The Concept of Honour: Caste Ideology and Patriarchy in Rural Maharashtra

Author(s): MANISHA GUPTE

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 48, No. 18 (MAY 4, 2013), pp. 72-81
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

The Concept of Honour

Caste Ideology and Patriarchy in Rural Maharashtra
MANISHA GUPTE

Having established the fact that "honour" is not

anthropologists, philosophers, writers and lawyers.
gender-neutral, this contentious concept has been
HonourYet,has
there isbeen studied
no single or inofthe
simple definition the term.past few centuries by
examined by feminist scholars in the light of unequal
The term "honour" is contentious especially in the context of
power relations, control over women's sexuality andand lack
its increasing anti-immigrant Islamophobic imagery
worldwide.
of access to property and resources. This paper It has become associated with backwardness,
examines
crime and
the manifestation of patriarchal and caste "otherness" (Sen 2005: 44), especially in the late
honour
20th century, when "Western-led international attention
beyond the moment of choosing one's romantic or
came to rest upon the use of the concept of honour in
sexual partner. The daily codes of conductsocietiesas
outsidethey
the west, particularly in Islamic societies"
(ibid). In India,
operate in a rural setting are explored here the term is furtheracomplicated by caste
through
overtones (Chowdhry 1997;
gender-caste matrix. It argues that subordinated Chakravarti; 2003; Irudayam et
women
al 2006). With good reason feminists either hesitate to use
can collectively challenge strictures of brahminicai
the term or use it within quotes1 and the debate around the
patriarchy, especially when our interventions address
term is as yet unresolved (Welchmanthe and Hossain 2005;
intersectionality of caste and gender. Terman 2010).
The discomfort among feminists and women's rights activ
ists in using the terms "honour killing" or "crimes of honour"
partly stems from the fact that these terms eulogise the crimes,
making them more acceptable than other forms of violence
against women. Besides masking the killings and abuse of
women, this violence gets associated "with the 'uniqueness' of
Asian cultures, with irrational communities and aberrant and
archaic patriarchal practices refusing to modernise" (Chakra
varti 2005: 309). The implication that women embody the
honour of males renders violence against women (including
murder) justifiable. Positive connotations about honour oper
ate in more modern times in western countries (especially
southern Europe), mainly as providing norms or moral frame
works that provide a link between individuals and the com
munity, and acceptance in the collective life.

Honour as Cultural and Social Capital2

Originally considered an aristocratic code, honour continues
to belong to a group within which individuals feel empow
ered, not just by being part of the group, but by "the conscious
ness that others do not belong"; this elitism is sought to be
kept as a function of small numbers (Welsh 2008: xi). In order
to maintain this honour and not to lose it, one is expected to
follow certain rules that constitute the code of honour for a
specific "honour group", namely, "a set of people who follow
the same code of honor and who recognise each other as doing
so" (Stewart 1994: 54). He defines the code of honour as
ManishaGupte (manishagupte@gmail.com) is co-founder of MASUM,
a set of standards that has been picked out as having particular impor
a trainer in gender, violence and sexuality and an activist in health and
tance, that measures an individual's worth along some profoundly
civil rights movements in India.
significant dimensions; and a member of the honor group who fails to

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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

meet these standards is viewed not just as inferior but often also as understanding how patriarchy operates in order
despicable (ibid: 55). male authority over women, and to perpetuate male defini
Welsh argues that for the notion of honour to be operational- tions and expectations of "appropriate" female behavio
ised, the "Other" is essential because there could be no personal Baker et al (1999, cited in Welchman and Hossain 2005
honour if there was only one person on earth, nor would there propose three comparative areas related to honour syste
be family or group honour unless there were other families and namely, "the control of female behaviour, male feeling
groups (Welsh 2008: xv). Such honour groups have continued shame at loss of that control, and community participatio
to exist through history, and will probably continue to appear 'enhancing and controlling this shame'",
over time because it gives the group an identity. It could be An understanding of patriarchy helps us locate variou
argued that honour, like caste, helps groups maintain distinct forms of violence against women within unequal gender
boundaries. Since the regulation of caste purity is maintained tions, since it is within the dynamics of gendered power
through endogamy and strict boundaries (Chowdhry 1997; women's sexuality, behaviour and compliance are structu
Rege 2006; Irudayam et al 2006), one could further argue that through material, ideological and symbolic control. Femin
honour, largely centred on the behaviour of women, becomes therefore, insisted that "honour killings" be located within th
an important means through which these boundaries are main- notion of "femicide", a misogynist killing of women and a fo
tained. The structures of patriarchy and caste construct and of sexual violence (Radford 1992 cited in Welchman an
reproduce notions of honour for the entire honour group. Hossain 2005: 7).
Codes of honour include complex rules of conduct and Stewart (1994) as well as Wikan (2008) report many e
appropriateness, symbolising and projecting the integrity of a pies in the west Asia when transgressing women were
group (Jafri 2008: 23). Welsh notes that historically women killed or divorced. Wikan claims that the use of violence
have never been regarded as members of an honour group, wash away shame is precipitated when the family is con
except in terms of their chastity being enforced by male mem- fronted and openly challenged with their failure to exert a
bers of the family.3 The construction of female honour as pas- kind of control (ibid: 62). Schneider calls it the ideology
sive and male honour as dynamic leads men to self-assertion power-holding group "which struggles to define, enlarge,
and domination (Bourdieu 1998). It also impels them to raise protect its patrimony in a competitive area" (Schneider cite
the status and capital of their families in society by protecting Jafri (2008: 20)). Honour not only heightens group identity
the entire family's name, much of which is "inextricably tied also defines the social boundaries that defend against th
with honour" (Jafri 2008: 23). claim of "competing groups".
The mostly informal codes of honour are laid out by a worn- Using a historical materialist framewor
an's social group, extended family or community, which will reasons for violence against women that
also decide if these are breached in any way. Women need to our-based, but are actually "beyond hon
"tread carefully to avoid transgression" because these codes argues that the evolution of terms and lan
"define the boundaries of acceptable behaviour and even concept of honour, developed within preva
thought" (Gill 2006: 2). These daily, almost invisible codes are duction in agricultural societies and found
of paramount importance in the control of women. However, a religious texts. She uses the metaphor o
literature search indicates that these discreet aspects have not implanted into the female womb to expl
been addressed in as much detail as have the overt manifesta- for control over women's procreation an
tions of honour in the form of violence; it is the latter aspect agery found its way into Judaic religious s
that has received more attention until now, both nationally the Qur'an (ibid: xii). Delaney (1991) me
(pudr 2003; Chowdhry 1997, 2007; aali 2003; Prakasan cept with reference to an Anatolian village in
2004; Chakravarti 2005; Hameed 2006; masum 2006; Das- mythology also includes the concept of the
gupta 2008; aidwa 2010) and internationally. owner), the kshetra (field/womb) as well as a beeji (seed
Besides, much of this work has been conducted in specific giver), who in the event that the farmer lacks the seed can fer
locations in northern India (Saxena 2012; Sharma 2012). As of tilise the field at the request of the owner (Gatwood 1985), but
yet, we have no data to show the prevalence of honour-related without laying claim to the harvest.
crimes in India (Chowdhry 2007), but we know that such Control over a woman's sexuality is considered essential to
crimes and abuses4 occur in most parts of the country. Further, preserve the continuity and purity of the male seed that
even though the horrific manifestations of patriarchal honour fertilises the female earth/field (Dube 1986; Chowdhry 2010).
surface during the moment of choosing a sexual or romantic This gendered ideology produces inequality and hierarchy,
partner, the concept and practice of honour exist far beyond with men and women embodying honour differently: woman
that, existing from early childhood and staying with us as repository, and man as regulator of women's conduct, be
thereafter (Gupte 2012b). cause the latter pose the greatest danger to the loss of his hon
our (Chowdhry 2007:16). Within caste and patriarchy, honour
Honour as Power and Control serves as the legitimate control over women because they pose
It was the feminist lens that focused on the concept of honour a constant threat not only to the purity of the male see
as power (Lenski 1966). This theorisation has been useful in also to caste boundaries.
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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

The political economy of crimes in the name of honour can- "occupying public urban spaces as citizens, upward
not be ignored. Female relatives may be killed for property, professionals, and global consumers" (Govindan 20
profit or to cover up another crime (Jafri 2008: 2), using the Such vigilante actions are as much provoked b
excuse of inappropriate sexual conduct as the reason for com- ceived "loose" behaviour of women, as much as it
mitting murder. Within traditional societies where sexual them being "forward". Conversely, the contempt
transgression (especially for women) could be considered pun- from dominant castes for men from subordinated
ishable by law/custom, or where women's unacceptable sexual evident in the anti-Mandal agitations, where fema
conduct may be stigmatised and linked to men's honour, such carried banners about their prospective husbands
crimes may be overlooked, forgiven or even condoned. When risk of unemployment because of caste-based rese
the media whips up a frenzy around "honour crimes"6 and (Chakravarti 2003), implying that their husbands
links them to specific cultures, on the one hand, it demonises essarily come from their own, Savarna castes,
that culture, but on the other hand, it also generates more
awareness of its criminal nature. An increasing awareness of Perpetuating Patriarchal Honour:
rights can also precipitate violence for women as well as men Ro'e °' Kinship and Caste
from subordinated castes. It is only when the institution of the family is seen as a patriar
In this sense, violent resurgence in the name of honour can chai structure that we begin to challenge the anthro
be considered a fallout of the ongoing tension between tradi- construction of kinships as "natural" or given ties betwee
tional structures and modern laws, or the increased agency viduals, based on blood descent or on marriage (Geeth
and challenges to patriarchal and caste authority (Sangwan 76). Feminist research that combined theory with p
2010). It is aggravated when group identity is threatened, as in narratives and autobiographies shed light upon neglecte
the case of inter-caste romantic alliances7 when the state inter- within anthropological work, such as the experience of
venes in what are considered "community matters", or when up a female in a patriarchal and discriminatingly ge
subordinated groups become upwardly mobile.8 Chowdhry society bounded by caste and religion (Dube 2001).
(1997; 2007) demonstrates how the concept of izzat? operates The gendered impact of asymmetrical sociocultur
within caste patriarchy in India as an expression of power, es- leges and the stranglehold of caste on women's lives
pecially violent power played out through gender norms, and studied also in the context of women's agency, i e, in
how this honour is redeemed through violence, relating the ing, subverting as well as changing caste (Dube 200
escalation of challenges to norms and customary practices to 1997). Conceptualising the material and symbolic/ide
the changed political economy of post-independent India, dimensions of diverse forms of kinship, and gendered
resulting in defying and discarding traditional notions of tions of property, resources, space, marriage and ch
honour (Chowdhry 2007). (Jain 2011), allowed for a constructive critique of conventional
As political démocratisation and economic opportunities al- anthropological as well as sociological traditions,
ter power dynamics and complicate relationships among newer ways of understanding caste, kinship,
members within a caste group, as well as between members of culture (ibid).
different caste groups, conventional notions of honour, caste Caste, when theorised as a material reality with
norms as well as sexual codes tend to be flouted (ibid: 10). In base and with concrete material content, helps us
fact, the presence of so many proverbs that denote sexual in- how "it has historically shaped the very basis of In
termingling in my area of work and fieldwork, and the deep and continues to have crucial economic implic
connections between caste-based and patriarchal slurs are today" (Omvedt 1982:14). The distinctness of fami
proof of the fact that sexual encounters between women from religions and nations being dependent on blood-
dominant groups and subordinated men do occur. Kannabiran the onus on women to be the "natural" and primar
and Kannabiran (2002) also acknowledge that romantic or responsibility in maintaining such clear boundarie
sexual relationships between upper-caste women and lower- is achieved through the vigilantly controlled sexual
caste men exist. wives and blood-related women. In fact, the caste system is
Adding a further twist to gender relations within caste and sustained and perpetuated thro
patriarchy, Kannabiran and Kannabiran write about dalit men tally approved marriage, thus, r
who "having gained access to power, decide to adopt the inseparable in India (Ambedkar cit
methods of the upper castes in exercising this power" (ibid: 66). The fundamental basis of th
The attack on young women in January 2009 in the pubs in structures of marriage, sexuality
Mangalore by working class boys from the Ram Sena could reproduce class and caste inequ
be partially interpreted as lower middle-class boys getting The exchange of women as a st
back at globalisation, making the "westernised" upper-caste system is not based on emotional
and -class women the soft target, since a collective resistance marriage. Marriage creates the
to class and caste is not possible (The Times of India 2009).10 "legitimate" reproduction withi
These attacks or enforcement of dress codes for college-going ...the group that seeks to reproduce i
women illuminate the social anxieties around women trol over property. It then becomes an

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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

and kin groups involving a series of material transactions and coun- A marriage outside prescribed kin groups can
ter-transactions, with emotions being subordinated to wider 'utili- dishonour for the immediate family as well as the
tarian'considerations... Dominant morality in fact regards love and ,. . .. .. c i- c , ■ r
,. . , ... , ..... . . ship, even precipitating feelings of emasculation for the entire
display of sexuality between couples with distinct suspicion (Chow
dhry 2006: 2). kinship. A girl wanting to marry outside the ca
rage and questions from her kinsmen, such as "W
Exploring Patriarchal and Caste Honour ing a penis?"1? or "Is their penis m
in Rural Maharashtra explain the collective frenzy of the kinshi
In order to map the terrain of patriarchal honour and power as and retribution when co
it operates on a daily basis in women's lives, detailed focus caste honour is not considere
group discussions (fgds)" were held over a period of three collectively owned, a single
months (November 2008-January 2009) with rural women the group into the mire, un
(and a few men) in the drought-prone region of Purandar distanced from the collectiv
taluka of Pune district in Maharashtra. The purpose was to diate family voices disapprov
study the concept and practices of patriarchal and caste hon- on his or her own, they may
our in an area where the reporting of crimes committed in the driven to commit suicide (Ch
name of honour is not as frequent as in some other parts of By this logic, the transgr
the country. haved selfishly and without any concern for the honour of the
All fgd participants12 belonged to the staff of Mahila Sarvan- elders and the rest of the family. T
geen Utkarsh Mandai (masum), a rural women's organisation the victim in this situation, becaus
founded in 1987, which works in drought-prone villages of with the broader networks of cast
Pune and Ahmednagar districts of Maharashtra with a socialist exile, disinheritance or in extrem
feminist approach and on Gandhian principles of décentralisa- of the woman or couple, may seem
tion and public accountability.13 Prevalent notions related to larger kinship that steps in, if the im
honour and power within the family and the village were dis- ceived to be doing enough to restore
cussed at these meetings through a guided questionnaire. Local Wikan 2008).
idioms in Marathi feature throughout this paper, with the origi- The "dishonourable" behaviou
nal terms appearing as endnotes. Unless acknowledged or oth- kinship can tarnish a family for
erwise specified, all quotations, proverbs and experiences can be killed, but can never be dis
related to local practices in this paper are derived from the crimes" largely the prerogative of
fgd discussions with rural colleagues14 from masum. when the marriage is hypogamous. In
Marriages take place only among kinship equals across sub- are complicit in protecting the honou
castes within Marathas in these villages. Such endogamous tracing and bringing back recalci
arranged marriages are considered essential to maintain pu- girls), charging the boy (or older l
rity of family lineage and caste identity. A methodical system ping after claiming age-minority s
of determining who among the kinship equals can be married ner", and arresting and terrorising t
into, or which sub-castes may be too closely related for inter- or Muslim group.
marriage, is put in place through kinship totems (devak).15 Even in traditional societies whe
Among the upper Marathas, such as the Deshmukhs, the daughter's elopement precipitates d
brides have to come from equally high-status families, or else, with the help of the police and the
many relatives may boycott the wedding16 and the family can our has to be re-established, th
face stigma for years or generations. afford to be seen as not acting in relation to retrieving their
One could posit the notion of "honour equivalents" as an woman" (Chowdhry 2007: 199). Thus, however central the
added dimension to marriages within "caste equivalents", family may be in socialising people into patriarchal and caste
because any transgression based on women's sexuality can iso- norms, the role of the kinship23 in subsuming the individual or
late a household for generations in terms of beti vyavahar (the family will in order to maintain the izzat of the biradari24 and
business of transacting daughters). Households with chaste village cannot be underestimated (ibid: 100-102).
daughters can build political and economic contacts with pow
erful families as bride-givers and bride-takers. Similarly, the Gender-Caste Matrix of Patriarchal Honour
social status of a married daughter's natal family increases if My fieldwork indicates that only men from dominant caste and
she cohabits with her husband in spite of violence or neglect, class groups possess "intrinsic" honour. While men possess
One can argue that patriarchal honour is not merely symbolic or honour, women are patriarchy's embodied honour.25 Women
cultural capital, but that it also translates into enhanced socio- possess the "gendered counterpart" of honour, namely, "shame"
ecnomic and political status for the family, which is then able (Chowdhry 2007). Since men lose honour through the behav
to appropriate more power within the kinship. To complete the iour of women from their families or kinships, the control over
cycle, this power results in generating more honour for the men women's behaviour becomes imperative, as does punishing
of the family among their kinsmen, caste, village and district. transgressors. Customarily, women have to choose between

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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

honour and power; they lose one because of the other. Men, result, they do not drink water for hours when th
however, possess both; in fact, the presence of one strengthens doors. Similarly, making a speech or submission
the other. This is evident through local nomenclature, which is meeting can render all women without shame (laaz;).
very similar for honour as well as power. Both belong to pow- These norms, customary codes and sexual mor
erful men from dominant castes. from the way in which women dress up, make eye contact,
It can be argued that even though women are not tradition- speak or leave the home. No woman is free from them
ally bearers of honour, they are the holders, and just as vio- time. Women's deviation from the expected behaviou
lence is embodied, so is honour. Women's honour is not intrin- highly-placed family30 makes the family and kinship los
sic, but is dependent on their family's status and socially sane- our, resulting in severe reprimands of having sulli
tioned behaviour, most of which is restrictive and subservient name31 and public face32 (cutting the nose,33 blacken
to the family and kinship network. Even visits to the natal face34) of the family. Since disfiguring visible body p
home, especially if they are prolonged or indefinite (even in considered an act of shaming and humiliation (Wikan
the face of domestic violence) are considered shameful for the transgressing woman is accused of having done just
married women as well as their families. her parents35 and the wider social network.
Honour is not only gendered, it is also caste-based. It is un- Women from dominant groups may wield some power out
derstood in multiple and distinct ways, depending on who is side the home, but very little inside it. With greatly restricted
being referred to and on the individual's placement on the mobility and always under suspicion, they are unable to leave
gender-caste matrix of power.26 Words denoting respectability, home and cannot interact with outsiders, especially lower men.
value, clout, capability, suitability,27 and so on, intrinsically If an upper woman visits neighbours or friends, she is asked
belong to those who are in power within the village. In a word, "Why are you loitering around the village like a gurvin?"
it is the powerful, or men from "upper" or varche groups, who (guravs are the local temple keepers who also live off grains or
are privileged by birth, that "possess" honour. Men from the flour collected from people's homes). Women from upper
upper groups also determine how others will be possessed groups reported that they may not be allowed to talk or interact
(even if temporarily), or dispossessed of honour. Their honour with men of the lower groups, to participate in any ñoñ
is never at risk through their own conduct, but is always at religious recreation in the village, or to walk through the main
risk through the behaviour of their women. They exert cul- village with their footwear on. Women seen with their heads
tural, political and socio-economic power within the village, uncovered in public spaces can render the entire family as
being called upon to arbitrate when conflict or loss of honour having lost their aabroo, especially among the dominant
happen in the public or private domain of all castes within castes, with the woman being compared to an irresponsible
the village. man "loafing around, displaying his penis on his shoulder".36
On the other hand, all women along with the khalche or Sexual gratification may not be articul
"lower" (subordinated) men do not possess intrinsic honour, woman because it is her perceived asexu
and the nomenclature is indicative of their lower social posi- from the sexualised lower caste woma
tion. These terms denote shame, stigma, lack of decorum, low hierarchy represents dominant men as b
social status, low intelligence, being bereft of honour, and so sically honourable), their women as e
on.28 The behaviour of men from subordinated groups and of fore respectable), subordinated men
women from all castes is constantly put to test through daily dangerous), and subordinated wo
codes that govern their lives. Pervasive violence, whether fore, available). Lower groups are der
against women within the private domain or against subordi- "these low caste balutis,37 the progen
nated groups in the public domain is "naturalised", and the they will never improve". When memb
actual or implicit use of force to maintain unequal power report for work, the Marathas scoff th
relations is justified. Questioning the legitimacy and right of work because "they are used to pimping
subordinated groups to speak in public, or unleashing back- Loss of honour for upper groups can
lash when women strive for equality are part of this village- compared to the lowers. This compar
family honour syndrome, pointing to the demarcation of behaviour,40 or as having been conceive
caste-segregated public spaces and gender-segregated private through one's mother's indiscretions
spaces. The gaze of dominant groups can easily penetrate into caste-based name-calling,42 when
the homes of the subordinated, but the reverse would consti- dominant castes, is considered a grav
tute a serious breach of caste and village honour. verbal or physical retaliation.
From physical spaces in the village to learnt behaviour since Sexuality features as one of the mos
early childhood, the entire lives of people are directed by these for loss of honour. In most societies, s
minute codes. Because they are part of one's growing up, they a woman precipitates more violence i
are not always recognised as power or control, even by those man (Chowdhry 2007:10). Therefore
who are its victims. For example, women from all castes and ween husband and wife are monitore
religions cannot urinate in public (though men do it all the do not bond too much and leave the
time) out of fear of losing their shame and modesty.29 As a marriage within heteronormative pa

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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

transactions between kinships, labour and "legitimate" repro- tries to emulate the ones above. Giving up of wido
duction, restrictions get even more stringent with regard to riage is one such example. Sexual slurs for women fr
sex before or outside marriage.43 Heterogeneous castes may atha households, suggestive of their perceived des
temporarily align as an honour group to exclude women on multiple husbands "like the balutedar women", are
the basis of sexual behaviour. The collective izzat of the vil- monly noted, indicating that women's life-long mon
lage, irrespective of caste, is lost if any woman has multiple a central and idealised aspect of defining group hon
sexual relations, and the woman may be thrown out of the vil- dominant castes. Marathas gave up widow remarr
lage to prevent village lads "from getting spoilt". order to identify themselves as kshatriyas, while th
retained this practice (Deshpande 2004; Omvedt 1993)- Artisan
Brahminical Patriarchy and Sanskritisation44 and dalit groups now emulate Marathas in order to be
Brahminical patriarchy, a structure unique to caste-ridden as respectable people, resulting in ascetic widowhoo
Hinduism, focuses attention upon the "inextricable links possibility of remarriage being (officially) expected of
between caste and gender" (Chakravarti 2003:4). This form of from all castes.45 Cowdung, instead of vermillion, is
patriarchy defines sets of rules and institutions within which to the forehead of a woman during her second wed
women are crucial in maintaining boundaries between castes, mony. I suggest that this act is symbolic, as applyin
This ideology which ensures that "the caste system can be re- dung to anyone's face is considered an act of sh
produced without violating the hierarchical order of closed could also mean that the earlier marriage is wiped
endogamous circles, each distinct from and higher or lower before the "new" auspicious vermillion is applied. A
than others" also shaped the way in which modern British law second marriage (mohtoor) is considered inferior an
viewed guardianship matters within the family (Chowdhry suit in a secondary status among other married wom
2003: 34). Runaway marriages proclaimed as "inferior mar- insidious social boycott, such as not being invited o
riages" by the high castes, and which had its roots in brah- corned for meals or auspicious events47 that are cen
minical strictures, were accepted as such by British courts as cohabiting women.48
"customary" law (ibid: 42-43). Since a woman's second marriage is not regarded a "full"
Compliance of women through coercion and consent has marriage,49 the household is thereafter designated a "bitter
been the ideological and normative premise of brahminical or lowly51 home. Word travels quickly, and families can ge
patriarchy, which structured social relations that "shaped the tracised for generations, usually on account of "unaccept
dominant/hegemonic model of gender, and of caste, in early behaviour or marriage by its members. These are largely
India" (Chakravarti 2003: 78). This ideal is widely accepted tred around the remarriage of deserted or widowed wom
even today, though such total control over women's sexuality elopement, inter-caste marriage or pratiloma (hypogam
has never been achieved in practice (ibid). The control of up- or inter-religious marriage, pregnancy outside marriage,
per caste women's sexuality and lives through child marriage, married daughter having permanently returned to her
sati and enforced widowhood has helped regulate and control home. Eventually people will begin to eat52 with a family
any transgressions of boundaries, since women have always has transgressed such norms, but no marriages53 will
been the "gateways to the caste system" (Ambedkar cited in place with its members. Honourable or respectable behav
Chakravarti 2003). From sati, the actual death, to ascetic wid- from children (especially daughters) of such households i
owhood, the social death (Prasad 2007: 162; Chakravarti and to be expected due to their "mixed, inappropriate, vagu
Gill 2001), women from upper castes have been systematically impure bloodline".
excluded from the social unit of the family due to their repro- Another trait that local balutedars, including dalits,
ductive and sexual alienation after their husbands' deaths emulated from dominant castes is subjecting a prospectiv
(Chakravarti 2003: 82), thus, resulting in tremendous material bride's family to a stringent check, usually mediated thr
and sexual consequences for women. Pauline Kolenda's study elderly people who are aware of family histories. Assessm
documents enforced widowhood for rajput women and enfor- of the worth (layki) of the family based on sexual condu
ced cohabitation for untouchables as a rule (cited in Chakra- earlier generations is a prerequisite during arranged marr
varti 2003: 83). that take place only amongst families traceable through some
Inclusion into the Hindu caste system entailed giving up sec- previous kinship contact. The phrase use
ond marriages for women (Gatwood 1985). Some "in-between" padar laagla pahijey, meaning that alli
systems of control over a widow's remarriage, such as the place among those families where ends (the
karewa practice enforcing a levirate marriage upon her (Sreeni- their respective saris touch each other. I su
vas 2009; Chowdhry 2006: 89), exist in order to tie down her "padar" is suggestive of sexual conduct w
labour, reproduction, sexuality, the children and property to the the continuum of family "touchability" in
kinship. Once again it is through the intersections of sexuality, because the padar is the "honourable" part
caste and the relations of production that we can make sense of draped "properly", it covers the breasts
ambiguities related to sexual control over widows. and head.
It is possible to argue that within the caste system, honour This inspection adds one more dimens
abets in creating a hierarchal model in which each group marriages within caste equivalents, that of "ho

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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

Only if the honour of one family is worthy of the other, can in people's lives (Guru 2002;59 Sarukkai 2007; M
marriages be fixed among them. Inter-caste/religious mar- Pawar2oo8).
riages, sexual engagement as well as elopements are consid- masum's relationship with the four components of
ered dangerous because they blur the boundaries of "self" and der-caste matrix, at least in the first decade could
the "other", making social control over women and subordi- rised somewhat simplistically as follows: dominant
nated groups difficult. tanced themselves from us and occasionally let their hostility
In rare situations when an inter-caste marriage is accepted surface once they got to know that we were not u
by the family, a bride from a lower caste or poor household is women from dominant castes aligned with
not fully accepted within the husband's family, and she is sues, but not on caste issues; men from subordin
likely to face humiliation and rejection within the private do- vindicated when their women confronted cast
main for many years. However, a bride from the dominant in the public sphere, but were uneasy about t
group will eventually be accepted by her in-laws, since the "adversary" being created within their private s
honour of the subordinated groom's family is not perceived to women from subordinated castes, once the
be lost in the public eye. His family might snigger privately by trust us, knew that we were their firm allies,
saying "We haven't lost anything! It's their nose that got cut".54 outside the home.
A lower groom, however, is likely to face violence in the public The structure of the gender-caste honour m
domain and retribution from the upper bride's kinfolk. Thus, ing, yet I argue that that there are loophol
the lower caste bride faces violence in the private domain from with the components of the matrix affecting e
her in-laws, whereas the lower caste groom faces risk to life stantly, and thereby being subjected to ongoin
and safety in the public domain from his in-laws. Gender and negotiations (see Chakravarti 2003). Reserva
caste honour operate insidiously as well as methodically. politics has given representation to lower groups
The cleaving of a local caste into two distinct sub-castes even though they are not given any real power
among the Mali,55 namely, the "full-Mali" and the "half-Mali", panchayat (local self-government), such as
in our villages is apparently based on the sexual "pollution" of positions and posts where gain through corru
women. The usage of English terms such as "half" and "full" Nonetheless, increased political power for wo
points towards the fairly recent origin of this split.56 The half- groups has created an unprecedented ten
Mali were created from amongst the original Mali caste to ex- gender-caste matrix in many of our villages,
elude families in which women allegedly had had sexual alii- Neither is the concept of honour foolproof. I
anees with non-Mali men, or had been consorts of non-Mali loopholes; some to the advantage of the domin
(mainly Maratha men) generations ago. The full-Mali are con- others that expose the hypocrisies within the
sidered to be "pure-blooded", untainted, and therefore, supe- caste structures. These loopholes manipulate
rior to the half-Mali, even though their alleged sexual alliances one hand, but they also provide a site for reb
were with Maratha (upper) men. Inter-marriages between the tures in the practice of honour centre around
two groups cause full-Mali families to lose izzat. On occasion, tions. Loss of honour is overlooked where mon
a beautiful girl from the half-Mali can be given in marriage to with families not having compunctions abou
a full-Mali household,57 but giving a full-Mali daughter in from women engaged in sex-work even though
marriage to a half-Mali would be considered a loss of face for licly stigmatise them.60 The normal honour code
the former. being allowed to talk to unrelated men is forgotten when they
are made to negotiate with creditors on behalf of husban
Challenging the Gender-Caste Matrix58 occasion, women may be "loaned" to rich men
Collins (1991) refers to the interlocking systems of oppression repay debt, and some families may even d
resulting into a complex "matrix of domination", in which each of a daughter if the perpetrator provides f
distinct system of oppression is part of one overarching struc- Women, as we clearly know, are not
ture of domination. This paradigm shift allows one to under- gory. While forming women's collectives in
stand not only the intersectionality of domination, but also internal differences and discrimination
that of resistance (ibid: 221). New ways of knowing "allow not be disregarded. First, the uneasy re
subordinate groups to redefine their own reality" (ibid), and Maratha and balutedar women had to
this wisdom adds to our own understanding of social relations addressed. Heated discussions had to b
of domination and struggle. Until recently, the voice of subor- logue facilitated. As some amount of t
dinated women was missing from therorisation about honour, women saw the importance of Marath
When women did feature, they did so as victims in most them on issues that they as a minority (
narratives. While addressing the diverse ways in which subal- population) could never have carried off
tern genders relate to questions of power, we need to be aware Women from subordinated castes dare
that "insider" wisdom, participation and leadership, if substi- matrix after experiencing the strengt
tuted by external theorisation or activism, can neither document They began to demand answerability of
nor analyse patriarchy as it intersects with other structures violence against women, and from el
78 may 4, 2013 vol XLViii no 18 GEES Economic & Political weekly

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 REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

about the spending of village funds. The "gaze" was reversed (Rege 1998; Irudayam et al 2006). This formulation
for the first time, with subordinated women questioning with the theorisation of intersectionality and interlocking
dominant men in full public view. Breaking through the of oppression formulated by the Black feminist ac
matrix created the exhilarating opportunity for oppressed (Davis 1981; Collins 1991; Crenshaw 1991; McCall 2
women to speak out their minds, use the language of rights allows for a subjective as well as objective understa
and human rights, and create the hope that injustice can experiences of racism theorised in the context of b
reduce, once challenged. social inequalities. The contribution and intervention of non
The presence of a feminist group may accelerate the collec- brahminical women (Bhagwat 2002; Kamble
tive and fearless ways in which women across caste barriers Pawar 2008) that had the potential of anti-hi
enunciate their demands for equality and dignity with appro- pro-democratic collective aspirations of the
priate information, knowledge, wisdom, compassion and in- eluding the massive participation of women i
clusive politics, as has been the case with masum. As balutedar archy and anti-caste movement of Ambedka
staff members of masum conducted speculum examination on in the "historiography which is dominated b
Maratha women, identifying gynaecological disorders and nationalism" (Rege 1998: 41).
cervical cancer, or worked out safety plans with them to resist The intersectional analysis and theorisation
domestic violence, an equalisation of power, however tran- linkages of caste, patriarchy, sexuality and cont
sient, became inevitable. Of importance is the fact that alii- edge, so evident in the life-missions and writings
anees (even if nebulous) between women from dominant and Savitribai Phule, and Ambedkar, not having re
subordinated groups can result in difficult ground being cov- attention, both at the level of theory and strateg
ered. Women struggle to achieve this in spite of the structures absence of an analytical framework to "view ca
that still separate and isolate them. However powerful and and patriarchies as intrinsically linked" (ibid
stringent the structures of patriarchal honour may be, those through the assertion of autonomous dalit w
that encounter domination find ways to resist discrimination tions at both regional and national levels in t
and violence (Onal 2008; Wikan 2008). drew debates and responses both from Left party-based as well
Simple acts, when juxtaposed against their lived experi- as autonomous women's groups) that "several crucial theoreti
ences begin to take on a different meaning. While the actors cal and political challenges, besides underlining the brahman
may not always be conscious of the impact of their actions on ism of the feminist movement and the patriarchal practices of
patriarchal structures, learning from their experiences can dalit politics" were thrown up (ibid: 39).
help us strategise in ways that we have never considered In India, a reconceptualisation that unravels overt and
before. As people's social location and the intersectionality of nuanced ways in which domination operates, and which
their lives create confounding matrices of domination, people underscores the need to reformulate our strategies for collec
in turn learn how to negotiate these in innovative ways tive, emancipatory politics (Fraser 1989, 1996, 2000) would
(Scott 1990). necessarily include a critique and dismantling of brahminical
A dalit feminist standpoint is at once embodied within and upper-caste patriarchy
the individual and collective life-experiences of the subject laws 2003).

NOTES
eyes of two dalit boys. Chandrakant Gaikwad (www.masum-india.org.in) participated in the
and Milind Jondhale in Nanded district of FGDs. The groups (of 4-8 members each) were
1 Since this paper deals with an exploration of pa
Maharashtra in May 2008 for daring to "gaze" segregated on the basis of caste - all Marathas,
triarchal honour and power (and not necessarily
at savarna girls, and the stripping of a dalitconsidered as the dominant caste, were sepa
with killings or crimes in the name of "honour"),
woman in Satara district of Maharashtra in rated from the subordinated castes comprising
I have used it without quotation marks.
2 See Bourdieu (1986). January 2012 because her son eloped with a artisans, Mali, Muslim and dalit groups. One
savarna girl, highlight the castiest overtones ofgroup comprised of men from MASUM's rural
3 Welsh also remarks that the notion of honour
crimes in the name of honour. staff. Over a period of three months, each
now influences the behaviour of men as well as
women in some societies (2008: xv). The sexual brutality and killings in Khairanjali, group met in Pune city, three to five times, for
in Bhandara district of Maharashtra in Septem 3-4 hours each time. Stringent ethical guide
4 These may range from emotional rejection, lines were followed throughout the process of
ber 2006 is a testimony to this fact.
emotional blackmail, verbal abuse and locking information gathering. Since all participants
up or starving a person, to physical violence, Similar to the concept of ird, namoos or sharaf
were MASUM staff, I had to be doubly careful
rape or murder. in west Asia, ghairat in Pakistan, and honour or
about the power that I held as the founder and
5 Khan mentions economic motives, materialist nobility in the west.
head of the organisation. The individual deci
interests, religio-legal misogyny, social endor In a personal conversation, Vibhuti Patel, SNDTsion to (or not to) participate was taken in my
sement, lack of political will, patriarchy and University, Mumbai reported what she had absence. My entire PhD work (which also in
structural violence as some of "the forces that heard about the Mangalore attacks. The cluded 32 life-stories) was approved at every
play a major role in the occurrence of violence vandalising and molesting youth had said stage by a five-member ethics committee of emi
against women" (2006: xxiii). "What do they (the girls) think of themselves? nent feminists in Maharashtra.
6 "Honour killing" has now become an accepted We go to the same colleges, but they don't
13 MASUM's staff and rural leadership largely
term even in colloquial language in India. even look at us. They have all the money to
come from subordinated caste and religious
7 The recent murders of Asha Shinde (in Satara spend, to go to pubs and to wear these kinds groups. For more than 25 years, MASUM has
of clothes."
district of Maharashtra in February 2012) and grappled with challenging patriarchal struc
Manisha Dhangar (in Jalgaon district of Maha This paper is based on one of the chapters oftures and their intersections with other sys
rashtra in March 2012) by their families are ex my PhD thesis (Gupte 2012a). tems of domination so that women can lead a
ample of backlash against the mobility and Twenty-three women and five men from thelife free from discrimination, fear and vio
descision-making of educated and employed paralegal, health, economic empowerment and lence. This has been attempted through the
daughters. Similarly the gouging out of the political participation programmes of MASUM formation of women's collectives and through

Economie & Political weekly BBQ may 4, 2013 vol xlviii no 18 79

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REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES

ongoing interventions in health, violencefollowing four categories on the gender-caste exchange; mostly landless and dalit (also Mus
against women, individual and social justice,matrix: lim) groups.
political participation, and strengthening ofUpper Man: Belonging to brahmin, Maratha,38 Interchangeably meant to denote dancer, per
constitutional and human rights from childVani or Sonar castes; rich; living in a concrete former, courtesan or prostitute.
hood onwards. house with many rooms, electricity, TV, fridge,39 Bhaad khaychi savay lagleli ahey.
14 A rural area was selected for the following rea phone, and other amenities; landholding above 40 Balutyavani, mangavani.
sons: (1) it was easy to find the "normative" in a to acres with irrigated land and advanced41 Mahara-mangacha, balutyachi, mangachya pot
rural community where I could segregate focus farming techniques; owning agricultural as chey, kumbharachi, landi or khatkachi aulad.
groups easily on the basis of dominant and sub sets and vehicles; having access to health facili
42 Peethmaagi, nhavgand, kaatad-khisi, chamti,
ordinated castes, which might have been diffi ties and accounts in the bank and post office; berad romoshi.
cult in urban areas; (2) my personal knowledge an educated family background, knowledge of
43 Violence against women in same-sex relations
about the area in terms of caste and gender rela English; diploma holder; high-placed positions
is considered justifiable because it is subversive
tionships for more than two decades; (3) access (professionals, bureaucrats, politicians); good
to heteronormative and procreative caste-gender
and mutual trust with the FGD participants; connections with people; access to business
power relations (see Ghosh 2012).
(4) the MASUM women were the "outsiders information; physically strong and healthy;
capacity to make decisions; can remarry or44 See M N Srinivas (1952).
within" caste/family/MASUM. It was easier to
gain dual perspectives from them, and from dual commit bigamy. 45 Gatwood (1985) mentions how the process of
standpoints; (5) the FGD participants are my Upper Woman: Belonging to the same caste incorporation into the caste system entailed the
colleagues in a life-long journey and, thus, they status as the upper man but substantially lower giving up of sexual autonomy for women (such
had the capacity to understand my topic. They economic position; enjoying amenities at as accepting the patriarchal dharmic marriage
also had the sophistication to bring out the best home, but no property or resources in her prescribed by Manu as the only valid one).
discussions and debates. name; bank accounts in joint name with hus46 Cowdung is used to plaster and replenish the
15 Kinships sharing the same totem cannot inter band; educated; employed (teacher, nurse, aan non-tiled floors of many rural homes on a
marry, as that would be considered incest. A ganwadi/baalwadi worker, or doing embroi weekly basis.
kinship with a "superior" totem may occasionally dery and stitching); married women who bear 47 Savashin mahnunjevaalya bolvat naahit.
accept a bride from a low-placed kinship but sons (unmarried, widowed and deserted wom48 Haldi-kunku.
will not give a daughter to these families, even en are shown no respect and cannot remarry); 49 Addressed euphemistically as paat lavney,
if all of them are considered Marathas for all healthy; virtuous; good-looking; no power; mohtur lavney.
practical purposes. having prestige if husband has stature; all ben 50 Kaducheghar.
16 Tyanchya lagnat koni ubha pan rahat nahi. efits reach the upper man first.
51 Kameetley ghar.
17 Aamhala ling navhtey ka? Lower Man: Belonging to the lower balute 52 Rotivyevahar.
18 Tyaanche ling sonyaache aahe ka? dars (artisans), dalits or nomadic tribes; hav
53 Beti vyevahar.
ing low economic status; living in mud huts
19 Vaalit taktaat gharala.
with temporary roofing and outside the main 54 Tyanchech naak kaapley.
20 Kontya tondane bolnaar?
village area; not enough access to electricity55 Vegetable growers and horticulturalists, consid
21 Chaar lokaat amhi basat nahi.
or water; ownership of house is rare; posse ered slightly lower than Marathas castewise,
22 This has been MASUM's experience while in ssing scanty resources, very little capital and though often equal to them in economic status.
tervening in intercaste and interreligious mar cultivable land; working as landless labou 56 This interesting English nomenclature is a
riages. Though parents regularly get their rers; low education; poor job opportunities take-off from the original "phoo!-Mali", mean
daughters married before the age of 18, they (labourers, clerks, Class IV workers); not be ing "flower-growing Mali".
claim under-r8 status for daughters who elope, ing able to access benefits of the reservation57 Hypergamy or avalom is acceptable to some ex
in order to establish parental guardianship policy; shouldering the responsibility of many tent, like for the Marathas.
rights over her in legal terms. family members; sturdy but prone to diseases.58 These are based on MASUM's interventions in
23 These kinships may not always be a relation Lower Woman: Belonging to the same class villages of drought-prone Purandar taluka.
ship based on blood, descent or marriage. Even and caste as the lower man; not possessing59 Guru has similarly critiqued "external" knowl
"fictive" kinships that are not based on blood, house or property in her name; landholding if edge in the study of caste, arguing for lived ex
descent, marriage or caste, when created with any, is non-irrigated and in the husband's periences as essential when theorising about
in a patriarchal and caste mould can emulate name; having very low access to education; no subordinated groups.
honour groups. The well-known example of job opportunities; having low-paid jobs; even60 Also see Agrawal (2008) to understand the
the caste/khap panchayats of north India illus married lower women have no honour - wid
ways in which Bedia families manipulate their
trates how dominant kinships impose fictive ows and deserted women are, especially ex women's sexuality for economic gain.
brother-sister relationships among people of cluded from social festivities; malnourished
the same got, considering any romantic or mar and suffering severe illnesses, but without
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