Lamento el atraso en responder, he estado muy ocupado!.

Es del todo probable, el desarrollo de la agricultura fue cronológicamente dispar en distintas regiones del
mundo.

De hecho, hay una teoría antropológica según la cual en el norte de la India, vivía una sociedad relativamente
igualitaria, sin embargo, luego llegaron los "arios", quienes dominaban el caballo y eran superiores
militarmente. Ellos habrían sido quienes supuestamente establecieron las bases de la sociedad de castas, tan
propia de dicho país.

Respecto a la religión, sirvió como una justificación para el patriarcado y la jerarquía de clases.

Respecto a los recursos,

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-5787203/The-end-men-Generations-war-
blame-collapse-diversity-Y-chromosome.html

Hace alrededor de 7.000 años, algo extraño parece haber pasado a los hombres.

Los registros genéticos muestran que su diversidad colapsó casi por completo, y se
mantuvo de esa forma hasta los 2000 años siguientes.

Tan extremo fue el colapso en el cromosoma Y que era como si hubiera quedado tan solo
un hombre por cada 17 mujeres para emparejarse.

Ahora los científicos piensan que saben el por qué.

From around 7,000 years ago, something strange seems to have happened to men.

Genetic records show that their diversity collapsed almost entirely, and stayed that
way for the next 2,000 years.

So extreme was the collapse in the Y chromosome that it was as if there were only
one man left to mate for every 17 women.

Now scientists think they know why. 

…Esto sugiere que grandes cantidades de hombres estaban muriendo antes de

tener sexo y producer niños, lo que llevó a los investigadores a sugerir que esto
podría ser resultado de generaciones de períodos de guerra.

El equipo pensó que el cuello de botella genético podría haver estado compuesto de
cambios en las estructuras, especialmente la creación de clanes patrilineales.

Después del comienzo de la agricultura y pastoreo, alrededor de 12.000 años atrás,

las sociedades comenzaron a tornarse cada vez mas organizadas alrededor de
grupos de parentesco, los que eran en mayor medida patrilineales.

Como se predijo, las guerras entre clanes patrilineales redujeron drásticamente la

diversidad del cromosoma Y a través del tiempo.

Sin embargo, conflictos entre clanes no patrilineales – grupos donde tanto hombres
como mujeres podían moverse entre clanes – no redujeron dicha diversidad.

This suggested large numbers of men were dying before having sex and producing
children which led researchers to suggest it could a result of generations of warfare.

The team also thought the genetic bottleneck might have been compounded by
changing social structures - specifically the creation of patrilineal clans. 

After the onset of farming and herding around 12,000 years ago, societies grew
increasingly organised around extended kinship groups, which were largely
patrilineal.

As predicted, wars between patrilineal clans drastically reduced Y chromosome

diversity over time.
However, conflict between non-patrilineal clans - groups where both men and
women could move between clans - did not.

Respecto a este tema, recomiendo encarecidamente el capitulo 2.4. “War,

patriarchy and religión” del “How the world works” de Paul Cockshott, se puede
bajar gratis desde researchgate.com .

Al comienzo del capítulo se explica que entre sociedades puramente cazadoras –

recolectoras, la guerra era rara, en cambio, esta fue muy común en las sociedades
que tenían ya sea pastoreo o alguna forma de agricultura, y la razón de ello era el
robo de mujeres jóvenes (fértiles), puesto que la agricultura ata a la gente. La familia
matri-local es el sistema familiar inicial en la transición a la agricultura (es decir, las
mujeres adultas permanecen en la casa de sus madres o su comunidad), son los
hombres los que buscan esposas en otras comunidades.

Sin embargo, el potencial reproductivo radica en las mujeres jóvenes y no en los

hombres jóvenes, lo que tiene serias implicancias en comunidades pequeñas que
no pueden abastecerse totalmente de la agricultura todo el año. Entonces de ahí
nace la captura o rapto de mujeres, y dado que esas comunidades aún dependen
de la caza, los hombres son hábiles en el uso de arcos y flechas, etc, y esas
habilidades se traspasan de la caza a la captura.

Esto lleva a una hostilidad y sospecha endémica entre comunidades. Los hombres
adquieren el rol social del guerrero, para capturar mujeres de otros grupos y para
proteger sus “propias” mujeres. Esas sociedades pueden permanecer matrilineales.
Pero el comienzo de la dominación colectiva de los hombres sobre las mujeres
existe. Los hombres como cazadores y guerreros desarrollan ideologías que los
representan como protectores y héroes, lo que justifica la relegación de la mujer a lo
que son presentadas como meras serviles hortícolas. En particular, las mujeres
capturadas, separadas de sus propias comunidades, están expuestas a estar en
una posición muy subordinada.

Lo más interesante de esto, es que hace poco salió un estudio multi-disciplinar en

que

“Religion, rituales mágicos y terrorismo basado en superstición justificaron tanto el

patriarcado como la jerarquía de clases. Watts presenta evidencia convincente de
que la religión, específicamente en la forma de sacrificio humano estaba
profundamente implicada en la formación de sociedades estratificadas. Ellos usaron
como su información una larga muestra de 93 sociedades austronesias diferentes –
las que al ser culturas isleñas, estaban comparativamente aisladas”
Evidencia de sacrificio humano fue observado en 40 de las 93 culturas de la
muestra (43%). Sacrificio humano era practicado en 5 de las 20 sociedades
igualitarias (25%), 17 de las 46 sociedades moderadamente estratificadas (37 %) y
en 18 de las 27 sociedades altamente estratificadas (67%).

How the world works, Cockshott pp 57

2.4. War, patriarchy and religion
For warfare to exist you need something to fight over. Whereas warfare
in pure hunter gatherer society seems rare 76,186 it has been common in
societies with either herding or at least some form of agriculture. It is
clear that once cattle or other beasts are herded they can be stolen, and
can be the object of a war party. But fighting is not limited to what Smith
called nations of shepherds formidable as these have been. Nations and
tribes who combine some hoe horticulture with hunting have been warlike.
Why?

According to Meillassoux 149 the motive for the conflict was the capture
not of cattle but young women. Pure hunter gatherer societies are nomadic, with no fixed
villages, and mobility of people between wandering
small bands. Agriculture ties people down. He argues that the initial form
of family in the transition to agriculture is the matri-local. That means a
society in which adult women stay in their mother’s home or community.
Insofar as there is mobility between communities, it is the men who move,
seeking wives in other communities.
In principle either sex can move. You can have a matri-local system
where women stay in their birthplace and the men move, or patri-local
communities where the reverse happens. Although these seem logically
to be no more than mirror images, their economic effects are actually
very different. The reproductive potential of a community is set by how
many young women, rather than young men, it has. This has serious
52

2.4. War, patriarchy and religion

0 5 10 15 20
0.00.20.40.60.81.0
women
prob
Figure 2.8.: Expected number of women in the next generation of a small
community where there are 20 families and on average each
woman has two children surviving to adulthood. The form is
a cumulative binomial distribution.
53
2. Pre-class economy
implications for relatively small communities, ones which are not yet able
to fully supp ort themselves through the whole year by agriculture. Such
communities have to b e small relative to their hinterland to prevent the
exhaustion of the available game. Within such small groups the laws of
chance mean that the numb ers of each sex comming of age will fluctuate.
Supp ose that we have a small community in which each generation
coming of age has on average 20 p eople. We would exp ect ab out half of
these to b e young women, but as Figure 2.8 shows, the number of women
could vary between 5 and 15. About one generation in 3 there would be
8 or fewer young women, which would threaten the future survival of the
community, bearing in mind that not all of these may be fertile, some may
die young etc.
In principle some of young men could leave and try and join another
community with a surplus of women, but what often seems to have happend, according to
Meillassoux, is that the men raid neighbouring communities and abduct young women.
Given that the community still depends
partly on hunting, the men are skilled in the use of bows and arrows etc,
and these skills transfer readily from hunting to raiding.
This leads to endemic hostility and suspicion between communities.
Men acquire the social role of warrior both to abduct women from other
groups and to protect their ‘own’ women. Such societies may remain matrilineal, with
children being brought up in a relatively communal household with their uncles playing
what we would regard as a paternal role.
There may be no system of strict monogamy. But the beginnings of the
collective dominance of men over women exist. Men as hunters and warriors develop
ideologies that represent them as protectors and hero’s and
which justify relegating women to what are presented as menial horticultural tasks. In
particular the abducted women, cut off from their own
community, are likely to be in a very subordinate position.
The combination of hunting with horticulture limits the size of settled
communities. The precariousness of reproduction leads to abductions and
raiding. Hunters develop warrior attributes and male dominance begins
to develop. But this is collective rather than individual. There is not yet
the figure of the patriarch, exercising exclusive control over the sexuality
of ‘his’ women. The society may still approve of considerable sexual license, with various
orgiastic rituals and very blurred ideas of paternity 185
Chapter 9.
54
2.4. War, patriarchy and religion
The basic contradiction asso ciated with small matri-lineal communities
could b e solved in two ways.
1. By becoming more exclusively agricultural and piscatorial whilst
growing in size it is possible to form big matri-lineal or even matriarchal communities that
do not suffer from frequent random shortages
of women of child bearing age.
2. By moving towards a patri-lineal and subsequently patriarchal form
of family and clan.
The probability that a community with several hundred people will suffer serious random
swings in its sex-ratio is very low. Communities like
the neolithic towns of Anatolia would have been big enough, and sufficiently dependent on
agriculture, to avoid the raiding and warrior culture
that Meillasoux observed in those recent tribes who combined hoe agriculture with hunting.
Such societies would still have had potential problems
within individual matri-lineal households if there were no daughters in a
houshold. But this is not such a problem for a peaceful community. It
could be dealt with by adoption of daughters from other families, as occurs
among the modern matriarchal Mosuo 208. Whilst we can only speculate
as to whether this took place in Anatolia, it could account for what seems
to have been a long period of peaceful development of these communities, without
evidence of either stratification or gender inequality in the
archeological record.
What we do know is that later historical cultures with grain agriculture
seem to have been predominantly patri-lineal and patriarchal. Meilassoux
gives a theoretical account of why this happens.
The higher output of settled grain agriculture allows a denser population
and at the same time makes the diversion of effort from growing things
into fighting less attractive. Peaceful relations between adjacent small
domestic communities allow the non violent exchange of young women to
make up the deficits that would always occur by chance. Women moving
to another community, where they lack maternal support, are likely to
be assimilated to the status that was formerly held by female captives
: subordinated to their mother in law and husband. Once such transfers
become more common an increasing portion of women are in a subordinate
status and this then generalises to all brides being subject to the authority
55
2. Pre-class economy
of the existing matriarch and their new husband. In the pro cess the general
authority of men over women rises.
It is the pro creative p owers of a woman that are the subject of negotiation when she is
taken into another group for
a p erio d generally held a priori to last as long as her fertility.
An agreement is reached which decides the devolution of the
woman’s offspring since, due to the circumstances cited ab ove,
a woman do es not pro create for her community of origin (the
identity of the family which will b enefit from her pro creation
must b e made public while the claims of the other community
are restricted) and also b ecause, since the woman do es not
pro create for her own b enefit, jurally constituted patrilineal
filiation must replace self-evident maternal filiation.
149 Page 43
The exchanges between communities can become quite complex, involving debts over
time: if 2 women go from community A to community B
this year, then it is agreed that at some time in the future 2 other brides
will come back in return. This makes daughters ‘valuable’ in an exchange
process that has some similarities with trade. The head of the family, perhaps initially a
woman, more probably a man, views them as a resource
that gives them power and influence. As such, the default assumption
becomes that all daughters will take partners outside the community, and
exogamy becomes general.
Since marriage and social reproduction are the main reason
for these external relations, marriage, in order to maintain the
elder’s authority, must be prohibited within the group so that
nubile girls remain available as subjects of these transactions.
Paradoxically, this restriction on marriage becomes increasingly necessary and rigorous in
that the group, by expanding,
could grow through endogamouse intermarriage. When reproduction becomes statistically
possible through the mating of
members of the community, the power of the elders, rebuilt
on matrimonial management, is threatened by the very effects
of this management which makes expansion of the community
56
2.4. War, patriarchy and religion
p ossible. Thus p olitical authority dep ends on a circumstance
which it tends to ab olish when it reinforces itself.
The authority must, to b e preserved, devis e and develop a
co ercive and authoritarian ideology. Religion, magic ritual,
and a terrorism based on sup erstition is inflicted up on dep endants, young p eople and
ab ove all on pub escent women; sexual
prohibitions b ecome absolute and punishment for transgression increase. Endogamy b
ecomes incest, and sexual prohibition a tab o o.
149 Page 45
Religion, magic ritual and terrorism based on superstition justified both
patriarchy and class hierarchy. Watts et al. 223 present convincing evidence that religion,
specifically in the form of human sacrifice was deeply
implicated in the formation of stratified societies. They used as their data
a large sample of 93 different Austronesian societies - which being island
cultures were comparatively isolated.
Evidence of human sacrifice was observed in 40 of the 93 cultures sampled (43%). Human
sacrifice was practiced in 5 of the
20 egalitarian societies (25%), 17 of the 46 moderately stratified societies (37%), and 18 of
the 27 highly stratified societies
(67%) sampled.
They then performed Markov model simulation of the process of evolution of high
stratification and human sacrifice superimposed on the phylogentic tree of the language
evolution of the cultures, tracing the origins of
stratification and the origins of human sacrifice. They concluded that human sacrifice
enhances the probability to transition to a highly stratified
state, and stabilises such a state once it exists.
They conclude:
..human sacrifice legitimizes class-based power distinctions by
combining displays of ultimate authority –the taking of a life
– with supernatural justifications that sanctify authority as
divinely ordained.
....our results provide strong evidence for the claim that human sacrifice played a powerful
role in the construction and
57
2. Pre-class economy
maintenance of stratified so cieties. Though human sacrifice
was practiced in the ma jority of highly stratified so cieties in
our sample, it was scarce in egalitarian so cieties, and we find
that its effect dep ended on the level of stratification. Sp ecifically, human s acrifice
substantially increased the chances of
high so cial stratification arising and prevented the loss of so cial
stratification once it had arisen, yet was not found to increase
so cial stratification in egalitarian s o cieties. This is consistent
with historical accounts that sp eculate that in order for human sacrifice to b e exploited by
so cial elites, there must first
b e so cial elites to exploit it
Ingham makes a similar argument using data from Aztec so ciety 109.
With war, patriarchy, religion and hierarchy in place, the scene was set
for the emergence of slavery.