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THE NAZI INFLUENCE IN THE FORMATION OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA

Elizabeth Lee Jemison

tect the supremacy of Afrikaans-speaking whites and to repress non-white groups through a policy of almost complete separation. The Afrikaner people, the descendants of the first Dutch settlers in southern Africa, were the dominant white minority and, once unified behind the cause of apartheid, formed a majority of the allwhite electorate. Apartheid, the Afrikaans word for separateness, began as a governmental system after the elections of 1948 when the Afrikaner Nationalist Party, became the majority Party, and this system lasted until 1994. The Afrikaner white population developed the apartheid system in 1948 in part as an outgrowth of the ideology of Nazi Germany, an ideology the Afrikaners readily accepted because of the affinity they felt towards Germans, and because they feared being dominated by the English minority who had previously controlled the country. The desire of the Afrikaners for complete power in South Africa began when the British took over the Cape area in 1806, in an effort to prevent Napoleon from gaining control of the region. The introduction of another European group vying for power
Elizabeth Lee Jemison is at Princeton. She wrote this paper at St. Mary’s Episcopal School in Memphis, Tennessee, for Ms. Joan Traffas’ Honors World History II course in the 2003-2004 academic year.

South African apartheid was a system developed to pro-

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served to awaken Afrikaner nationalism. The British who settled in the Cape area in the early 19th century brought with them concepts of the 18th century Enlightenment and the pro-business liberalism of the 19th century. These ideas conflicted sharply with the conservative Calvinist ideology of the Dutch who had settled South Africa beginning in the mid-17th century. As the result of the anti-slavery lobby in Britain and of the efforts of Christian missionaries to end racial prejudice, the British advocated a lessening of segregation to allow some non-whites to participate at least partially in the white-dominated society. Overall, the English possessed a more advanced culture and lifestyle than the Dutch living at the Cape, so the Dutch were likely to be absorbed into a colonial British society as second-class citizens. Indignant about the possibility of such a fate and without sufficient skill to fend off the British, many of the Dutch Boers moved further inland to areas to the northwest of the Cape area beginning in 1835. These Afrikaners or Voortrekkers conquered the land of native African tribes and established autonomous Boer republics. There, Afrikaners began to cultivate an Afrikaner culture.1 These Afrikaner or Boer republics began to prosper, especially after the discovery of gold and diamonds within their lands. This new-found wealth, however, worked to the detriment of the Boer republics because when the British learned of the gold and diamonds to be found further inland, they vied for control. The conflicts erupting from the attempt on the part of the British to incorporate the Boer republics into the British Empire eventually caused two Boer Wars. The first of these lasted from 1881-1882 and the second from 1899-1902. During these wars, the British suppressed and mistreated Afrikaners. The British created voluntary concentration camps during the second Boer War where many women and children came for protection, yet conditions in these camps were such that 26,000 Afrikaners died of disease and starvation. Towards the end of the second Boer War, the British began to burn Boer farms—destroying crops and razing homesteads. These wars illustrated the dangers of two self-proclaimed Christian nations going to war against each other when both nations believed in the same God and both were certain that God

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justified all their actions.2 The Freethinker, a liberal English journal, reported in October 1899, “The Boer has a Mauser rifle in one hand and a Dutch Bible in the other, while the Britisher has weapons in both hands and a Bible behind his back...Each informs the God of that book which side he ought to take in the quarrel.”3 Ultimately, the British gained control of the Boer Republics with the Treaty of Vereeniging of 1902. Though the Afrikaners were routed, many loyal Afrikaners chose to destroy their weapons rather than surrender them to the British, while still others accepted deportation rather than swear allegiance to Britain.4 Despite their defeat, many Boers felt pride that while Britain used 448,000 soldiers in the war where 7,000 of them died, the Boers never had more than 70,000 soldiers (rarely more than 40,000) and most of these were civilians. Only 4,000 Boers died in the war. This pride in their military record evolved into a new wave of Afrikaner nationalism. Their defeat after bloody wars made them more bitter towards the British than if Britain had seized control of the Boer republics without a struggle.5 This century of conflict (1806-1902) encouraged Afrikaner unity and a strong anti-British attitude that would serve as an initial impetus for German sympathy culminating in intense pro-Nazism in the mid-20th century. The extent of Afrikaner anti-British sentiment was most evident in Afrikaners’ opposition to the leadership of Jan Christian Smuts. Smuts, though an Afrikaner himself, was willing to negotiate with the British; he served in a variety of offices in Britishcontrolled South Africa including two terms as prime minister. Smuts had fought on the Boer side of the second Boer War but later became active in seeking compromise between the two sides by leading the Boer negotiations for surrender as the Transvaal State Attorney. Smuts explained the Boer position,
We are not here as an army but as a people...Everyone represents the Afrikaner people...They call upon us to avoid all measures which may lead to the decline and extermination of the Afrikaner people...We commenced this struggle and continued it to this moment because we wished to maintain our independence...But we may not sacrifice the Afrikaner people for that independence. As soon as we are

Hertzog’s resignation made Smuts very aware of the division among South Africans in their opinions on World War II and of the possibility of a civil war . he experienced dissent from the Afrikaners who viewed him as a British agent for his belief that the Union of South Africa did not have the right to secede from the British empire. when South Africa entered World War II supporting the Allies. In 1919 Smuts had become prime minister when his proBritish Union Party was still the majority party. Smuts’ belief that Britain had the right to rule South Africa earned him a pro-British label and alienated many fervent Afrikaner nationalists.7 The Nationalist Party grew in strength from 1914 until 1948 when it gained a majority. Smuts became more politically astute and aware of the strength of his opposition. there is no reasonable chance to retain our independence as republics. The Party became increasingly devoted to Afrikaner supremacy rather than Hertzog’s initial policy of equality between the two white groups. In the wake of his experience with the pro-German rebellion in 1914. Smuts was very cautious in his opposition to the Afrikaners. humanly speaking. The first evidence of this conflict appeared in 1914 at the beginning of World War I when Smuts fought to end a proGerman rebellion led by Afrikaners. Hertzog who wanted to make British and Afrikaner cultures equal but separate entities.6 As the result of his efforts to lead the post-war negotiations. From that political vantage. it was able to enact its policies of apartheid that it developed during this period of ascendancy.78 Elizabeth Lee Jemison convinced that.M. Upon entering office.8 After he lost power to Hertzog in 1924.B. Smuts and Hertzog reconciled their differences to form the United Party in 1933 in which Smuts served as deputy prime minister until Hertzog resigned from the government in 1939. Smuts’ opposition to the rebellion primarily caused the formation of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party later that year by J. Smuts played crucial roles in convincing Britain to give Afrikaners general autonomy and in uniting the defeated Boer republics with British provinces to form the Union of South Africa in 1910. it clearly becomes our duty to stop the struggle in order that we may not perhaps sacrifice our people and our future for a mere idea which cannot be realized.

A later German philosopher. In an attempt to distance themselves from Smuts. G. ideological identification with German nationalism especially through Afrikaners’ adoption of the concept of a volkgeist forged strong ties between Afrikaners and Germans. Afrikaners adopted this concept of a volk for their own purposes. Where anti-British sentiment was unable to produce lasting German sympathies. the only country which has ever attacked us?”10 Although he was an Afrikaner. so Afrikaners used it to glorify the Voortrekkers who traveled deeper into Africa. Smuts was the object of many Afrikaners’ frustrations at the failed attempts at Afrikaner independence. The volk stood for the identity of the common people. and established the Boer Republics. an early romantic German nationalist coined the term volk in his Ideas of a Philosophy of Human History to describe the cultural heritage of the common people in any particular area. Herder called the character distinctive to a culture its volkgeist. but it contributed in laying the groundwork for stronger ideological identification with Germany. Anti-British sentiment was not a direct cause of the bulk of pro-German and later pro-Nazi sentiment in South Africa. J.THE CONCORD REVIEW 79 resulting between the South Africans of British descent who were pro-Allies and the Afrikaners who were pro-Nazi. Fichte’s theories. Die Burger. and he ironically became a symbol of oppressive British imperialism. first expressed in 1808. J. C. built on Herder’s concepts of volk and volkgeist by claiming in his Addresses to the German Nation that the German volkgeist was superior to that of other cultures. In addition. many Afrikaners aligned themselves with Germany against the old enemy. introduced the concept of German supremacy that became the first seeds of Nazism. Fichte. they were the paragons of Afrikaner idealism. Britain. conquered native tribes. “Why should we fight for Britain. many Afrikaners were of German as well as Dutch ancestry and shared a common bond with Germans through . captured when it posed the question.9 Smuts’ leading South African forces on the side of the British in World War II angered the more conservative Afrikaners whose position the newspaper. Johann von Herder.

the religious ties of Afrikaners were a natural place to find additional support for the Afrikaner volk. Afrikaners took Calvinism’s doctrine of election and claimed that it supported the spiritual.15 Afrikaners distorted their Calvinist beliefs to further this attitude of not only white supremacy but also of supremacy of the Afrikaner volk over all other groups.13 Afrikaners adopted Hitler’s concept of a master race and Nazi German nationalism to their Afrikaner situation.12 As the Nazi Party gained power in Germany. Most Afrikaner students who traveled to Europe to pursue their post-graduate studies at a large university studied in Holland or Germany rather than England despite the fact that more of these students spoke English. they claimed that God had established the volk as a tool for His purposes in South Africa.11 Strong pro-German sentiment was evident as early as 1914 when German nationalism caused an Afrikaner rebellion against British rule. Afrikaners further adapted Calvinism to include a national consciousness in the doctrines of election and vocation. but Nazism was largely responsible for encouraging the idea that Afrikaners were superior to any other groups of whites. Because Afrikaner culture derived support from the Calvinist tradition. thus making the “salvation” of the Afrikaner nation from . Nazis and Afrikaners construed the concept of volk to permit a form of xenophobia that would preserve their Western Christian tradition from the dangers Asian and Soviet powers posed. Many Afrikaners opposed the Versailles Treaty ending World War I. Accordingly. not German. They viewed it as a cruel domination of the already defeated Germans. and cultural superiority of the “elect” Afrikaner culture. Afrikaners felt an inclination to support Nazism as both Nazism and their own Voortrekker heritage relied heavily on the idea of volk to promote the concepts of racial supremacy. Several future leaders of the apartheid era encountered Nazism while studying in Germany. Even Smuts attempted to persuade the British to negotiate a less debilitating treaty with Germany.14 Nazi influence in shaping the ideology of Afrikaners was not the primary cause of Afrikaner belief in the superiority of whites over blacks.80 Elizabeth Lee Jemison their identification with Protestantism. biological.

defeating the Philistine giant.. In 1929.. ChristianNationalists stressed the State at the expense of more liberal ideas of individual freedom. Goliath. Hertzog.17 The Christian-Nationalist movement grew in importance and became a central part of the campaign for Afrikaner independence and for apartheid. This made the emerging ideas of totalitarianism and fascism seem reasonable and compatible with Christian-Nationalism.for which the defeat of our Republics in 1902 was a necessary step. Afrikaners. “Our republic is the inevitable fulfillment of God’s plan for our people.19 While Christian-Nationalism provided an ideological justification for fascism. Afrikaner journalists supported the concept of Christian-Nationalism by frequently referring to the growth of Afrikaner power in the British-controlled government as similar to the biblical story of the young Hebrew boy. expressed decent tolerance. . there was initially resistance to this trend from powerful Afrikaner leaders. after having gained independence from Britain in 1961.M. revealed the degree to which they thought that independence from Britain was their divinely ordained destiny when the Afrikaner newspaper.a plan formed in 1653 when [the first Dutch settlers] arrived at the Cape. anti-Semitism in the 1930s further linked the ideologies of Christian-Nationalism and Nazism.”18 In addition to advocating independence from Britain.16 By equating Calvinism to Nationalism and by seeing the struggle for Afrikaner political power as obedience to divine will. Die Transvaler. David. the concept of Christian-Nationalism emerged. reported. Interestingly. General J..B. Through this combination of deeply entrenched doctrines of Calvinism and the newer concept of nationalism expressed through support of the Afrikaner volk.. Both formulated similar policies to control Jews within their respective countries.THE CONCORD REVIEW 81 the evils of British domination appear comparable to the spiritual salvation of its inhabitants. the founder of the Nationalist Party. Afrikaners manipulated Calvin’s teachings to claim that Calvinism’s clear delineation between the elect and the damned supported the formation of apartheid’s rigid racial and ethnic distinctions.

but the Grey Shirts were the most vehemently anti-Semitic of these groups. with the Immigration Quota Act. a South African of German descent. led by L.20 and anti-Semitism became an official policy of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. Before this new restriction went into effect. anti-Semitism rose at an alarming rate in both Germany and South Africa during the 1930s. all these were anti-Semitic.82 Elizabeth Lee Jemison saying that the Jews were the ethnic group whose concerns were most similar to those of the Afrikaner. South African anti-Semitism was directly related to the anti-Semitism and persecution policies in Germany.21 These immigrants formed 57.22 Initially. the . he initiated the Immigration Quota Act to allow immigration only from a select group of countries excluding those eastern European countries from which Jews most frequently immigrated. A protest organized by the Grey Shirts met the ship near the docks in Cape Town as a show of the force various militant groups possessed. 1936. Because of the persecution of Jews in Germany. the government seemed to legitimize anti-Semitism.295 Germans immigrating to South Africa from 1933-1936. carried 600 German-Jewish refugees to South Africa. Despite such voices. also outwardly supported Jewish equality.T. who later became the head of the Nationalist Party and the first prime minister of South Africa under the apartheid regime. In fact. Thus. Daniel F. the SS Stuttgart. there was a dramatic increase in the number of Jews immigrating to South Africa from Germany. One such gang was The South African Grey Shirt Party. Many Afrikaners noted this increase with alarm. Malan. 23 In reaction to the SS Stuttgart incident. Several militant Nazi-sympathizing organizations protested the immigration of Jews into South Africa. fearing that Jews would eventually overpower Afrikaners’ economic and political control. In 1930 Dr. but the Party soon became involved in pressing for a new restriction on immigration of Jews that went into effect on November 1. a chartered ship. the Afrikaner Nationalist Party attempted to oppose the Grey Shirts’ anti-Semitism. Other Nazi sympathizing organizations included the Boerenasie and the New Order. but at the same time. The Grey Shirts became very active in anti-Semitic protest against the rising numbers of German Jewish immigrants.4% of the 6. Weichardt.

later Foreign Minister. Here Dr.28 Following these demands of the Nationalist Party. and prohibition of Jews and other “non-assimilable” groups from joining certain professions. which provided a prominent voice on Party issues for several decades. His bill was a means of suppressing all Jews. and that Jews were a danger to society.24 Verwoerd further pursued anti-Semitic policies by suggesting to the government that it no longer give Jews any new trading licenses. Afrikaners often considered Jews “non-assimilables” and prevented them from immigrating. Although this act did not explicitly prohibit Jewish immigration. Louw maintained that Jews were involved in the Bolshevik Revolution and therefore intended to spread Communism worldwide. His first editorial was a caustic diatribe against Jews.26 Afrikaners continued to pursue increasingly radical antiSemitic legislation throughout the late 1930s. This bill defined Jews as anyone with parents who were at least partly Jewish regardless of actual religious faith or practices. keeping pace with that of Nazi Germany. a center for Afrikaner volk identification. To support his claim.25 Verwoerd became even more outspoken on the subject of anti-Semitism when. in 1937.27 The ambiguities in the Aliens Act caused the Nationalist Party to fight for a number of new demands to prevent all Jewish immigration and thus minimize the role of Jews in South Africa. These demands included the explicit prohibition of all future Jewish immigration. the Aliens Act created an Immigrant Selection Board to ensure “assimilability” among all immigrants. In 1937.THE CONCORD REVIEW 83 Nationalist Party met near Stellenbosch University. introduced another anti-Semitic bill that strongly resembled Nazi legislation—the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill of 1939. a Nationalist Party member. This bill suggested that Jews threatened to overpower Protestants in the business world and were innately cunning and manipulative. Eric Louw. The majority Union Party . and five other Stellenbosch professors pledged themselves to pursue an end to all Jewish immigration. the removal of Yiddish as an approved European language for immigration purposes. Hendrik Venvoerd. he became editor of Die Transvaler. the newspaper published by the Nationalist Party of the Transvaal region.

This anti-Semitism grew in its irrationality and contradiction until Afrikaners accused Jews of being both ruthless capitalists and subversive Communists. While the whole synod voted against accepting this committee declaration..Down with Judaism.”32 Malan also voiced his opinion that Jews should never comprise more than five percent of the population of any region.30 Thus. Afrikaners found a scapegoat for their own difficulty in adjusting to an urban. considered the bill even worse in parts than Nazi rhetoric.F. “We say: Down with the Jewish Communism! Down with the exploiters of Democracy! Down with the exploiters of the Trade Unions! Down with the Bolshevik agitators who want. a Union Party member of Parliament.. then Minister of the Interior.. remarked that the bill reminded him of the Inquisition during the Middle Ages. the enemy of the whole world!”31 Dr. by blaming Jews for Afrikaner economic hardships and by seeking to prevent Jewish immigration..Christian Afrikaners. industrial society..84 Elizabeth Lee Jemison however vehemently opposed and rejected this bill. Stuttaford. H. most Jews seemed noticeably wealthier than Afrikaners. subsequently. Hofmeyer. Although the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill failed.. and J.. D. the incoming leader of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. the fact that politicians introduced such bills showed the extremes of South African antiSemitism in the 1930s.They have robbed the population of its heritage so that the Afrikaner lives in the land of his father but no longer possesses it. In addition to anti-Semitism from the political arena. A 1937 poster for the South African Nationalist Peoples’ Movement read. the introduction of such a claim revealed . voiced this slander in a speech made on July 10. a committee within a synod of the Dutch Reformed Church concluded after much examination that the Jews were not God’s chosen people as described in the Old Testament.29 Many of the Jews who immigrated to South Africa adapted more readily to urban life than the largely agrarian Afrikaners and were generally better educated. Afrikaners blamed the Jews for their own lack of wealth by branding them enemies of society and of the Afrikaner in particular.to satisfy their hatred of. Malan.. 1939: “Behind the organized South African Jewry stands organized world Jewry.

van der Merwe. Naude of the Dutch Reformed Church. was speaking. the Broederbond did not remain as open and harmless an organization as it began.6% of these being public servants and 33. held a meeting in du Plessis’ home. Klopper. J. but by 1920. the organization took the name Afrikaner Broederbond. Membership was open. along with the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism. provided a firm foundation for the formation of strong. The mob vandalized the Nationalist Club building and injured some of the Party members attending the meeting.35 The mission of the Broederbond was to promote Afrikaner interests in every area.F. The Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood) was the earliest conservative Afrikaner group which closely aligned itself with Nazi Germany. these three under the guidance of Rev. Malan. and which was influential in the founding of apartheid in 1948. H. Nazi-sympathizing organizations. 1918. In 1918. a mob interrupted a Nationalist Party gathering in Johannesburg where Dr. . This disturbance left a deep impression especially on three Afrikaner teenagers at this meeting—H. The name of the organization that they began with only eighteen members was Jong Suid-Afrika (Young South Africa).THE CONCORD REVIEW 85 the extent of Afrikaner anti-Semitism at this time. As the Broederbond grew.W.674 with 8. The Broederbond began as a fraternity of men devoted to the Afrikaner cause in 1918 and became a secret organization in 1924.C.F. and Daniel H. du Plessis—who met the following day to pledge themselves to restore the Afrikaner to his rightful place in South Africa. and the Broederbond strongly encouraged its 37 members to wear Broederbond buttons to distinguish themselves.34 However. On June 5. its nature changed and it became increasingly exclusive by the late 1930s. This meeting marked the beginning of the Broederbond.3% educators. D. membership was about 2.33 This strong attitude of anti-Semitism fed the ideological bond between Afrikaners and Nazi Germany.J. In 1944. and considered itself a quasireligious organization for the purpose of promoting Afrikaner unity and of allowing young nationalist-minded Afrikaners to meet one another. then the Party leader in Cape Town. This. Membership was very limited.

E. Smuts refused to oppose the pro-Nazi attitudes of university students and professors except in the case of those who committed civil crimes.40 Eventually Smuts . Smuts.36 In 1946. professions for which Smuts had great respect. Smuts chose not to expose the Broederbond because so many Broederbond members were Dutch Reformed Church ministers and teachers. both Afrikaans-speaking Protestants. the Church launched an investigation of the Broederbond in 1949. for their willingness to negotiate with Britain and for their refusal to deny the right of English-speaking South Africans to participate in government. Senator Andrew Conroy.39 Smuts considered the Broederbond a dangerous organization but failed to oppose it publicly for some time despite having the power granted by the special War Measures Act of 1941 to do so. report. G. cult-like nature prevented the South African people from realizing the full extent of the power of the Broederbond until it had gained a firm grip on South African politics.M. The Broederbond denied membership to J. the Minister of Lands and an outspoken anti-Broederbond member of the United Party. Hertzog and J. though fraudulent. According to his Director of Military Intelligence.C.38 Hertzog also denounced the Broederbond for their refusal to negotiate with English-speaking South Africans and for hindering his diplomatic efforts. the Broederbond’s membership was not as open as the Dutch Reformed Church’s report alleged. Because of this and other allegations of Broederbond involvement in the Dutch Reformed Church.37 Just as its critics feared.86 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Its secretive. The Broederbond was the means by which the ideological ideas of Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism attempted to unify all Afrikaners into a single force.B. Malherbe. estimated that the Broederbond had strong influence over nine out of ten Dutch Reformed Church congregations. They reported that the Broederbond was a benign social organization open to all Afrikaans-speaking Protestants who were loyal to South Africa. The Broederbond countered by accusing Hertzog of trying to increase his own political power by provoking English-speaking South Africans to fear Afrikaners. Many of the Broederbond’s critics argued that precisely the Broederbond’s influence within the church had secured a favorable.

but according to documents confiscated during World War II at the German diplomacy headquarters for the Union of South Africa. After this meeting with Montmartin.”42 Broederbond members responded by repeatedly denying Smuts’ allegations.094 Broederbond members resigned from the organization. This link became critical to the Broederbond with the 1934 visit of Graf von Durckheim Montmartin. Of those who resigned from the Broederbond. cunning. 807 rejoined after Smuts’ administration lost power to the Nationalist Party in the 1948 elections. political Fascist organisation. the Broederbond reorganized itself to resemble the Nazi Party. Montmartin met secretly with top Broederbond leaders to discuss how the Broederbond might be of service to this end. Smuts demanded that all Broederbond members who were public servants (including teachers) resign either from the Broederbond or from their public service positions. Hitler sent Montmartin with the purpose of determining what support South Africa might provide to Germany in the new world order that Hitler envisioned. The Broederbond became aware of Smuts’ plans for action in 1943 but allowed members to deal with Smuts’ coming ultimatum as each saw fit. 1. In 1944. it was not the fascist organization that Smuts denounced in 1944. After this order. but with the rise of Nazi Germany. Montmartin came to South Africa with the official intention of attending a conference on education.41 while Smuts publicly denounced the Broederbond as “A dangerous. and claiming that the Broederbond was a benign cultural organization. One exception in this new organization was the Broederbond’s use of the Dutch Reformed Church to inspire nationalism and support of all Afrikaners. Broederbond members gained much public sympathy during this period for their loyalty to the Afrikaner cause. the link between the ideology of the Broederbond and that of Nazi Germany grew. a representative of Nazi Germany. whereas Hitler . but many more resigned from their civil service position.THE CONCORD REVIEW 87 yielded to the repeated counsel of his military intelligence who believed that the threat posed by the Broederbond was great. When the Broederbond began in 1918.

In addition to his antiSemitic editorials. the new government released Holm from prison after only serving one year of his 10-year sentence. One example was Die Transvaler. This radio station was very popular for its music programs. Such Broederbond propaganda prompted much concern among government officials about the growing power of the organization as the tie between the Broederbond and the Nazi Party became evident to those outside of the organization. broadcast vehement anti-British and anti-Semitic messages in Afrikaans to the listeners in South Africa. Dr. Ironically. Germany that broadcast very clearly to South Africa. a Broederbond member. more clearly than the British Broadcasting Company or any South African radio stations. Erik Holm. .45 Janie Malherbe. After the war. complete with fuehrer. young South African scholars whom the Broederbond encouraged to study at German universities. but when the Nationalist Party came into power after the elections of 1948. Holm later received an appointment to the Department of Education.44 Influenced by Holm’s proNazism.43 Montmartin’s appeal emphasized the value of anti-British propaganda as a means of securing South African support for Nazi Germany and included another sphere of possible influence. Verwoerd. newspapers openly began to reflect Nazi sympathy before and during the war. One implementation of Montmartin and the Broederbond’s strategy of anti-British propaganda during World War II involved a radio station in Zeesen. a South African court found Holm guilty of treason and imprisoned him. published by Dr. a South African captain of Military Intelligence.88 Elizabeth Lee Jemison had reverted to the symbols of Nordic mythology to provide a competitive “religious” awe for the Nazi Party. She reported: “This terrifying octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganising the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler’s highly successful Nazi state. a South African teacher studying in Germany. Verwoerd expressed delight at Allied defeats and much dismay in his reports on Nazi losses. realized the danger of Broederbond’s close alliance with the Nazi Party after Montmartin’s visit. After the popular music programs.

C.50 The Ossewa Brandwag opposed the growth of urban areas using the Dutch Reformed Church’s doctrine of “BritishJewish capitalism. a former military officer intensely loyal to the Afrikaner volk and the Voortrekker heritage. greedy Jew riding on the shoulders of a . In 1939.49 The group’s Nazi sympathy became clear when it printed its constitution in German Gothic type and when it chose an eagle. the Ossewa Brandwag became more militant in nature under the leadership of Dr. as its emblem.”46 The Afrikaner Broederbond followed the ideological and organizational patterns of the Nazi Party and advocated support of the Nazi Germany under the assumption that in Hitler’s new world order. its opposition posed a significant threat because the Ossewa Brandwag had more members than Smuts’ army.THE CONCORD REVIEW 89 gauleiters. Hans van Rensburg. he had the title CommandantGeneral.” The Ossewa Brandwag. the emblem of the Nazi Reichstag. Die Burger. while the Broederbond was growing in strength and World War II was underway. The cartoon pictured an exaggeratedly rotund.C. Hitler would give Afrikaners independent rule of South Africa as a reward for their loyalty to and support of Nazism. opposed the alleged control of the British market system by Jewish professionals. spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa. Laas led the Ossewa Brandwag from February 1939 until the rapid growth of the organization expanded beyond his managing capabilities. referring to the pioneering Voortrekkers). and local leaders became “generals. Colonel J.48 The group strongly opposed the efforts of Smuts and his army to support the British. Afrikaner conservatives who wanted violently to pursue Afrikaner control of South Africa led a new military-minded organization.47 After Laas stepped down from the leadership. the Ossewa Brandwag (literally Brigade of Ox-wagon Sentinels. like the Broederbond. founded the Ossewa Brandwag to promote Afrikaner heritage. As the national leader. Laas.”51 A cartoon from the Afrikaner nationalist newspaper. prompting his resignation in October 1940. but the organization quickly grew into a popular military movement. group and cell leaders. supported Nazi Germany.

it appeared that the British and the Jews oppressed the Afrikaners. J. and a future Nationalist prime minister.C. The Stormjaers threatened and attacked anyone who was not as conservative as they. Rev. and it suggested that wealthy Jews controlled the pro-British government.53 The violence of the Stormjaers demonstrated the grave danger the Ossewa Brandwag posed as it sought to create a fascist state. The Ossewa Brandwag became increasingly Nazi-oriented. who were a secretive part of the Ossewa Brandwag composed mostly of police officers.90 Elizabeth Lee Jemison gaunt Smuts and Hertzog. in league with the British. the Ossewa Brandwag was evidence of the growth of Nazi sympathy and dedication to Afrikaner supremacy in South Africa.55 Vorster hoped for a new South African government where. nonetheless opposed the Ossewa Brandwag with much fervor as the type of organization that brought Hitler to power in Germany and that might have the capability to bring a similar leader to power in South Africa. Vorster denounced Fascism and Nazism in particular but after he became an Assistant-hoof Kommandant in the Ossewa Brandwag.54 His criticism was not without justification. he expressed his admiration of Hitler and his desire for a South Africa in which only Afrikaners had wealth and political power—all Jews expelled from the country. Hendrik Verwoerd. J. D. They formed the Stormjaers (stormtroopers). a Nationalist Party leader. Vorster. including Nationalist Party leaders such as Dr. To many.52 Some Afrikaners expressed the opinion that Jews. one “general” in the Ossewa Brandwag. Smuts. while hesitant to confront the Broederbond. deviously worked to increase their wealth and power at the expense of hardworking Afrikaners who steadfastly did their best to survive in a harsh world. The Stormjaers considered themselves to be acting for the best interests of the Ossewa Brandwag but may not have always acted under the direct orders of the group. Afrikaners could “free” themselves by supporting Nazi Germany. expressed the rapidly changing opinions of many who became increasingly right-wing. “the Afrikaner will no longer cooper- . which promised to destroy both groups. and democratic elections terminated. In 1934.

the newspaper. Smuts jailed Vorster along with some other Ossewa Brandwag members during much of World War II. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. published “Constitution from the Christian-Nationalist Republic” as the Ossewa Brandwag’s plan for a new government. a state education system with Christian-Nationalist principles. the government described was very similar to the dictatorship in Nazi Germany. He will make the conditions and the Englishman will be compelled to submit.”56 Vorster spoke to the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond.60 In September 1940. The group assured its members that.fanaticism which causes them to stand back for no one. While this document never explicitly mentioned Nazism. We must follow his example because only by such holy fanaticism can the Afrikaner nation achieve its calling. and Afrikaans as the official language of South Africa. the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond. This plan included a statecontrolled press... and the basis of the government being Christian-Nationalist rather than National-Socialist.58 Vorster’s desire for a new South African government and for the expulsion of Jews from South Africa was a common desire throughout the Ossewa Brandwag. the Cape Times published an article asserting that the Ossewa Brandwag was in the process of arranging a coup to establish a ChristianNationalist dictatorship. Hitler gave the Germans a. “Hitler’s Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness—the path of South Africa. This report claimed that there were . acted upon the group’s desire for a new government and issued a “Freedom Manifesto” as a promise on the part of the youth to fight to overthrow the parliamentary government and establish a Christian-Nationalist government under an elected dictator.”57 Because the violent nature of Vorster’s opinions threatened the government’s stability. This government was viewed by Die Suiderstem as a Nazi state with only a few changes such as the title of the dictator being president instead of fuehrer.”59 In 1940.61 During the same month.THE CONCORD REVIEW 91 ate with the Englishman. saying. Die Suiderstem. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. “the man with a crooked nose [is] the danger to the country.

Some Ossewa Brandwag members formed another minor Fascist organization. which grew in power during this transition. The Nationalist Party that began in 1914 under the leadership of J. At the apogee of Nazi Germany’s . but it experienced its greatest growth under Dr. this republic never had a chance to become more than an idea because with the Allies’ complete victory over the Nazis in 1945. Malan assumed leadership of the Nationalist Party which began to pursue a more radical path. especially with the collapse of the Ossewa Brandwag and other fascist groups.M. the Nationalist Party under Hertzog did not actively pursue independence from Britain.63 However. Hertzog grew steadily from its founding to World War II. F.64 The postwar era saw the rapid growth of the Nationalist Party until it won a majority in 1948 and began the system of apartheid. Malan during World War II and immediately after the war.B. During the growth of Afrikaner nationalism in the early 1930s.92 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Ossewa Brandwag members in important positions in public service. Many joined the Nationalist Party. the Ossewa Brandwag issued a similar plan for a new South Africa with its “Declaration on the Boer Republic.65 When Hertzog united with Smuts to form the United Party in 1933.” This new government was to be a compilation of the governments of the initial Boer Republics with many elements of Nazi government and some aspects of other governments including that of Mussolini in Italy. and virtually every major private industry such as mining and railroads who were ready to act upon the command of the group to assist in a coup designed to exile all Jews and subject all British South Africans to Afrikaner control. D.62 In the same year. This government called for a head of state with unlimited power who would support the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of Afrikaners and discrimination against all Englishspeakers. but its membership and influence were very small. the police force. the Ossewa Brandwag lost much of its support and its members dispersed. The Nationalist Party thereby gave up the relative freedom and autonomy of South Africa within the British Empire for this radical step for complete independence.

not known full political. economic.”71 In his plan. the Nationalist Party published four documents that demonstrated the extent of the Nationalist Party’s Nazi support and the influence of the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant groups. and its opposition to Nazism. democratic. radical Afrikaners to sway its policy or to prevent it from being able to work with the proBritish government under Smuts. “Afrikanerdom.. under the imported British system.. Dr. Although it did not go so far as to declare open support of Nazi Germany.67 During the course of World War II.68 Otto du Plessis. Du Plessis . Hendrik Verwoerd vowed. free-market society with a free press in favor of a “new world order” of Christian-Nationalism and National Socialism. as the will of God.”66 Despite the official position of supporting the Afrikaner and not the Nazi. It consequently pines for the new system of a new order. the Nationalist Party did change its primary objective.” 70 Du Plessis further argued.is undiluted and unequivocal nationalism. the Nationalist Party’s Secretary of Information. and social freedom. “The Afrikaner will have as little to do with German National Socialism as with British imperialism. which would bring with it true national freedom in all spheres of life.. In a pamphlet entitled The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century he heralded the new place South Africa would have in the Nazis’ new world order. “The philosophy at the basis of the new order. many members of the Nationalist Party openly supported Nazi Germany.THE CONCORD REVIEW 93 power.. Even Hertzog expressed his distrust of a majority-ruled. the Nationalist Party attempted to maintain an official position of neutrality between Britain and Nazi Germany because it was an official political party in the South Africa parliament and therefore did not want to allow the pro-Nazi. wrote the first of these documents in 1940.. Rather..69 This document supported an Afrikaner state affirming.he will be as little a tool of Hitler as of Chamberlain. its new priority was that of establishing an independent Afrikaner republic. No longer did it promote equal political participation between Afrikaans-speaking and Englishspeaking South Africans. The Nationalist Party attempted to distinguish between its support of the Afrikaner republic based on the doctrine of Christian-Nationalism.has.

The Christian-Nationalist republic that Malan described in this document had a president with unlimited powers.”76 The president had the power to control and dismiss Parliament and his Cabinet. where “Every German must be small so that Germany can be great. to control the economy.” The Ossewa Brandwag supported the Nationalist Party’s position in this document by patterning several of its own documents after The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century. further revealed the pro-Nazi stance of the Nationalist Party when he wrote The Republican Order: Future Policy as Set Out by Dr. Pirow’s new order study group for various odds and ends dictated by an earnest desire to steal their synthetic thunder.94 Elizabeth Lee Jemison cited Germany as a model for this new order and wanted Afrikaner nationalism to imitate that of Germany. to prevent competition.. over-riding powers of the Fuehrer-President. not only as regards to place of dwelling. Hitler in respect of the arbitrary. Germany would drive the British out of South Africa. the Nationalist Party leader. . claimed in an editorial published on January 24.78 .”77 The Eastern Province Herald. The Republican Order described the political structure of the Boer republics as a uniquely Afrikaner model of government.. Critics accused Malan of supporting Hitler’s “pure race” concepts because he specified.[and] Mr.74 This document showed fewer parallels to the government of Nazi Germany than Du Plessis’ The New South Africa. 1942. that Malan’s document …Borrowed from Mussolini for his group system.. to declare war and control the military.. Rather. all-embracing. Goebbles on the matter of press and radio control and propaganda generally.. Malan. This document did link itself to Nazi Germany by its mentioning the expectation that through its victory in World War II. “Each coloured group. “directly and only responsible to God.will be segregated.75 Malan formed a strategic rather than ideological tie with Germany in his The Republican Order. Malan.”72 The Nationalist Party supported this extreme nationalism believing that it would elevate the country at the expense of the “ruthless foreign capitalist.. but he strengthened this tie in 1942 with his ideological Draft for a Republic. and to censor the press.73 In 1941 Dr.but also with regard to spheres of work. a pro-British newspaper.

This is the way to the New Order in the Free Republic of South Africa. aiding neither Britain nor Germany. “Our whole economic life will be controlled by the Central Economics Council.. The influence of the members of the Ossewa Brandwag. the Party knew that it no longer had support for the totalitarian government described in its The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century and Malan’s Draft for a Republic. Because Afrikaner sentiment covered this wide spectrum. many of these splintered groups joined the Nationalist Party. This plan concluded with the proud assertion. Other more moderate groups supported South African neutrality in the war. This document maintained that all major aspects of South African economics should be controlled by the state through a Central Economics Council to ensure the stability of the economy and limit competition in all sectors. All key industries will be controlled by the State..THE CONCORD REVIEW 95 A fourth important publication by the Nationalist Party during World War II was its 1944 The Social and Economic Policy of the Nationalist Party. In 1945. who joined the Nationalist Party after their organization collapsed in 1945.80 In general. this postwar period was a time of unification of the many Afrikaner factions that were splintered by World War II. Nonetheless. Still the .[This is] the sensible way of a controlled economic system within the framework of a national government. After the war. World War II caused great division and fragmentation of the Afrikaners. which became less militant in its quest for fascism and refocused on its original purpose.”79 This publication was the last of the documents of the Nationalist Party that borrowed heavily from Nazi Germany. After this point in the war. the elevation of the Afrikaner. the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant pro-Nazi groups disbanded when the Allies had completely defeated Nazi Germany. while the most conservative Afrikaners supported Britain with only minimal reservations. The fascist documents that the Nationalist Party and other organizations such as the Ossewa Brandwag published during World War II represented the more conservative end of Afrikaner political opinion. prevented the Nationalist Party from becoming overly passive or conciliatory. Germany’s imminent defeat weakened any bond that Afrikaners wanted to claim with her.

The strike only lasted a week before the government violently forced workers back to the mines. J.000 black mine workers who worked in extremely dangerous conditions for less than a tenth of the pay of white workers. Even when Nazism collapsed. yet it affected more than 30 mines. The Communist influence on black laborers culminated in a widespread strike among mine workers in 1946 that further frightened Afrikaners who recognized Communism as a threat to their livelihood. the seed of its ideology remained buried in the ideology of the Nationalist Party. and some had been members of the Ossewa Brandwag. rather. the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism became increasingly central to the Afrikaner . Vorster). which reminded Afrikaners of the British concentration camps in which many Boers died during the Second Boer War. The African Mine Workers’ Union organized this strike of between 75. The increasing numbers of black laborers who were moving into the cities to find work also seemed to threaten conservative Afrikaners when many of these laborers embraced the growing Communist Party as a way to oppose their harsh working conditions. they adapted their political positions only enough to win power in the post-World War II South Africa.83 After 1945. Afrikaners felt threatened by the new spirit of liberalism introduced by the Allies in the Atlantic declaration and the U.D.81 The liberal post-war doctrines and the mineworkers’ strike encouraged Afrikaners to retreat to a position of isolation from the new intellectual currents abroad. Smuts was reviled for leading South African troops to the aid of the Allies and for interning some of the most conservative Afrikaner nationalists (such as Rev. With the advent of the post-World War II world. All of the new leaders had been members of the Broederbond. The men who would become the leaders of the apartheid regime did not repudiate the ideology of Nazism. Charter of Human Rights.82 Opposition to Smuts as prime minister grew during this period.N.96 Elizabeth Lee Jemison influence of Nazism remained as it had provided a foundation upon which many of the Nationalist Party leaders built their political beliefs and policies.000 and 100.

the glorification and maintenance of such variety. Malan that the purity of the Afrikaner volk depended on the prevention of intermarrying with other races and that without a rigid system of separation of the races intermarrying would occur and the Afrikaner race would lose some of its potency in its unique work of fulfilling the will of God.”86 Thus. Stellenbosch Professor G. They did not lose validity by the end of World War II. who had been a minister prior to his entry into the political realm. The concepts of volk and Christian-Nationalism had origins in Hegel’s and Fichte’s German nationalism and in the Dutch Reformed Church’s brand of Calvinism. “The Christian standpoint boils down to the belief that it is God’s will that there should be a variety of races. the official standpoint of the Dutch Reformed Church. also divided the Afrikaners.. Some Afrikaners derogatively referred to it as the English Institute. remarked that while establishing a system of segregation is not under the jurisdiction of the church. and.85 One Broederbond member and former Ossewa Brandwag general. Malan. Cronje.87 . both of which preceded the rise of Nazi Germany. whereas concepts of Nazism or totalitarian governments. The concepts of the volk and of Christian-Nationalism directly aided Afrikaner unity and efforts towards autonomy. He meant that governmental policies regarding race must stress separation.F. the largest religious denomination among Afrikaners. wrote in his Voogdyskap en Apartheid.THE CONCORD REVIEW 97 cause as Afrikaners became more unified in their work toward proAfrikaner rule.. D. and cultures. the Nationalist Party founded the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs in 1947 to oppose the South Africa Institute of Race Relations which many Nationalists considered too liberal and pro-British. volks. the government should pay close attention to the Church’s guidelines in the establishment of such a system. while embraced by many Afrikaners. This organization was responsible for the development of the theory of apartheid and for the implementation of it after the Nationalist victory in 1948. Increasing numbers of Afrikaners believed like Dr. is justified and moreover can be taken as obedience to the will of God.84 Accordingly. seemed to support a national plan of segregation. regarded from a Christian viewpoint.

the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations published Christian-National Education Policies that outlined the principles the new government should maintain to ensure that schools were. and it concluded . including Malan who became prime minister. The two parties had each received a plurality. the Nationalist Party legislated the complete separation of whites from non-whites (that had already been in practice) but also introduced the separation of one non-white group from another. the Nationalist Party. Malan led the Nationalist Party on a platform of apartheid in the elections of 1948.91 This election marked the beginning of apartheid in South Africa. not a majority. won 79 of the 150 seats in parliament.C.90 The alliance of these two Afrikaner parties revealed the unification of all Afrikaners after World War II to fight for political power.92 In 1948. du Plessis who had served as a South African diplomat but resigned when Smuts ordered in 1944 that no public servants could be Broederbond members. but their victory did not represent the true will of the electorate that had cast 140. the much smaller Havenga’s Afrikaner Party.000 more votes for the parties in opposition to the allied Nationalist Party and Havenga’s Afrikaner Party than for this apartheid platform.89 In the final count.88 The Broederbond was active in the elections of 1948 with at least 60 Nationalist Party candidates known to be members. of all the votes cast. “places where our children are soaked and nourished in the Christian-National spiritual cultural ‘stuff’ of our nation.”93 The document included instruction on proposed teaching methods intended to provide an education steeped in Christian-Nationalism. The fact that du Plessis reentered the political sphere in the same election in which Smuts lost power demonstrated the change of the political climate in South Africa. One of the candidates was W. The Broederbond was influential in these first years of apartheid by establishing the Institute for Christian-National Education and the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations as well as by obtaining from the Dutch Reformed Church a doctrinal justification of apartheid. with its political ally.98 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Aware of the growing desire among Afrikaners for an institutionalized system of segregation. Under Malan’s leadership.

The leaders of South Africa after 1948 no longer espoused Nazism as they had during World War II. a strain of the infamous regime that terrorized Europe in the first half of the twentieth century persisted to control South Africa for the second half of the century.”94 The final section of this document. “We believe that the instruction of Coloured people should be regarded as a subdivision of the vocation and task of the Afrikaner to Christianize the non-European by the European. the new South African government implementing apartheid relied heavily on the principles of Christian-Nationalism. and particularly by the Afrikaner.”95 Thus. but they had come to their political and intellectual maturity under the shadow of Nazi Germany and had devoted years of their lives to the furtherance of its ideology.” professed white supremacy even more emphatically: “We believe that the education and task of white South Africa with respect to the native is to Christianize him.THE CONCORD REVIEW 99 with the Afrikaner position on education of non-whites that represented the emphasis on white supremacy in the new Nationalist government. Article 14—“Instruction and Education of Coloureds” affirmed.. the influence of Nazism remained within the Nationalist Party primarily through the continued control of the government by members of the Broederbond.and this vocation and task has found its immediate application and task in the principles of trusteeship. the Broederbond retained much of its right-wing ideology during the period between the defeat of Nazi Germany and the Nationalist Party victory in 1948.. . and in segregation. no[t] placing of the native on the level of the white. All prime ministers and most major political leaders during the apartheid era were members of the Broederbond. Article 15—“The Teaching and Education of Natives. Thus. Despite the reliance of the Nationalist government on the concepts of Christian-Nationalism and the Afrikaner volk. Through its secret nature.

60 15 Brian Bunting. p. 3 4 Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom. 4. 3-4 of 12 25 Ibid. see also William Henry Vatcher. 162 14 Vatcher. p. ch. 100 20 Bunting. 2 of 12 16 Ibid. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition. 1986) p. p.. p. p. 1969. p. p. p. xix-xx. ch. 1965) pp. ch. 100-101 18 Ibid. 183 10 Vatcher. 37-38 6 Ibid.” History Today 49 (June 1999) p. 64 22 Bunting. The Broederbond (New York: Paddington Press.. 4. Martin’s Press. ch.anc. 136 13 Bloomberg. pp. p. 1918-1948 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press.. pp. 61 27 Bunting. Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa.. 4. 4 of 12 28 Ibid. 42. ch. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism (New York: Frederick A. 61 1 .. 4. 4. p. 1979) 5 Ibid. 3 of 12 24 Ibid. ch. 183 8 Kenneth Ingham.org. ch. Jr.. 4. pp. 3 Ibid. p. xxi 19 Ibid.html) ch. p. Available as ebook at http:// www. 137 12 Ibid.. 118 9 Bloomberg.. 3 of 12 26 Vatcher. 5 of 12 29 Ibid. 36 7 Bloomberg. Publishers. p. ch. 1989) pp. p. p. p. 4. 2 of 12 21 Vatcher.. 3-4 2 David Nash. 4. p. p. “The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. xx 17 Bloomberg. 4-5 of 12 30 Vatcher. p....za/books/reich.100 Endnotes Elizabeth Lee Jemison Charles Bloomberg. 4. The Rise of the South African Reich (Penguin Africa Library.. p. pp. pp. 3-4 of 12 23 Ibid. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African (New York: St. p. Praeger. 63 11 Bloomberg.

p. pp. ch. 182 66 Bloomberg.. 2 of 8 40 Wilkins. p. 61 53 There are no clear records of any orders the Ossewa Brandwag issued to the Stormjaers probably because the group did not wish any record of its responsibility for acts of violence. 63 58 Wilkins. 63 57 Ibid. 166 54 Ibid... pp. see also Wilkins. p. 1-2 of 8 47 Bloomberg. p. 3 pp. 3. 62 Ibid. pp. 161-162 49 Wilkins. 3 p. p. 77 50 There is also some evidence that the organization used a swastika as a symbol of its power and prestige. 165-166. p. 78-79 41 Ibid. Bloomberg. 3 of 8 36 Bloomberg. pp. p. 66 63 Bloomberg. 162 52 Vatcher. 77-78 59 Vatcher. 1-2. ch. p. 3. p. ch. 168 55 Ibid.. p. p. 3 of 8 38 Ibid. ch. 163 48 Ibid. p. 61 33 Ibid. 2-3 of 8. p. p.. Vatcher.. xxii 37 Bunting.THE CONCORD REVIEW Ibid. see also Wilkins. 82-84 42 Bunting. pp. 2 of 8 39 Ibid. 63 34 Wilkins. 256-257 61 Vatcher. 77-78 56 Vatcher. ch. but that is not certain. ch. p. 61. see also Wilkins. 76-77 44 Wilkins... pp. p... 3. 165 67 Bunting. 44-46 35 Bunting. p. p. see also Wilkins. 167 64 Ibid. p. p. 3.. pp. pp. pp. p. pp. 83 43 Bunting. 3. 77 46 Bunting. 65 60 Bloomberg. pp.. ch. 66 51 Bloomberg. 66 62 Ibid. 167. pp.. 201-202 65 Ingham. ch. pp. 77-78 45 Ibid. pp. p. p. p. 1-2 of 8 32 31 101 . pp. 4.

70 76 Ibid. 213.. p.. pp. 73 80 Bloomberg. 73 79 Ibid. personal letter.. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945. Sept. 69 73 Ibid. Ingham. 151 86 Bloomberg. 73 78 Ibid. 205 92 Ibid. 289 . 80 84 D. Naicker. see also Vatcher. 1976 http:// www. p. p. 203-204 89 Bunting. 208 93 Vatcher. 68 This evidence of a radical faction within the Nationalist Party causes a minority of scholars to consider the Ossewa Brandwag as nothing more than a radical branch of the Nationalist Party. 69 72 Ibid. 69 71 Ibid. p. 205 91 Ibid. The Transvaal branch of the Party added the subtitle when it published the document. 202.. p. 21/76. 12 February 1954 85 Vatcher.” from “Notes and Documents.html (1 July 2003) 82 Ibid.. 3. letter 88 Bloomberg.anc.. p. 202-203 81 M. Whatever the official platform of the Party. 203. p. p. most members were pro-Nazi as demonstrated by Nationalist Party publications during the war. p. pp.. p. 165 70 Vatcher.P. 68-69 74 Most branches of the Nationalist Party published this document without its subtitle. p. p...org. p. 68 69 Bloomberg. p. 204 83 Wilkins.. Kenneth Ingham suggested this in his favorable biography on Smuts perhaps to minimize the degree of opposition that Smuts faced.102 Elizabeth Lee Jemison My sources differed on the extent to which they considered the Nationalist Party to be sympathetic to the Nazis perhaps as the result of the desire of the authors to present the Nationalist Party in either a positive or negative light.F. p. 75 Vatcher. p.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners. p. pp. 205 87 Malan. 70-72 77 Ibid. pp. Malan. pp. 3 90 Bloomberg. ch.” No. pp.

300 Bibliography Bloomberg. 1976 http:// www. Kenneth. William Henry. 300 Ibid.html Ingham.org. 1979 ..P. 1969..” from “Notes and Documents.THE CONCORD REVIEW 94 95 103 Ibid. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945.. “The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. 21/76. Martin’s Press. available as an ebook at http:// www. Christian Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa. p.anc. The Rise of the South African Reich Penguin Africa Library. David. Personal letter. 1989 Bunting.. Jr. 1986 Malan.” History Today 49 (June 1999): 42. Ivor. Brian. p. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition Vatcher.org.za/books/reich. 1918-1948 Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African New York: St. 12 February 1954 (no source given) Naicker. Praeger. Publishers. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism New York: Frederick A.anc.” No. Daniel F. and Hans Strydom.html (1 July 2003) Nash. The Broederbond New York: Paddington Press.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners. M. 1965 Wilkins.. Charles. Sept.

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