Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
‘If you believe the legend we were raised with, then Michael
Molkentin’s book is going to hurt . . . bound to delight aviation
enthusiasts and general readers alike.’ Barbara Baker, Courier-Mail
‘Molkentin teases out the highs and lows of this famous flight.’
Sydney Morning Herald
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
ix
xi
Epilogue 328
Acknowledgements 336
Note on sources 339
Bibliography 344
Notes 351
Index 398
xii
I first became acquainted with Ross Smith while researching the airmen of
the Australian Flying Corps for my first book, Fire in the Sky, and the PhD
thesis (and later second book) that I subsequently wrote about Australia’s
aerial involvement in the Great War. One of my thesis supervisors at UNSW
Canberra, Professor Peter Stanley, had come across Ross Smith’s papers
at the State Library of South Australia while researching his book, Digger
Smith and Australia’s Great War. He suggested I have a look at them.
I knew Ross Smith to be one of Australia’s most successful pilots in the
Great War and one of the world’s first great pioneering aviators. I knew
his victory in the 1919 England-to-Australia Air Race had contributed to
bringing the air age to Australia. I knew that he had died soon after the race
in an accident while preparing to circumnavigate the globe by air.
Reading Ross’s letters and his diaries, though, I realised that there
was much more to his life than the flight from England to Australia in
1919 which made him world famous. He had, it turned out, an atypical
upbringing—one that transcended city and bush as well as social class and,
indeed, which had little about it that suggested a renowned pioneer aviator
in the making. At the same time, in his youth we perceive the germ of the
towering ideals that once gave many lives a unifying sense of purpose and
instilled them with a cohesive worldview—one built upon the cornerstones
of nation, empire, race, civilisation and God.
During days spent in the quiet stillness of the State Library of South
Australia’s reading room, I discovered that Ross Smith’s wartime experiences
xiii
xiv
by his circumstances—by his family, his education, his friends, his wartime
experiences, his formative and then subsequent experiences of aviation and
the other technological innovations of his day? And how did Ross make
history? Did he, among the millions of individuals who fought the Great War,
make a difference—indeed, could anybody? How did his flying contribute
to the evolution of aviation during and immediately after the Great War?
Perhaps most pertinently, what can we learn about the extraordinary period
straddled by Ross’s short life—an era of political, social, cultural and tech-
nological change, not to mention unprecedented carnage, through his eyes
and through his experiences?
While not always leading to conclusive answers, these questions have
nevertheless guided me: they acted as my compass as I explored the contours
of Ross Smith’s life and the extraordinary years in which he lived in and
interacted with the world. I hope that, through this book, you discover a
man as fascinating and a life as deeply absorbing as I did, and that you come
away with a better understanding of a past world that resounds with such
clamour in our own.
xv
xvi
Military organisation
The basic unit of the Australian light horse during the Great War was the
regiment, three of which made up a light horse brigade. Regiments were
usually commanded by a lieutenant colonel and, at full strength, comprised
xvii
25 officers and 400 men. Light horse regiments were divided into three
squadrons (A, B and C Squadrons) and these were, in turn, each organised
into four troops. Each troop comprised ten sections of four men. At the
beginning of the war each light horse regiment had a section of machine
guns. In mid-1916 the regimental machine gun sections were grouped into
brigade-level machine gun squadrons.
The basic unit of the Australian Flying Corps was the squadron. It
typically comprised around 180 men and two dozen officers; by the middle
of the war squadrons operated 18 aircraft. Each squadron consisted of a
headquarters and three flights: A, B and C Flights. A major commanded
a squadron while captains commanded each of the flights. In the AFC pilots
and observers were practically always commissioned officers (lieutenants).
Two or more squadrons served together in a wing; multiple wings made
up a brigade. Because of the small size of the AFC (only four operational
squadrons during the war; three on the Western Front and one in the
Middle East) Australian squadrons always operated in British wings and
brigades, alongside British squadrons and under the operational command
of British officers.
xviii
BROOKLANDS AERODROME,
WEYBRIDGE, ENGLAND
1 August 1910
A large crowd has come out from London on the train to pass a hot and
bright Bank Holiday Monday. They want to see for themselves what the
papers have been reporting: stories of men in flying machines, taking off
from the grassy field at the centre of the great oval race track and flying—
flying! Machines have allowed humans to defy nature and become like
the birds.
There are three boys in the crowd: Australian army cadets visiting
Britain as part of a tour around the world. One of them is Ross Smith;
he is seventeen years old and aspires to a career of soldiering on behalf of
the empire. But even as he looks forward, imagining his future, young Ross
also looks back: to the ‘deeds that won the empire’—to wars fought by
Clive and Wellington, Gordon and Roberts during the past two centuries.
Today, though, the spectacle of seeing men fly might prompt him
to think of warfare differently—perhaps even to conceive of a different
future altogether. For the time is not far off when these frail, ungainly
contraptions putting across the grass and circling slowly overhead will
change everything for Ross Smith, for his friends and for the world.
11 November 1919
There is a break in the storm and Ross Smith is determined to start.
At his word, the giant, twin-engine biplane bomber is wheeled out of its
hangar and prepared for flight. Conceived to bomb Berlin in the recently
concluded Great War, tomorrow, from nearby Hounslow aerodrome, this
aeroplane, a Vickers Vimy, will begin a journey halfway around the globe—a
journey intended to show the world that aeroplanes, conceived in peacetime
but brought to maturity in the terrible crucible of war, can now revolu-
tionise international travel.
With his brother, Keith, and their mechanics, Jim Bennett and Wally
Shiers, Ross has accepted the Australian government’s challenge: £10,000
for the first airmen to fly from England to Australia. But they will need to
do it within 30 days.
Of all the competitors attracted by the huge cash prize, Ross and his
crew have an enormous advantage. Besides his standing as one of Australia’s
most successful wartime aviators—a reputation earned during nearly 800
hours of flying in the Middle East and acknowledged through half a dozen
decorations for skill and courage—Ross is one of the only people in the
world who has personally surveyed the air route to Australia. Earlier in
1919, as part of a Royal Air Force mission, Ross flew to India and then sailed
through Southeast Asia, identifying places where a pilot might land during
a flight to Australia.
The engines start and Ross and his crew climb aboard. The Vimy taxies
out across Brooklands’ grass airfield and turns into the wind. Ross and
Keith exchange a glance, throttle levers are pushed forward. An epic journey
has begun.
13 April 1922
Keith Smith is frustrated. Of all the days he could be running late, why did
it have to be this one?
He has just arrived at the factory of Vickers Limited at Brooklands—one
of hundreds who have gathered to see Ross and him test the Viking IV, a
new amphibious aeroplane that Vickers has given them for their next great
adventure. The brothers plan to become the first to circumnavigate the globe
by air. It has taken two years for Ross and Keith to convince the company to
back this audacious proposition, but the worldwide renown they gained in
1919, on being the first airmen to fly from England to Australia, has helped
their case. If anyone can do it, it will be Ross and Keith Smith.
Just as Keith arrives at Brooklands, the Viking—which truly does resemble
a boat with biplane wings attached—is taking off. Ross has decided to start
without him.
The crowd cheers as the Viking lifts off, with Ross waving from the
cockpit. It climbs steeply. It is his first time flying the aircraft, but Ross seems
keen to put it through its paces.
Climbing to 1500 feet, Ross flies a circuit, following the motor racing
track that surrounds the airfield. He is above the southern boundary when
he banks the Viking onto its wing-tips and turns back towards the airfield.
Is he preparing to land? Is he ‘stunting’?
Part-way through the manoeuvre, the Viking’s nose drops and the aero-
plane tumbles into a spin. In an instant, the machine is spiralling towards
the ground.
Panic grips Keith. The crowd gasps. The Viking spins out of control.
‘A DETERMINED BOY’
1892–1914
MUTOOROO
had divided the 1.7 million acres (688,000 hectares) they held into two
neighbouring properties, Paratoo and Mutooroo; together, they extended
175 kilometres into South Australia from the New South Wales border.
For the next eight years, Andrew toiled as part of an enormous effort by
Elder and Waite to transform Paratoo from ‘waste lands of the Crown’,
as the colonial government officially designated it, into fenced paddocks
sustained by wells and dams to supplement the region’s intermittent and
generally small amount of rain.2 When Elder and Waite’s lease on Paratoo
expired in 1888, the two pastoralists switched the focus of their business
to the neighbouring property, Mutooroo. Impressed with Andrew Smith’s
work on their former station, they appointed him the station manager and
charged him with developing its 620,000 acres of scrub and grass plains
into another profitable wool venture.
Andrew had met Jessie Macpherson while working in Western Australia,
but—as he later admitted—it took him three years to convince her to marry
him.3 It may have been, as one family member explained, that Jessie’s father
did not approve of Andrew, ‘so he left, but returned and married her, and
took her back to Mutooroo’.4
Although both Scots, Andrew and Jessie’s father, Donald Macpherson,
hailed from opposite ends of colonial society. A highlander from Kingussie,
Macpherson had been one of the first white men to settle on the Victoria
Plains after arriving in Western Australia in 1845. During the next four
decades, he transformed his property, Glentromie, into one of the colony’s
most successful grazing stations. Indeed, by the time Donald Macpherson
died in August 1887—perhaps not coincidentally around the time Jessie
consented to marry Andrew—Glentromie’s 150,000 acres supported
8000 sheep and a thoroughbred breeding venture that produced successful
racehorses.5 In the same week that Andrew and Jessie married, in February
1888, Glentromie sold at auction for £11,000.6 Typical of the time, in his
will Donald allocated most of the estate to his sons; Jessie received £200—
about the average salary of a female teacher in those days.7 It was a start,
but she and her new husband would begin their lives together in South
Australia with little apart from their own determination to improve their
circumstances.
Arriving at Mutooroo in early 1888, Andrew and Jessie moved into the
general manager’s house, a stone-walled structure surrounded by a
verandah, onto which all its rooms opened. Less than a couple of hundred
metres from the house, a creek crossed the homestead on its course south
from Cockburn, the closest town at nearly 40 kilometres away. Broad and
shallow, and divided in half by a sandy bar from which sugar gums grew in
a line, the creek was, for most of the year, as dry as the landscape through
which it ran. Across the yard from the Smiths’ home, work had commenced
on the new station’s work buildings: offices, sheds, a blacksmith’s workshop
and quarters for both the permanent staff and the seasonal shearers who
Andrew would hire each year. In every direction beyond the station, the
terrain, rising gently here and there, stretched off to the horizon. A dull,
red-brown that contrasted brilliantly with the deep blue sky, the landscape
of Mutooroo was, for a few months each year, transformed into a verdant
carpet of green. A friend of the Smiths described how, ‘motoring’ across the
station, ‘one passes through bluebush country and plains with bastard black
oak to dense scrub where one might easily be lost . . . you see a few sheep at
the trough, an occasional fox, a few rabbits here and there, a couple of emus,
or a kangaroo’.8 The remoteness, immensity and unforgiving harshness of
the country to which Andrew Smith had brought his wife is perhaps best
illustrated by the instance in which he discovered on the station the corpse
of a drifter who, as it turned out, had been dead for three months.9
When Andrew Smith started at Mutooroo in the baking summer heat
of early 1888, he faced a formidable task. Besides its inaccessibility, and the
wild dogs and rabbits that inundated its plains and scrublands, the property
possessed just four wells to supplement the 200 millimetres average
annual rainfall. Drawing on his experience at Paratoo, Andrew adopted
the ‘big dams and small paddocks’ approach that had been so successful
on that station.10 In the following decade, he oversaw the establishment
of dozens of new paddocks sustained by reservoirs and pipe systems to
move water around the property, the longest extending 50 kilometres. In
one instance, Andrew had 20 tonnes of galvanised steel pipe delivered by
rail to Cockburn and then pulled 40 kilometres by mule trains out to the
station.11 A journalist who visited Mutooroo remarked on the optimism
and ‘great grit and determination’ that Andrew Smith possessed. He had
‘that never-say-die characteristic of the true Scot. He was always buoyed
up in the face of the greatest difficulties by an eternal hopefulness which
eventually carried him to successes’.12
Indeed, Andrew Smith’s efforts transformed Mutooroo’s landscape. And
while his achievements may not quite live up to the verses a poet wrote
in tribute at the end of his life (‘In desert wastes appeared bright running
streams: he made a garden of a wilderness’), they were considerable
enough.13 By 1898, when the Elder and Waite venture became incorporated
as the Mutooroo Pastoral Company, the station had become capable of
sustaining 139,000 sheep. The following year, its wool grossed over £28,000
at auction.14 At the station’s peak, Andrew managed a hundred station hands
and 50 seasonal shearers.15 Recognising his role in their venture’s success,
in 1898 the company’s directors appointed Andrew as the station’s general
manager. He and Jessie continued to live at Mutooroo, overseeing the
station’s operations, but his new responsibilities included visits to Adelaide
to advise the company’s board of directors. In this role, Andrew continued
to impress his employers. Peter Waite would later describe Andrew Smith’s
work as among the most important in South Australia’s history.16
It was during these pioneering years at Mutooroo that Ross Smith was
born, the third of Andrew and Jessie’s four children. The first, Janet, died
a month after her birth in September 1889. Jessie became pregnant again
10
early the following year and gave birth to a son, Keith, in December 1890.
Ross followed two years later, on 4 December 1892, and a third son, Colin,
was born in April 1895. As she had done for Keith, and would later for
Colin, Jessie gave her second son her birth name, christening him Ross
Macpherson Smith.
Ross spent the first decade of his life on the station at Mutooroo. He
had a bush upbringing surrounded by hard work and the hard men his
father employed. Horses played a prominent role in his childhood; Ross
learned to ride as a young boy, developing a great affection for the animals
and becoming skilled at handling them. With his brothers, he spent entire
days in the saddle, ranging far from the homestead and returning with
the kangaroos and rabbits they had shot. It was a toss-up as to who had
the better eye. By their father’s assessment, Colin may have been the best
marksman, but Ross and Keith were still ‘jolly good shots’. This upbringing
instilled in Ross a sense of independence, resourcefulness and initiative. ‘He
was always a determined boy,’ recalled his father. ‘When he made up his
mind to do a thing, he invariably succeeded.’17
Despite their isolation, Andrew and Jessie ensured that Ross and his
brothers had an education. The boys learned to read and write on the station
under the tutelage of Mutooroo’s bookkeeper and in 1902, shortly after
Ross’s ninth birthday, he and Keith started school in Adelaide as boarders.
For their sons, Jessie and Andrew chose the Queen’s School, a privately
run preparatory school situated among North Adelaide’s ‘gracious houses,
macadamised streets and attractive squares and parklands’.18 For young
Ross, it would have been difficult to imagine a setting more different from
the dusty, desolate plains on which he had spent his first decade.
11