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1 INTRODUCTION
Cooperation is central for human as well as for many animal societies. In
most cases, however, cooperation needs trust, but trust can be exploited.
That is the central dilemma of cooperation and that is the reason why trust
has received so much attention by social scientists of all faculties. It is not
easy to give a definition of trust which covers all positive meanings (see
Malhotra 2004 for a general discussion) and which separates it from related
terms such as ‘hope’. In trust experiments, however, its meaning is obvious:
it is the expectation of reciprocity.
If someone requires you to trust him or her, the central question is
whether or not trusting is advantageous for you. In economic terms: ‘Does
trust pay?’ The sociologist James Coleman (1990) expressed this criterion in
the following way: In order to trust, the value of trust has to be larger than the
value of mistrust. The value of mistrust is usually equal to an outside option
which can be earned with certainty. The value of trust is an expectation
value computed from the probabilities and values of ‘trust rewarded’ and
Bacharach et al. (2003) the outside option was (formally) valued zero or
negative. In these cases we regard the equivalent game where the initial
endowment was added to all pay-offs.
In the Investment Game, the truster gets an initial endowment (often $10
or J10) which he can fully or partially send to the trustee. The experimenter
doubles or triples this ‘investment’ and the trustee can send back as much as
she likes. In the original Berg et al. (1995) study as well as in many
replications it turned out that the amount sent back is proportional to the
amount received. In Burks et al. (2003), a rather small tendency towards an
increasing share is reported; in the Gift Exchange Game of Fehr et al. (2005)
(see Table 1 below) we see the contrary. As, however, the typical sample
sizes (fifteen to fifty subjects) do not allow differentiation between classes of
amounts sent, we use the proportionality result to determine (from all data)
the average revenue from $1 invested. In Fehr and Rockenbach’s (2003)
‘Trust condition’ the average fraction of investment returned was 1.25.
Under the assumption of a normal distribution of return rates, the 90 per
cent confidence interval is [0.99, 1.51] which results in a normalized net
value of trust in the interval [0, 0.5]. What is the ‘frequency of trust’ in such a
game? One indicator is the frequency of positive investments (close to 100
per cent in all treatments). The other indicator which we preferred and used
in Figure 1 is the average fraction of the endowment which is invested. The
studies by Burk et al. (2003) and Willinger et al. (2003) are treated similarly;
the only difference is that we relied on the regression data given in those
studies in order to determine the 90 per cent intervals of net profitabilities.
In Figure 2, we found the net value from trust to be not significantly
different from zero in six of thirteen cases. These results are comparable
with those of Bolle (1995) where the TME phenomenon was observed in
about half of the cases. In addition, neither in Figure 1 nor in the respective
figure in Bolle (1995) does the net value x seem to have a positive influence
on the frequency of trust y. The regression of the frequency of trust on the
midpoint of intervals in Figure 1 is y50.55 + 0.27x with an adjusted,
R250.09 and an insignificant coefficient of x (p50.17). So, Coleman’s
Hypothesis which would imply a positive correlation between the net value
of trust and the frequency of trust seems to be rejected. Note that across the
Figure 2 Value of trust vs frequency of trust More exactly: 90 per cent confidence
intervals of normalized net value from trust5(reward from trust minus reward from
mistrust)/reward from mistrust vs frequency of trust in thirteen decision situations
from six experiments first published in 2003. BZ: Bohnet and Zeckhauser (2003);
BGZ: Bacharach et al. (2003, Working Paper 2003); MRS: McCabe et al. (2003); FR:
Fehr and Rockenbach (2003); WKLU: Willinger et al. (2003); BCV: Burks et al.
(2003).
available. The subjects were first year economics or business students who
communicated their interest (personally, per email, or on an open list) to
participate in ‘well-paid’ economic experiments and who were invited
randomly to certain experimental sessions. Seven groups of eleven students
were invited; if they all showed up or if nine subjects showed up the last to
arrive was sent home with J5 consolation fee. The experiment was carried
out with six groups of ten subjects, and with one group of eight subjects. The
subjects were placed randomly at the PCs: four or five took the role of A,
four or five the role of B. They kept these roles during all experiments.
They received verbal instructions for the first treatment. After that
written descriptions of the game were distributed (see Appendix), five
rounds of Treatment 1 (with a certain b-value indicated on the monitor)
were played where every A played once (if there were ten subjects) with
every B. The order was random and As and Bs did not know who their
respective partner was. All As and Bs made their decision at the same time,
i.e. we used the strategy method. The B-subjects were required to decide as if
A had chosen v.
After the five rounds of Treatment 1, the next treatment started with a
new b-value, etc. The seven parameter values b were used in the order 0, 8, 4,
22, 10, 2, 6 and in the six cyclic permutations of this order. The position of a
treatment with a certain b-value did not turn out to be crucial (see Bolle and
Kaehler 2003). In Table 2, the 90 per cent confidence intervals are given on
which also Figure 3 depends. These intervals are computed from the seven
average frequencies of trust and cooperation in the seven groups of subjects
under the assumption of a normal distribution. Only these seven values can
count as really independent observations.
Table 2 Average percentages of trust and cooperation and 90 per cent confidence
intervals under the assumption of a normal distribution on the basis of seven
observations (the averages of the seven groups of subjects)
Trust
B 22 0 2 4 6 8 10
mean (%) 11.1 13.1 9.9 19.6 32.0 88.0 95.4
upper limit (%) 16.4 20.6 14.0 26.4 38.9 93.3 99.7
lower limit (%) 5.9 5.7 5.8 13.1 25.1 82.7 91.1
Cooperation
b 22 0 2 4 6 8 10
mean (%) 1.7 0.6 3.7 16.7 37.0 78.1 93.7
upper limit (%) 3.5 1.4 6.4 27.0 50.8 83.3 99.3
lower limit (%) 0 0 1.0 6.4 23.2 73.0 88.1
Note: A lower limit of 0 in the table means that the estimated value is negative.
Coleman’s Hypothesis on trusting behaviour 477
Figure 3 The 90 per cent interval of normalized net profitability of trust (5reward
from trust minus reward from mistrust/reward from mistrust) and the frequency of
trust (calculated from Table 2). The intervals belong (from the left to the right side)
to b522, 0, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10.
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4 CONCLUSION
The TME phenomenon is apparently artificial. Theoretically, it is supported
by evolutionary investigations which assume a uniform environment.
Empirically, it holds only in a very small region of parameter values. But
experimenters often choose just these values and, thus, a meta-study as
described in Figure 2 would violate Brunswik’s (1956) requirement of
representativeness. ‘… sampling should take place on two dimensions. One
involves the participants; the other concerns the situations or tasks with
which the participants are confronted. Valid interferences can only be
achieved by sampling in a representative manner on both dimensions’
(Hogarth 2005: 254). It does not seem that trust experiments, neither in a
single experimenter’s experiment nor in the set of experiments published, are
selected by ‘representative sampling’. Note that this remark does not imply
any criticism of single experiments or researchers. It only points out that
there are conflicting goals when experiments are chosen.
Are there other phenomena due to experimenters’ selection of parameters
or treatments? Gigerenzer et al. (1991: 526) show that the overconfidence
phenomenon is determined by the selection of the treatment: ‘… changes in
the task … can make the two stable effects reported in the literature –
overconfidence and the hard-easy effect – emerge, disappear, and invert at
will’. Juslin (1994) explicitly assumes that the overconfidence phenomenon
can be explained by such a selection effect. With respect to the ‘hard-easy-
effect’ Juslin et al. (2000: 393) conclude: ‘… there is a difference between
selected and representative item samples …’. Braga (2003) asks whether
preference reversal is not more than a stochastic phenomenon. Starmer
(2003) points out the ‘instability’ of many ‘paradoxa’. In the last case, even
small experimenter biases may have significant effects. Foster (2000) shows
that experimenters have rational expectations concerning the outcome of
word recognition experiments and speculate whether this might be the
source of a bias. Krueger and Funder (2004) complain about researchers’
concentration on ‘negative results’ in social psychology. This is a
fundamental criticism which accuses the mainstream research strategies of
supporting ‘frequently erroneous imputations of errors, finding of mutually
contradictory errors, incoherent interpretations of error, an inability to
explain the sources of behavioural or cognitive achievement, and the
inhibition of generalised theory’ (Krueger and Funder 2004: abstract).
A reason to pose subjects in critical (TME) situations is the investigation
of different treatments. The many replications of the Berg et al. (1995)
Investment Game, for example, are often accompanied by variations of the
frame or by additional behavioural options. It is plausible that the effect of
such variations could be most easily detected in critical situations where
subjects are expected to show medium values of trust. This is certainly a
reasonable strategy, but it makes meta-studies of trust experiments look like
Coleman’s Hypothesis on trusting behaviour 479
Figure 1. But perhaps it might still be possible to carry out meta-studies with
other goals, for example with respect to the question whether men or women
are more trustworthy or students or CEOs are more trustful. Of course, such
a study would make sense but we should be aware that the result is restricted
to certain ‘medium’ situations, in the language of our experiment the
situation b56. Gender effects in the limiting case b54 (no reason for
thankfulness) may be different as well as in the limiting case b58 (no
exploitative incentives). In the region b,4 the trustee even has a reason for
revenge – but still an efficiency-oriented person (who wants to maximize the
sum of pay-offs) may cooperate. Are there more efficiency-oriented men or
women? We can hardly deduce this from published trust experiments.
A ‘closer look’ often indicates irrational or inconsistent behaviour
(however this is defined) in critical situations. When preferences are ‘close
to indifference’, intransitivity of choices dependent on irrelevant alternatives
(Allais 1953; Tyska 1983) might easily occur. This should not make us
believe that human behaviour is, in general, irrational or of severely
bounded rationality. If such a conclusion is drawn only from experiments in
‘critical situations’ (where decisions are extremely difficult as the large 90 per
cent confidence intervals in Figure 3 show) then the selection bias is severely
misleading. This remark should not be misunderstood. We know that there
are systematic deviations from utility maximization. We only want to say
that a habit of placing subjects in difficult situations may overemphasize
these deviations.
The relevance of observed irrationalities is discussed, for example, in
Selten (1990) and Camerer (1995). People use heuristics and there is a
tendency (not more!) that by evolutionary forces these heuristics are
optimized so that ‘on average’ or ‘in principle’ human decisions are rational
– though there are systematic errors.
In 1967, Peterson and Beach wrote a review of research on intuitive
statistical judgement and concluded that people obeyed normative laws
rather well. Psychologists focused on judgement errors in the 1970s
because they thought judgement errors might reveal how people generally
make judgements, just as optical illusions tell us about perception and
forgetting tells us about memory. (Camerer 1995: 588)
We conclude that experimenters select trust experiments with the view
that subjects’ decisions should be difficult. It makes sense for some
experimental purposes but it also bears three potential pitfalls: first,
overlooking important phenomena (behaviour according to the Coleman
hypothesis); second, the danger of detecting phenomena which cannot be
generalized but hardly ever occur in ‘real’ situations (the TME phenom-
enon); and third, the danger of a false impression of a widespread lack of
rationality in human decisions. We neither state nor exclude a general
tendency of this kind in economic experiments. We only present an
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank the authors of Fehr et al. (2003) as well as Fehr and
Rockenbach (2003) for providing us with detailed data of their experiments.
Yves Breitmoser helped with the programming of the experiment. The
software used was z-tree by Urs Fischbacher (see www.iew.unizh.ch/ztree/
index.php).
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APPENDIX