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Khudi: B
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AllamaMuhammad Iqbal
About Khudi
In recent times, the role of Islam in the politics of Muslim countries, and the implications of this
phenomenon, has become the focus of a great deal of attention in the media, press and academic circles,
as well as in the popular imagination of developed countries. This heightened attention is spurred not only
by the continuing use of religious symbolism and rhetoric in the political arenas of Muslim countries,
especially by many radical groups, but also because of the rising geopolitical and economic importance of
the postcolonial Muslim countries in an increasing interdependent world. Events like the oil shocks of the

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70’s, then, have made the outside world aware of the rhetoric of groups like al-Jihad; similarly, the
nuclearization of South Asia and the fear of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the
Middle East has made the domestic politics of Muslim countries an international concern. In the academic

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arena, there has been growing interest in Islamic liberalism and the possibilities of democratic transition
in the Muslim world, and this interest has refocused attention on the works of Muslim modernists. In this
context, the study of the thought of Muhammad Iqbal, one of the most influential Muslim modernists of
the twentieth century, finds a new relevance.

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Iqbal was born, and lived most of his life, in India; however, since he wrote in three languages,

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English, Persian, and Urdu, his impact spread beyond his homeland. Also, even though he has left behind
some prose works, he chose poetry as his main mode of expression, and so his message spread across a
greater cross-section of community than it might otherwise have. However, what is intriguing about Iqbal

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is not only the quantitative diffusion of his message, but also the qualitative diversity of its impact—
militant traditionalists like Egypt’s Sayyid Qutb, ideologues of various strands of ‘fundamentalisms’ like

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Pakistan’s Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi, and committed modernists like Iran’s Ali Shariati have acknowledges the
influence of his ideas. And it is not uncommon to hear his verses mouthed by mullahs from the pulpits of
mosques, and recited in living rooms over tea, in Pakistan. His thought has also produced varying

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responses at the intellectual level. “While some regard him as a great thinker, philosopher, scholar,
humanist, poet, and the intellectual Godfather of Pakistan, others perceive him as an ideologue and yet

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others see him as a confused thinker who could not reconcile the contradictory elements of his…
ideology” (Dorraj, p. 266). Given the extensive, diverse and controversial nature of Iqbal’s thought and its
impact, it would be a worthwhile venture to try to understand Iqbal’s political philosophy. This paper is

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an attempt in that direction.

A study of Iqbal’s works reveals that his political ideas cannot be separated from his philosophy as

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a whole. An attempt to understand his politics in isolation leads to only a partial grasp of the rationale
behind it. It is for this reason that, before delving into Iqbal’s view on politics, this paper tries to present

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the relevant aspects of his general philosophy. Moreover, this paper tries to present Iqbal’s thought, not
his politics. This is an attempt to cull out his political philosophy from his political participation. Most of
Iqbal’s writings, and almost all of his speeches and statements, were not aimed at outlining his philosophy
in a systematic way. Rather, they targeted a Muslim audience, specifically the Muslims of India, and were
aimed at making his thought relevant to their activities; in other words, Iqbal’s writings are a part of his
politics, not explicit expositions of his philosophy. Many scholars have overlooked this, and reduced his
philosophy to his message to Muslims, or even to just the Muslims if India. This paper then, hopes to
contribute to the academic focus on Iqbal by trying to extract his political philosophy, which is universal
in its applicability, even if Iqbal applied it to specific situations in his lifetime1[1].

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 As we shall see, Iqbal’s conception of the human personality and his communal ideals have
far-reaching ramifications for his political thought. However, before even that, it would be useful to
have some knowledge of Iqbal’s life and times; after all, his thought did not arise in a vacuum, but
was born in response to the circumstances he lived in, and was shaped by his personal history.

Life & times

—a brief biography of Iqbal[2], and the historical context in which he lived

The colonization of the New World had commenced in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries;
by the late nineteenth century, primarily European nations, especially Britain and France, but also

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Japan, were well into their enterprise of bringing the lands of Asia and Africa under their control for

the sake of economic and political dividends. The Muslim lands stretching across Asia and Africa

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were also coming under colonial subjugation. India, Iqbal’s place of birth, with its majority Hindu
population and a significant Muslim minority, had come under official British control after the failure of

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the War of Independence (known to the British as The Great Mutiny) of 1857.

Even as colonialism tried to establish its foothold, anti-colonial sentiment was also on the rise and
was increasingly taking an organized shape. After the failure to resist the colonial incursion, the

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indigenous peoples of Africa and Asia turned towards ways of reversing the ideological, technological

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and military domination of the colonizers. More often than not, anti-colonial movements had strong
nationalist as well as religious overtones—“religious motifs and sentiments burst forth in a mighty stream
in the teachings of the overwhelming majority of the ideologists for Afro-Asian nationalists” (Anikeyev,

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p. 267). In Muslim lands, the anti-colonial effort ranged from the violent revolt of local military leaders
like the Mahdi of Sudan, to the writings of intellectuals like Rashid Rida of Egypt and the political
exertions of international activists like Jamal-ud-Din Afghani. And like in other places, religion and
nationalism emerged as dominant themes.

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The fact of European domination was almost universally taken as a sign of the backwardness of
the Muslims. This realization spawned a variety of calls for religious revivalism: from Pan-Islamism to

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religious nationalism; from calls to reinvent what was seen as an antiquated Islam to attempts to remake
what was perceived as an un-Islamic community. The other dominant theme that emerged along with

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religious revivalism was a movement towards Europeanization—borrowing what were perceived to be the
superior technology, institutions, philosophies and politics of Europe. There was thus a tension between
the two main tools of anti-colonial movements, one that accentuated the role of the indigenous tradition

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(religious revivalism) and one that highlighted the need to adapt to the foreign civilization
(Europeanization). This tension was also present in India, which exhibited the whole gamut of anti-
colonial ideologies, from liberal, Europeanized politicians, to fundamentalist ulema. Iqbal, then, was born

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at a time when the peoples of Asia and Africa including India, were preeminently concerned with the
psychological angst of why they had been subjugated, and the practical dilemma of reversing the colonial
incursion. Moreover, his life afforded him the opportunity of coming into contact with a wide spectrum of
indigenous and foreign thought, enabling him to make an informed contribution to the thought of his era.

Born in the 1870’s[3] in Sialkot, a town in the province of Punjab in British India, Iqbal was
exposed to devout Islamic observance through his mother and traditional Sufism through his mystically-
inclined father. During his schooling at the Scotch Mission College, he was influenced by Shamsul Ulama
Mir Hasen, a supporter of the revivalist activities initiated by Sayyid Ahmad Khan in India and stirred up
by Jamal-ud-Din Afghani in other parts of the Muslim world. In 1895 he went to study at Government
College, Lahore, where he studied Arabic Literature and Islamic culture. In college, he came under the
tutelage of T. W. Arnold, a British Orientalist who “of all Western Orientalists, was possibly the one most

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concerned to affirm the values of Islamic civilization” and who “quite possibly helped Iqbal develop the
attitude of balanced appreciation of western thought which remained characteristic of all his later writings
about philosophy and religion” (McDonough, p. 16). After earning his Masters in Philosophy, he began
teaching at Government College. He had always shown a propensity for writing poetry, and his works
during this time “reflected his upbringing as a Muslim, his study of Islamic culture, his exposure … to
Sufism, his awareness of the Islamic revival movement of the era…and a commitment to Indian
nationalism based on Muslim-Hindu solidarity” (Lee, p. 58).

Encouraged by his mentor, Thomas Arnold, Iqbal began the next phase of his life: three years of
education in Europe, from 1905 till 1908. At Cambridge, he studied with the neo-Hegelian, J. M. E.

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McTaggart, and also came into contact with the renowned scholar on Sufism, Reynold. A. Nicholson.
From England he went to Germany, first to Munich, then Heidelberg. He returned to India with a law
degree from England and a doctorate in Persian mysticism from Germany[4]; but more importantly, “he

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came away with a deep understanding of European thought from the theology of Thomas Aquinas to the
philosophy of Henri-Louis Bergson, and Nietzsche” (Lee, p. 58). After his return, he spent most of his
time in Lahore, supporting himself by practicing law till his death in 1938. His participation in active
politics was limited to his city and province, but he kept in touch with most of the leading politicians of
India. However, the most prominent feature of the period between Iqbal’s return from Europe and his

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death is the conceptualization of his philosophical outlook, and its articulation through lectures,

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correspondence with politicians, articles, and, most significantly, through Persian and Urdu poetry. Thus,
spurred by the conditions of the world, especially the colonial predicament and the crisis in Muslim lands,
and informed by Western philosophy and his Islamic heritage, Iqbal attempted to synthesized “his

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dynamic concept of the self which is central to his teachings” (Esposito, p. 176). The concept of the khudi
is informed by both the Western and eastern traditions, yet Iqbal’s development of the concept, and its

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application, bears the mark of his unique creative genius. It is akin to Nietzsche’s cncept of the Superman,
but without its amorality, contempt for other individuals, and atheism, and is also similar to Al-Jili’s

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concept of the Insan il-Kamil (Perfect Man), but without its excessive mysticism and predilection for
otherworldly concerns.

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Proposed in his first book of Persian poetry, Asrar-e-Khudi (‘Secrets of the self,’ published in
1915), developed in Rumuz-e-bekhudi (‘Mysteries of selflessness,’ published in 1918), and sustained and
elaborated in all his subsequent works, prose as well as poetry, in English, Persian and Urdu, Iqbal’s

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philosophy of khudi, “embraced all of reality, self, community, and God” (Esposito, p. 177). Since Iqbal’s
views on politics are naturally embedded in his understanding of reality—especially human nature and
communal organization—therefore it is essential to understand his concept of the khudi in order to

Khudi & be-khudi

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appreciate the rationale and vision behind his political outlook.

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Iqbal's philosophy of the self and the community

The concept of the khudi (the self, individual ego or human personality) is the bedrock of Iqbal’s
philosophy, and his “main contribution to the thought of his times.” In fact, it is one of the two concepts
that is fundamental enough that he devotes a separate chapter to it in his seminal prose work, The
Reconstruction of religious thought in Islam; (the other concept is the existence of God, and is also treated
separately in its own chapter).

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Conceptof Selfhood
Iqbal describes the individual human personality as “a series of actions held together by a directive
purpose.” Thus, actions, given coherence by a purposeful directive force, make up the unity of the self.
Iqbal finds this understanding of the personality to be self-evident. The actions of the self—and their
relatedness or the lack thereof—are a matter of evident observation by all other individuals who come into
contact with it. And the directive force—born out of a sense of purpose and controlling the actions for the

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sake of achieving that purpose—is a matter of evident observation by the introspective self. In Iqbal’s
view, strengthening the individual ego is the ultimate aim of life; if the human personality is rationally
directed action, to live is to act, to be passive is to die.As we shall see later, mere activity, or even

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rationally directed activity, is not the desirable end. Correct development of the khudi involves a
particular kind of activity directed by a particular kind of purpose. However, the treatment of this point
makes more sense when discussing the self in relation to the community, and so will be carried out later
in the paper. Such an understanding of the human personality implies a standard of good and evil: all that
strengthens the directive purpose, leading to and controlling actions, is good; all that weakens it is evil.

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However, this preceding statement—that all that strengthens the self is good; all that weakens it is evil—

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in itself implies some interaction between this ‘all’ and the ‘self’; moreover it implies that this interaction
affects the self in decisive ways. As we shall see, this ‘all’ refers to the reality outside the self, both
Natural and Historical. But in order to understand all the ways that the human personality can be affected

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by the outside world, it is necessary to understand Iqbal’s theory of knowledge.

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The concept of the khudi (the self, individual ego or human personality) is the bedrock of Iqbal’s
philosophy, and his “main contribution to the thought of his times.” In fact, it is one of the two concepts
that is fundamental enough that he devotes a separate chapter to it in his seminal prose work, The

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Reconstruction of religious thought in Islam; (the other concept is the existence of God, and is also treated
separately in its own chapter).

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Knowledge
Iqbal posits three sources of human knowledge: nature, history, and inner experience. The human mind is
endowed with the ability to conceptualize all that it observes. And, contrary to what many philosophers
have asserted, Iqbal finds this conceptualization to be in congruence with the reality outside the self.
Therefore, the environment of the self—i.e. nature—is a legitimate source of knowledge. But by ‘nature’
Iqbal does not simply mean the natural world; rather, he means all reality outside the self. Thus, by
making ‘nature’ a legitimate source of action, Iqbal is not merely affirming the worth of the scientific

separate source
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endeavor. He is also making the knowledge and meanings embodied in communal institutions, mores,
religion, etc., as relevant sources of knowledge for the individual ego. However, he singles out History as
a

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of knowledge.

This is so because even though historical knowledge is also contained within the world outside the self,

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its content is different. While residing in the world now, History conveys to the individual a sense of all
that has gone before, thus providing a sense of continuity with the past. However, these two modes of
acquiring knowledge—Nature and History—are both contained outside the self; the flow of information,

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therefore, is from outside the self towards the self. And this flow makes the self a passive recipient of

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knowledge—and passivity, as we have seen, is anathema for Iqbal’s concept of the personality. It is the
third source of knowledge, then, which is crucial to Iqbal: inner experience. Iqbal call this inner
experience ‘intuition,’ and makes it a ‘higher form of intellect.’ It is ‘intellectual’ because the products of

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this experience have a definite cognitive content; it is a ‘higher form’ because while normal discursive or
analytical intellect approaches Reality piecemeal in serial time, intuition apprehends Reality in its

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wholeness in non-serial time. This inner experience, for Iqbal, plays multifarious roles—in ascertaining
the spiritual nature of all reality, especially of the human self; for corroborating the validity of the

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knowledge derived from History and Nature; and, most importantly, for providing an independent content
of knowledge for the individual, as well synthesizing the knowledge derived from the other sources into a
unique product. This, then, is for Iqbal, the creative process that preserves the individuality of the self, and

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rather than making it a passive recipient of knowledge, makes it the active creator of unique knowledge.
The individual ego thus acquires knowledge through Nature, History, and inner experience. The
relationship between knowledge and the human personality can now be elaborated.

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 Knowledge& Khudi
As we have seen, Iqbal does not view the human personality as static; it can be strengthened and
weakened. Knowledge, in Iqbal’s philosophy, plays a crucial role in this process. Knowledge can lead to
action or passivity, and it can lead to a strong sense of purpose and direction and also to a weakening of
this directive force. Thus the nature of knowledge acquired by the ego is crucial to its development. Since
there are three modes of knowledge-acquisition, knowledge derived from one mode should not inhibit the
acquisition of knowledge form other modes. This is especially important with respect to History, and
crucial with respect to inner experience. As we have seen, historical knowledge is contained within

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nature—reality outside the self—therefore this reality determines what kind of historical knowledge will
be transmitted to the individual. Thus nature determines the character of the historical knowledge
transmitted to the individual. Moreover, while sense perception comes naturally, followed by the gradual

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development of analytic intellect—which Iqbal describes as the ability to make patterns out of, and derive
meanings from, sense-perceptions—inner experience is the last faculty in the sequential development of
the human personality. And it has to be consciously acquired—intuition is a faculty that has to be
cultivated. And so it is most susceptible to be undermined by knowledge acquired from the other sources
(History and Nature). In short: knowledge impacts the development of the self; specifically, nature

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determines the kind of historical knowledge that the self receives—and hence the degree of continuity

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with the past that it imbibes—and knowledge derived from nature and history together determine the
extent to which the individual will be able to develop his intuitive faculty—and hence, the extent to which
he can be an active participant in knowledge-creation and aware of the nature of his own self and all of

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reality. In this whole process, the importance of nature—the reality outside the self—can clearly be
discerned. It is the repository of knowledge, including of the historical kind, and plays a crucial role in the

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development of the human personality. Since community constitutes an overwhelming portion of the
‘reality outside the self,’ it should now be clear how crucial the community is in Iqbal’s philosophy of the

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khudi.

The individual and the community

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The origin of the human personality or ego is independent of community; however, its temporal
existence in space-time and its development occur firmly within the context of its communal environment.

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The reason for this should be clear from the preceding discussion: the community is the repository of the
knowledge, including historical knowledge, that is imparted to the individual. Its institutions (educational,
political, economic, etc), its values, mores, its religious inclinations, practices and ideas—all play a

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crucial role in determining the way the individual ego will perceive its past, whether it will develop its
intuitive faculty, whether it will be spurred into action, and hence life, or whether it will be lulled into

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passivity, which is death. However, it is not only the development of the khudi that occurs within the
community—its actions are also carried out within it. In fact, Iqbal was convinced that even more than
occurring within nature, human activity changes nature, including community, in important ways. As
Iqbal puts is “streams of causality flow from nature to the individual and vice versa.”

The fact that activity does not occur in isolation but impacts its environment made Iqbal carry his
philosophy a step further: it was not enough to develop the ego and make it active, but to develop it and
make it active in a particular way. The particular method of development and activity was also
determined by Iqbal’s concept of the khudi—the development and activity of each individual must be
such that other individuals are also allowed to develop their individuality. This is the point where Iqbal
goes from elaborating the ideal goal for the individual—the development of its rationally directed,
purposeful activity—to the ideal goal for the community—the knowledge it imparts to the individual

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should not only make it active, but should make it active in a way that allows for the development of all
other individuals who are part of the same community.

The question no longer is: what kind of community will develop active individuals? Rather, it is:
what kind of community will develop individuals whose activity does not hamper the development of
other active individuals? It is here that Iqbal moves from the creation of unique, self-concentrated
individuals to self-concentrated but like-minded individuals who identify with each other; this is so
because Iqbal firmly believed that unless individuals identify with others, their activity will not be
transformed from exclusionary of, and harmful to, others, to inclusionary of, and beneficial to, others.
Once again, Iqbal’s sources of knowledge are crucial here: Historical awareness and the religious values,

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ethical standards, communal mores embodied in the environment outside the self are crucial to the
creation of like-minded individuals. But does not this creation of like-mindedness inhibit the individuality
and creativity of the human personality? Not according to Iqbal. While like-mindedness means that these

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individuals come together in a cohesive bond, it does not mean that they loose their individuality—
through inner experience, their assimilation of knowledge remains a unique, and creative process. Like-
mindedness, thus, does not mean passivity; it means individual creativity and activity that leads to
communal harmony and cohesion. To put it differently, individuals participate in the creation of their own
like-mindedness, and therefore remain active and creative. However, as we have seen, if the creation of

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like-mindedness is not to lead to passivity and weakening of the ego, the factors that create like-

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mindedness must be verified by inner experience—and for this, these factors must be verifiable! Thus,
like-mindedness cannot be based on some artificial communal value, or a reconstructed history; it can
only be created by a historical awareness that reflects the facts as they are, and a value that can is

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universally verifiable by each individual ego through its own inner experience. It is for this reason that
Iqbal stresses the importance of shared spiritual values—for him, spiritual values alone can be intuitively

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known and verified, held strongly enough to mould action, and transmitted over time through social
structures.

Continuity and change in the ideal community

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Thus we arrive at Iqbal’s ideal individual, one who is active and creative. Moreover, because of
his like-mindedness with other individuals (on the basis of shared spiritual values and historical memory)
he comes together with them to form a community. Through participation with this community, he

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expresses his creativity; because it is a community of like-minded individuals, sharing spiritual values
(that ensure, above all else, respect for other individuals), participation in the community amplifies his
freedom, not reduces it—it empowers him to achieve communally what would be impossible individually.

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He benefits from the power of the community, and the community benefits from his creativity. Moreover,
the values of this community—the spiritual values that create like-mindedness, a respect for other

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individuals, and also encourage the development of each individual’s ego and creativity—are embodied in
institutions. And the preservation of these institutions is essential in order to transmit the values of the
community over time. Thus, there is a tension: even as the individual expands his creativity, the
community attempts to retain its structure. For Iqbal, the continuity provided by the community is
important; but so is change. The products of individual creativity must be reflected in the society; but this
change must be cautious and informed by the past, if it is to ensure the continuity of the community. Once
again, historical knowledge provides this sense of continuity with the past, and also acts as a conservative
force on the individual and the community. Sudden changes in the communal structure would threaten to
dissolve the environment that fosters individual growth. Thus, even as knowledge increases, institutions
change, and the individuals and the society progress; but this change must be cautious, so as to retain the
environment that is conducive to proper individual development.

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From the community to humanity

No community can exist in isolation to other communities. Even as individual egos within a
community cannot help but affect other egos through their activity, likewise, each community cannot help
but affect other communities, and hence, the development of the egos in those communities. Iqbal was
universalistic; he could not be satisfied with providing a solution for one community, with disregard to
others. Indeed, one of the major concerns of his life was how the preoccupation of each European nation
with its own economic development had led it to disregard the well being of other peoples. Thus, he was
very much concerned with creating a world order that would be conducive to the development of
individuals in all of its constituent communities

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As we have seen, Iqbal considered that for one ego to identify with another, it would have to
perceive some similarity in it, feel some affinity for it. Moreover, since he was convinced that since the
real nature of the human individual was spiritual and not physical, he was loathe to base this affinity on
physical characteristics, like race or language. Given the individual’s spiritual nature, it was more organic

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to cultivate affinities based on shared values; and if these spiritual values were in accord with Reality,
they could also be verified by each individual; this would lead to conviction, and also to a willing and
active consent in their acceptance. Such an outlook proved particularly useful in a global context—

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physical similarity seemed impossible in the world; there were too many languages and races to create a

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sense of affinity through such characteristics. But which spiritual value was to form the basis of a global
sense of community? A value, which would lead to a respect for all its constituent communities as well as
the individuals in it, and so lead to the creation of an environment where all individuals in the world, in all

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communities, could develop their khudi? Iqbal came to the conclusion that faith in monotheism, in the one
God, was the only way possible of achieving this on a global scale.

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For Iqbal, God—understood as the Ultimate Ego expressing itself in all of creation—could be
verified by each individual. Thus, faith in monotheism would not be a result of a passive acceptance of a
myth—it would be the result of active verification of Reality by each individual. And so, it would not
weaken the ego, but strengthen it. Moreover, faith in God—due to its magnitude and due to its

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verifiability—would be strong enough to create a meaningful level of like-mindedness in the individuals
who shared it. And like-mindedness stemming from faith in God would be a special kind of like-
mindedness—it would not only lead to a sense of affinity with all people who shared the same value, it

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would also lead to a respect for all people who shared the same God. This last point was crucial in Iqbal’s
vision of the world—given the racial, linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity of the world, he had
found, in the form of faith in God, that single spiritual value that would allow for diversity, and yet lead to

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a sense of affinity with, and a respect for, all peoples.

The ideal and reality

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Thus we see in Iqbal’s thought two major themes. First, widening circles of association (from the
individual to the community, to all of humanity) based on the creation of like-mindedness (through the
sharing of spiritual values) and all with the primary aim of ensuring the development of each individual
ego in the world (by ensuring the development of its intuitive and creative faculties, and leading to
purposeful, rationally directed activity). And second, essential but cautious change in the community,
reflecting the creativity of individuals and other communities, but also being informed by the past, so that
the cohesion and harmony of the community, as well as the environment conducive to the development of
the khudi, remains intact.

This was Iqbal’s vision of the ideal world, one that shaped his attitude towards politics. However,
as we shall see, it was not only the ideal vision that would shape his views on politics; indeed, he was

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more than willing to compromise on his ideals as he believed in not just what was good, but what was
good and achievable. What he would condemn, then, is not something that did not incorporate his ideals,
but rather than which debarred his ideals from ever being translated into reality. In other words, he was
willing to concede a reality that was not ideal; but he was not willing to concede a reality that could never
be ideal. This approach is characteristic of his views on all major political issues and ideologies of his
time, namely: imperialism, nationalism, socialism and democracy.

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Khudiand Politics
Iqbal’s views on imperialism, nationalism, socialism, capitalism and democracy

Iqbal’s political philosophy is firmly embedded in his view of the world, with its focus on the
creation of a particular kind of individual through the creation of a certain kind of community. Since the
pressing political concern of his time for most intellectuals of Asia and Africa was the European incursion
into their land and subjugation of their peoples, it seems logical to begin with Iqbal response to
Imperialism.

Imperialism

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For Iqbal, the colonial situation—indeed, any kind of domination of one individual by another
within a community, or of one community by another in the world—was supremely repugnant because it
inhibited the development of the personality of the oppressed. Without freedom, free choice was

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constrained. And without free choice, there could be merely coerced obedience, not activity. Moreover,
for Iqbal, both the colonizing and the colonized peoples exhibited a deviation from his ideals of the

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individual and the society, though in different ways.

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As we have seen, Iqbal envisioned activity, guided by spiritual values, as the essence of life. The
colonizers, then, were active, creative, powerful; but because their activity was not guided by spiritual
values, it had led to the subjugation of other peoples. Only by subscribing to spiritual values could a

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people renounce destructive activity, for without a moral basis, “power was [inherently] oppressive.” The
shared value of faith in God would make all communities realize the necessity for tolerance, and the
repugnance of wars and subjugation. One God, in the realm of International Relations, meant the equality
of all individuals and communities. And a shared belief in that God meant a basis for a common

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humanity, a global community comprised of separate communities, all united by their sense of equality
and similarity engendered by an awareness of the Divine. It was the lack of this awareness, then, in the
thoughts and deeds of the Europeans nations, that resulted in the transformation of their power, creativity

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and activity into an oppressive force for others, and a source of strife for themselves. On the other hand,
the colonized people had failed to resist this colonial incursion because they were passive. Even while

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religion remained a potent force, their individuals and communities had lost their creativity and
dynamism, and consequently, their power. In fact, the structures regulating their communities, especially
religion, had become static and ill adjusted to the times, stifling the development of individuals, rather

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than nurturing it. Thus, the lack of activity on the part of the colonized peopled, and the lack of proper
activity on the part of the Europeans had lead to the spread of Imperialism in the world, for “Power
without religion was corrupt, religion without power was [passive] mysticism.” Thus Iqbal opposed the

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colonial incursion, urging Europe to regain its spiritual values as a potent factor in its politics, and calling
upon the peoples of the East to regain their dynamism and creativity as well as their freedom—in fact, for
Iqbal, the only way to end psychological and intellectual colonialism was to gain freedom through
regaining their creativity and dynamism. Thus, even while advocating freedom, Iqbal was also among the
handful of intellectuals of the time who opposed the nationalist nature of the anti-colonial movements. In
fact, his opposition to the nationalist movements was based on his general critique on nationalism, which,
in turn, was grounded in his larger worldview.

Nationalism

Amongst all the ideologies of Europe, Iqbal was most opposed to the national idea, at least, as it
was understood and practiced in Europe, and as it was being adopted by the peoples of Asia and Africa.

11
As we have seen, Iqbal envisioned widening circles of association, from the individual, to the community,
to all of humanity, based on a growing realization of shared values. Territorial nationalism was an
anathema to this vision—defined, as it was in Iqbal’s mind, in opposition to other nations, feeding off the
idea of one’s nation’s superiority over them, and locating its uniqueness in un-shareable factors like
language and race. Thus nationalism effectively made the idea of a global community (based on equality
through a shared spirituality) unrealizable. Iqbal never expected his vision of a global community to be
realized any time soon; what he could not accept was that the existence of nationalism would mean that
his vision could never be realized. Moreover, Iqbal also felt that nationalism was one of the major forces
fuelling imperialism. Being defined in opposition to other nations, it encouraged the prospect of acquiring
domination over them; by portraying one’s nation as inherently superior to others, it made the actual

L
subjugation of others palatable.

In addition to his critique of nationalism in general, his opposition to its spread in non-European

B A
lands had three other reasons. First, he felt that it made the colonized people weaker by dividing them
along national lines. Iqbal’s communities could retain their uniqueness but still co-operate with each other
through a sense of equality and spiritual affinity; however nations, by definition, tended to be
exclusionary and antagonistic. Second, he felt that in the process of borrowing the national idea from
outside, the peoples of Asia and Africa were emasculating their individual and collective selves, as must

Q
happen in all processes of borrowing. And finally, concerning lands of diversity like India, Iqbal was

I
convinced that nationalism lead to the creation of artificial communities that were harmful to the
individuals within it. In such diverse contexts, territorial nationalism attempted to create a unity out of a
people who had nothing in common except that they shared the same land. Nationalism, then, not only

y
tried to paper over differences in culture, religion, and history, it tried to suppress them and, even worse,
to replace them with concocted notions, in order to create the fiction of unity. The consequent loss of

b
history meant that individuals could not imbibe a sense of continuity with the past; the sudden and drastic
disruption of social institutions meant that the community would cease to function as an effective

I
repository of cultural and ethical values over time; and the replacement of organic and spiritual bases for
affinity (like religion and culture) with inorganic and non-spiritual ones (like race and language) meant
that the resulting structure if society would debilitate the development of the spiritual side of its

D
individuals, dry up the sources of their creativity, and fail to create that particular sense of moral purpose
that makes thoughts and deeds respectful of others’ development and freedom.

U
In short, Iqbal found nationalism to be inherently divisive—barring the creation of a global
community, and simultaneously fuelling the imperial impulse and weakening opposition to it. And its
importation into other communities weakened their agency as well as their sense of historical continuity

K H
and organic social organization. All these factors were inimical to the creation of an environment where
the khudi could develop. Thus Iqbal’s opposition to the national idea remained a vehement and
continuous theme in his life.

Socialism

In Iqbal’s thought, the meta-ideal for a society was the creation of an environment conducive to
the development of all its constituent individuals. This was impossible in the presence of inequality,
poverty, exploitation, and oppression. Economic deprivation leads to dependence on charity, and as we
have seen, for Iqbal, borrowing of any kind leads to the weakening of the ego. Moreover, poverty,
inequality, oppression and exploitation constrain the freedom of the individual; and lack of freedom is
tantamount to lack of activity because it leads to coercive constraints. It was for these reasons that Iqbal
firmly believed in the necessity of social and economic justice—without them, the society would hamper
the development of its members. The economic and social ideals of socialism, with its emphasis on the
eradication of inequality, poverty, exploitation and oppression, led Iqbal to praise these aspects. There is
12
also some similarity, duly noted by Iqbal, between the socialist ideal of an international community united
by its commitment to certain ideals and Iqbal’s own notion of a global community. But this is where his
appreciation ended. On the whole, Iqbal rejected socialism. He felt that socialism, with its understanding
of human nature—limited to its physical aspects—was ill suited for the needs of Man. Viewing the human
personality as merely a physical organism, it sought its well-being through economic prosperity,
completely neglecting his spiritual needs. In fact, socialism as it came to be practiced in the Soviet Union
in Iqbal’s lifetime, not only neglected individuals’ spiritual reality, it negated it, and aggressively sought
to eradicate religion from the society. Iqbal, on the other hand, viewed human nature as a combination of
spirit and body. Neglecting either aspect of the individual would be a flaw; in fact, the spiritual needs
were more important. Hence religion was an essential component of life, since in Iqbal’s view it was

L
essential for the spiritual growth of the individual; economic prosperity was important to the extent that
economic deprivation was not conducive to the development of spirituality. Thus, while socialism made
economic prosperity of the people an end in itself—in fact, the ultimate objective—for Iqbal, this was

B A
merely the means to an end: i.e. the spiritual development of the people. In addition to the neglect of
Man’s spiritual side and the opposition to religion, Iqbal also found, the communist state to be
excessive—it constrained individual freedom, and hence, his activity and the flowering of his potential.
So while Iqbal admired the economic ideals of socialism, he rejected it as a system—and with it, the ideal
of an international socialist brotherhood—because it inhibited the proper development of the khudi.

I Q
In spite of the above discussion, Iqbal’s views on socialism and capitalist democracy have often
been reduced the generalization that he viewed the former positively and the latter negatively. However, a
closer examination of his thought reveals that he viewed both of them critically. In fact, as we have seen,

y
while he viewed some of the ideals of socialism to be commendable, he rejected it as a general ideology.
On the other hand, while he viewed some of the practices of democracy and capitalism to be culpable, he

b
felt that some form of republican democracy was the most suitable type of political organization in the
th
20 century. Thus, it would seem that his harsher criticism of European democratic and capitalist

I
practices did ot imply his rejection of the systems. On the contrary, it reveals his desire to ensure the
implementation of proper democratic and capitalist practices.

D
Capitalism and democracy

Iqbal’s criticism of capitalism and democracy is qualified. While he vehemently opposed

U
imperialism and nationalism, and appreciated some aspects of socialism but rejected the system as a
whole, his attitude towards capitalism and democracy was different: he criticized some aspects of these
systems, while accepting them as a whole. Thus, Iqbal accepted some version of a capitalist republican

H
democracy as the most appropriate polity in the 20th century. That is precisely why his criticism of the
existing capitalist democracies is scathing and relevant for understanding his political thought.

K
Capitalism and democracy, in Iqbal’s mind, suffered from a flaw shared by socialism: their
understanding of the human personality was limited. Therefore, their attitude towards the human
condition, and their prescription for his well-being, was also limited and flawed.

Neglecting the spiritual aspects of man, capitalism focused merely on his material betterment.
However, unlike socialism, Iqbal felt that even with respect to his material prosperity, capitalism as it was
practiced at the time, was flawed. While socialism categorically aimed at redistributing wealth and
eradicating inequality and exploitation, capitalism only claimed to do it, and in actual practice, achieved
the opposite: the betterment of a few, and growing poverty, inequality and exploitation. This was an
impermissible state of affairs for Iqbal; therefore, he felt that unchecked capitalism was one of the evils
that needed to be treated. The treatment could not be limited to a realization that economic prosperity of
everyone demanded redistribution of wealth—even while reducing inequality and poverty, this would fail

13
to address the root-cause of social evils: the limited understanding of human nature. Thus, the profit-
motive must be replaced by the objective of seeking the development of all individuals in society. The
purpose of redistribution would not be to allow each individual to become rich, but to allow each
individual to strengthen his personality. An unending desire for economic prosperity would not be the end
in itself; sufficient economic well-being would be the means to the end of individual growth.
Institutionally, it would mean some kind of a welfare state; metaphysically, it would imply the creation of
a society conducive to the development of each individual’s ego.

Democracy, for Iqbal, suffered many drawbacks. The elective principle granted each individual
equal weight; with Iqbal’s conception of the human personality—which is not static but susceptible to

L
degeneration and capable of development—it was preposterous to imagine that each individual was
capable of making an equally valid judgment. As Iqbal put it, “Democracy counts heads, not what’s in
them.” However, this critique did not lead Iqbal to advocate the abandonment of the elective principle.

B A
Even while the elective principle may be flawed, Iqbal felt that it was the only way of ensuring the
freedom of each individual, without which development was impossible. His critique was merely meant
to highlight a drawback, even if it was irremediable. The point, then, was to alert others to a wider critique
of democratic theory: that democratic institutions could not ensure freedom and good governance. Any
system based on the franchise of the people would be as good as the individuals utilizing that franchise.

Q
And if the individuals were not developed enough, the democracy, for all its institutions, would be failure.

I
By pointing this out, Iqbal wanted to bring the focus back to his concept of khudi, and its relevance to the
modern world. His message was clear: no system can function properly by neglecting the development of
all the individuals within it. And with a flawed understanding of human nature, it would not be possible to

y
ensure its development. By being secular, it was clear to Iqbal that western democracy was indeed limited
in its understanding of human nature, and hence was bound to fail.

I b
As we have seen, for Iqbal, human nature was an inextricable mixture of spirit and body. Human
development, then, could not be carried out without a combination of material well-being and spiritual
elevation. By making religion irrelevant, Iqbal feared that western democratic theory would be unable to
create societies that were conducive to human development. Even worse than making religion irrelevant,

D
secular democracies were making morality irrelevant too, and replacing it by legality. For Iqbal, a legality
devoid of morality could temporarily control the body from excesses, but would fail to elevate the spirits
of individuals. Thus, the legislative process must be a moral affair, and not just a legal matter, and

U
spiritual and moral values should pervade the public sphere, not be divorced from it. Only such a
democracy could ensure the balanced development of its members. And only a democracy with developed
individuals could be a true democracy.

H
Given Iqbal’s aversion to any kind of borrowing—economic or intellectual—the question

K
naturally arises: Doesn’t this acceptance of democracy, however qualified, constitute a retreat from his
position? Iqbal was certainly cognizant of this question, and addressed it a number of times in his
writings. While explaining his position, it may be useful to contextualize him amongst the traditionalists
and modernists of Asia and Africa, all responding to their common predicament of being dominated by
Europe.

Iqbal, and the predicament of the third world

The fact of colonial domination evoked a response from all segments of the population in the
colonized lands. Iqbal, too, grappled with the situation, and his thought remains very much relevant today:
the end of physical colonial incursion has not ended the debate on the agency and authenticity of the third
world.

14
 Iqbal’s conception of the correct response to the situation involved a transformation in the realms
of both thought and deed. It must be an intellectual act—involving the reworking of one’s worldview—as
well as a vital act—involving the reworking of one’s world. Moreover, for the vital act to be authentic, it
must be preceded by the intellectual act; conversely, for the intellectual act to be of any value, it must lead
to the vital act. “The final act,” says Iqbal, “must be the vital act.” However, not only must the intellectual
act precede the vital act, it must be a certain kind of intellectual act. Specifically: it must take into
account the requirements of the situation/ predicament and all advances in the realm of human knowledge
(for only then could it be relevant and effective); it must be informed by history, tempered by a sense of
continuity with the past (for only then could it be organically related to the community and could avoid
being disruptive); and, most importantly for Iqbal, it must be the product of the inner experience of the

L
developed khudi—not just a response to the situation, nor just a synthesis of Historical or Real
imperatives, but a new creation altogether (for only then could it be the authentic expression of the
dynamic khudi, the strong individual self, and not the working of a weak ego).

A
An understanding of Iqbal’s unique position amongst modernists and traditionalists of his time—

B
and, indeed, of our time—becomes apparent. Unlike traditionalists, for Iqbal there can be no going back
to the past, only going forward with it. The modernists, on the other hand, respond to modern realities and
borrow from modern ideologies, wholesale at worst, critically at best. But for Iqbal, there can be no

Q
borrowing of ideology, critically or uncritically. There can only be critical awareness of knowledge,

I
received from the past or generated in the present, by other individuals or other communities. One’s
ideology—and all thought that governs one’s actions—must always be the product of the creative
dynamic self (through the process delineated above). Thus, from Iqbal’s point-of-view, both modernists

y
and traditionalists ultimately fail because they circumvent the crucial intellectual act before the vital act:
the traditionalists by borrowing from the past, the modernists by borrowing from the present

I b
It should be clear by now that for Iqbal, the process of change was crucial, not the specific
outcome. (In fact, the outcome would be different for each community and time, in order to be effective
and authentic.) In other words, Iqbal was more concerned with the nature of the intellectual and vital acts,
not their contents. This clarifies Iqbal’s acceptance of democracy. Given the process of his arriving at the

D
conclusion that democracy was the most suitable polity for the modern world, he was convinced that his
acceptance of democracy was not a compromise with, but the product of, his ideals. As Iqbal himself
pointed out, similarity of one’s ideology with those of others did not make it inauthentic; not was

U
dissimilarity grounds for claiming authenticity. The process was of the essence, not the content. Thus, in
this way Iqbal attempted to find a way from nostalgia to hopeful confidence, from reaction to purposeful
action. For Iqbal, this was the only way the subjugated peoples of the world could regain their freedom—

H
because for him, freedom did not just mean independence; it meant the strengthening of the khudi, and the
creation of communities whose social order would be conducive to the growth of all its constituent
individuals.

K
The individual and the community

The origin of the human personality or ego is independent of community; however, its temporal
existence in space-time and its development occur firmly within the context of its communal environment.
The reason for this should be clear from the preceding discussion: the community is the repository of the
knowledge, including historical knowledge, that is imparted to the individual. Its institutions (educational,
political, economic, etc), its values, mores, its religious inclinations, practices and ideas—all play a

15
crucial role in determining the way the individual ego will perceive its past, whether it will develop its
intuitive faculty, whether it will be spurred into action, and hence life, or whether it will be lulled into
passivity, which is death. However, it is not only the development of the khudi that occurs within the
community—its actions are also carried out within it. In fact, Iqbal was convinced that even more than
occurring within nature, human activity changes nature, including community, in important ways. As
Iqbal puts is “streams of causality flow from nature to the individual and vice versa.”

The fact that activity does not occur in isolation but impacts its environment made Iqbal carry his
philosophy a step further: it was not enough to develop the ego and make it active, but to develop it and
make it active in a particular way. The particular method of development and activity was also

L
determined by Iqbal’s concept of the khudi—the development and activity of each individual must be
such that other individuals are also allowed to develop their individuality. This is the point where Iqbal
goes from elaborating the ideal goal for the individual—the development of its rationally directed,

other individuals who are part of the same community.

B A
purposeful activity—to the ideal goal for the community—the knowledge it imparts to the individual
should not only make it active, but should make it active in a way that allows for the development of all

The question no longer is: what kind of community will develop active individuals? Rather, it is:

Q
what kind of community will develop individuals whose activity does not hamper the development of

I
other active individuals? It is here that Iqbal moves from the creation of unique, self-concentrated
individuals to self-concentrated but like-minded individuals who identify with each other; this is so
because Iqbal firmly believed that unless individuals identify with others, their activity will not be

y
transformed from exclusionary of, and harmful to, others, to inclusionary of, and beneficial to, others.
Once again, Iqbal’s sources of knowledge are crucial here: Historical awareness and the religious values,

b
ethical standards, communal mores embodied in the environment outside the self are crucial to the
creation of like-minded individuals. But does not this creation of like-mindedness inhibit the individuality
and creativity of the human personality? Not according to Iqbal. While like-mindedness means that these

I
individuals come together in a cohesive bond, it does not mean that they loose their individuality—
through inner experience, their assimilation of knowledge remains a unique, and creative process. Like-

D
mindedness, thus, does not mean passivity; it means individual creativity and activity that leads to
communal harmony and cohesion. To put it differently, individuals participate in the creation of their own
like-mindedness, and therefore remain active and creative. However, as we have seen, if the creation of

U
like-mindedness is not to lead to passivity and weakening of the ego, the factors that create like-
mindedness must be verified by inner experience—and for this, these factors must be verifiable! Thus,
like-mindedness cannot be based on some artificial communal value, or a reconstructed history; it can

K H
only be created by a historical awareness that reflects the facts as they are, and a value that can is
universally verifiable by each individual ego through its own inner experience. It is for this reason that
Iqbal stresses the importance of shared spiritual values—for him, spiritual values alone can be intuitively
known and verified, held strongly enough to mould action, and transmitted over time through social
structures.

Continuity and change in the ideal community

Thus we arrive at Iqbal’s ideal individual, one who is active and creative. Moreover, because of
his like-mindedness with other individuals (on the basis of shared spiritual values and historical memory)
he comes together with them to form a community. Through participation with this community, he
expresses his creativity; because it is a community of like-minded individuals, sharing spiritual values
(that ensure, above all else, respect for other individuals), participation in the community amplifies his
freedom, not reduces it—it empowers him to achieve communally what would be impossible individually.
He benefits from the power of the community, and the community benefits from his creativity. Moreover,
16
the values of this community—the spiritual values that create like-mindedness, a respect for other
individuals, and also encourage the development of each individual’s ego and creativity—are embodied in
institutions. And the preservation of these institutions is essential in order to transmit the values of the
community over time. Thus, there is a tension: even as the individual expands his creativity, the
community attempts to retain its structure. For Iqbal, the continuity provided by the community is
important; but so is change. The products of individual creativity must be reflected in the society; but this
change must be cautious and informed by the past, if it is to ensure the continuity of the community. Once
again, historical knowledge provides this sense of continuity with the past, and also acts as a conservative
force on the individual and the community. Sudden changes in the communal structure would threaten to
dissolve the environment that fosters individual growth. Thus, even as knowledge increases, institutions

L
change, and the individuals and the society progress; but this change must be cautious, so as to retain the
environment that is conducive to proper individual development.

From the community to humanity

B A
No community can exist in isolation to other communities. Even as individual egos within a
community cannot help but affect other egos through their activity, likewise, each community cannot help
but affect other communities, and hence, the development of the egos in those communities. Iqbal was

Q
universalistic; he could not be satisfied with providing a solution for one community, with disregard to

I
others. Indeed, one of the major concerns of his life was how the preoccupation of each European nation
with its own economic development had led it to disregard the well being of other peoples. Thus, he was
very much concerned with creating a world order that would be conducive to the development of

y
individuals in all of its constituent communities

As we have seen, Iqbal considered that for one ego to identify with another, it would have to

I b
perceive some similarity in it, feel some affinity for it. Moreover, since he was convinced that since the
real nature of the human individual was spiritual and not physical, he was loathe to base this affinity on
physical characteristics, like race or language. Given the individual’s spiritual nature, it was more organic
to cultivate affinities based on shared values; and if these spiritual values were in accord with Reality,

D
they could also be verified by each individual; this would lead to conviction, and also to a willing and
active consent in their acceptance. Such an outlook proved particularly useful in a global context—
physical similarity seemed impossible in the world; there were too many languages and races to create a

U
sense of affinity through such characteristics. But which spiritual value was to form the basis of a global
sense of community? A value, which would lead to a respect for all its constituent communities as well as
the individuals in it, and so lead to the creation of an environment where all individuals in the world, in all

H
communities, could develop their khudi? Iqbal came to the conclusion that faith in monotheism, in the one
God, was the only way possible of achieving this on a global scale.

K
For Iqbal, God—understood as the Ultimate Ego expressing itself in all of creation—could be
verified by each individual. Thus, faith in monotheism would not be a result of a passive acceptance of a
myth—it would be the result of active verification of Reality by each individual. And so, it would not
weaken the ego, but strengthen it. Moreover, faith in God—due to its magnitude and due to its
verifiability—would be strong enough to create a meaningful level of like-mindedness in the individuals
who shared it. And like-mindedness stemming from faith in God would be a special kind of like-
mindedness—it would not only lead to a sense of affinity with all people who shared the same value, it
would also lead to a respect for all people who shared the same God. This last point was crucial in Iqbal’s
vision of the world—given the racial, linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity of the world, he had
found, in the form of faith in God, that single spiritual value that would allow for diversity, and yet lead to
a sense of affinity with, and a respect for, all peoples.

17
The ideal and reality

Thus we see in Iqbal’s thought two major themes. First, widening circles of association (from the
individual to the community, to all of humanity) based on the creation of like-mindedness (through the
sharing of spiritual values) and all with the primary aim of ensuring the development of each individual
ego in the world (by ensuring the development of its intuitive and creative faculties, and leading to
purposeful, rationally directed activity). And second, essential but cautious change in the community,
reflecting the creativity of individuals and other communities, but also being informed by the past, so that
the cohesion and harmony of the community, as well as the environment conducive to the development of
the khudi, remains intact.

AL
This was Iqbal’s vision of the ideal world, one that shaped his attitude towards politics. However,
as we shall see, it was not only the ideal vision that would shape his views on politics; indeed, he was
more than willing to compromise on his ideals as he believed in not just what was good, but what was
good and achievable. What he would condemn, then, is not something that did not incorporate his ideals,

B
but rather than which debarred his ideals from ever being translated into reality. In other words, he was
willing to concede a reality that was not ideal; but he was not willing to concede a reality that could never
be ideal. This approach is characteristic of his views on all major political issues and ideologies of his

Q
time, namely: imperialism, nationalism, socialism and democracy.

I
by
I
D
U
K H

18
Khudi& Mard-e-Momin
Nigah-e-faqr main shaan-e-sikandari kya hai?
Khiraaj ki jo gada ho, wo qaiseri kya hai?
Falaq nay ki hai ata un ko khaajgi kay jinhain
Khabar nahin rawish-e-banda parwari kya hai?
Kissey nahin hai tamanna-e-sarwari lekin

L
Khudi ki mout ho jis main, wo sarwari kya hai?
Buton say tujh ko umeedain, Khuda say no meedi
Mujhey bata tou sahi aur kaafri kya hai?

A
(Meanings: Nigah-e-Faqr main shan-e-sikandari kya hai = What is the worth of kingdom in eyes of a

B
saint?; Khiraj ki jo gada ho, wo qeseri kya hai = Such a rule in which ruler is always worried about
keeping it secure, is worthless; Falaq = Nature; Khaajgi = Ruling class; Khabar nahin = Ignored; rawish-
e-banda parwari = Sense of serving humanity; tamanna-e-sarwari = Desires to rule; Khudi ki mout ho jis

Q
main wo sarwari kya hai = Such rule is insulting to gain which, self respect is required to be sacrificed;

I
Buton = Idols (referring to fellow human beings here); umeedain = Expectations; no meedi =
Disappointment; Kaafri = Non Muslim who donot believe in Oneness of God)

y
*. Aey Tair-e-Lahooti, uss rizq say mout achi
Jis rizq say aati ho, parwaz main kotahi

b
Aain-e-jawanmardi, haq goi-o-bay baaqi
Allah kay sheron ko, aati nahin rubaahi

I
(Meanings: Tair-e-Lahooti = Simile, addressing to Muslim youth; Rizq = food/income; Kotahi =
Laziness, denotatively and connotatively referring to slavery here; Aain-e-Jawanmardi = Conditions to

D
live with dignity; Haq goi = Honesty; Bay Baaqi = Bravery; Rubaahi = cunningness, hypocrisy)

U
*. Hai Fikr mujhey misra-e-saani ki zyada
Allah karey tujh ko ata Fuqr ki talwaar
Jo haath main ye talwaar bhi aa jayey tou Momin

H
Ya Khalid-e-Janbaaz hai, Ya Haider-e-Karrar

K
(Meanings: misra-e-saani = proceeding verse; Fuqr ki talwar = Strong Faith; Khalid-e-Janbaaz = Khalid
Bin Waleed (May Allah be pleased with him); Haider-e-Karrar= Ali Ibn-e-Abu Talib (May Allah be
pleased with him))

*. Wo kal kay gham-o-aish per kuch Haq nahin rakhta

Jo aaj khud afroz-o-jigar soz nahin hai
Wo qaum nahin laiq-e-hangama-e-farda
Jis qaum ki taqdeer main imroz nahin hai

(Meanings: gham-o-aish = thick n' thin; khud afroz-o-jigar soz = A person with motivation and
determination; Laiq-e-hangama-e-farda = worthy to survive anymore; imroz = Present)

*. Paani paani ho gaya sun ker Qalander ki ye baat

19
 Tu jhuka jab ghair key aagey, na tann tera na mann
Apney mann main dub kay pa ja suragh-e-zindagi
Tu agar mera nahi banta, na ban, apna tou bann

(Meanings: paani paani ho gaya = ashamed of oneself; Qalander = Saint; Ghair = Stranger (British here);
tann and mann = Body and Soul; suragh-e-zindagi = Connotatively referring to secrets to live prestigious
life)

*. Ho terey bayaban ki hawa tujh ko gawara

Iss dasht say behter hai na Dilli na Bukhara

L
Jis simt main chahey, sift-e-sal-e-rawan chal
Wadi ye hamari hai, wo sehra bhi hamara
Ghairat hai bari cheez jahan-e-tag-o-dou main
Pehnati hai derwaish ko taj-e-sir-e-dara
Afraad kay haathon main hai akwaam ki taqdeer
Her fard hai millat kau muqaddar ka sitara
Deen haath say dey ker agar azad ho millat
Hai aisi tijarat main Musalaman ka khasara
B A
Q
(Dr. Iqbal is addressing British here)

I
(Meanings: Bayaban = referring to Britain here; gawara = acceptable; dasht = Desert denotatively (India
connotatively); Simt = Direction; sift-e-sal-e-rawan = Continuous flow; Wadi = Valley; Sehra = Desert;

y
Ghairat = Self Respect; Jahan-e-tag-o-dou = World of struggle; Derwesh = begger here; Taj-e-sir-e-dara=
Royal crown; Afraad = People; Akwaam = Nations; Fard = Individual; Millat = Nation; Muqaddar =

b
destiny; Deen = Islam; Tijarat = Deal/Trade agreement; Khasara = Loss)

I
*. Kabhi aey, Naujawan Muslim! taddabur bhi kiya tu ney?
Wo kya gardon tha tu jis ka hai ik toota hua tara

D
Tujhey uss qaum nay pala hai aaghosh-e-mohabbat main
Kuchal dala tha jis nay paon main taaj-e-sir-e-dara

U
(Meanings: Taddabur = To think; Gardon = Sky (Simile, group of Prophet (PBUH) and his companions
here); Qaum = Nation (Muslims here); Aaghosh-e-Mohabbat = Caring protection; Kuchal = Trample; Taj-
e-sir-e-dara = Royal crown)

H
*. Hawa-e-byaban say hoti hai kaari

K
Jawanmard ki zarbat-e-ghaaziyanan
Paltna, jhapatna, jhapat kay palatna
Lahu garm rakhney ka hai ik bahana
Parindon ki duniya ka derwesh hon main
Kay shaheen banata nahin aashiyana

(Meanings: Hawa-e-byaban = Deserts (referring to challenging tasks here); Kaari = Influential;

Jawanmard = Brave man; Zarbat-e-Ghaziana = Daring strike; Lahu = Blood; Bahana = Excuse; Derwesh
= Saint; Shaheen = Falcon (Muslim youth here); Aashiyana = Permanent residence)

*. Utha mat khana-e-shesha-e-farang kay ihsaan

Sifaal-e-Hind say meena-o-jaam paida ker
Hazar chasshmey teri sang-e-rah say phootey
20
 Khudi main doob kay zarb-e-kaleem paida ker

(Meanings: Khana-e-sheesha-e-farang = Referring to British here; Sifaal-e-Hind = Referring to former

united India (sub contient) here; Meena-o-jaam = Referring to necessities of life here; Chasshmey =
Denotatively means fountains but connotative meanings here, referring to obstacles; Sang-e-rah =
Track/path; Phootey = Emergence; Zarb-e-Kaleem = Powerful Strike)

*. Nahin tera nash-e-mann kasr-e-sultani kay gumband per

Tu Shaheen hai basera ker paharon ki chatanon per

L
(Meanings: nash-e-mann = home; kasr-e-sultani = denotatively, it stands for royal palace but here, it
means ease and laziness; Basera = Shelter; Chatanon = Rocks)

*. Aghyaar kay ufkaar-o-takhayyul ki gadai

Kya tujh ko nahin apni khudi tak bhi rasai?

B A
(Meanings: Aghyaar = Referring to British; Ufkaar = Policies; Takhayyul = Theories; Gadai= to beg;
rasai = access)

*. Khudi ko ker buland itna kay her taqdeer say pehley

Khuda bandey say khud poochey bata teri raza kya hai

I Q
y
*. Ghulami main na kaam aati hain shamsheerain, na tadbeerain
Jo ho shok-e-yaqeen paida tou cut jaati hain zanjeerain

b
Koi andaza ker sakta hai iss kay zor-e-bazu ka?
Nigha-e-mard-e-momin say badal jati hain taqdeerain

I
(Meanings: Ghulami = Slavery; Shamsheerain = Swords; Tadbeerain = Plannings; Shok-e-yaqeen =
Sense of self respect; Zanjeerain = restraints; Andaza= Guess; Zor-e-Bazu= Strength; Nigah-e-Mard-e-

D
Momin = Glare of a Muslim (connotatively referring to strength of a strong faith Muslim); Taqdeerain =
Destiny)

U
K H

21
Conclusion
Thus, we see in Iqbal a philosopher not just lost in his own idealism, but grappling with the pressing
issues in the lives of men and the world they lived in. In doing so, he proposed and lobbied for a
worldview that placed the individual and his development in center stage. It has been rightly remarked,
“Iqbal’s philosophy began with the individual and ended with it”—not just one individual in one
community, but all individuals in all communities. This, for Iqbal was the only acceptable state of affairs.
But this did not imply that all else was utterly unacceptable. As we have seen, for Iqbal, it was not

L
necessary (or possible) for the ideal to be realized at once. But it was essential that the ideal remain
relevant at all times. Thus, when moving from the ideal to the real, Iqbal was careful to discern between
the reality in which the ideal was an operating force and the reality in which the ideal was reduced to

B A
irrelevance. The former he accepted critically—as a critical attitude towards reality was one way in which
it could be shaped in accordance with the ideal—and the latter he rejected vociferously. This is why he
accepted capitalist republican democratic states—provided they accept the primacy of individuals within
them, encourage the creation of an environment where the community (or communities, in the case of
multi-cultural states) could develop through the strengthening of the individual personalities in them, and

Q
finally, accept their role as members of a world system where all states were equal—in their subservience

I
to individual development. Six decades after his death, today’s world—where emphasis is shifting from
democratic institutions to democratic practice; where countries are being mapped less and less on the
basis of shared skin color and more on the basis of shared values; where debates on colonialism are

y
focused on authenticity and intellectual agency rather than just land; where multiculturalism is becoming
a central issue in politics as nationalist wars create doubts about the whole notion of territorial

b
nationalism; and most importantly, a world where conceptions of individual human dignity, worth and
potential (though still not universally practiced) are becoming universal enough to be enshrined in

I
international declarations and charters—this world, then, bears testimony to the vision of a 20th century
Muslim activist and his universalistic worldview.

D
 ----------  ---------- 
U
K H

22