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Balance of Power

Balance of power is one of the oldest concepts of international relations. It at


once provides an answer to the problem of war and peace in international
history. It is also regarded as a universal law of political behavior, a basic
principle of foreign policy of every state through the ages and therefore, a
description of a significant pattern of political action in international field.
Before the present inquiry into a general theory of international relations, the
balance of power was regarded as the only tenable theory of international
relations especially from fifteenth to the nineteenth century.

Broadly speaking, it refers to a relative power position of states as actors


in international relations. With its emphasis on the cultivation of power and the
utilization of power for resolving the problem of power, it appears to be a
sensible way of action in an international society where nations are governed by
their national interests and prejudices. Balance of power is part and parcel of a
system of power politics. Its strength and life will always be determined by the
latter.

Thus the theory of balance of power is widely held. It is an overused theory in


international relations. It means different things to different scholars. Claude has
aptly remarked that it is an ambiguous concept as it has so many
meanings.1 Similarly Schleicher observes, “it is virtually meaningless”2 Wight
says, the notion of the balance of power is notoriously full of confusions.3 It is
used as a policy, as a system, as a status and as a symbol. It is also used at times
as propaganda ploy.

Therefore, it becomes a tough task to precisely explain the meaning of the term,
which will be universally acknowledged at any given time. Despite this
difficulty an attempt has been made in the following paragraphs to describe the
meaning and nature of the concept with the help of prominent scholars of
international relations.

Meaning And Nature In Balance Of Power:


To know the meaning of balance of power one may take the analogy of a
balancer with a pair of scales. If the weights in the two scales are equal, there is
balance. The same thing can be applied to international relations. The two states
or two coalitions of states are in balance if they are equally powerful. In a world
where a large number of nations with different degree of power exist and in
which each nation endeavors to maximize its power, there is a tendency for the
entire system to be in a balance. In other words, different nations manipulate
and group themselves in such a way that no single nation or group of nations is
strong enough to dominate others because its power is balanced by that of a
rival group. It is believed that so long as this kind of balance is established,
there is peace and the independence of small nations is protected.

Definitions:
How different scholars have endeavored to define this concept is mentioned as
under. Mostly it is defined as a state of dynamic equilibrium characterizing
relations among nations. It is the process of matching powers of some nations
against those of other nations so that there is no upheaval or chaos in the
relations among nations. For example Castlereagh defined balance of power as
”the maintenance of such a just equilibrium between the members of the family
of nations as should prevent any of them becoming sufficiently strong to impose
its will upon the rest. ” Similarly, Fay defines  as ”just equilibrium in power
among the members of the family  Of nations as will prevent any one of them
from becoming sufficiently strong to  enforce its will upon  the others.”5

Besides, many other scholars have  also explained the concept of balance of
power in terms of equilibrium In practice, however, nations have mostly desired
preponderance, not equilibrium of power. Spykman observes, the truth of the
matter is that states are interested only in a balance which is in their favor. The
balance desired is the one which neutralizes other states, leaving the home state
free to be the deciding force and the deciding voice.6 Thus another usage of
balance of power refers to a situation in which competing powers prefer a
condition of disequilibrium, and not of equilibrium. In this way, balance of
power sometimes means equilibrium and sometimes disequilibrium.

Dickinson also explains the two usages of the term “it means, on the one hand,
an equality, as of the two sides when an account is balanced, and on the other
hand, an inequality as when one has a balance to one’s credit at the bank.”7 He
further says this ”theory professes the former, but pursues the latter. ”8 Dyke
explains, the prime object of the balancing of power is to establish or maintain
such a distribution of power among states as will prevent any one of them
imposing its will upon another by the threat  use of violence. 9 The concept of
power assumes that through shifting alliances and countervailing pressures no
one power or combination of powers will be allowed to grow so strong as to
threaten the security of the rest.10
Thus as a status or condition the balance of power has meant three things
namely,

(i). An equality or equilibrium of power among states resulting in balance,

(ii). A distribution of power in which some states, are stronger than other, and

(iii). Any distribution of power among states.

Thompson and Morgenthau have identified it as a policy. Thus it is held that in


a multi state system, the only policy which can check the erring behavior of
other states is that of confronting power with countervailing power.11

Balance of power is also known as a system of international politics. According


to this meaning balance of power is a certain kind of arrangement for the
working of international relations in a multi state world. Martin Wight, A.J.P.
Taylor and Charles Lerche have used this term as a system

Many other scholars have used it not as a concept but merely as a symbol of
realism in international relations. This usage is based on the idea that balance of
power is nothing but a corollary of power factor in international relations. The 
acceptance of power factor gives way to foreign policies based on balance of
power. Louis Halle, John Morton Blum and Reinhold Niebuhr have all treated
balance of power as a symbol of the realist philosophy.

Morgenthau has used the term in four different ways :

(1). As a policy aimed at a certain gate of affairs,

(2). As an actual state of affairs,

(3). As an approximately equal distribution of power, and

(4). As any distribution of power.12

Haas pointed out that the concept had been utilized extensively in at least eight
mutually exclusive meanings :

(1). Equilibrium resulting from equal distribution of power among nation states.


(2). Equilibrium resulting from unequal distribution of power among nation
states.

(3). Equilibrium resulting from the dominance of one nation state (the balancer).

(4). A system providing for relative stability and peace.

(5). A system characterized by instability and war.

(6). Another way of saying power politics.

(7) A universal law of history  and

(8) A guide for policy makers.13

Likewise Schleicher has discussed three, Zinnes seven and Wight nine
meanings of the balance of power.14 Despite the multiple, imprecise and
ambiguous nature, balance of power is near the very core of international
politics.

Pie-requisites:
Couloumbis and Wolfe have summed up four pie-requisites for the existence of
a balance of power system which are explained as under:

1. A multiplicity of sovereign political actors which results

in the absence of a single centralized, legitimate and strong authority over these
sovereign actors.

2. Relatively unequal distribution of power (i.e. states, wealth, size, military


capability) among the political actors that make up the system. This permits the
differentiation of states into at least three categories great powers, intermediate
powers, and smaller nation states.

3. Continuous but controlled completion and conflict among sovereign political


actors for what are perceived as scarce world resources and other values.

4. An implicit understanding among the rulers of the great


powers that the perpetuation of the existing power distribution benefits them
mutually.15

Assumptions:
There are certain assumptions of balance of power that also operate as
conditions affecting the stability of the balance. Quincy Wright has given five
major assumptions which are as follows:16

1. States are committed to protect their vital interests by all possible means
including war, though it is up to each state to decide for itself as to which of its
rights and interests are vital and which method should it adopt to protect them.

2. The vital interests of states are or may be threatened. If the vital interests are
not threatened, then there should be no need for a state to try to protect them.

3. The balance of power helps the protection of the vital interests either by
threatening other states with committing aggression or by enabling the victim to
achieve victory in case an aggression occurs. This assumption means that states
are not generally likely to commit aggression unless they have superiority of
power.

4. The Relative power position of various states can be measured to a great


degree of accuracy and that this measurement can be utilized in balancing the
world forces in one’s own  favor.

5. Statesmen make their foreign policy decisions on the basis of an intelligent


understanding of power considerations.
6. One more assumption may be added to the list presented by Wright. The
balance of power assumes that there will be one balancer maintaining a splendid
isolation and ready to join

the side of the scale which becomes higher at any given period. Such a state
always works on the advice of Palmerston that it can have no permanent
enemies and permanent allies in the world. Its only permanent interest is to
maintain the balance of power itself.

Characteristics:
The chief characteristics of the balance of power system can be enumerated as
under:
1. Equilibrium:
The term suggests equilibrium, an equal distribution of power. When this
equilibrium is lost, the balance of sewer fails. Balance is not a permanent
feature of international politics as occasional disequilibrium is not ruled out in
the system.Thus, the concept is concerned with equilibrium as well as
disequilibrium.

2. Temporary:
The balance of power is always temporary and unstable. With the change of
time and conditions it also changes and gives way to another system of balance
of power. Neither a balance of power system nor its original contending
powers , can live long.

3. Active Intervention:
Balance of power is not  “a gift of the gods” but an outcome of the active
intervention of the mans Whenever a state apprehends that the balance is being
titled against it, it has to quickly counter it. It must be prepared to take
necessary steps, including risking a war, if it is determined to safeguard its vital
interests which would be in danger if it remains passive.Thus, balance of power
is the result of diplomatic activity, not of natural happening.

4. Status Que:
Balance of power normally favors the status quo. Therefore, those who are
benefited by it generally favor it and it is opposed by those who see a loss to
their own position. History has witnessed many wars owing to these contrary
motivations of the states.

5. Difficult to De amine Existence:


It is not easy to say when a balance of power has been accomplished. A real
balance of power can never exist, and it probably would not be recognized as
such it it did exist. “The only real test, presumably, is that of war, and resorting
to war not only upsets the balance but also creates the very conditions which a
balance of power policy is supposedly designed to prevent.”17

6. Subjective and Objective Approaches:


It offers both a Subjective and an objective approach. Historians take the
objective view while the statesmen take the subjective View. In the opinion of
the historian, there is balance between two states if they are equally powerful.
Being more realistic, the statesman aims at not only equilibrium but a
preponderance or imbalance in its favor.

7. Conflicting Aims:
Primarily its aim is to preserve peace. At times it has achieved this aim in
particular areas or in the state system as a whole. At other times it has also
tended to increase tensions between nations and to encourage wars.

8. Big-Power Game:
It is mainly a big power game. Big powers are neither interested in peace nor in
stability but in their own security. Small powers are usually victims or at best
spectators, rather than players. They are used as mere weights in the scales.
They are objects rather than subjects.

9. Unsuitable for Democracies:


Unless geographical, political, military and other considerations are peculiarly
favorable, a democracy is never interested in this game. It is interested in power
politics only in times of crisis. A dictatorship, on the other hand, is mostly
inclined to dominate the contest and to gather all the rewards.

10. The Balancer:


It admits of the existence of some balancer state or states or an organization.
The balancer state is not a small, insignificant power, but in its own right it is a
powerful one and the other contending powers try to cultivate such balancer.
Britain was such a balancer during the ninetieth century. During the post war
period, when the distribution of power had become largely bipolar, the UNO
tried to function as a balancer.

11. Operation Questionable:


Many scholars point out that the balance of power is largely inoperative and
irrelevant under present conditions. According to them it worked well only
when it was confined to the European state system, and that with the expansion
of the state system to an international scale, it is impossible for any nation
or international organization to play the role of balancer or for the system to
operate along its traditional lines. The nuclear and space age has further
relegated its relevance. There is truth in these contentions, yet the fact is that
this game continues to be played, with nation states as the chief actors. Palmer
and Perkins rightly observe. Certainly new forces and patterns are developing,
and though still in their formative stages, they may make former preoccupation
with balance of power seem inconsequential indeed.18

Types Of The Balance Of Power:


The balance of power has the following forms:

Simple Balance:
If power is concentrated in two states or in two opposing camps, the balance of
power is said to be simple. The chief characteristics of this type is that states or
group of states are divided into two camps like the two scales of the balance. In
simple balance the power distribution between two opposing camps is almost
equal. The United States and the Soviet Union individually, and the Eastern and
the Western block collectively, were the examples of the simple balance in the
post war period of bipolarism.

Multiple Balance:
When there is a wide dispersal of power among states and a number of states or
groups of states balance each other, the balance is called multiple or complex.
In the multiple system there need not be a single system, instead there may be
many sub systems or local balances of power within a system. The multiple
balance can be compared to a chandelier. A complex balance may or may not
have a balancer. A simple balance may turn into a multiple or complex balance
and vice versa.

Local, Regional and Global:


Balances may, in terms of their geographical coverage, be spoken of as local,
regional and global. The balance is local, if it is at local level, like we may
speak of the balance of power between India and Pakistan. It is regional, if an
area or a continent, say Europe or Asia, is involved. It is global or worldwide, if
all the countries are participating in it through a network of alliances and
counter alliances.

Flexible and Rigid:


Sometimes, balances have also been known as rigid or flexible. In the
monarchical days when princes could make sudden and radical shifts in their
alliances, the balance was generally flexible. With the coming of ideologies and
greater economic interdependence, patterns of balance of power have tended to
become rigid.
We Devices And Methods:
With the passage of time the balance of power has developed certain means and
methods, techniques and devices through which it can be achieved and
maintained. The same are as follows arms new Armament and Disarmament
The main device of achieving balance is to arm. Whenever one nation increases
its strength, its rival has no other alternative but to enter an arms race. If the first
nation can preserve its strength, the balance of power will be upset, but if its
opponents can also consolidate their power through arming themselves, the
balance of power is preserved. Armament race between the United States and
the Soviet Union in the post war period was perhaps the greatest of all
armament races.

Like armaments, disarmament can destroy or restore a balance of power. The


states concerned may agree on proportionate reduction in their arms so that
balance of power among them may be stabilized. But in practice, disarmament
is sparingly utilized, except on defeated powers on the conclusion of a general
war. Though at times it is resorted to by victor powers to maintain a favorable
balance of power yet its overall role has been disappointing.

Alliances and Counter-Alliances:


The balance of power has often been maintained by the method of alliances and
counter alliances Alliances have been the most convenient institutional device
to increase one s insufficient power. Nations have always endeavored to make,
A abandon and remake alliances depending upon their interests. Several
security pacts are clearly designed to improve the military power position.
Alliances can be offensive as well as defensive. Offensive alliances, however,
must be condemned as they breed counter coalitions and the outcome is
generally war The triple alliance of 1882 was countered by the Triple Entente in
1907 Similarly the Axis formed in 1936 was a counterweight against the
alliance between France and East European nations. The strange Alliance of the
Second World War was a reaction against the Axis powers. It was, however,
formed with a defensive purpose in the post Second World

War era, the US with its allies formed NATO, SEATO CENTO etc and the
USSR countered them with the Warsaw Pact.

Compensation and Partition:


A state enhances its power by acquiring new territories and thus tilts balance in
its favour. When such thing happens the other side also takes immediate steps to
increase its own power in compensation in order to preserve the balance. When
some powerful nation occupies the territories of small nations, the powerful
rival nations cannot tolerate this act. They place a condition either to share its
prey with them or to allow them to compensate themselves elsewhere. Under
such conditions . The powerful rival nations divide small nations and swallow
their share of the prey. The partition of Poland and later on its division between
Russia, Prussia and Austria is a well known example of compensation and
partition. After the Second World War, Germany, Korea and Vietnam were
partitioned in a similar way. This method involves the redistribution of territory
in such a way that international balance of power is not affected. Each Great
Power becomes a beneficiary and a weak state their victim. Generally the
question of such redistribution arises at the conclusion of war yet it may also be
needed during the peace time.

Intervention and Non-Intervention:


Intervention is another commonly used device of keeping balance. It is quite
possible that the allies may shift their loyalty from one side to another. Under
such circumstances, it is quite usual for a big nation to regain a lost ally by
intervening in its domestic affairs and establishing a friendly government there.
Non intervention suggests neutrality or guarantee of neutrality for certain states,
or efforts to localize war or to protect the rights of neutrals in time of war. At
times neutrality also plays the role of keeping the balance of power.

Before the end of World War II, Britain intervened in Greece to see that it did
not fall into the hands of local communists. After World War ll, the United
States intervened in Guatemala, Cuba, Lebanon, Laos, Kuwait etc, and the
Soviet Union in North Korea, North Vietnam, Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
Afghanistan etc.

Divide and Rule:


It is a time honored policy as well as technique. This method keeps the
competitors weak by dividing them or keeping them divided, and thereby
maintain a balance of power. It was adopted by the Romans to keep their
control over scattered peoples. Britain often used it to keep her large empire
under control. She has been a notorious practitioner of this policy. It has been
her cardinal policy towards Europe. Now this policy has become a device of the
balance of power. Both the super powers have endeavored to create divisions in
the opposite camp. If the Soviet Union was interested in the disintegration of
Western Europe, the USA was interested in creating rift in the East European
camp led by the Soviet Union.
Buffer States:
The setting up of a buffer state has also operated as another device of the
balance of power. Such a state is usually a weak one. It is situated between two
powerful neighbors. It always keeps them safely apart, and thereby contributes
to the peace and stability, and maintains the balance of power. There have been
various instances of buffer states in history. Afghanistan had been a traditional
buffer state between the Imperial Russia and British India, as Tibet was a buffer
state between the Imperial,China and the British India. In Europe, Belgium and
Holland had served as buffer states between France and Germany. In the post
Second World War period, various lines, as the 38th Parallel in Korea or the
17th Parallel  in Vietnam, on partitioned countries, and the ceasefire zones are
indirectly serving the cause of buffer states in a new world situation. They are
also designed to prevent a direct confrontation of Super powers, and thereby
preserve a balance of power.

Domestic Methods:
If a state feels that the balance has been tilted in favor of the rival, it will also
like to become more powerful. It can do so only by improving elements of
power domestically. The state concerned would try not merely to acquire more
powerful weapons, but also to develop related industries and other aspects of
science and economy whose total effect would make it stronger and help it in
restoring the balance. Domestic measures needed for this purpose may also
entail introduction of compulsory military training and allotment of more
money in the defense budget It may also include development of indigenous
capability to manufacture sophisticated weapons and related military hardware
including ICBMs.

Balance Of Power In The Past:


The concept of balance of power can be found in some form or the other in
ancient time, especially among the states of India, China, the Greek and the
Roman states. It is one of the oldest term in international relations theory. David
Hume in his Essays and Treatise on Several Subjects has maintained the Greek
politics game a distinct expression to the notion of the balance of power. The
Roman period saw a decline in the notion and operational aspects of the balance
of power as Rome virtually demonstrated monopolistic power over the world.
Similarly, it did not flourish during the entire range of the middle ages.19

However, the development of the doctrine of balance of power and its large
scale practice became feasible from the fifteenth century on wards. The
theoretical contribution to the formulation and enunciation of the doctrine was
made by Bernado Rucellai and Machiavelli. In the words of Morgenthau, “the
alliances Francis concluded with Henry VIII and the Turks in order to prevent
Charles V of Ha psburg from stabilizing and expanding his empire are the first
modern example on a grand scale of the balance of power.”20

Balance Of Power Today-Is It Relevant ?


Today, balance of power has witnessed a number of significant changes.
Keeping in view the rapidly changing world conditions. it is being questioned
whether balance of power is relevant or valid or it has become obsolete and out
dated. it seems that the theory of balance of power cannot be applied in the
present circumstances in the classical sense of the term. There are two different
opinions in this respect. According to one view the existing world conditions
are least favorable for the existence or relevance of balance of power. The other
view holds that its validity is still relevant. Both the views are discussed in
detail as under:

Obsolete and Irrelevant:


The factors or unfavorable conditions or changes in the world that rendered the
concept irrelevant and outdated are mentioned below:

1 . New Forces:
The balance of power Operated well in those times of modern history when in
Europe a number of states of approximately equal strength existed. Later on,
when the European balance of power turned into a world balance of power,
conditions became unfavorable for the successful working of balance of power.
The effect of new forces like nationalism, industrialism, new methods and
techniques of warfare, developments in international organization and law,
growing economic inter dependence of nations, mass education, the end of
colonial frontiers and the rise of many new nations have greatly changed the
nature of contemporary world politics. All these forces and changes have made
the balance of power too naive and too complex a phenomenon.

2. Numerical Reduction of Powers:


Before the Second World War there were seven Great Powers. After this war
the USA and the USSR were the only two Great Powers left. In previous
periods the balance of power Operated by way of coalitions among a number of
nations. The principal actors, though differing in power, were still of the same
order of magnitude. The greater the number of Great Powers, the greater the
number of possible combinations that will actually oppose and balance each
other. The numerical reduction of Great Power in the post war period that are
able to play a major role in international politics has actually created
unfavorable conditions for the working of balance of power system.

3. Bi-polarisms:
As balance of power presupposes the presence of three or more states of
roughly equal power and because the rise of a bipolar world system goes against
this  requirement, the balance of power is outmoded. All the major states were
committed after the Second World War to one camp or another, and no single
nation was strong enough to tip the balance between the two Super Powers. The
disparity in power between the Super Powers and other powers is so wide that
each is mightier than any other power or possible grouping of these powers. As
a consequence, the major powers have not only lost their ability to tip the scales
but they have lost the freedom of movement to switch sides. The wishes of the
small powers have become meaningless. The will of the Super Powers and other
compelling circumstances determine their alignments. Gone are the days of ever
shifting alliances.

It was also contended that the bipolar system was itself a guarantee of peace.
The super powers in this system would not use the weapons of total destruction
but those weapons would be an effective deterrent against other countries.

4. Lack of Balancer:
There is no power now to play the role of a balancer which was successfully
performed by Britain in the yesteryear. Britain no longer holds so decisive a
position as to determine the balance. Its role as balancer has ceased after the
Second World War. The Great Powers are powerful enough to determine the
position of the scale with their preponderance alone that third power has no
place to hold the balance.

5. Nuclear Weapons.
The impact of nuclear weapons have made the classical assumptions of the
balance of power invalid. The changed character of modern warfare would
shudder even the most ruthless supporter of the balance of power from taking
the risk of encouraging a global conflict to right the balance. The threat of war
is of limited utility in the nuclear age due to the nuclear stalemate.

5. Ideological Factor.
The ideological considerations in the world politics became so potent that it
overshadowed nationalism. The ideologies are cutting across national
boundaries and thus undermining the balance of power concept. When the
foreign policy of a nation is guided by ideology, it loses its interest in the
balance of power and lacks the essential means to follow it.

6. Disparities in the Power:


The inequalities in the power of states are increasing. Wide disparities can be
seen among nations in the sphere of political, economic and military power.
While the super powers are becoming more and more powerful, the lesser states
are becoming weaker. Such a condition is contrary to the requirements of a
working system of balance of power.

7. Collective Security:
The emerging importance of collective security, international law and
international organizations like United Nations has further relegated the balance
of power to the background. Many contemporary scholars believe that law and
its enforcement should depend more on moral,  consensus of nations, public
opinion, the United Nations and collective security than on a mechanism of
balance of power.They also consider that collective security and international
organizations can better maintain world peace in the present circumstances.

8. Decline of Alliances:
Decline in the relevance of the alliance system which is the cornerstone of the
balance of power, has further made it obsolete. It is very difficult now for a state
to observe any strict adherence to an alliance in an exclusive manner. It is
becoming more and more clear that each nation has areas of both amity and
enmity with every other nation. This trend is slowly leading to the rise of an
almost universal system of bilateral, as against multilateral alliances.

Valid and Relevant


Although the concept of balance of power has lost much of its significance in
the conditions prevailing after the Second World War yet its operation is still
relevant. It is incorrect to say that it is fully obsolete or irrelevant or that it has
no future at all. The notion of its supposed irrelevance is based on an
appreciation of the impact of values like peace and internationalism and of the
changes in the international society. Those who consider that it is irrelevant and
obsolete do so because they do not reckon with certain important factors. The
factors that testify the relevance and existence of balance
1. Reality of Power:
The change in the international society has removed those conditions in which
the balance of power functioned in the past, yet it has not eliminated the reality
of power. As the balance of power is a technique of the management of power,it
can be denounced as irrelevant only after some other method of managing
power has been found out. Otherwise, the balance of power is still relevant
although its relevance would depend on how far its mechanism is modified to
suit the changed conditions.

2. Objective Factors:
There are two other objective factors of the present international reality that
prove the existence of balance of power even in the days of bipolarism. One is
the role of the uncommitted nations in maintaining an equilibrium between the
two super powers. These countries have been behaving like what Richard
Rosecrance calls the multi polar buffer.22 This shows that the concept of buffer
which has been so significant in the past is not completely wiped out today. The
other is the role of the super powers in maintaining an equilibrium between the
countries directly involved in a crisis situation. The example of the former is the
relaxation in the cold war brought about by the uncommitted nations and the
example of the latter is the attempts made by both the US and the Soviet Union
to keep a balance in the Indian sub continent and in West Asia.

3. Nation-State System:
As long as the multi nation state system exists, balance of power politic will
continue to be followed in practice by the nations. Palmer and Perkins observe:
in its heyday it was a basic feature of the nation state system As long as the
nation state system is the prevailing pattern of international society, balance of
power policies will be followed in practice, however, roundly they are damned
in  theory. In all probability they will continue to operate, even if effective supra
national groupings, on a regional or world level, are formed.23

4. Rise of Multipolansm:
Bipolarism remained the feature of international politics for almost two decades
after the Second World War. It was argued above that owing to bi polarization
the balance of power became obsolete. Since the early sixties the bipolar ism
has been declining and multifarious again rising. Britain, France, Germany,
Japan, China etc. have regained their lost power. Many middle class or second
grade powers have also come on the scene Thus the unfavorable conditions for
balance of power created by the numerical reduction of, Great Powers have now
been removed to a great extent.

5. End of Ideology:
Though ideological considerations played l a significant role in the recent past
but for the last few years its influence has been on the wane. By late eighties
communism collapsed in the Soviet Union as well as in East Europe,
communist bloc disintegrated and ideological struggle lost its edge.
Consequently, ideology as a negating factor of balance of power has
disappeared.

6. Balance Exists:
After the collapse of Soviet power in the late eighties and the success of the
United States in liberating Kuwait from Iraq it is commonly believed that the
only Super Power left in the world is the United States. Militarily and
economically it is matchless. Thus in the present world USA can be regarded as
a balancer. In this way the above factors and developments prove that the
balance of power is still relevant, valid and meaningful although in a different
context.

Critical Evaluation:
The theory and practice of the balance of power has been a subject of great
debate and discussion. There is disagreement among scholars on the point of its
ultimate value and advantage.  It has been defended as well as criticized. Its
advocates and critics have put forward various arguments for and against the
balance of power. The Same are discussed below

Purpose, Utility and Merits:


The advocates of the balance of power believe in its utility and give the
following arguments in favor of it.

 1.Guarantees Peace:
Balance of power is the only guarantee of peace in the absence of the universal
acceptance of the principles of collective security. When security continues to
be a national obligation, it can never be ensured except by a balance of power
The prerequisite of security and order among sovereign states is that force be
checked by counter force within a balance of power. It has always served the
cause of peace and order in history. If balance is preserved neither will there be
aggression nor war, and therefore, peace would automatically be achieved.

2. Discourages War:
The balance of power prevents or discourages the resort to war. As a state
cannot hope to win a war, it will not initiate one if its power is in equilibrium
with a potential victim. Most of the wars of the sixteenth, seventeenth  and
eighteenth centuries were due to imperial rivalries whereas the balances were
maintained in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that helped to contain
struggles between European powers. Whenever peace reigned in Europe it owed
its existence to balance of power.

3. Curbs Imperialism:
Balance of power makes it difficult for any power to become so powerful as to
overwhelm the rest. Indeed, the absence of a stable equilibrium creates an
opportunity for the emergence of Powers of lesser caliber to positions of
dominance. Thus, the balance of power helps. in containing hegemony and
universal imperialism.

4. Meets Justice:
In the absence of a supreme international authority, capable of enforcing justice,
the balance of power enables international law to command respect. This
mutuality between the balance of power and the rule of law in international
society was clearly mentioned by Vattel in 1758. The balance of power acts as
deterrent to grandiose ambition, and thus meets the cause of justice.

5. Maintains International law:


The balance of power is essential to the maintenance of international law.
Oppenheim, for example, supports this argument by observing Balance of
power is an indispensable condition to the very existence of international law.
He further says that a law of nations can exist only if there be an equilibrium, a
balance of power, between the members of the family of nations. Several other
authors of international law also agree with this argument.

6 Prunes Independence:
The balance of power has also proved useful in preserving the independence of
small states. it prevents the destruction of any particular state, because in their
own interests, other states will not allow this to happen. The balance of power is
designed to preserve the independence of each state by preventing any one state
from so increasing its power as to threaten the others.

7. Preset-ewes State System:


The balance of power preserves the multi state system. It does so by preserving
the identity of individual states. It helps in the preservation of a multiple nature
of international society and its stability. It serves as a means of maintaining a
community of states. Thus, it has served the cause of peace, justice, law and
independence, and thereby preserved the community of states through the ages.

Defects, Criticism and Demerits:


Morgenthau has criticized the balance of power on three counts its uncertainty,
its unreality, and its inadequacy.  Its other defects and demerits can be explained
as follows:

1. Does Not Bring Peace:


The balance of power does not bring peace. On the contrary, it encourages war.
Many believe that nations will light only when the two are equally matched. But
if the preponderance of power is on one side, the stronger nation may not fight
to get what it requires, while the weaker nation would be foolish to begin war
for what it wants. In periods which were called the golden age of the balance of 
power, there were actually constant wars. Moreover, the balance of power, by
pursuing the policy of preventive war and intervention, may directly serve the
cause of war.

2. Divides the World:


Through the operation of the technique of alliances and counter alliances, it
divides the world into rival camps, inflicted by mistrust and suspicion.
Therefore, any local conflict will have the tendency to become a big or world
war. If it prevents small wars, it instigates the big one having more devastating
affect.

3. No Real Security:
As statesmen never accept a real equilibrium of forces, but always look ahead to
a favorable balance in terms of the bank balance, they are regularly engaged in a
struggle to improve their power position. Thus instead of security it int
intensifies the struggle for power.
4. Does Not Increase Power:
Nations are not static units. They enhance their power through military
aggression, seizing territory and alliances. They employ certain domestic and
foreign, internal and external means for this purpose. They can consolidate their
power from within by improving social and economic organization. So the
traditional method of the balance of power is not the only cause responsible for
increase of power.

5. Does Not Meet justice:


Balance of power never aims at concluding of treaties upon principles of justice.
It aims merely at preventing the supposed preponderance of one power over
another or acquiring preponderance of one power over another. It acts on the
basis of expediency and immediate gains. Once these are realized, the system of
alliances breaks down, and the world is once again sent back to mutual
animosity and hostility.

6. Wrong Assumption:
Balance of power rests on idea of power or physical force. Its underlying
assumption is that if one nation possesses the ability to attack another it will
utilize that ability sooner or later. It assumes that states are naturally hostile
political entities. It accepts the condition of enmity between states as normal
relations. But it is difficult to accept such assumptions today. Such assumptions
take for granted that nothing other than power drives and urge for power
dominate states. But states are interested in many things other than power many
are genuinely interested in peace. Most civilized states accept the fact that there
are ethical norms which must be given precedence over mere power
considerations. Peace also depends on the moral conscience of nations and on
the restraining influences of ethical norms.

7. Unrealistic:
Balance of power is after all a mechanical concept. To attempt to appropriate a
law of statics and convert it into a principle to be applied in a dynamic world is
at bottom unrealistic. Balance of power entails many factors such as population,
territory, resources, armaments, allies etc These are not static. Thus, it is very
difficult to calculate precisely and pursue rationally a policy of balance of
power over a considerable period of time.

8. Big Power Game:


It believes that the equilibrium among great powers would ensure world peace.
In it small countries matter little. They are required to play to the tune of the
great powers. Thus the balance of power theory favors big powers and ignores
smaller ones.

lnspite of the above defects and criticism, the balance of power is still a valid
concept in international politics. As a matter of fact, the impact of new forces
that shaped our contemporary world have prevented the balance from operating
appropriately. In the conclusion it can be said that the balance of power is
difficult to be applied in practice. Even then it has acted as a universal pattern of
political action of states in history. it did something to preserve the
independence of a nation and to prevent any nation from becoming over
powerful. It has survived not only the passage of time but also the league of
nations or United Nations and the nuclear age. The balancing process will
continue in the future as well along with the struggle for advantage and power
in international relations.

it is wrong to ignore its current relevance as the long spell of peace at the center
or global level is mainly caused by balance and deterrence. Notwithstanding the
disturbance in local balance, super powers always endeavor that such
disturbance in the peripheral balance does not lead to the tilting in the central
balance. Thus, in future, central balance will be generally maintained while
periodic disturbances can occur in local balances.

Power Vacuum:
As stated above the concept of balance of power has undergone a sea change
especially in the second half of twentieth century. This period witnessed the
emergence of two Super Powers who strive to create their own Spheres of
influence in different parts of the world and devised new techniques of
balancing each other. One of the techniques was filling the power vacuum.
Under the pretext of filling the power vacuum each Super Power endeavored to
increase its own power and contain or balance the power of the opponent.

The term power vacuum is of recent origin. It was coined by the United States
during the cold war days. The declining imperial powers Great Britain,
Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland etc, in the post World War II
granted independence to their erstwhile colonies. After , the decolonization, the
newly independent countries found themselves very weak politically,
economically and militarily needing crutches of some outside powers. This is an
illustration of what power vacuum implies. This afforded golden opportunity to
the newly emerged Super Powers the USA and the USSR to provide them the
necessary props in the form of political support, economic and military aid. In
this way Super Powers filled the power vacuum in different weak countries after
the withdrawal of declining imperial or smaller powers. Super Powers vied with
each other to woo these countries to their side. For instance the Soviet Union
filled the power vacuum in East Europe, North Korea, Vietnam and other
decolonized Third World countries. The USA also took prompt action to
counter the move of the Soviet Union by spreading its tentacles to these very
countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America on the plea of containing the
communist hegemony.

The concept of power vacuum was given a definite shape by the United States
in the wake of British decision to withdraw East of Suez. United States invoked
this theory with a view to justifying its naval presence in the Indian Ocean. It
argued that a complete withdrawal from the Indian Ocean would lead to
dangerous power vacuum over a vast and vulnerable area which the US and
Britain’s other allies would find extremely difficult to fill, a vacuum that would
serve neither Britain’s long term interests nor its stake in world ace and
Stability.

The Americans argued that if they did not move into the Indian Ocean, the
vacuum would bis filled by the Russians. In brief, over the pretext of vacuum
theory, the US justified its entry into the region.

The vacuum theory was vehemently rejected by India and other major littoral
states of the region. For instance, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, India’s then Prime
Minister, during her visit to some South East Asian countries in May 1966 said
that the withdrawal by the British did not create any vacuum, and if at all it did
so, she asserted it should be filled by local powers and not by outside powers.
Even the US Congress did not approve the power vacuum theory. However,
despite this the US Defense Department continued to increase its naval presence
in the region. In fact the US defense department had been insisting on the need
for a permanent military presence in the Indian Ocean since early sixties.

By the early seventies the US had established control over all the main gates to
the Indian Ocean. Thus it had established hold on Simonstown, at the entrance
of the Atlantic Ocean, on Masirah which served as an approach to the Persian
Gulf on Diego Garcia which commanded central position in the Indian Ocean
and Malacca Straits which was the most important route from the Pacific
through their political proximity to the ASEAN countries. In sum, the US made
the Indian Ocean an American lake. The Soviet Union countered and balanced
the America by entering into a friendship treaty with India in 1971 and by
consolidating its hold in the Vietnam.

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