPuk; p0alf 0al, hal

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 624
t
over there p9e? (G.M.), pul (p)p6?
the one over there pwe?

thermos bottle hk&£yi

they (pronoun) p0a£p-

thick txni; ??e, ??£yi (pi.)

thick feet mltipa

thief ? fek&i&p a

thigh hi*wil

thin Qlqi

thing kwe*po
thingamajig ? kwe •yi
think wa •... si *p ir cf. count, read;

6 rl; nasi

third-born pa*0akpePk
thirsty y a (•)k r u (•)m p i , h^pmpi (SEY)

are you thirsty? yamrufJe?

this Pya-; ppa-

thorn tat

thorny ?t^tha

thousand 6ci(*)wpa

thrash tkwani

thread < hilo ??isla

three hmuki

throat palqbo*

throw away wlmi

throw down (a log) hwilmi

throw ta*pk < tahpk

t

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 625
t
throw toward speaker t&hki

throw from speaker t&hmi

throwing out rays qw&epti* ?Ikl

thrown away -+• garbage p£am?e

thumb s&lkpte*, s&lkote* (SEY)

Thumb Butte wl:kycipydpa

thunder sounds p?u*k, p?u:p?u:?lk, p?u*?u*lk

tick n. h&tma&a

tickle q66q666a, qb£q6& fca

tickles v.i. Giirieu*ri

tie tiri; ftep&li^, kGp&li, qOp&li

tie around an object klkVopi

tie around -*■ jail klkv6yi

tie up kGpiipi, qe^alpi

tight kphipi

tighten kphnapi, kpnapi; sn£pi

till (mkt)pu*

time, season kwa•hm

time moves hihftli

what time is it? pa:kaplwl yi

tire n, cf. walk p5yi

tired tl£hpi, pl&h?l; ppi*

I'm tired pl£ha?1

he's tired ppufi ppi(*)km

he's tired from chopping ppu£ ?&kv£tk Ppl*km

wood

toast: browned bread myalta?kwa*9pa

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 tobacco ?u:pa

today (?)pd:pm

it's cold today pd:pm m&ni

it's hot today pa:pm ?ru*yi

give us bread today pd*pm myala pd*m?e

toe mihed’fia, mlh@I:£a (pi.)

toes: small things sticking mlksa’rpa

out

tomato < tomate toma•ta

tombstone pa*pi spuk wo(k) sea:Pa

tomorrow pye'k ke6, y e ’kow

tongue himpdl (G.M.), hipal (W.G.)

tonight kihipa:£m

Tonto: dirty-eyed enemy ?[Link]

too much tkwiipi

tooth y<5*4
top t?6rpa; £a*he; h6rpa

hilltop mdtho*rpa, mdthSrhSra

big, flat top ydlydl, ydl?ydl

on top £a*?he, £d:pk, £d:hk, £d*pe

handkerchief on top: John ?pdp £ci£a*£i

Charger (folk

etymology)

put on top £d*hk £kwa*yi

water thrown on top ?hak£a*6pa

tortilla m y d (•)l£rdprd•pa

touch tpaGi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 toward yimi

he's going toward it p0cL ylmk yk*mk

toy kwe *r e , ?kwkray a

trachea mlqlp mkthay yk*m?o

track yuwk

track v. mis!

small trail p k •kruyruya

trail v. misx

transparent solsoli

transplant kwyu£k hwali

-*■ transplant, checkers thipi

move around

trap ?6ni; s?oni

trash kwe*qlVa*yPa 0kam?e

tree ?w£la, ?iwila; ??£•

branch: comes away from ?i:tpkYala

tree

tribe ?wa£ml£a

tripe thk5* (G.M.), tkho* (W.G.),

tako* (G.N.)

trot pmorm5r?i

trousers mikYul, mkYul, mkytil

turkey ?ya*s

turn (car, horse) in motion sihwi:ni

turn food in pan skwayi

turn off tmdki

turn off (appliance) skwi (*)ni

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 628
t
turn it off 1 mskwink mtmafii

turn over tihuini

turned over tihwin{3i
turquoise kh&psu(w)a
turtle kpit
twilight: ground becomes mat£ p?u*{3?i, matfi 0?{t*pi

visible

twined k wirpa

two hwaki

two men p&*hm£*pm hhu£ki,

pa*hm£*pm ?hw£ki

two go (a)pe*mi, (a-)pe*mi

two to four in the after­ n^*pyu*si

noon

two people passing across ktka(*)ma, ktkaima

(Prn m.)

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 ughl ?1&? (interjection)
ugly person tu• p & •la•yi

uncertain tuya, t A •yi

uncover fiqwati

under yd-1
understand yk...?e (•)pi

undo 1<5 C *) qi

unfold h«irpi

unsure tHya, til•yi

untamed Wcisipi

untie h r d (•)yi

upper back salmaka

upstream myd *1

urinate eddi

urine 9u*da

use v. td* pyu*d(o)k

use up vri*ri

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 630
v
v

vagina

valley m&t&kmx*ya
vegetable ?ku&*[Link]£&a
vein h wkt.k0ura

Verde Valley m&t.k?ampaha

very tu*; qySti

very far kurm

very lovely ?eyi*pi

very much qyati

very round ->■ butte, mesa y&py£p

village w&yama

vinagrillo (.plant species) [Link]

violin: rub back and forth hqlsqx’s, kwe*hq£shqfs(?)£a

virgin hfiap, h£S:ra (pl.)(G.M.),

h£c£*ra (pi.)(W.G.)
visceral sack mnuna wayi

become visible p?u-0i

visit wa?&mi (sg.), wa?am£i (pi.)

vomit yoqi

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 631
w
w

wag riwriw

wagon ??i*poca

wait spo

wait for mel msP5ka

I'm just sitting here tu* ?sPoPk (P)pak ?wa*km

waiting

wait! ?i*nka; p5, tu* ?P5

walk Po*

I was walking tu* ?po*km

I got here walking tu* ?po*k ?Pa*km

walking stick (insect) (?)[Link]*ma

wall waksciPa

walnut curka

walnut spreading: Pin curka kayaiPa

want -ii/yl', ?i*, yi*# -kwal...y£*#

k wal...y£*; hnasqi

I want to eat k we* ?9okwal ?Ikm,

k we*?6ok wal?£*km

do you want to eat? k we*m0ok walmi•ye?

I want money w l * ?hna:qi

war ?chwa/ ?chwa*yi

warrior pa*(h)chwa

(war) bonnet purakse*lpa

warm mwe

wash c0u(*)li
w

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 wash repeatedly ?£?£eti-li

wash oneself ?ha0ptt*yi

wash spotless t0kw£*li

watch: "sun ticking" pa:0ta0ta0?l£a

water ?ha

Montezuma Hell: water ?hak0kv£y0a

broken up

water coming out ?hac?alka

water thrown on top ?hak£a*£0a

bubbling water (Pin) ?hakya•ca

crk. near Miller

Valley

good water ?ha?hana

gray water ?hapm0a0a

ocean: much water lying ?ha?taya kyak

salty water ?hak?0i-

shallow water ?hahtl:ri

still water ?haq wini, ?ha ?q wini

still-water ditch ?hasq£•ri

the water is clear ?ha:^c solsoli

the water is deep ?ha(-pc) ??e

the water isn't deep ha??e ?umi

the water is dirty ?ha:Pc ?mati

the water is muddy ?ha*n qnu*km

the water is placid ?ha*n tu* -0we*km

water recedes ?haru *0km

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 the water reflects, cf. ?hd*n£ h&lwdrkm, ?hd*n£S

smooth halwari

water ripples ?ha*0c makl phwirfJhwxrpa ?Imi

the water rises ?ha*0c mya*yekm

water is stagnant ?hawayi

I drink water ?ha ?0i:, ?ha ?0x*

drink water! (?)ha m0i(*)

body of water ?hahpu

Date Creek Tolkapayas: ?hd:ha*pk ksSuipa ?pa*ca

cottonwood sticking

in the water

dip in water hane’ka

float; swim (lie on ?ha6a:(3k yaki, ?h&£ci*pk ydki

top of the water)

jump into the water ?h£*l p&6pk k?imi

land of water (Pin) ?hakmata

put (lay) it into water I h £ •y i •1 mfi£ *

put (set) it into water! h a •y d •1 mfio

sink into the water ?ha*pi ro*pi

Chinese: speaking in halkwawa

water

water1s edge ?haktyuw(i)Pa

waterfall: flowing ?haholhol? xBa

downward

watermelon ? ckmtd
waterpot ?ha&ayi; swa*; hmdt

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 watersnake, cf. mera hapme(*)ra
slender

wave v. -*• flag s ?on£a

we (multiple plural) p<£<5p-

we (two) go away (?)pa£ ?ape*mi

we got here ?i*kd9wi

weak 0u:n pi

wear clothes wx'pi, ?kud* pm wi* pi,

(?)kweswx* pi

wear socks pa*l wxnpi

weather is nice, no wind mathSya pe'mi ?hani

(breeze)

weave pupi; kwx*

weeds sprout out ?iwll tpdqi

weed v. (?)?i*pu*, ??i:pu*

weed out ?iwxl lG-pi

one week < domingo tu*mlpka ?sxti, td* mxpka

?si'ti

weigh shapi

he weighs a lot pufi tu*pmm nok shapkm

well n. ?hahwaipa, hah«dipa

well-done md

west pa*r6(*)po

Western Yavapai tolk?pdya, tulk?paya

be wet pdli

wetten tpuli

what? kdp; h wI?i

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 what did you see? kw^pea m?u* ?

whatever may happen h&peya

whatever you say kw&’k&pyuda k&ppmlwa

what time is it? pa: kapiwlyi

wheel mp^ra

wheel, cf. walk poyi

when .. .k06( •)

when? kclpydme?

where pk«£?; kap ku*dk(?)£ (SEY)

which? k^epea, (?)kwe* 0

whine Pqana *k

whinnies haha?i

whip n. q wakta yu*l ?hat saqi

whip seqi
whipper (Prn. m.) waseqma
whirlwind mathikwira
whiskey (?)harapa

whistle cihuhi

white (p)msapi
whiten tmsa* pi

white clay or dirt mathe:

white oak tpik

who? Pka

the whole body ma:t hi0kyetk

my whole body pa?ma:t ?i0yl*tk,

pa?ma:t ?i0kyetk

whooping cough ?6hpse*r?i6a

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 636
w
why? kapy&n(?) e?
wickiup (?)weunpuppa
wide £k«£*mi; 9kwa*0i
wide area mdtk £ka*mi; matk £ka:ma
wide earth mlitkl (*) la
wide-spread mcitkhel:la

widow ?s4, ?s4yi

wife lwa
wife's father plhe pi•
wife's mother qmwf*rma pi*

wild wislpi
wild boar 0iw9i*wa (SEY), m h wa*ksutata

?q warkpiya

willow ?y6:, ?y6•

win t k wi:li; h i ’pinfii

wind n .• mat(:)haya, matha:ya, mathaya

wind is breezy mathay yu*si

wind is howling matha•yc y a :wi

wind is still matha*yc q wini

storm: wind is strong matha *ycS 0iplrf5i

wind goes X mathay3 p?u:k

wind's sound P?u:k

windy m^the

weather is nice, no mathaya pe*mi ?hani

wind

window: metal, like water (?) k hwa sulsula ?ha0i*ya,

(?)khwa sulsola ?ha0i*yi

w

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 637
w
wine ?h&?h«£ta
wing wdla

wink p m a £ ( p e p d q p i

winter ?chu*ri

witch doctor p a ’tpuyi

without ambition 6u:10i

wolf (?)hat(?)kwxla
woman Pqx (sg.), pqx (sg.), 0qu*ya

(pi.), pqu*ya (pi.); msx

wonderful waype*m0i

wood ??x*

gather wood ??I* tkappi

they light the wood ??I: tqwat6i

hit with wood ?i*pa’?api

firewood ??x:tqwat£a

greasewood ? im9 i (•)

kindling wood ?x’0maqa

wooden chair ?x*wayi

wooden cross ??x*kslpa hwe*pa

wood rattle ? ?I •tapstaps? x£a,

? ? x •tapstaps? x&a

wood rat (?)malka

work < trabajar tharha*r?i

world m&tk k£ka:ma, mdtk &kct:ma,

matk &ka*mi
worm ??x*la, ??x:la

worn out pkwayi (W.G.), nkwayi (G.M.)

w

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 wrap tmkwIri
wrestle £ikwf*epi
wring (out) Gkwl*
wrinkled ?kwipa, 0kMIpi
wrist eprl*; s&lqrw£:s6 (SEY)
write tpiS(*)ri

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
 639
y
y

Yaqui yA*ke
yard: around the house ?w& ?wy&:w6
Yavapai y£p?pd, yhp(?)pdya
yawn v . , cf. gallop p£kkwa*k?i?i

year ?6htira
yeast th“d*pi
yell p£dr...i, p££*ri (yell at

greater distance), p££:ri

(yell at even greater

distance)

yellow, cf. brown (?)qw^0a

yellow palo verde SmkuIla

California yellow poppy haptCfra, hkpqtura

(Prn)

yes ?e?

yesterday (?)pa:hm

yesterday (SEY) tpe*

yonder pul (p)Pe?

you ma:-, md*-

young hipmu

younger cousin kipa (sg.), kpa* (sg.),

ki*pa (pi.)

younger sibling kela (sg.), ke*la (pi.)

yucca mnat
yucca fruit ?paPa tapsa
y

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