MUMBAI URBAN INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECT

RELOCATION AND REHABILITATION OF PROJECT AFFECTED PEOPLE

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008

Mumbai Urban InfrasTrucTure ProjecT
RelocaTion and RehabiliTaTion of ProjecT AffecTed People
ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008

Student Report by:

André Morgado
Aran McKittrick
Howard Sharman
Isabelle Lemaire
Jin-Ho Chung
Joyce Lee
Laura Curtis
Mozhon Hosseinion
Oscar Andrés Cuervo
Roland Moore
Wu Chia - Feng
Xia Li

Development Planning Unit

University College London
May 2008
 Table of ConTenTs
Acronyms 01
Executive Summary 02
Acknowledgements 04
Terms of Reference 05
Background 06
Definition and Criteria 08
Methodology and Limitations 09
Findings and Diagnosis 12
Proposals 17
Tracking Survey
Enhance Housing Co-operatives 19
Tri-Partite Agreements 21
Pro-Poor Magazine 22
Conclusions 25
Appendix 26
Appendix A: Schedule of Lectures, Workshops and Activities 27
Appendix B: Methodology and Limitations 29
Appendix C: Questionnaires and Interviews 32
Appendix D: Focus Groups 42
Appendix E: Photo Mapping 45
Appendix F: Transect Walks 49
Appendix G: Matrix 53
References 55

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 Acronyms
BMC Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (also known as
Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai MCGM)

FSI Floor Space Index

MM Mahila Milan

MMRDA Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority

MUIP Mumbai Urban Infrastructure Project

MUTP Mumbai Urban Transport Project

NSDF National Slum Dwellers Federation

PAPS Project Affect Persons

SPARC Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres

SRA Slum Rehabilitation Authority

TDR Transferable Development Rights

ToR Terms of Reference

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 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
For many years, Mumbai has been fighting a
battle with a catastrophic housing situation.
This has been brought about by failure of the
market, a failure of state provision and overly
restrictive legislation. The result has been that
half of the city's residents, who help daily in the
creation of its wealth, have nowhere suitable to
live.
On the institutional level, Mumbai's wealth is
now allowing the city (and the State of
Maharashtra) to undertake large infrastructure
developments without recourse to
organisations like the World Bank.
This is being done with a view of transforming
Mumbai into a “World Class” city, but the
politicians and bureaucrats are struggling with
how to achieve this aim at all. And then how,
and whether, to consider issues of social
justice in the solutions that are adopted.
There is no doubt that there is a considerable
infrastructure problem to be resolved if the
city's world-class status as a financial centre is
to be matched by a world-class environment
for all of its citizens.
Our study was on the Mumbai Urban
Infrastructure Project (MUIP), which is part of
the world-class vision. We focused on the
35,000 families (around 200,000 people)
displaced under this scheme.
Maharashtra has a progressive approach to
relocation and offers free housing to eligible
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families. But the homogeneous way in which
this policy is carried out under MUIP cannot
accommodate the needs of individual families.
There is an alternative, more participatory and
consultative, approach that has been
demonstrated to work under the World Bank-
funded MUTP project, but that precedent has
not held sway with the original planners of
MUIP.
We spent two weeks in Mumbai carrying out a
limited amount of fieldwork and having
privileged access to a wide range of the city's
experts and decision makers. Our resulting
study looked at the effects of the relocations on
the lives of the families involved, came up with
a diagnosis of the situation and makes four
recommendations of short and long-term
activities that could help to make a positive
transformation in the lives of people who are
affected by these infrastructure projects.
Our diagnosis pinpointed three key issues in
respect of the MUIP project:
The invisibility of the people affected by
the project.
The lack of consultation over their
enforced relocation.
The unilateral way in which the Mumbai
Metropolitan Regional Development
Authority (MMRDA) has been pushing
through the relocations.
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And our four proposals seek to address
aspects of these issues whilst also building on
the perceived core strengths of SPARC and
the Alliance who are our clients in this exercise.

The proposals are:

To develop a tracking survey that

puts a social and economic value
on the families being relocated.

To enhance the role of housing

co-operatives in bringing
communities together, promoting
good governance and
addressing maintenance issues
in the new tenements.

To look for other 'Oshiwara-style'

opportunities to bring together
the state, civil society and the
market in short-term, project-
focused agreements that lead to
pro-poor development.

To launch a free distribution, pro-

poor magazine that could be the
voice of the voiceless and bring Children in Indian Oil
their stories and issues to a wider
audience and thus reduce their
invisibility.

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Without the help and support of SPARC our understanding, and our proposals, would have been far
less grounded. In particular, we thank Sundar Burra for organising such a rich and fruitful fieldtrip.

We are extremely grateful to all of the people at Gautam Nagar and Indian Oil buildings who gave up
their time to talk to us about the impacts of the relocation on their lives. And none of this primary
research would have been possible without our indispensable interpreters and guides - Sharmila
Gimonkar, Sunita Badekar, Salma Salve and Mithila Patel.

We would like to thank the DPU faculty, particularly Chris Jasko but also Adriana Allen, Pascale
Hoffman, Eleni Kyrou and Caren Levy for their encouragement and advice throughout.

We are appreciative of the time that all of the speakers gave to educate us whilst in Mumbai: Sheela
Patel; Ratnakar Gaikwad; Milind Mhaiskar; Swadheen Kshatriya; Shirish Patel; V.K. Phatak; U.P.S.
Madan; Neera Adarkar; Abhisek Khanna; Kalpana Sharma; D. R. Hadadare and Aseena Viccajee.

We would also like to extend particular thanks to S.K. Joshi who not only gave us an interesting
presentation but also made a special trip to accompany us to visit Oshiwara.

Finally, we are highly appreciative of the role that this field trip has played in shaping us as future
planning and development professionals.

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 Terms of reference
We are a group of twelve students from ten
different countries studying the resettlement
process under the Mumbai Urban Infrastructure
Project (MUIP) in Mumbai for SPARC.

Under the ToR provided (Development

Planning Unit, 2007) we focused on what would
be useful for the Alliance and its future work and
how the lives of families affect by the project
could be transformed.

Therefore, there were three objectives during

the research:

Understanding the experienced and

anticipated impact on livelihoods and
communities in the MUIP resettlement
project.

Identifying the strengths and

weaknesses of different actors in MUIP.

Developing and exploring with the

different actors proposals aimed at
strengthening the transformative effects
of relocations in the future.

From The Times of India 03/05/08

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 BACKGROUND
Mumbai is the capital of Maharashtra, the
richest and most urbanised state in India, and
has a population in excess of 12 million. Over
five per cent of India's GDP and more than one
third of all taxes are collected in Mumbai
(MMRDA website, 2003). Major industrial
corporations and banks have their
headquarters there.
Mumbai
Map of India
The wider metropolitan region (Greater
Mumbai) nowadays consists of Mumbai city,
the suburban districts and neighbouring Thane
and Navi Mumbai, and total population stands
at almost 19 million.
Against this backdrop of affluence and
urbanisation, more than half of the people in
Greater Mumbai live in slums, along railway
tracks and roads or on pavements. The lack of
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affordable housing is caused by a lack of space
and restrictive legislation in particular the 1947
Rent Control Act (Phatak, 2008). The
consequence is the 'pricing-out' of large
sectors of the population from the formal
housing market.
As a result a parallel, informal, city has
emerged. The personification of this can be
seen in Dharavi, where an estimated one
million people live in slum conditions, but at the
same time provide an array of goods and
services essential to the city.
Map of Mumbai
The wave of neo-liberalism that swept the world
in the 1980s and 1990s also swept through
India. Governance structures were
decentralised and housing markets liberalised
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 (Nigel Harris, 1995). Local and state
governments are now responsible for strategic
areas such as planning, policy and
implementation of housing and infrastructure.
This responsibility has not been followed,
however, by increases in revenue transfers or
capacity building for civil servants to deliver
these strategies. The result is an institutional
quagmire where many entities have
overlapping, and sometimes conflicting,
responsibilities.
The private sector is accused of only fuelling
the speculative real-estate boom, but through
policies such as Transferable Development
Rights (TDRs) and increased Floor Space
Index (FSI), it has an important role to play in
developing pro-poor housing.
Improvements to Mumbai's roads and railways
are crucial to achieving the vision of a 'World
Class City' (McKinsey, 2003) and this falls
within the remit of the MMRDA a key agency of
the Government of Maharashtra.
MUIP derives from this vision and is
fundamentally concerned with smoothing and
speeding traffic in and out of central Mumbai -
460km of roads in the northern suburbs will be
affected. MUIP is causing the relocation of
35,000 families (around 200,000 people) that
have encroached on the land where the roads
are to be expanded (MMRDA, 2008).
Those who can show that they arrived before
Jan 1st 2000 are entitled to free housing and
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are being moved to tenements in the northern
suburbs (Based on the Slum Rehabilitation
Authority (SRA) policy) (MMRDA, 2008).
Those not eligible will be evicted and face no
choice but to move elsewhere in the city,
feeding the perennial 'encroachment and
eviction' cycle.
The work of the Alliance, made up of its three
member organisations: Mahila Milan, National
Slum Dwellers Federation and SPARC, is to
attempt to provide proper resettlement and
rehabilitation (R&R) practices to these
displaced people, but under MUIP the Alliance
does not have a formal role in the resettlement.
Lessons from previous relocation experiences
with the pavement dwellers and the World
Bank-funded Mumbai Urban Transport Project
(MUTP) have set a precedent in community-
driven participatory relocation that can be built
upon, to minimise the impact on livelihoods.
The inherent tension between millions of
disempowered slum-dwellers and those who
wish to develop Mumbai into a World-Class
City has brought to the surface the need to
insert pro-poor measures into the existing
governance structures.
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 DEFINITION AND CRITERIA
Taking into consideration the ToR, we produced The definition reflects the fact that the main
a definition of transformation, which would help actors for us are the pavement and slum
understanding, guide research, and evaluate dwellers affected by the MUIP project. It also
the transformative process under MUIP. reflects our view that transformation is
fundamentally designed to help these families
The team understands transformation to and individuals achieve a “positive change in
mean:: their livelihoods”, both in the pre- and post-
relocation periods.

“A positive change in the livelihoods1 of Project Affected People (PAPs) who

will actively participate2 in: the relocation process, the institutionalisation of
sustainable relocation practices and the creation of new opportunities which
will enable them to fulfil their human potential3.”

CRITERIA
1. Decreased vulnerability of PAPs to economic shocks .
Economic Transformation 2. Sustained or improved employment opportunities
3. Better access to training and capacity building opportunities

4. Improved accessibility to transport for PAPs to key areas (work place,

ddcommunity and others)
Environmental Transformation 5. Improved environmental and physical living conditions
6. Increased adaptability to natural and man-made disasters and hazards
7. Ensure adequate access to services that meet minimum quality

8. Increased representation, participation and influence of PAPs in the

ddpolitical decision-making of the citywide relocation process
Political Transformation 9. Increased transparency and accountability of political decisions about
ddthe citywide relocation process standards

10. Improved PAPs access to social infrastructure and amenities

Social Transformation 11. Inclusion of gender issues in all aspects of implementation
12. Maintained and resilient social networks for PAPs

Table 1. Transformation Criteria

1
In 'livelihoods', we include the political, physical, human, natural (public) and economic assets of individuals and their community.
2
By 'participate', we mean that they will be fully involved in the discussion of, and the decision-making about, all aspects of their relocation.
3
By 'human potential', we mean that they will have available to them all of the opportunities - in particular, water and sanitation, health services, education and
employment - that are typically available to the average citizen of Mumbai.

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 MeThodology and
LimiTaTions
The research methodology took place in three into sets of questionnaires used for data
stages - before, during and after the field trip collection during the primary research in the
and was based on the following research field [see Appendix B].
process:
A research sample was identified for data
1. Topic selection collection and a conscious decision was made
2. Literature review to request a representative group of
3. Research design interviewees - men, women, girls, boys,
4. Data collection shopkeepers and those not eligible for
5. Data analysis
relocation under MUIP. It was also important
6. Writing up
that the research was conducted in pre-
relocation sites, transit camps and the
Pre-field trip relocated sites including Oshiwara.

The first stage was to conduct an in-depth

review of secondary material available on
Mumbai, its slum and pavement dwellers,
resettlement and rehabilitation policies as well
as the Alliance. This was largely but not
exclusively based on the given ToR
(Development Planning Unit, 2007).

Following on from the literature review, we

formulated a definition and criteria (see page
8), as well as a diagnosis of the relocation
process under MUIP (see page 12). Various
tools were used here, such as actor mapping to
understand the relationship between actors,
and use of the Web of Institutionalization (Levy,
1998) to identify opportunities and constraints
on the pursuit of a positive transformation of
livelihoods for PAPs now and in the future.

A range of information needs to be addressed

in the research emerged from this diagnosis. Mumbai Urban Infrastructure Project
Most of the information needs were collated

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Research in the field
The primary research in the field followed a
schedule of meetings with officials and experts
[see Appendix A] and primary research with
community members.
The primary research with community
members was carried out using six tools, formal
semi-structured interviews, informal
interviews, focus groups [All Appendix D],
photo mapping [Appendix E], transect walks
[Appendix F] and matrix [Appendix G] which
are
Indian Oil
Gautam Nagar
Location of Gautam Nagar and Indian Oil
in Mumbai
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Aa
Are sumarised in Appendix B. These activities
took place in Gautam Nagar and Indian Oil over
four afternoons. For detailed findings of each
tool used, please refer to the relevant
appendices.
Focus Group
Post-fieldtrip
The data analysis and write up of the research
process took place during and after the
research in the field. This involved collating and
analyzing the data collected to refine the
diagnosis (see page 12) and identify proposals
for SPARC (see page 17).
Limitations
Limitations included sample sizes, time
available, translation barriers, influence of
other community members and the
research team, information availability and
location and gender bias. For example, the
sample was not representative of the whole
community affected by MUIP.
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Another important limitation is that of influence.
There was a sense that some community
members were influencing others, especially
during group sessions, such as focus groups
and the matrix. Moreover, there is a more subtle
form of influence, which is from the research
team on the interviewees. The presence of the
research team and the impact of their questions
may have affected the interviewees'
responses.

A more comprehensive list of limitations

observed is available in Appendix B.

Photo mapping with children. (Top)

Transec Walk. (Left)
Matrix. (Above)

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 Findings and Diagnosis
Three key themes emerged from our findings.
They are as follows:

1. The invisibility of the urban poor

2. The lack of consultation in the

relocation process

3. How MMRDA acts unilaterally, guided by

a neo-liberal agenda first and using the
rhetoric of the pro-poor agenda when
convenient

1. Invisibility
Under MUIP, the poor are invisible in many Open drainage in Gautam Nagar
ways. They are invisible in their economic
value to the city. If they are ineligible for
relocation, they are completely neglected. For
those eligible for relocation, their new homes
are often far from the city centre, which makes “Water level rises to waist
them spatially invisible. because Gautam Nagar is
After relocation, households that have been in a ditch (during
moved are considered to have been monsoon)”
accommodated satisfactorily and therefore not
seen as needing further assistance from
government. Very few provisions are made for
the long-term transformation of the livelihoods
of tenement residents.

Table 1 summarizes the constraints and

opportunities under the theme of invisibility.

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 TABLE 1
CONSTRAINTS
Pro-poor policies are not mainstreamed, which affects
the allocation of adequate resources and procedures
that meet the needs of the poor.
Neo-liberal Mumbai wants a “world class city” that will
eventually be slum free, potentially affecting the
livelihoods of the 6m people currently living in slums.
Once relocated, households are considered as “being
taken care of” and are provided services by their housing
co-operatives, which are generally underperforming in
new tenements in terms of providing maintenance and
services (i.e. drains, lifts, garbage collection).
Many households have not yet been registered under the
housing co-operatives to receive the 20,000 rupees fund.
This makes it more difficult for families to adjust to the
new economic requirements in the new tenements .
Many affected families are ineligible due to the cut off
date or lack of documents to prove their eligibility.
New tenements are utilitarian in nature and are mainly
used to relocate the project-affected families, and not to
transform their lives. . As stated by one of the residents:
"they remove poverty from view, not stop poverty”
Lack of data which attempts to quantify the contribution
of the poor to Mumbai's economy.
There is a lack of political representation, both in formal
structure and by civil society. The first exists mainly in
the form of patronage at election times and the
representation by organizations such as SPARC has
been largely limited under MUIP.
The Alliance has been committed to MUIP on a voluntary
basis and is not able to provide more support without
additional resources
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InvisibiliTy
OPPORTUNITIES
Existence of pro-poor elements in the Government of
Maharashtra (GoM) Housing Policy and the SRA policy,
which SPARC helped develop.
The current Metropolitan Commissioner is pro-poor and
open to collaborating with the Alliance.
Relocation of households to new tenements offers
security of tenure and relative improvements in quality
of life for families living in the worst conditions prior to
the move
Under SRA policy, 20,000 rupees is deposited for each
registered household which provides interest for the
maintenance of the buildings.
More families were relocated under MUTP due to World
Bank requirements, this has set a precedent.
NSDF has the capacity to rally and federate large
numbers of community members, and acts as a cohesive
force in dislocated communities, pre and post
relocation.
The large number of people relocated under MUIP could
be a critical mass in providing a voice of the poor that can
be heard by decision-makers.
The precedent set by SPARC under MUTP can help to
prove the importance of organizing communities prior to
and post relocation.
Mahila Milan is already working in new tenements and
providing the community with the opportunity to save
and come together.
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 2. Lack of consultation
The research team has found through
primary and secondary research that
consultation, one of the corner stones of
sustainable relocation, has been lacking
under MUIP. We believe that this is largely
due to the fact that the current policy fails to
address the heterogeneity of families
affected by the relocation process. The
assumed homogeneity has resulted in a
single relocation solution that does not
address the needs of the relocated
families. In contrast, these issues were not
present in the MUTP relocation process
Children in Indian Oil complex
due to the large-scale community
consultation and participation facilitated by
SPARC.

Our findings revealed that many relocated

families under MUIP were unprepared for
their relocation. For example, households
were not given adequate warning prior to
the move. Similarly, no assessment is
made of the ability of the relocated families
to retain their livelihoods.

Table 2 summarizes the constraints and

Photo Mapping activity at Indian Oil Complex opportunities under the theme of lack of
consultation.

"No one helped in the move, bulldozers

came straight at us.”

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 TABLE 2
CONSTRAINTS
Consultation is a time-consuming process and MMRDA
is keen to pursue transformation of Mumbai into a 'world
class city' within a certain timeframe through projects
such as MUIP
MMRDA is not clear on the added value brought by
consultation under MUTP versus the relocation process
of MUIP.
MMRDA has limited engagement with affected people.
They are perceived as an “encroachment” on MMRDA's
land and an obstacle to MUIP's progress.
MMRDA has previously considered PAPs to stand for
“Projects Affected by People” who had to be removed
from the MUIP premise
Resources for MUIP come from GoM, MMRDA and BMC.
In contrast, the World Bank was central in funding MUTP
and required that consultation be integral to the process.
Therefore, there is minimal SPARC and community
involvement to take part in relocation processes under
MUIP since there is no external agency to enforce it.
In the case where relocated families suffer from
inadequate relocation practices, there is no process for
them to challenge these procedures.
"No one interfered. The government told political
leader not to interfere in the moving process."
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LACK OF CONSULTATION
OPPORTUNITIES
Existence of pro-poor elements in the Government
ofMMRDA is a financially resourceful government body.
MMRDA acknowledges that participation and
consultation have been a large part of the relocation
process under MUTP.
MMRDA is now committed to relocating and
rehabilitating project-affected families.
Potential for a positive change over time in MMRDA's
attitude towards “Projects Affected by People”.
Mahila Milan is already operating in many locations and
demonstrating how it can help a small number of families
improve their economic and social conditions through
savings and community mobilization
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3. Unilateral MMRDA
MMRDA is a well-resourced government
agency, which plays both the role of a large
infrastructure developer as well as the
public entity that serves its population. In
this dual role, supported by substantial
amounts of resources, MMRDA is able to
TABLE 3
CONSTRAINTS
SPARC has only participated in the enumeration process
on a voluntary basis after relocation.
There are overlapping responsibilities between the
MMRDA and other agencies (especially the BMC).
The builder-politician nexus means that it is more
profitable to mass-produce either inappropriate
tenements for project-affected people, or housing for the
middle and upper classes.
Priorities lie with the creation of a world-class city, which
translates into infrastructure. Positive transformation for
the poor is seen as a potential benefit but not a priority.
TDRs are only possible in a boom economy, there is no
apparent plan for long term housing for the poor once the
market has normalized.
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obtain the flexibility to implement projects
but evidence suggests that it may lack the
checks and balances required to prioritize
social justice.
Table 3 lists some of the opportunities and
constraints inherent to the role of MMRDA
in MUIP:
UNILATERAL MMRDA
OPPORTUNITIES
Commissioner Gaikwad and Senior Adviser on Slum
Redevelopment Joshi are bureaucrats with a pro-poor
slant, with secondary evidence suggesting they are
willing to make the relocation as transformative as
possible for affected families. MUTP shows that a
precedent has already been set for a working
relationship.
Oshiwara, albeit small and unreflective of the general
ethos of developers and the MMRDA, shows that
innovative solutions are possible and that private
developers/landowners are interested in unlocking
questions of land and housing.
TDRs and mixed-use, mixed-income solutions are still in
the experimentation stage, but they can be effectively
used by MMRDA to scale-up the participation of the
private sector in the construction of new community-
designed tenements.
There are resources available and, with political
commitment, change can be achieved if MMRDA
mainstreams responsibility for social justice.
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 PROPOSALS
1. Quarterly Tracking Survey
Key themes: Invisibility

Addressing our criteria on:

Economic, Environmental, Political

Why a Tracking Survey?

The valuable social and economic contribution

of the urban poor to the city goes largely
unacknowledged and the full effect of MUIP on
the lives of affected families is not being
captured.

The Alliance is already experienced at Indian Oil Complex

collecting some data relating to eligibility,
names and family size. And its expertise here
is recognised. It can build on this by collecting
more detailed information that establishes a
value for these families and analyses the risks
that they are exposed to.
Developing a process to collect, collate and
analyse data as it pertains to the relocation
experience under MUIP and which reflects the
social and economic contribution of the urban
poor to the city is therefore key to changing
attitudes, influencing new policy creation - or
encouraging the application of existing pro-
poor policy - and addressing the invisibility of
the poor.
What Data is to be Collected?
Adad aa aaaa aa ffaaa s fsdf fsdff fdfs dfdf
should be focused on three main areas of
people's lives; social, economic and
environmental.
This will reveal details on both their economic
value and the risks they face and how these
aspects of their lives have been affected
before, during and after the relocation process
of MUIP.
The data will identify areas that need improving
and will allow for the prioritisation of problems.
In the long term this process could be scaled up
to capture data from a wider sample reflecting
the social and economic contribution that all of
the urban poor make to the city.

Data collected through the Tracking Survey

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Who Should Implement the Proposal?
MM, NSDF and SPARC would be the most
appropriate organisations to implement this
proposal due to the expertise development
working on MUTP. The three organisations
have also developed trust with affected
families, as well as a positive relationship with
the MMRDA.
When Should it be Done?
The process should begin as soon as the
Alliance can develop the capacity to carry out
the initial survey-outside help from social
research experts may be needed to begin with.
The survey report created from the initial data
collection could be used in a public relations
exercise to reveal the contemporary
experience of project-affected families. The
value of the data thereafter will increase with
each successive survey.
How Should it be Done?
External financing and some external specialist
help are likely to be essential to facilitate
capacity building and skills transfer. This
financing could come from a number of
international donors with whom SPARC has
good contacts.
What Impacts Would the Proposal Have?
Initially the data could be used to inform
government, bureaucrats and the general
public. However, there may be challenges to
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the legitimacy of the data, which could reduce
the chances of changing the attitudes of
Mumbai's citizens and influencing
policymakers.
In the long term the surveys could be used to
identify trends, inform public opinion and
influence policymakers by putting pressure on
politicians. Political commitment could then be
developed, policies transformed and
procedures altered. This would lead to a
change in the delivery of projects, at which
point the objectives of the proposal would have
been met.
Monitoring and Evaluation
To determine the relevance and legitimacy of
the data collected, monitoring could look at how
the data is being used and by whom. If the
media are using the data this could be
monitored by evaluating how many column
inches or time is given to its use. Government,
NGO and CBO documents could also be
monitored to determine how often the data is
cited in each of these.
Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT
18
 the relocation, helping to build better
2. Enhance the role of Housing understanding of the relocation process and
Co-operatives strengthening co-operation between families.
They also enable families to access 20,000
Key themes: rupees per household from the government.
Lack of consultation and
invisibility. What should be done?

Addressing our criteria on: Housing co-operatives should become the

Environmental, Political, Social meeting place where matters concerning
people's lives on site can be raised.
L
This proposal aims to enhance the role of Through effective organization, the needs of
housing co-operatives in addressing the community can be expressed and
maintenance issues, bringing communities addressed whether this is the removal of
together and promoting good governance both garbage, provision of water and sanitation, and
on site and in the broader policy context. the availability of open spaces such as group-
oriented spaces for girls, cricket pitches for
Why housing co-operatives?
boys or meeting rooms for men and women.
Housing co-operatives main function is to
provide maintenance for tenements and act as
a forum where the residents can voice their
concerns. According to our research, however,
the co-operatives are largely under-performing
in providing these services. More financial
support is needed to help them form in the first
place and then perform effectively in the future.

Families relocated under MUTP were

organized prior to the move, but those moved
under MUIP were not. This has had a negative
effect on the maintenance of buildings and on
social cohesion.
Oshiwara I complex
Housing co-operatives are socially effective in
mobilizing new communities before and after

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19
Overall, the main aim of the housing co-
operatives should be to build community
cohesion and good governance while
effectively providing the services within their
remit.
When, Who and How should this happen?
The housing co-operatives can play a role pre-
and post-relocation. Prior to moving, families
often need assistance in collecting documents
that prove their eligibility and they can be
mobilized through the surveying of the
community.
For housing co-operatives to play a role prior to
relocation, their activities would have to be
endorsed by the authority responsible for the
relocation (MMRDA or BMC). So far this has
been ineffective under MUIP.
Once MMRDA recognizes the importance of
this community mobilization, NSDF and MM
volunteers can carry out this work. If funded by
MMRDA, the Alliance would have another
opportunity to engage with the government and
showcase the value of a participatory
approach. The benefits of community
organization could potentially be shown
through the Tracking Survey included as
Proposal 1 above.
Income for Housing Co-ops could also
potentially be generated by the installation of
mobile phone masts and advertising hoardings
on the roofs of buildings. These two strategies
ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008
could generate enough funding to maintain
(and improve) the buildings in the long term, but
it will be of crucial importance that the housing
cooperatives be federated under NSDF to
ensure that the funds collected from the
scheme are managed in a transparent and
democratic manner.
What are the Impacts?
Through this improvement in governance,
government policies and procedures can be
affected, influencing the mainstreaming of
sustainable relocation practices.
Certain limitations exist, especially in regards
to funding this work and to the highly dislocated
state of the communities under MUIP.
However, due to the existing relationship
between the Alliance and MMRDA there is
scope for developing such a proposal.
Monitoring and Evaluation
The monitoring and evaluation strategy of this
proposal would be carried out by NSDF
volunteers and would be coupled with the Data
strategy above. The objectives of the
monitoring would have to be determined once
the remit of the housing co-operatives is more
defined. But it would be likely to cover the
number and activity levels of housing co-
operatives in both pre and post relocation sites.
It would also need to evaluate the level of
maintenance provided by the co-operatives for
Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT
20
for the buildings and the management of any
funds raised by the building of hoardings and
mobile phone masts.
Oshiwara II complex
3. Tri-Partite Agreements
Key themes:
Lack of Consultation and
Unilateral MMRDA
Addressing our Criteria on:
Political and social
Why Tri-Partite Agreements ?
Our third proposal builds on the successful tri-
partite agreement that was used in Oshiwara.
ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008
In developing this idea, our goal was to propose
the creation of a similar situation to Oshiwara,
with similar benefits for project-affected
families. The creation of similar projects with tri-
partite agreements would add to the validity of,
and support for, more relocations carried out in
the same manner, and would work to
institutionalize the co-operation between civil
society, the state, and the private sector that
was integral to Oshiwara's success.
What should be done?
Oshiwara met the needs of the poor because a
landowner whose lands were being
encroached approached the Alliance. The
Alliance was able to solve this problem and
also bring together other players - MMRDA and
a developer/builder - who could ensure that
good development and relocation practices
were followed on the site.
Our proposal is that the Alliance pro-actively
seeks out other private landowners with
encroachment issues and approaches them
with a view to showing how their land can be
redeveloped for the benefit of all parties, using
Oshiwara as a precedent for success.
When should this happen?
The time to develop another tri-partite
agreement in a new location is now, in order to
take advantage of the current synergy between
the Alliance and MMRDA (through
Commissioner Gaikwad).
Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT
21
The long-term vision is to create these tri-
partite agreements wherever the opportunity
emerges. It would be opportunistic and each
agreement would begin and end with a specific
project. If a project is successful, it could be
used as an example for future projects.
How can this happen?
We propose that the Alliance play a proactive
role in seeking out a suitable private landowner,
possibly through a land survey done by the
Alliance.
Who should make it happen?
The actors to be engaged in this tripartite
agreement would be the Alliance, MMRDA (in
the case of MUIP, whereas BMC may be
involved in another project), and
developers/contractors. As with Oshiwara,
landowners and developers would be involved
with the process through interactions with
MMRDA and the Alliance, but not necessarily
part of the tri-partite agreement.
Monitoring and Evaluation
It would be essential to learn from each project
and to discuss lessons learned, so that each
successive project can build upon past
experience.
There could also be a questionnaire to capture
on paper the stakeholders' views of the benefits
and challenges of participating in such an
agreement. These ideas may inform future tri-
ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008
partite agreements.
4. Pro-Poor Magazine
Key themes:
Invisibility
Addressing our Criteria on:
Political
Why?
This proposal is aimed at giving a voice to the
voiceless in the city and thus increasing their
political presence and their participation in
issues that affect their lives.
The media in Mumbai is not interested in the
plight of the slum and pavement dwellers. But
with 6m people they make up a substantial
audience, and one with spending power their
individual incomes are not large, but when
multiplied by 6m you have a real market
opportunity.
What?
Therefore, we propose launching an editorially
pro-poor, free distribution, advertising funded,
monthly magazine written either in Hindi or
Marathi. This magazine would be handed out at
railway stations, universities, Mahila Milan and
NSDF offices to reach the sympathetic middle
class as well as the literate poor.
Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT
22
This idea borrows freely from the Daily Herald,
the Big Issue, Metro newspaper and Korean
website OhMyNews. These are media outlets
that have: given a voice to a social group (Daily
Herald); raised the profile of the homeless (Big
Issue); proved that free newspapers can be
viable (Metro); introduced the idea of 'citizen
reporters' (OhMyNews).

When, Who and How?

Metro newspaper
There would need to be a small, professionally-
trained core staff, but the key would be
community-generated content provided by Short and Long Term Impacts
NSDF and MM members we know from talking
In the short term, the launch of this title would
to them that they have points of view and
create significant PR impact. In the longer
stories to tell.
term, if commercially successful, the magazine
We propose setting up a social business to run could move to weekly frequency and it could
the magazine. An Indian or UK media owner have a major cumulative effect on the views of
investor could provide both professional politicians and opinion formers.
expertise and investment funds (maybe from
There are clearly a number of constraints:
their CSR budget). One of the big donor
media owners might not want to invest in this
agencies should also be approached to fund a
idea; the local media might respond
feasibility study and provide some initial cash
aggressively; it could be hard to turn slum
for the launch.
dwellers' stories and opinions into material that
The Alliance would be represented on the others would want to read.
board of the business alongside the investors,
But the opportunity for providing the poor of the
but with no financial exposure. And opinion-
city with a voice is also clear. Ultimately, the
former non-executives would be brought in
aim is to drive new thinking through the city to
from sympathetic parts of the Mumbai
transform policies, mainstream new attitudes to
community.
the poor and change both procedures and the
delivery of projects like MUIP and other
upcoming relocations.

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008 Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT

23
Monitoring and Evaluation

There are two aspects to Monitoring and

Evaluation - how is it working as a business,
and is it delivering on its opinion-changing
remit?

As a business it would look at the traditional

Key Performance Indicators - circulation
numbers, advertisement volumes and
revenues, profitability. It would also monitor
how many 'citizen reporters' were active and
where they lived to ensure good coverage of
the city

As an opinion-changing force, readership

surveys would establish: reader (and non-
reader) views of the publication; how well it
represented the lives and views of the slum and
pavement dwellers; whether it was popular and
well-read; how much time readers spent with it
and what elements they liked and disliked.
And it also would be important to survey
political leaders and opinion formers regularly.
The ultimate aim of this proposal is to see their
opinions change - and policies change with
them.

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008 Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT

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 Conclusions
In spite of the limitations referred to above, we
have demonstrated that the lives of the people
affected by MUIP are not currently being
transformed. There exist major obstacles to
such transformation: attitudes of many of the
citizens and the drive to transform Mumbai into
a world-class city through better infrastructure.
This is most evident under MUIP although even
here there are signs that a more pro-poor
approach may be able to be introduced.

The Alliance's role - and its closeness to the

new Commissioner - remains the key
opportunity for affecting a positive change.
This is why our proposals build largely on its
key strengths: data collection; organising
individuals and families affected by relocation;
negotiating with MMRDA and landowners; and
its networks on the ground.

The proposal on housing co-ops could Children playing cricket in Indian Oil Complex
immediately address the aspects of
transformation that refer to improvements in
the quality of life of relocated families. The other
proposals would seek to foster the political will
and co-operation necessary to change
relocation practices and embed them into the
system for the benefit of future relocated
families.

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008 Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT

25
 Appendices

Appendix A: Schedule of Lectures, Workshops and Activities

Appendix B: Methodology and Limitations

Appendix C: Questionnaires and Interviews

Appendix D: Focus Groups

Appendix E: Photo Mapping

Appendix F: Transect Walks

Appendix G: Matrix

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Appendix A
Schedule of LecTures, Workshops
and AcTiviTies in Mumbai

When How Where Who What

rd
3 May Saturday
Mr. Sundar Burra [Adviser,
SPARC The Work of
10:00 Lecture SPARC] Mrs. Sheela Patel
office the Alliance
[Director, SPARC]
Metropolitan
SPARC Planning in
11:30 Presentation Mr. V.K. Phatak
office Mumbai and
Slum Policy
14:00 Field visits
5th May Monday
Mr. Swadheen Kshatriya
[Principal Secretary of the Housing Policy
SPARC Housing and Special of the
10:00 Presentation
office Assistance Department in Government of
Government of Maharashtra
Maharashtra]
Mr. U.P.S. Madan [Project
SPARC Manager, Mumbai Mumbai
11:00 Presentation
office Transformation Support Transformation
Unit]
Formal semi-
Gautam structured
14:00 Fieldwork Gautam Nagar
Nagar interviews
Transect Walk
6th May Tuesday
Mr. Ratnakar Gaikwad
The Role of
10:30 Presentation MMRDA [Metropolitan
MMRDA
Commissioner, MMRDA]
Resettlement
Mr. Milind Mhaiskar [Project
and
Director, MUTP and Joint
11:30 Presentation MMRDA Rehabilitation
Metropolitan Commissioner,
under MUTP
MMRDA]
and MUIP
Formal semi-
structured
14:00 Fieldwork Indian Oil interviews
Focus group
Transect Walk
7th May Wednesday
Formal Sharma’s MS. Kalpana Shama
11:00
Interview residence [Author and Journalist]
Mr. D.R.Hadadare [Chief
Formal MHADA
15:00 Engineer, Maharastra
Interview office
Housing and Area

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008 Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT

27
 8th May Thursday
SPARC Mr. Shirish Patel [Structural
9:30 Presentation Housing policy
office Engineer and Urban Expert]
Principles of
slum
SPARC Mr. S.K. Joshi [Adviser, rehabilitation
11:00 Presentation
office SPARC] and transfer of
development
rights
Formal semi-
structured
interviews
Gautam
14:00 Fieldwork Informal
Nagar
interview
Focus group
Transect walk
Photo mapping
14:00 Fieldwork Indian Oil
Transect Walk
9th May Friday
Textile Mill
Land of
SPARC
10:00 Presentation Ms. Neera Adarkar Mumbai: Past,
office
Present, and
Future
SPARC Mr. Abhisek Khanna Lending to the
11:00 Presentation
office [Barclays Bank] poor
Transect walk
Gautam Informal
14:00 Fieldwork
Nagar interview
Matrix
Photo mapping
16:00 Fieldwork Indian Oil
follow up
10th May Saturday
Ms. Aseena Viccajee
Formal
16:00 Sahil Hotel [Manager of SPARC] at
Interview
Sahil Hotel
13th May Tuesday
Presentation of
SPARC findings and
9:30 Presentation All groups
office strategies at
SPARC office

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Appendix B

MeThodology and LimiTaTions

Tools and techniques

Tools Techniques Interviewee Impact of the
information tools on data
collection
Formal semi- 20 minute in-depth 9 women Detailed
structured interviews on a one-to- 5 shopkeepers information
interviews one basis from each
[see Appendix individual
C]

Informal Informal unstructured 3 men Levels of detail

interviews chats on a one-to-one 4 shopkeepers depend on time
[see Appendix basis available
C]
Samples
depend on the
person
available

Focus groups Informal group 5 men focus More sample

[see Appendix discussion with semi- group, followed over less time
D] structured questions with by much larger
women and men group Less detailed
separately information
9 women focus collected
The women focus group group
was a way of getting to
know the participants
better before the formal
interview

The men focus group

was pre-arranged under
time constraint
Photo Using drawings and 3 girls, 6 boys More sample
mapping [see photos to map out their aged between over less time
Appendix E] “likes” and “dislikes” of 10-16
the new location Representative

Interactive for
girls and boys
aged 10-16
Transect Observation of the - -

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 Transect Observation of the - -
walk [see exterior of the two new
Appendix F] tenements to triangulate
what we know from
secondary and primary
data
Matrix [see A matrix to compare how 15 Women Interesting and
appendix G] women felt about the pre- 4 young boys engaging for
relocation site and 2 young men participants
relocated site
Informal
Five key concerns were
compared – money, Less detailed
health, community information
representation, leisure collected
and housing

Women rated between 0-

5 (0-bad, 5-good) on both
sites using checkers
Official and Around 30-40 minutes Triangulate
expert presentation from five information
presentations government officials and from
eleven experts on housing secondary
policy and on material and
rehabilitation and interviews with
relocation community

20 minutes question and

answer session for each

ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008 Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT

30
 LimiTaTions
The sample size of around 30 people is not representative of the community, and therefore
unable to fully represent the impact of relocation on the livelihoods of MUIP-affect people.
Sample size Moreover, some parts of the secondary research could not be triangulated because the BMC
was not part of the research.

There was limited time to conduct research with the community therefore focus groups and
Time matrices were used to capture more samples. However, these tools also have their
limitations. Similarly, the official and expert question and answer sessions were limited in
time.

The use of translators posed some difficulties during the research, due to cultural and
linguistic barriers between the interviewer, translator and the interviewees. There was also
the possibility of the translation being misinterpreted or diluted due to misunderstanding and
Translation
unfamiliarity with the questions and certain terminologies. This may have affected the
responses to the interview questions.

During the focus groups and matrix sessions, there was a sense of community members
influencing one and other. This was especially visible during the matrix session when
participants changed their input after another community member spoke to them. This may
Influence have affected the outcomes of the focus groups and matrix. [See Appendix G for more
information on affected outcomes]
In addition to the influence from one community member to another, there is also a more
subtle form of influence from the research team on the interviewees. As non-local
researchers, the presence of the research team and the impact of our questions may have
affected their perceptions and responses.

Throughout the research, there was conflicting information provided by individual

community members who were interviewed and between community members and officials
Information and experts. Occasionally, information provided was inconsistent within a single interview.

The research location was in the new tenements of Gautam Nagar and Indian Oil. There was
no opportunity to visit the community members in the pre-relocation sites and transit camps
Location
to understand how they perceive the relocation process and how they perceive the situation
in the transit camps.

The research sample was pre-dominantly women. A great deal of effort was made both by the
Gender team and by our facilitators to ensure men and shopkeepers were part of the final sample.

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31
 Appendix C

QuesTionnaires and InTerviews

Formal, semi-structured interviews were conducted with women and shopkeepers, although
informal chats with men and shopkeepers were documented at each opportunity. The
questionnaires below were designed to explicate key issues for men, women and
shopkeepers, and were referenced throughout the interviews and chats. Please note that the
main objective of each interaction was to understand the key issues facing each respondent
and questionnaires were used primarily as guides in the process.

Questionnaires
WOMEN & MEN
Name of interviewee
Location, date

BACKGROUND
Previous location?
Resettlement location?
How long have you lived here?
Description of the relocation process?
How much notice did you get before relocation?

SOCIAL
Social network maintained?
Do you feel safe here?
Maintenance: How often, who, why not?
Change in family health?

ECONOMIC
Do you have a job? What is your income from?
Is it the same job you had in the slum location?
How far/long is travel to your job?
What expenses do you have? Are they
affordable?

ENVIRONMENTAL
What are the water/sanitation services
now/before?
Quantity
Quality
Cost
Availability

POLITICAL
Do you vote?
Do you know whom your political
representative(s) is/are?
Do you have an election card?
Is there conflicting agency responsibilities?

GENERAL
What is the most significant change since
moving?
What would you change about living here?

OTHER

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Women & Men

Nine women were interviewed during the fieldtrip. Interviews were conducted using a semi-
structured format and ran for an average of 20 minutes. Due to the wide variation
characterizing the women's responses, they have been disaggregated into five categories;
social, economic, environmental, political and 'other.' The men's interviews were informal
(please see men's focus group for more information on men) and have been included here as
well.

Interviewee Personal Profile

Years
Pre- Relocation
Name Resettlement since Notice
location experience
move
Jawanti Behind the Gautam   
airport Nagar
Jolis 15 mins Gautam 2 years No choice None
away by Nagar Rented a car
bus
Hindu Bykorat Bolivar Gautam 2 years MMRDA 
Carcoba Nagar supplied a car
Mehmouda Chemur Gautam 2 years Choice due to None
Begam Phatak Nagar health
(37 years) condition,
Rented a car
Sneha Chembur Indian Oil 1 year  
Chandraman (Mithi 8
Jadhay River) months
Shoba Ghatkopar Indian Oil Less Choice due to One
Dyandev than health month
Kamble 1 year condition, notice
Rented a car
Sahsi  Gautam   
Nagar
A Mithi River Indian Oil 6 No choice None
months
B Mithi River Indian Oil 10 No choice Short
months

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Women's responses to Formal Interview Sessions:

Safety Most of interviewees said that, both previous and

relocated places are safe.

Social Network “Neighbours were better before relocation.” (Jawanti,

Gautam Nagar)
“Everyone came along.” (Jolis, Gautam Nagar)
“I made new friends (social network) here.” (Hindu,
Gautam Nagar), (Sneha, Indian Oil)
Social

Health Condition “I think here is better for family health, including

babies.” (Hindu, Gautam Nagar), (A, Indian Oil)
“Same condition for health.” (Mehmouda, Gautam
Nagar)
“Fewer doctors at Indian Oil than my previous
residence.” (Sneha, Indian Oil)
“Half an hour to the doctor.” (B, Indian Oil)

Hazard Factor “Dead scared of crossing highway.” (Shoba, Indian

Oil), (Sahsi, Gatam Nagar)

Income “We had a shop before, but not now. My husband is

working with the Alliance but income is decreased.”
(Jawanti, Gatam Nagar)
“No earning, no job here. I used to sell vegetable/fish
Economic

in a market, but now I can't sell them around the

tenements.” (B, Indian Oil)
“My three sons have same jobs with before, even
though they need to travel further.” (Mehmouda,
Gatam Nagar)
“I hold two jobs here and keep my building supply
store open in Chembur. No problem with money.”
(Sneha, Indian Oil)

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 Distance “School and Markets are farther than before.”
(Shoba, Indian Oil)
Economic

Living Costs “Costs are higher, for example, electricity is now Rs

250-400 per month. It was 60-70 before.” (Hindu,
Gatam Nagar), (Sahsi, Gatam Nagar), (B, Indian Oil)

Environment of relocated “Here is suffering from lack of garbage collection.

Municipality and MMRDA just blame each other.”
(Jolis, Gatam Nagar), (Sneha, Indian Oil)
“Garbage collection is once a day.” (A, Indian Oil), (B,
Indian Oil)
“Lift works only few days a week.” (Sneha, Indian Oil),
(B, Indian Oil)
Environmental

Water and sanitation “Water provision is better now, although quality is

worse.” (Jawanti, Gatam Nagar)
“Water quality is better now.” (Sneha, Indian Oil),
(Sahsi, Gatam Nagar)
“Quality and availability (1 hour in the morning and
evening) of water is better now. It was Rs300 for
10mins supply before.” (A, Indian Oil), (B, Indian Oil)
“Before water service was 24 hours, even though it
was all free. Now only 1 hour.” (Jolis, Gatam Nagar),
(Hindu, Gatam Nagar), (Mehmouda, Gatam Nagar),
(Sneha, Indian Oil)
“Inside toilet is superior to communal toilets.” (Hindu,
Gatam Nagar), (Mehmouda, Gatam Nagar), (Shoba,
Indian Oil), (Sahsi, Gatam Nagar), (A, Indian Oil)

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 Political

“I am the local representative for the Congress Party.”

(Sneha, Indian Oil)

“I think our status increased, although the hut was

better than this tenement.” (Jolis, Gatam Nagar)
“I feel better in the building compared to the hut.
Other- Status

However, I need a bigger house for bigger families.”

(Hindu, Gatam Nagar), (Mehmouda, Gatam Nagar),
(Shoba, Indian Oil), (Sahsi, Gatam Nagar)
“I have a bigger room than before.” (A, Indian Oil)
“More educated people around here versus drunken
people before.” (Shoba, Indian Oil), (Sahsi, Gatam
Nagar)

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36
Informal Interviews: Men

Ganesh “Income is less overall, this is why people don't like it here. People
Building Manager complain about markets being far away but they are actually
May 5, 2008 quite close.”
Gautam Nagar Ganesh meets every Sunday in the housing coop unit to collect
Rs 300 and residents voice concerns.
Even he complained that the lifts don't work.

Young Man “Terrible place for children, Malaria! Cheap! Rubbish

May 8, 2008 everywhere!”
Indian Oil This young man complained extensively about the garbage not
being picked up and blamed both MMRDA and BMC for it.
He was quite angry, and stood in front of one area of Indian Oil
that was particularly covered in rubbish.

Sadiq, “Half these places are rented or sold on (for 6-8 lach Rs) by PAPs
Retailer in Fashion Industry to people with government jobs who like the location.”
May 8, 2008 Sadiq himself moved from Navi Mumbai to Indian Oil because it
Indian Oil was closer to the shop he worked in in the Island City.
He said that those PAPs who sell their flats do so because they
cannot afford the maintenance and utility charges. Somewhat
contradictorily, he also said that when PAPs sell their houses they
used the money to build a house for themselves in their village for
the future and move back into the slums while they earn more.
He seemed quite pleased to be there although he had plans of
moving to Europe in the next 1-2 years.

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Shopkeepers: Formal Semi-Structured & Informal Interviews

Five shopkeepers were interviewed formally and four informally. Most of the interviews were
conducted at Gautam Nagar due to the scheduling requirements of our translators, although
where noted, opportunities were taken at Indian Oil to work with shopkeepers. All the formal
interviews took place with MUIP-affected shopkeepers, and they all owned their own shops.
We would like to note, however, that many other shops at Gautam Nagar were sublet,
presumably from project affected people. These shops include: a barber, tailor, tea, another
grocery, and carpenter's shop.

Questionnaire

Shopkeepers
Name of interviewee
Location, date

Previous location
Type of shop
Do you own the shop?
Number of employees
Who are your customers?
Where do you live?
How far/long is your commute?
How long have you been working here?
Did you have a choice of location?
How much notice did you receive before
relocation?
What are the changes in income/cost to the
business?
What would you change to improve your
situation?

OTHER

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Formal Semi-Structured Interviews: Shopkeepers

Shaikh Shaikh employs no one.

Gautam Nagar His customers are local housewives.
May 9, 2008 He commutes from a location 50 km away as only his business
Sewing Machine Repair Shop was affected by MUIP 2 years ago.
He reports having no choice of location and no warning of the
move.
Due to the reduction in space, he has experienced reduced
income. He “had a much bigger shop before, which brought
more and more business and employees”. He cannot expand in
the current location.
He wants a bigger space and a closer location, but stated that
“MMRDA doesn't care where the shop is”

Manoigupta Maniogupta employs his family in his grocery store. His cliental
Gautam Nagar are local people.
9 May, 2008 His commute to work has not changed as a result of his shop
Grocery Store moving from Ghatkopar- it still takes him 20 mins to get to his
shop.
His shop has been located in Gautam Nagar for 2 years.
He told us that he could choose a shop within the complex, but
could not choose the complex itself.
He had 6 months notice from MMRDA before being moved.
He has not noticed much change in his costs:income since the
move. He reports that it is/was adequate at both locations.
Manoigupta complained about his new store being a fixed space
of 125 square feet. He would like a bigger shop.
He listed “attending demonstrations” as important, but not further
info available on what type of demonstration, etc available.

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 Suresh Rakesha Mr Rakesha employs one person other than himself.
Gautam Nagar His customers are local people
9 May 2008 He lives in Malar, where his shop was relocated from 2 years ago.
Chemist It takes him 1 hour to commute to work but he did not seem
bothered by this.
He had a choice of shop within the GN complex but had no notice
before relocation.
His costs:income are the same.
He said he could do with more space but that overall, he is happy
in Gautam Nagar.

Bhaguan K. Sajhani Mr Sajhani's shop was relocated from Chembur (20 mins away) 3
Gautam Nagar years ago.
May 9, 2008 He relies on patronage from outside of the complex.
Auto Parts Shop He commutes from Ghatkopar, just as he used to when his shop
was located in Chembur.
He had a choice of shop, but not complex.
He had 6 months notice before moving.
His income is reduced due to his lack of proximity to the road and
to customers. He added that his shop is too small now and was
bigger before.

Sambhu Gupta Mr Gupta employs one person in his store, which relies on locals
Gautam Nagar for their business.
9 May 2008 He lives in Napur and commutes to GN (15 mins) and has been
Grocery Store doing so for 2 years.
He had no choice of location but did have 4-5 months notice
before relocation.
Mr. Gupta reports that his income is reduced due to the smaller
space in his new shop.
“I had a bigger space before and I want it back!”

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Informal Interviews: Shopkeepers

Rajesh Multichannel Pvt Ltd. This business was one of a franchise that seemed to be set up in
Indian Oil many of the complexes such as Indian Oil.
May 8, 2008 The man we spoke to appeared to be a manager, not the owner of
Cable TV and Internet the business.
He said that it would cost 50 Rs/month for cable and 200
Rs/month for broadband.
He reported that his business was doing very well in the new
location and that the franchise was expanding.

Shopkeeper next to MM This gentleman employed one other person in his shop. His
Gautam Nagar customers are locals.
May 9, 2008 He lives close by and has a scooter.
Chemist Transport is not an issue because the station is really close by.
His income is the same before and after relocation.
He reports that he is “happy.”

Shopkeeper A Shopkeeper A employs 7-8 people in his shop. They commute

Gautam Nagar from outside.
May 9, 2008 His clients are located all over India.
Metal Working shop A does not live in GN.
The shop has been there for 3 years and A has other shops.
He reports that he did have a choice in location.
The income of his shop has not changed as a result of moving
shop.
He is “not complaining.”

Shopkeeper B Shopkeeper B depends on locals for his business. He builds

Gautam Nagar window grates and guards for the balconies of Gautam Nagar.
May 9, 2008 He lives one hour away in Malar and has been working in GN for 2
Metal Working shop
years.
He rents another shop in GN.
He would prefer a bigger shop.

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 Appendix D

Focus Groups

Focus groups were conducted with three different formats; Women were asked, in a group,
what they liked and disliked about Indian Oil. Five men were asked, “what is the most
significant change” since moving to their new location, and a free-form focus group was held
with a larger group of men in which questions asked to the group were answered by the most
eager man/men.

Women: “What is good and bad about Indian Oil?”

Good Bad
Lifestyle was better in every sense More maintenance, more expensive
Space Market is far away
Groups of friends moved together Loss of friends
New metro rail going in in a few years Less earning/income
Sturdy, concrete house No warning for move (1 response)
They had some warning about the Far from hospital
move (15 days) (4 responses)
International school for kids Far from schools
No added expense to fix roads or huts Previous place better for children
Location removed

Men: “What is the most significant change since moving to Gautam Nagar?”

Kalpido Nuri He is president of the Riad Housing Cooperative Society and reported that
“people chose me as president before the relocation and after. Number of
families as member of the society is 84 before and 102 after relocation.”
-He doesn't know when the Society will get the 20,000 per family. The
process is such that they first register the society with MMRDA.
Afterwards, MMRDA will release the money, but this has not yet
happened.
Overall, Mr Nuri does not like it here. Travelling was easier before, with the
station being only 2 minutes away. Now, the roads are not so good and the
station is farther away, at 10 minutes' walk.
Maintenance and utility fees before relocation were 20-30 Rs and have
increased to 200/300 Rs since resettlement.

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Ashoknikum Father of four children, complained of the school being much further away
now. This requires an adult to accompany them because of the
dangerous road they must cross. The journey is riskier.

Before, garbage was collected by pulling carts provided by BMC. Now,

garbage is not collected. The solution now is to collect money from the
residents of the building to get someone to collect garbage from everyone.
“Government should give us facility, not just a free room.”

He has sent an application to BMC for garbage collection request, but

BMC says it is MMRDA's responsibility. MMRDA is not doing anything.

Keshavatin Had a bigger house and ran a hair saloon before being relocated. He
rented the extra rooms in his house as a source of income.

1 woman and 2 children not happy with one room

He is unhappy with a lack of electricity, no saloon, no room renting and the

1 hour journey to school (it used to take 10 minutes) .

Subramanyam Originally a railway slum dweller, moved to Gautam Nagar three years
Swamy ago. There were problems with mosquitoes before, although used
mosquito nets.
As a father of 4, he noted that the school was very far away in his pre-
relocation home.
Complains that “BMC should take rubbish so there won't be any problems
with mosquito now”
Mr Swamy is a BMC employer, a road sweeper.
He “understands that mosquito problems must be dealt with collectively,
not me alone.”
Income is limited due to one-room. He had 4 rooms which he would rent,
not possible now.
Social network all friends move together, not close together now but same
building
Costs before were 100-120/month BMC but is now 600-700/month for
electricity

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Yusuf Mukri He has been living here for 3 years, sharing his flat with 7 people
He previously sold vegetables and rented one room out .
However, “BMC took away the basket and charging 1000 RPs for selling
vegetables”. He cannot rent a room anymore .

His income is earned doing odd jobs e.g. carrying luggage, and his wife
works in fruit packaging .

New location is more convenient because station is close by.

Open Forum with Men: Question and Answer

How involved were you in the Suddenly they came, told to move in 15 days,
relocation process? SPARC facilitated (maybe they were told by MMRDA to do it).

Who helped you move? Nobody, bulldozer came straight at us. Please tell SPARC our
problems.

Were you told you were going No one interfered. Politicians don't interfere.
to be moved? Any political Government told political leaders not to interfere.
representation?

What environmental Water level rise up to waist level here because Gautam Nagar is in
problems do you face? a dip.

Were you affected by 2005 Yes, water level reached our heads, we were living here.
flooding? Tell Jockin about the problems of mosquitoes, lighting and
flooding.

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 Appendix E

PhoTo Mapping Exercise

The team applied photo mapping as a methodology in getting the children's opinion of their new homes
after being relocated due to the MUIP project. There were three girls and six boys aged 10-16
participating in the activity.
To begin with, the team spent the first teaching the children how to use the camera. They were
supervised during drawings and photos to map out their "likes" and "dislikes" of the new location.
From the photo mapping, it is clear that boys and girls have different perspectives, for example on the
playground (boys love cricket while girls dislike it). Safety and garbage are however two main issues
that were highlighted by all the participating children in Indian Oil. Following are some quotes from the
kids and the main findings of the photo mapping:

Environment Safety Other

Likes Trees & Playing cricket near their house Flag of
Flowers (boys' response) country, slum
Clean water Mentioned that it was good to be Peaceful
close to transport
House God
Dislikes Clogged Crossing/proximity to roads Hot weather
drains
Rubbish Cricket on roads is dangerous
(girls' response)

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“We like the tree because it is
good and it
can provide food for us.”
“We don't like to play near the
garbage. If
we play near it, we are easy to
get sick.”
ESD / UDP FIELD RESEARCH 2008
EnvironmenT
“We like it because this is clean “The building is clean and we
water” can play
there so we like it.”
LIKE
“We don't like drainage around “We don't like the water on the
building. It isunhealthy and road
pollutes everything, so we because it is dirty and unsafe.”
don't like to play near that.”
DISLIKE
Mumbai urban infrasTrucTure projecT
46
 SafeTy

“We like the road, because we can travel to other

“We like the ground because we can play
places” near our home safely.”

LIKE

“It is dangerous to play or cross the “We don't like the boys playing on the Road.”
Highway.”

DISLIKE
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 OTHER

The dog can guard our house
so we like it.”
“God created all the human beings in this
“We like the flag, the Indian
world. If human being has a problem,
emblem.”
he holds his hands and bows to the god,
and with the power of god everything can
be solved. Children also like god very LIKE
much,
they share their problems with god.”

“We don't like to play in the sun. If people

“We don't like travel by bus because it is
play in the sun the T-shirt will get wet
Hot.”
because of sweat.”

DISLIKE
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 Appendix F

TransecT Walks

In order to gain an understanding of the physical environment of new tenements and triangulate what
we know from secondary and primary data, the team did two transect walks one each in Indian Oil and
Gautam Nagar. Information was gathered while walking through the tenements, observing and
speaking with people during the walk.

4
6
3

3
2
1

Indian Oil

Ghatkopar Mankhurd Link Rd

5
8

4
1

9 3

2
10

New Gautam Nagar

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 Appendix g

MaTrix

The matrix activity was held during our last day in the field.

Please note: As mentioned above (Appendix b), a few samples were omitted in the final analysis of the
Matrix due to their perceived invalidity. It was felt that a particular community member, which was
helping to facilitate the activity due to the need for an additional translator, strongly influenced the
results of certain participants. For example: individuals were prompted to change their answers and
finally all responded in very similar ways. This particular data set has not been factored into our final
results.

We have included the personal profiles of all participants in the tables below, separated into 'women'
and 'boys' which offers interesting insight into where participants relocated from, in addition to what
their income-earning strategies were before and after the move.

Women's Matrix Data Table

average age: 45.3 years
Average time living in Gautam Nagar: 2.75 years

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Boy's Matrix Data Table
average age: 13.3 years
Average time living in Gautam Nagar: 1.83 years
Average time living in Gautam Nagar: 2.75 years

Findings

Seven women participated in the matrix activity, and generally they feel that the situation improved
under all the 5 categories. Two of them feel their condition has worsened, which lowers the average. Of
the five categories, income is reported as having decreased the most. Please note that some
participants in this activity are affected by MUTP as well.

Children responded in all categories (except “money”) in a way that indicates their situation has
worsened overall. The average points for friends dramatically decreased which we can assume means
that the social network of children is broken in the relocation process. In addition, most of the children
indicated that their satisfaction with their houses is worse than before. Please note: Due to the small
sample size considered here, the research team withholds from making generalizations on the overall
quality of life of residents of Gautam Nagar. This exercise was informative but generally felt to be
inconclusive.

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 REFERENCES

Development Planning Unit, 2007, ESD/UDP Field Trip 2008 Terms of Reference.

Harris, Nigel, 1995, "Bombay in a global economy; structural adjustment and

the role of cities", Cities, Vol.12, No.3, June, pp. 175‑
184.

Levy, Caren, 1998, The Myth of Community: gender issues in participatory

development, edited by Irene Guijt and Meera Kaul Shah, London, Intermediate
Technology Publications.

Mckinsey, 2003, Vision Mumbai, Transforming Mumbai into a world-class city,

A summary of recommendations, Bombay First, Mumbai and McKinsey Company,
Mumbai.

M u m b a i M e t r o p o l i t a n R e g i o n D e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y, 2 0 0 8 , " M U I P P r o j e c t " ,
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M u m b a i M e t r o p o l i t a n R e g i o n D e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y, 2 0 0 3 , " P o p u l a t i o n A n d
Employment Profile of Mumbai Metropolitan Region",
[http://tinyurl.com/5nu6ua], (accessed on February 1, 2008).

Phatak, V.K., 2008, Presentation at SPARC Office Khetwadi on 5 May 2008

For a full bibliography on India, Mumbai and MUIP, please consult the Terms of Reference listed above.

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