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The Science of Spices:
Empiricism and Economic Botany
in the Early Spanish Empire*
PAULA DE VOS
San Diego State University
It sought
is a little-known fact
out and encouraged the among
cultivation historians
of spices for most of itsthat the Spanish crown
imperial history, both in the Americas and in the Philippines. We are
well aware that the search for direct access to the Eastern spice trade
was a major motivation for support for Columbus's voyages--but once
it became clear that Columbus had found no such route, our attention
veers away from spices. Yet for colonial Spanish administrators and
entrepreneurs, spices continued to be a product of considerable inter
est and investment throughout the three centuries of Spanish rule in
the Americas. The purpose of this essay is to trace the various mani
festations of that interest in the sixteenth and early seventeenth cen
turies and to discuss what it reveals about Spanish imperial aspirations
and the strategies used to accomplish them.
Why is it that Spanish efforts to cultivate spices have received so
399
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400 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 401
tional pharmaceutical and biotech corporations to develop new medicines in the Western
medical tradition. The patents given these corporations then make the cost of the medi
cine prohibitive to its native populations. Recent debates have taken place over the ethics
of such practices, revolving around the issue of who "owns" the plant genome, or whether
it belongs to a global patrimony and ought to thus be available to all. In this way, the issues
developed here have continuing relevance and reverberations in the present day. See Jack
Kloppenburg Jr., ed., Seeds and Sovereignty: The Use and Control of Plant Genetic Resources
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1988) and Londa Schiebinger, Plants and Empire:
Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
2004), pp. 15-17.
2 Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan, eds., Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and
Politics in the Early Modern World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p.
3. Although this project in many ways coincides with and aims to further the work of
Schiebinger and Swan, I have continued to call the practices analyzed here "economic
botany" (in an imperial context) rather than "colonial botany," since the botanical investi
gations that took place have as a common theme utilitarian and commercial aims. Indeed,
Schiebinger, Plants and Empire, p. 6, argues that early modern botany enveloped several dif
ferent traditions that are today considered separate subfields of botany, including "applied
botany (economic and medicinal botany), horticulture and agriculture, and what today we
call theoretical botany, especially nomenclature and taxonomy."
3 This term is used by Londa Schiebinger in "Prospecting for Drugs: European Natu
ralists in the West Indies," in Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial Botany, p. 119, and in Plants
and Empire, p. 7, and by Jorge Ca?izares-Esguerra in "How Derivative Was Humboldt?" in
Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial Botany, p. 163, who says, "The new wealth of the Ameri
cas suddenly turned 'green.'" It should be pointed out that both authors used this term with
regard to a shift they see happening in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from a
search for mineral wealth to a realization that vegetable wealth could be even more prof
itable?and sustainable. However, this essay finds that such a realization was present from
the start of the Spanish empire and throughout the sixteenth century, as evidenced in the
transplantation efforts described here.
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402 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
to find, identify, and categorize new and useful plants; to study their
constituent parts, climate, behavior, and nutritional needs; to deter
mine the feasibility of their transplantation; and to devise methods by
which to advertise and market their uses for commercial profit. The
information generated in the study of botany was then used by entre
preneurs?either through private or organized imperial initiative?to
organize large-scale agricultural projects to cultivate these useful plants
in the most efficient and economical method possible. The final step
was to establish widespread?and of course very lucrative?trade in
these products. The proliferation of botanical gardens throughout
Europe and European colonies during the early modern period greatly
facilitated the aims of economic botanists and provides testament to
the growing significance of botany as a policy of empire.4
This paper will trace the practices of economic botany in the inves
tigation and cultivation of spices in the Spanish empire in the six
teenth and early seventeenth centuries, beginning with the first reports
of spices found in the New World by Columbus and progressing on to
later attempts to transplant and cultivate Eastern spices both in the
Americas and in Spain. In doing so, I aim first to highlight the episte
mological significance of the transplantations that occurred and the
general significance of economic botany in the Spanish empire for
world history and the historiography of the Scientific Revolution. I
then turn to spices themselves and their uses and importance in the
early modern world, which serve to explain why first Columbus and
then Magellan set out into uncharted seas in search of them.
4 There were approximately i ,600 botanical gardens worldwide?in Europe and Euro
pean colonies?by the end of the eighteenth century. See Schiebinger and Swan, "Intro
duction," in Colonial Botany, p. 13, and Schiebinger, Plants and Empire, pp. 57-58. This is
not to say that botanical gardens were a European invention of the eighteenth century.
Botanical gardens have a long history, dating back at least to the time of the Zoroastrians,
and the concept was transmitted to Europe through the Islamic empires. See Andrew Wat
son, Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1983), especially pp. 88-90 and 117-119. In Christian traditions the idea of recre
ating a Garden of Eden lent further stimulation to the establishment of botanical gardens.
However, as part of the European imperial enterprise, they seem to have proliferated most
spectacularly during the eighteenth century. See John Prest, The Garden of Eden: The
Botanic Garden and the Re-Creation of Paradise (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1981); Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and
the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1995), pp. 175-179; and Richard Drayton, Nature's Government: Science, Imperial Britain,
and the "Improvement" of the World (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000), who
point out the religious, aesthetic, and cultural, in addition to the utilitarian, roles of botan
ical gardens.
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 403
And they did find spices, especially in the East, including cinna
mon, cloves, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, and mace. Once it became clear,
however, that Portuguese (and later Dutch) domination of the Spice
Islands trade would not budge under Spanish pressure, Spanish entre
preneurs and the crown looked for other methods to procure them and
came up with two possibilities: they could look for new varieties of
spices in the lands they controlled?the Philippines and the temperate
regions of the Americas?or they could transplant known varieties to
new locations, taking care to record the botanical properties of the
spice flora, the best methods for collection and transport, and the
climate and soil conditions in which they grew best. Although both
methods were tried, it is the latter on which this essay focuses, as the
transplantation solution seems to have been the one most utilized in
the early years of colonization. Thus I go on to present several cases of
proposed and actual spice transplantation, first from the Spice Islands
and China to Mexico and the Caribbean, and then from the Caribbean
to Spain. These transplantations reveal an aspect of Spanish imperial
ism in the sixteenth century that is receiving increasing attention from
historians: that the Spanish imperialist project was one inherently tied
to the production, testing, and circulation of knowledge crucial for the
development of Western science.
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404 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
6 When historical background is discussed in the current debates over the control of
the germplasm, for example, economic botany's history is presented with regard to British
efforts only. See Lucille Brockway, "Plant Science and Colonial Expansion: The Botanical
Chess Game," in Kloppenburg, Seeds and Sovereignty, pp. 49-66, and Wickers, Economic
Botany, p. 13. Examples of histories of British imperial economic botany?which comprise
a distinguished collection of groundbreaking works of sophisticated analysis?include
Brockway, Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic Garden (New
York: Academic Press, 1979); Drayton, Nature's Government; Donald P. McKracken, Gar
dens of Empire: Botanical Institutions of the Victorian British Empire (London: Leicester Uni
versity Press, 1997); Ray Desmond, Kew: The History of the Royal Botanic Gardens (London:
Harvill Press with the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1995); Daniel Headrick, "Botany,
Chemistry, and Tropical Development," Journal of World History 7 (1996): 1-20; and Sat
pal Sangwan, "Natural History in Colonial Contest: Profit or Pursuit? British Botanical
Enterprise in India 17 78-1820," in Science and Empires: Historical Studies About Scientific
Development and European Expansion, ed. Patrick Petitjean et al. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Aca
demic Publishers, 1992), pp. 281-298. Historians of the Royal Botanical Gardens (Jardin
des Plantes) in France have begun to add to the historiography, particularly Emma Spary,
Utopia's Garden: French Natural History from Old Regime to Revolution (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 2000).
7 J. H. Galloway, "Botany in the Service of Empire: The Barbados Cane-Breeding Pro
gram and the Revival of the Caribbean Sugar Industry, 1880S-1930S" Annals of the Associ
ation of American Geographers 86, no. 4 (December 1996): 683-706.
8 It must be noted that Spanish-language historians in Spain and Latin America are
aware of Spain's activities and contributions in natural history and botany, especially for the
eighteenth-century scientific expeditions. See for example Francisco Javier Puerto Sarmi
ento, La ilusi?n quebrada: Bot?nica, sanidad y pol?tica cient?fica en la Espa?a ilustrada (Barce
lona: Serbal; Madrid: CSIC, 1988). But I would argue that the literature they have produced
also fails to take into account the full extent and significance of Spain's imperial scientific
endeavors, particularly for the sixteenth century. For a more detailed discussion of and bib
liography for this argument, see Paula De Vos, "Research, Development, and Empire: State
Support of Science in the Later Spanish Empire," Colonial Latin American Review 15, no. 1
(June 2006): 55-79, particularly the section titled "Historiography of Science and Empire."
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 405
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4o6 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
Thus economic botany was a global, imperial endeavor that may owe
its origins at least in part to the practices of the Islamic world. Yet
Spanish efforts in economic botany have epistemological ramifications
specific to the early modern period, for they involved a series of empir
ical practices that were arguably "scientific," and, when understood in
that way, can serve to enhance our understanding of two further his
toriographical themes in world history: the Columbian exchange and
the Scientific Revolution. Alfred Crosby's conceptions of the Colum
bian exchange and ecological imperialism, which allowed for the pro
liferation of "neo-Europes" throughout much of the temperate world,
have been of immense importance to world history in helping to
understand the global environmental factors that have shaped much
of the modern world.15 Yet his work largely focuses on the impersonal
forces of nature and the inadvertent, unintentional consequence of the
spread of biological materials from pathogens to weeds to rodents.16
The story presented here aims to augment this work for Latin Amer
ica by showing the conscious introductions of new plants, the organi
zational, institutional complex that initiated and supported them, and
the epistemological ramifications of the empirical and experimental?
that is, the scientific?methods that they entailed, all of which are
represented in the practice of economic botany. In this way, the study
14 This is an issue that deserves further research, not only with regard to the European
inheritance through Spain of Islamic botanical practice, but of medical and pharmacolog
ical knowledge as well.
15 See Alfred Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of
1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973), Ecological Imperialism: The Biological
Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), and Germs,
Seeds, and Animals: Studies in Ecological History (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
16 The same can be said of a more recent work on world environmental history by John
E Richards, The Unending Frontier: An Environmental History of the Early Modem World
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 407
17 The same theme is true for the development of a global marketplace for goods in the
early modern period. Economic historians and, more recently, cultural and world historians
have paid much attention to the establishment of global commerce, particularly the devel
opment of and demand for cash crops?coffee, tea, chocolate, tobacco, cotton, spices, dye
stuffs?and the means of production and labor relations which resulted from them. See
Kenneth Pomeranz and Steven Topik, The World that Trade Created: Society, Culture, and
the World Economy, 1400-the Present (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1999); Sidney Mintz,
Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modem History (New York: Viking, 1985); and
Philip Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984) and The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic History, 2nd
ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Again, the science involved in the
development has received less attention, even though the development of the plantation
complex and the "world that trade created" depended on botanical investigations of an
empirical and experimental nature that are described here. To the extent that historians
have addressed scientific or technological concerns in the establishment of world trade,
they tend to highlight navigation, cartography, and cosmology rather than natural history,
botany, or agronomy. The interrelationship between science and commerce, the impor
tance of natural history in early modern science, and the changing meaning of "economic"
in the early modern period have been the subject of recent elaboration and are promising
areas for further research. See for example Lisbet Koerner, Linneaus: Nature and Nation
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen,
Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modem Europe (New York: Rout
ledge, 2002); John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (Lon
don: Routledge, 1993); and Margaret Schabas and Neil de Marchi, eds., Oeconomies in the
Age of Newton (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003).
18 The concept, the definition, and indeed the very existence of a European Scientific
Revolution have undergone serious questioning over the last several decades. For an
overview of these debates, see Steven ]. Harris, "Introduction: Thinking Locally, Acting
Globally," Configurations 6, no. 2 (1998): 131-139. In this essay, Harris calls for a new type
of history for the Scientfic Revolution, one that attempts to resolve (or at least address)
tensions between the "internalist" and "externalist" approaches to history of science and
between the local and the global.
19 Jorge Ca?izares-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epis
temologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 2001) and "Iberian Colonial Science," Isis 96 (2005): 64-70, and Anto
nio Barrera, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific
Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006). The subject of Spain's many contri
butions to the Scientific Revolution?indeed, its leading role in some instances?and the
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4o8 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 409
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4io JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 411
mines of gold" on the island.29 If Ferdinand and Isabela would lend him
further assistance, Columbus promised that they would have "spice . . .
as much as their highnesses shall command," including rhubarb, cin
namon, and aloe, which he believed he had identified.30 Clearly, spices
were still very much on Columbus's mind, and understandably so,
because he believed that he was near to the Spice Islands of the East
Indies.
It was soon obvious to the crown, navigators, and explorers alike
(though never to Columbus) that these islands were in fact on the
outskirts of two continents hitherto unknown to the Old World. They
presented a formidable barrier to the sought-after Spice Islands and
the silks, porcelain, and perfumes of India and China, but that does
not mean that the crown abandoned its intentions of tapping into the
trade. Encouraged by Columbus's accounts and by the temperate cli
mate of the Caribbean regions, the crown supported efforts to estab
lish spice cultivation there and in New Spain. Explorers also went on
to explore Pacific islands in search of spices and eventually claimed
the Philippine Islands, where, again, spices were objects of consider
able interest.
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412 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
their botanical characteristics as well. The trees and shrubs that pro
duced cinnamon, nutmeg, ginger, and especially cloves were subjects
of scrutiny. For each, Pigafetta described the contour and dimensions
of leaves, trunk, and branches, the climate in which they grew, and
the time of year and manner in which their all-important fruits were
harvested (or in the case of cinnamon, its bark).
For example, according to Pigafetta "the best cinnamon that can
be found" on the islands grew in a tall tree with leaves similar to the
laurel and branches "as thick as fingers" whose bark was collected
twice a year.31 The nutmeg tree resembled that of the walnut, whose
fruit yielded a bright red rind of mace that surrounded the nutmeg
inside of it.32 Ginger consisted of a small shrub whose roots could be
eaten "green" or dried.33 Cloves were probably the most sought after
and expensive spice, as they were known to grow only on the five Spice
Islands of Ternate, Tidore, Mutir, Machian, and Bacchian. A testa
ment to their importance was the fact that Pigafetta went ashore on
the islands specifically to study how they grew, noting the trees' height
and thickness?"tall and as big around as a man"?as well as the shape
of their leaves, color of the bark, and fructification?the cloves them
selves.34 Pigafetta also recorded the climactic conditions of the cloves,
which were gathered twice a year, in June and December, during the
most temperate weather. The cloves grew in very specific locales in
the mountains of the Spice Islands, where each day a cloud apparently
descended and surrounded them, and due to the moisture and cooler
temperatures that this would have effected, "the cloves become per
fect." These specific conditions were not met elsewhere, as "if any of
these trees are planted in another place, they will not live.. .. And no
cloves are grown in the world except on the five mountains of these
five islands."35 Such attention to detail would serve the Spaniards when
later on they wished to cultivate the cloves on their own.
Although Magellan's much reduced crew returned to Spain on a
ship loaded down with large quantities of valuable cloves?and another
had foundered because it was so overloaded with spices?Spanish
efforts to infiltrate the Spice Islands trade were never ultimately sue
31 See Antonio Pigafetta, The Voyage of Magellan, trans. Paula Spurlin Paige (Engle
wood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1969), p. 104. See also Emma Helen Blair and James
Alexander Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, vol. 1, De Moluccis Insulis
(Cleveland: A. H. Clark company, 1903-1909), pp. 330-335.
32 Pigafetta, Voyage of Magellan, p. 122.
33 Ibid., p. 129
34 Ibid., p. 112.
35 Ibid., p. 121.
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 413
36 Ian Cameron, Magellan and the First Circumnavigation of the World (New York: Sat
urday Review Press, 1973), p. 201. The ship that foundered was later captured by the Por
tuguese in the Moluccas.
37 For an overview of the spice trade and European rivalry over the Indian Ocean trade
routes, see Carla Rahn Phillips, "The Growth and Composition of Trade in the Iberian
Empires, 1450-1750," in The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early
Modern World, 1350-1750, ed. James D. Tracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1990), pp. 34-101.
38 For information specific to spice cultivation in the Spanish colonial Philippines, see
Paula De Vos, "The Spice Trade and the Colonization of the Philippines," Mains'l Haul: A
Journal of Pacific Maritime History 41, no. 4/42, no. 1 (Fall 2005/Winter 2006): 33-42, and
Maria Lourdes D?az-Trechuelo, "Eighteenth-Century Philippine Economy: Agriculture,"
Philippine Studies 14 (1966): 65-126. See Nicholas Cushner, Spain in the Philippines (Que
zon City: Ateneo de Manila University, 1971) for a good general English-language over
view of colonial history of the Philippines. For further reading on Spanish exploration of
the Pacific and Spanish imperial aims, see O. H. K. Spate, The Spanish Lake (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1979), and John M. Headley, "Spain's Asian Presence,
1565-1590: Structures and Aspirations," Hispanic America Historical Review 75, no. 4
(1995): 623-646. For the development of the Manila galleon trade, see William Lytle
Schurz, The Manila Galleon: The Romantic History of the Spanish Galleons Trading between
Manila and Acapuko (New York: Dutton, 1939), and, more recently, Katharine Bjork, "The
Link that Kept the Philippines Spanish," Journal of World History 9 (1998): 25-50.
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4M JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20
39 Blair and Robertson, Philippine Islands, vol. 2, The Expedition of Ruy L?pe
bos, 1541-46, p. 227, copy of a letter sent from Sevilla to Miguel Salvador of V
p. 241, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to Philip II, 26 June 1568.
40 Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla (hereafter AGI/S) Filipinas, 330, L. 4
41 Monardes has been the subject of extensive writing among Spanish-languag
and is receiving increasing recognition in Anglophone literature. For biograp
liographical information on Monardes, see Francisco Guerra, Nicol?s Bautista
vida y su obra (1493-1588) (M?xico, D.F., 1961); Francisco Rodr?guez Marin, L
biograf?a de Nicolas Monardes (Seville: Padilla Libros, 1988); Javier Lasso de la
tezo, Biograf?a y estudio cr?tico de las obras del m?dico Nicol?s Monardes (Seville: Pad
1988); and Juan Jim?nez-Castellanos y Calvo-Rubio, "Pr?logo," in Historia med
cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias occidentales que sirven de medicina, by Nico
(Seville: Padilla Libros, 1988). For recent Anglophone histories, see Marcia Su
"New World of Goods: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Spanis
1492-1700" (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2000) and Daniela
"Books, Bodies, and Fields: Sixteenth-Century Transatlantic Encounters with
Materia Medica," in Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial Botany, pp. 83-99, which d
ways in which Monardes gathered and interpreted information about Americ
that came into Seville.
42 Monardes, Historia Medicinal, 86r-v.
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 415
Transplantation of Spices:
From the Spice Islands to Mexico
43 Ibid., 98r-v.
44 Ibid., 98v.
45 For an example of the kind of rivalry that took place over the identification of spice
varieties and the search for the "true" spice in the French colonial system, see E. C. Spary,
"Of Nutmegs and Botanists: The Colonial Cultivation of Botanical Identity," in
Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial Botany, pp. 187-203. For examples in the Spanish empire,
see Daniela Bleichmar, "Visual Culture in Eighteenth-Century Natural History: Botanical
Illustrations and Expeditions in the Spanish Atlantic" (PhD diss., Princeton University,
2005).
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4i6 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
with the regulation of trade and navigation between Spain and the
Americas?though we see here that it was also involved in natural his
tory and botanical investigation. Casa officials in turn relied on colo
nial administrators?the viceroy of New Spain, the governor of the
Philippines, and the audiencia (high court) of Santo Domingo in the
cases below?for the provision of expert opinion and information.
The crown and council typically issued orders for transplantations and
dictated the economic terms under which cultivation and export
would take place; the Casa de la Contrataci?n then oversaw the col
lection of information concerning the methods and success of the
transplantation. In the colonies, local entrepreneurs cultivated the
spices and would have recorded and conveyed the pertinent data to
the local administrative body (viceroy, governor, or audiencia).
This network of administrative, economic, and knowledge-gather
ing responsibilities illustrates an important point of larger historical
and historiographical significance in that it serves to challenge certain
assumptions about the dissemination of scientific knowledge. Tradi
tional historical treatment of the development of Western science in
imperial contexts has assumed that Western science "diffused" out from
a metropolitan, European center and that any science that took place
in colonial settings as derivative by definition.46 Yet in the cases of
transplantation described below, the "expert" that the council and the
casa turned to for advice and direction was the viceroy of Mexico, who
was asked on one occasion to send an instruction booklet along with
seedlings he sent to Spain. Furthermore, it is clear that no one involved
in this network was a trained naturalist, and though they consulted
with doctors and apothecaries for botanical knowledge, their work was
to provide empirical data and careful, meticulous observation as well.47
Thus, rather than disseminating from an obvious European metropo
lis to an obvious colonial periphery, the knowledge created in these
cases was a product of circulation?of a "moving metropolis" rather
than a strictly defined center, through which knowledge moved multi
directionally and thus served creative purposes on both sides of the
46 The classic work that originated the so-called "diffusionist" approach is George
Basalla, "The Spread of Western Science," Science 156 (1967): 616-622.
47 There is growing awareness among historians of science that much European scien
tific development of the early modern period came not from learned experts, but rather from
artists, artisans, merchants, and other entrepreneurs. See, for example, Smith and Findlen,
Merchants and Marvels, of which Antonio Barrera's "Local Herbs, Global Medicines," pp.
163-181, is particularly relevant, and Pamela H. Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and
Experience in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 417
Atlantic and of the Pacific.48 In this way, the unit under observation is
less a strictly political entity than one also defined by transoceanic
travel, and as such serves to highlight another way in which it is part
of a larger, global narrative.49
48 The literature on issues of center and periphery is wide ranging. For issues specific
to imperial and colonial science, see Roy MacLeod, "On Visiting the 'Moving Metropolis':
Reflections on the Architecture of Imperial Science," in Scientific Colonialism: A Cross
Cultural Comparison, ed. Nathan Reingold and Marc Rothenberg (Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Institution Press, 1987). I would also like to point out that the multidirec
tional movement of knowledge and expertise throughout the Spanish empire that I describe
below demonstrates that for the empire, there was not simply one "center of calculation"?
the obvious one centered on the customs house in Seville?but rather multiple centers,
including Mexico City, where the viceroy was looked upon to gather expert advice on
transplantations.
49 This idea fits in with Jerry Bentley's call for using sea and ocean basins as units for
the study of world history as an alternative to national parameters that modern historians
tend to adhere to. See Jerry H. Bentley, "Sea and Ocean Basins as Frameworks of Histori
cal Analysis," Geographical Review 89, no. 2 (1999): 215-224.
50 I thank Antonio Ba?era for providing me with this information.
51 Blair and Robertson, Philippine Islands, 2:58.
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4i8 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
52 See Bleichmar, "Books, Bodies, and Fields," in Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial
Botany, p. 87.
53 AGI/S 606 L. 2, f. i2ir.
54 AGI/S Indiferente, 738, N. 47, f. ir.
55 Ibid., f. IV.
56 Ibid., fs. ir-v.
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 419
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420 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
ment with the crown, the council sent a request to the viceroy of New
Spain for information as to the progress of spice cultivation in those
lands. It is in this request that the empirical, information-seeking prac
tices of the Spanish crown become clear, showing the possibility of sci
entific activity and knowledge production within the very strict com
mercial and economic boundaries set up by the terms of the asiento. In
1597, the Council of the Indies admitted that "it is unknown whether
[Mendoza] ever executed the cultivation of pepper, cloves, cinnamon,
Chinese ginger, or sandalwood." In the interest of their great potential
and "utility for the state," the council requested information, presum
ably from the viceroy of Mexico, as to Mendoza's efforts in this regard
and sent along a treatise titled "Seedlings and Plantings" ("Sementeras
y Plantios") to help with any current projects.61 Most importantly, the
council desired to know if the spice cultivation had been successful,
and if so, why, and if not, why not. They requested "very particularly"
information on "the disposition and condition of the earth, ... in
which lands, what climate, and where and how these seeds were cul
tivated, and the uses which result from them."62 This type of informa
tion, which delved into the specific habitat and ecology of spice flora,
represents an early example of the methods of economic botany.
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 421
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422 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 423
72 Frank Moya Pons, Historia colonial de Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: UCMM,
1974), p. 89.
73 These statistics come from Schiebinger, Plants and Empire, p. 4, who cites Mauricio
Nieto Olarte, "Remedies for the Empire: The Eighteenth-Century Spanish Botanical
Expeditions to the New World" (PhD diss., History of Science and Technology, Imperial
College, London, 1993). Moya Pons, Historia colonial, p. 89, states that by 1607, Hispan
iola was producing more than 170,000 pounds of ginger worth approximately 103 million
maravedis.
74 Moya Pons, Historia colonial, p. 89.
75 AGI/S Santo Domingo, 869, L. 7, fs. 25^r-v.
76 AGI/S Santo Dominto, 868, L. 4, f. 34r.
77 AGI/S Santo Domingo, 870, L. 8, f. i46r.
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424 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
duct ion of sugar [on these islands]."78 In this way, although the crown
sought to inhibit the production of ginger, the council was still very
interested in collecting knowledge, via the detailed reports, about how
to best manage its production.
Yet the problems did not end there. Ginger continued to be so
profitable that sugar mill owners had abandoned their mills in favor of
growing the spice. Given the problems of oversupply of ginger, crown
officials in 1607 banned the sugar planters from growing ginger.
According to the Council of the Indies, eight sugar mills on the island
of Hispaniola were no longer in service, and the island had produced
only three thousand arrobas ( 1 arroba is the equivalent of twenty-five
pounds?so seventy-five thousand pounds) of sugar that year, when it
was capable of producing at least twelve thousand. The council's solu
tion was to order the mill owners "to devote themselves solely to the
production of sugar" and forbid them from planting any ginger.79
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 425
82 AGI/S Santo Dominto, 868, L. 3, f. i6v. Subsequent orders also requested similar
information concerning the cultivation of cotton and rice and the management of live
stock on the island.
83 See David C. Goodman, Power and Penury: Government, Technology, and Science in
Philip IPs Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), Enrique Martinez Ruiz,
dir. Felipe II, la Ciencia y la T?cnica (Madrid: Actas Editorial, 1999), especially Jos? Mar?a
L?pez Pinero, "Actividad cient?fica y sociedad en la Espa?a de Felipe II," 17-36 and F J.
Campos y Fern?ndez De Sevilla, dir. La Ciencia en el Escorial (Madrid: Ediciones Escuria
lenses, 1992).
84 AGI/S Indiferente, 1956, L. 1, f. 67r.
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426 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, DECEMBER 20o6
Conclusion
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De Vos: The Science of Spices 427
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