Bangert 1

Cristopher Bangert

Professor Paula Backscheider

Age of Revolution British Literature

16 November 2017

Stonewall Riots: The Origins of American LGBTQIA+ Rights

The 1960s in America was not a tolerant decade. The waxing and waning fear of

Communist pressures weighed internationally, radical racial rights movements were underway,

anti-Vietnam war sentiment was rampant, and the development of counter-culture all contributed

to the sense of volatility and uncertainty. In the maelstrom of this, queer rights movements began

to take meaningful shape as well – much to the discontent of the general public (Alwood).

Sexuality and gender were as taboo a topic as ever, with homosexuality still being viewed as a

disease or a sin, and sodomy illegal even between two consenting adults in every state except

Illinois (Painter; Bayer 19). Isolated groups of “homophiles” existed across the country, but there

was no unified front with intentionality for sweeping change. The Stonewall Riot was incited by

just another incident of police harassing queer people, but – given the immediate political

atmosphere – it inspired a group of queer citizens to organize the first pride parade and

revolutionized the national culture through their epitomizing chant: “Say it clear, say it loud. Gay

is good, gay is proud.”

As American society developed, and developed laws, it did not necessarily match pace

with deconstructing prejudices lingering majorly from colonial, imperialistic times. The

Europeans who came to colonize America were already intolerant of homosexual practices

largely because of religious implications; sodomy in England was explicitly illegal for nearly

two hundred years and culturally forbidden before (Burgwinkle 200). The law and sentiment
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carried over to America, and so ties between the well-known view of Native Americans as

“savages” and same-sex intercourse “…documented in over 130 North American tribes, in every

region of the continent” further linked homosexuality to moral degradation (Roscoe 5). Rhetoric

against homosexuals dates back to the Roman Empire and beyond, with one of the late emperors,

Justinian I – credited with establishing the basis of modern civil law – blaming homosexuals for

“…famines, earthquakes, and pestilences…” that God punished them with (Merryman 9; Derrick

73). Then as in the 1960s, lawmakers invoked their prejudices while making laws and infused

legislation with culturally-accepted stereotypes. Sodomy laws, much like Jim Crow laws with

respect to the African-American community, served to criminalize members of the queer

community (particularly the most visible: gay men) and eliminate employment opportunities for

homosexuals on grounds of not hiring a felon. Bizarre laws served as roadblocks for the

acquisition of equal rights on every level, even so far as IRS laws that prevented “homosexual

education and charity groups” from obtaining section 501 tax-exempt status unless they

“publicly stated that homosexuality is a “’sickness, disturbance, or diseased pathology,’” an

obvious disadvantage when religious groups campaigning against their rights get tax-exempt

status automatically (Haider-Markel).

To fully understand the significance of the Stonewall Riot, one must grasp the decades of

injustice before and how the community came to be as it was. All information pertaining to the

congregation of homosexuals in New York City and specific items in regard to the public

opinion of them up to 1970 is contained between The Gay Metropolis by Charles Kaiser and

Coming Out Under Fire by Allan Bérubé unless otherwise sourced.

The originations of pride and a positive homosexual identity surprisingly began with

World War II. During the drafts after Pearl Harbor in 1942, “14,000 men were entering 250
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different training centers every day.” Previously isolated gay men were being funneled into an

environment where mandatory homosocial relationships easily masked the homosexual

subculture. Following the monumental number of veterans suffering from psychological damage

from World War I, the American Psychiatric Association’s Military Mobilization Committee

headed a program to screen potential soldiers for mental aptitude for combat – wanting to

minimize shell shock. At first a righteous cause (headed by gay man Harry Stack Sullivan), it

soon became a method to keep those with “sexual perversion” out of the military. It was,

however, a catastrophic failure. The direct “do you like girls?” question was easy to outmaneuver

to the degree that only 0.03 percent of the eighteen million men examined being barred from

entry. First-person accounts of drafted gay men such as Charles Rowland encapsulates their

ubiquitous excitement to partake in “…the experience of [their] generation” without letting

“some stupid regulation about being gay” prohibit them. Abroad, the soldiers discovered the

prominent global queer culture; Leo Aultman, a soldier on leave in Paris, notes on a nightclub:

You walked in, and suddenly you realized the size of homosexuality – the total global

reach of it! There were hundreds of guys from all over the world in all kinds of uniforms:

there were free Poles dancing with American soldiers; there were Scotsmen dancing with

Algerians; there were Free French; there were Russians. It was like a U.N. of gays. It was

just incredible. I mean there were men dancing with each other! I had never seen that

before in my life! There was lots of singing at the bar, and lots of arms around each

other’s shoulders.

This surge of homosexuality in the armed forces was not reserved for just men. Women joining

the ranks of the Women’s Army Corps (WAC) or Women Accepted for Volunteer Emergency

Service (WAVES) “enjoyed an even more prevalent lesbian culture.” The classic narrative of
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their camaraderie is exemplified by Johnnie Phelps, a female Army sergeant of a battalion that

was “…probably about ninety-seven percent lesbian,” being commanded by General Eisenhower

to report the lesbians for termination. Sergeant Phelps retorts that her name will top the list, and

then her subordinates echo that theirs will go above hers. She then reminds Eisenhower of the

absence of pregnancies, desertion, or misconduct and the merit of their behavior. He promptly

dropped the issue (Knaff 415).

These warfront communities are some of the first near-completely queer spaces that

many of these men and women had experienced, so naturally the sense of community boomed

and the ostracization was minimal. Gay WWII veteran Stuart Loomis noted on the homefront

that “people sort of did with their gay behavior what they did with everything else, which was

take chances and risks and try to enjoy things because who knows where you might be sent

tomorrow;” stories abounded of people passing through New York en route to Europe and

hooking up in the meantime (Loomis). Composer Ned Rorem’s “…hair stands on end

[remembering] the thousands of people [he] went to bed with” on account of being a teenager

during the war, despite not being in the army himself (Leyland 213).

In 1944, a new directive was placed that gave the right to hospitalize suspected

homosexuals, not only those caught in homosexual acts. The “…forced hospitalization,

mandatory psychiatric diagnoses, [and] discharge as sexual psychopaths…” only perpetuated the

myth of homosexuality as a mental disorder and led to dishonorable discharges, which

disqualified gay men from the GI Bill and other veteran benefits. This lingering sense of

community and lack of money prompted many veterans to stay in New York and form the

Veterans Benevolent Association – one of the first gay organizations in New York State –

dedicated to maintaining a network for queer veterans to hook up and help each other. Years
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later, in the early 1950’s, thousands more would flock to fill apartments in Greenwich Village,

the East Fifties, and the Upper West Side in an attempt to recapture the same New York City

they knew during the hysteria of the war.

Also in the early 1950’s was McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare, the Communist

witch hunt that set the tone for the decade: “Conformity of every kind was king.” The average

American man received his GI Bill and could supplement a college education, marriage, and a

mortgage. The average homosexual American man would be lucky to hold a job. Executive

Order 10450 signed by Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1953 gave employers the right to fire people

based on “sexual perversion” who worked with the Federal Government, though this expanded to

private contractors rapidly (Exec.). Puritanical values reinstated themselves as the frenzy from

World War II receded; movies were censored by the Hays Office with a distinct slant: “…no film

could ‘infer that casual or promiscuous sex relationships are the accepted or common thing.’

Furthermore, ‘Lustful and open-mouthed kissing’ was prohibited…”. Almost all reference to

homosexuals in newspapers was connected to a crime. Police investigators would drop all

investigation into a case once they learned the victim was homosexual (determined by measuring

sphincter looseness). The homosexual image was utterly stifled. Gay people who grew up in

New York would not know anything about the queer scene unless stumbled or ushered into it.

Sandy Kern, a twenty-year-old lesbian, was directed to a social worker who told her of a

“very good friend” who was an ex-lesbian living in Greenwich Village – a place Sandy had

never heard of. She travelled there to meet ex-lesbian “Linda Savage” (a pseudonym, as was her

own name), and was seduced and living with her within three meetings. Sandy recounts “always

[feeling] very caged up in Brooklyn, because I knew I couldn’t express my feelings there. But in

the Village I was a freed uncaged tiger!” Naturally entranced by a world of sexual abundance,
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she had sex while Linda is in Switzerland with “Cathy” – another pseudonym – who eventually

was run out of the city by Linda and married a gay man for the ease. Seven months later, Cathy

was impregnated, miserable, and returned to New York City to Sandy, who rebuked her and later

recalled:

You know, being a lesbian was terrible, and I wasn’t going to bring up an infant who’s

going to follow me and be like me. I was terrified of that because I wasn’t feeling special

anymore. I really hit reality after all these years – that it was no good thing to be a

lesbian. Because of all the harassment in the streets and the bars closing, being raided and

run by Mafia. It was just an ugly world, and I certainly wasn’t going to be responsible for

bringing a child into that world. [sic]

This mindset was echoed in countless homosexuals, characterized by forces of

oppression, helplessness, and shame. “Pride” had not entered the vernacular of gay culture yet,

and every move had to be made surreptitiously to avoid discovery. There was one glimmer of

hope, though not everyone caught wind of it immediately: Sexual Behavior in the Human Male

by Alfred Charles Kinsey. This landmark 804-page report detailed sexuality in 1940’s America

like no project before it, asking 12,000 Americans (among other questions) to place themselves

on his famous zero-to-six scale of sexuality. The statistics shocked the nation: thirty-seven

percent of men reached orgasm with another man after puberty, twenty-five percent sought out

homosexual experiences for at least three years between sixteen and fifty-five years old, ten

percent were “more or less exclusive homosexual,” and four percent were “exclusive

homosexual throughout their lives.” In a culture that suffocated sexuality, this report gave proof

of the ubiquity of homosexuality. These statistics brought homosexuality just out of the dark

enough for some of the first “homophile” groups to form; Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon (along
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with three other couples) founded the Daughters of Bilitis for lesbians, and Harry Hay, a gay

Communist man in San Francisco, founded The Mattachine Society in 1951 for gay men. This

congregation of “well-adjusted…gay American men…” instantly attracted Dr. Evenlyn Hooker,

a psychologist at the University of California. Hooker conducted basic but foundational

experiments compelled by “curiosity and empathy…” that compared thirty gay men to thirty

heterosexual men using contemporary, “…widely accepted standardized” psychological tests.

The results were indistinguishable – heterosexual and homosexual men were no different except

in sexuality.

The pillar in the foundation of gay visibility was The Homosexual in America by Edward

Sagarin under the pseudonym Donald Webster Cory. The book expounded on the life of gay men

in America from the 1920’s into the early 1950’s and explained topics that many members of the

general public would not be privy to otherwise. The “… Bible of the early gay movement,” the

book was revolutionary in changing how homosexuals viewed themselves; William Wynkoop, a

gay college English professor, notes that “there wasn’t one homosexual that I had talked to – or

gone to bed with – who shared my view that we were not abnormal and sick.” In the coming

years, however, between Kinsey’s, Hooker’s, and Sagarain’s work, the positive identity of

homosexuals would begin to form. As their condition began to be appropriately rebranded as a

simple sexual orientation instead of a disease, confidence naturally prospered and any difference

in treatment began to seem glaringly unjust.

In 1960, Franklin Kameny and Jack Nichols, radicalized by The Homosexual in America,

formed an independent chapter of the Mattachine Society in Washington. In Sagarin’s book, he

invoked W.E.B. Du Bois’ argument that the greatest wound white people had inflicted upon

black people was self-doubt and the general contempt for other black people in regard to queer
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people. Kameny and Nichols urged that regressive publications of larger gay publications like

Mattachine Review and One harmed gay men more than aid them by perpetuating the “mental

disorder” narrative. Their call to change the rhetoric continued for years, and they actively

sought slogans that heightened the gay image. Franklin Kameny emulated Stokely Carmichael’s

“black is beautiful” with “gay is good,” and began the Annual Reminder in 1965 – a yearly

protest outside of Independence Hall in Philadelphia on July 4th distinctly to increase the

visibility of homosexuals.

These were obviously far from the only protests and civil achievements during this time

period. Nationwide anti-Vietnam protests began in 1964, and continued well into the 1970’s

(Cooney 183). The first Catholic president, John F. Kennedy, was also assassinated, summoning

deep ambivalence about retrospective excitement of a future where atypical Americans could

hold positions of power. The 1960’s volatility electrified the political climate; if “in the Fifties,

the silent generation venerated conformity…the Vietnam generation celebrated diversity” in the

Sixties. The Civil Rights Movement hit its peaks in the 1960’s between the Civil Rights Act of

1964, Voting Rights of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968. It also hit some of its most tragic

points with assassinations of key members like Medgar Evers in 1963, Malcom X in 1965, and

Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968 (Not Your Negro). Riots in 130 cities across the country in

response to King’s death “planted seeds of disobedience inside the hearts of millions” of queer

people, ready to fight for their rights.

The homosexual population in New York had grown to heights that became impossible to

ignore or handle through bullying. A front-page article on December 17, 1963 in the New York

Times, “Growth of Homosexuality In City Provokes Wide Concern,” was so astounding due to

how much attention it explicitly gave a sexual subject. The article was straight out the 1950s,
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promoting conversion therapy (even though it only had a twenty-seven percent success rate),

fear-mongering with statements of “…one man out of three…” being homosexual, and ironically

stating it “is a problem that has grown in the shadows, protected by taboos on open discussion

that have only recently begun to be breached.” The queer community of New York City was

established. It was identifying with pride through Kameny’s and Nichol’s annual marches and

other events, and it was a “minority of militant homosexuals” itching for the ability to dance,

kiss, or hold hands in public. In 1967, a televised event called “The Homosexuals” was broadcast

on CBS that debated if homosexuals could engage in lasting romantic relationships, be cured of

their illness, and similar topics. While the arguments were trite, the event reached “forty million

prime-time viewers” and gave homosexuals more visibility than they possibly ever had, and the

original even had a pro-homosexual slant (which got it soon scrapped). The Wall Street Journal

published a sizable article in 1968 extolling the strides made by the homosexual community,

particularly lawyers like Clark P. Polak, executive secretary of the Homosexual Law Reform

Society, who were “…concerned with initiating litigation” instead of avoiding it (Alverson).

A longstanding problem in New York City queer culture centered around bars. Laws

were in place that prevented gay men or lesbians from being served in bars, so naturally, bootleg

pop-up bars opened up run by the Mafia. These bars would have appalling hygiene standards,

watered-down liquor, and – despite payoffs to the police – be raided and shut down often. A sip-

in at Julius’s in 1966, led by the Mattachine Society, challenged the law that gay men could not

be served at bars to attempt to start a conversation on this. Three men, including President Dick

Leitsch, sought out a bar with a sign “if you’re gay, go away” and asked to be served. The

bartender declined, and litigation ensued. A year later, the New York State Supreme Court found

in favor of the three men, stating that a bar could not be shut down simply for serving gay people
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(Simon). This did not change the culture, though, as several gay bars were already established

around popular gay villages. The exclusivity of these bars could not be rivaled, knowing that

almost all patrons were queer in some shape or form.

“Gay bars” technically did not exist. The State Liquor Authority (SLA) did not give

liquor licenses to bars that seemed to cater to majorly homosexual crowds. The demand for

alcohol and socialization space was obvious, so the mafia stepped in to profit. They would

establish “bottle clubs,” which technically did not need licenses, pay police to look the other

way, and then rip-off the queer community. Police corruption was rampant, so often police

would still raid (with warning) in order to make themselves look good or to get more money

from whatever was still on-location. Even good cops would love to raid the bars since

“anatomical inspection” would follow, and the crossdressing patrons would be detained,

bolstering the officer’s arrest numbers.

The information on the events of the night at Stonewall and immediate history is from

David Carter’s Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked the Gay Revolution, as this source contains the

overall narrative that is most in-line with other interviews and sources.

Many of the bars in The Village were just for cruising (bar-hopping with intent for sex),

and gendered, such as the Snake Pit and the Sewer. The Stonewall Inn, however, catered to

groups of people even shunned within the queer community: the crossdressing “drags” and

“queens.” The influx of homeless queer youth or those who had no jobs also increased the

reliance for the Stonewall Inn as a place to escape the weather, since for the three dollar cover

one could spend the night inside. There was no pressure to drink, and it was the only place a lot

of the patrons had. It was also the only bar with a dance floor that allowed same-sex dancing.
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The famous Stonewall Riot was preceded by a sort-of raid earlier that week on July 24th.

As the bar personnel were being arrested and their on-site liquor confiscated (most of their stores

were often in nearby parked cars for this sort of situation), the owners bragged “we’ll be open

again tomorrow.” Seymour Pine, a deputy inspector for the NYPD, was “stung” by this defiance

and would lead the raid on the early morning of Saturday, July 28th, 1969.

The Stonewall Inn was a mess. No running water behind the bar lead to health hazards,

toilets often overflowed, and there was one exit (violating several fire safety codes). The walls

were painted black and typically black lights or pulsing gel lights lit the bar, and the owners

would switch to normal white lights whenever they knew police were coming. On July 28th,

though, the police had sent in undercover cops to collect evidence, and were raiding to shut it

down for good. Seymour Pine and his eleven accompanying officers barged in, announcing

“Police! We’re taking the place!” and the patrons – never actually part of a raid – began a

frenzied panic to try and get out. Standard protocol was to have female police officers inspect the

genitalia of female-presenting people and verify with their identification card that everything

lined up, and same respectively with men – but the patrons weren’t having it. Identification was

refused, and no one went into bathrooms to have their genitalia verified, so the police decided to

arrest everyone.

The patrol wagons were called, and a crowd began to form outside of the Inn.

Exaggerated salutes and posing began to draw murmurs from the crowd as they hesitantly

watched their fellow queers be prepared to be brought to the police station. Seymour Pine

recalled the size of the crowd having “…grown to ten times the number of people who were

arrested, and they all became very quiet.”

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Patrol wagons arrived, and the Mafia members were loaded in first, which received

cheers from the bystanders. Next, the most eccentric drag queens were filed in and members of

crowd shouted, “gay power” and began singing “We Shall Overcome.” The crowd summoned

“growing and intensive hostility” as police showed the same to transgender patrons. Queer

author Edmund White noted: “Everyone's restless, angry, and high-spirited. No one has a slogan,

no one even has an attitude, but something's brewing.” Pennies and dimes began being thrown at

the wagon. It was an idle bomb, ticking down. A butch, mixed-race lesbian was brought out of

the bar – later believed by many to be Stormé DeLarverie – complaining of too-tight handcuffs

and struggling to get loose. The police officer hit her over the head with a baton, drawing blood,

and Stormé punched him back. She was then roughed up more, and as she being thrown into the

patrol wagon she cried “why don’t you guys do something?” to the crowd. And they did.

The crowd went into a frenzy. There was “instant pandemonium [as] the police were

pelted with pennies, dimes, and insults…” (Kaiser 198). The police retreated into the bar and

bolted the door, and one of the crowd pulled a loose parking meter and began to use it as a

battering ram. Seymour Pine grabbed a nearby demonstrator as the door fell (ultimately Dave

Van Ronk, a popular singer) and beat him inside the bar with other officers. They then grabbed a

firehose to attempt to keep patrons at bay until backup arrived, but “it produced only a feeble

spray – and more ridicule from their attackers” (Kaiser 199). The attackers than began splashing

lighter fluid through the windows and tossing in matches. The cops pull their guns and aimed at

the entrance; “Inspector Pine was afraid, he thought he might have to kill some of the kids, and

he really didn’t want to.”

At that moment, however, the Tactical Patrol Force arrived, who had experience of

quelling antiwar demonstrations across the city already, and relieved the shocked and scared
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police officers. The crowd, though, continued into the night against the TPF and around the

Village with chants of “Let my people go” and impromptu theater lines by the drag queens: “We

are the Stonewall girls / We wear our hair in curls / We wear no underwear / We show our pubic

hair / We wear our dungarees / Above our nelly knees”. There was concern by the older

generation of queers at the dangers of so blatantly flaunting their sexuality, but that was the new

era. That was the only way to be heard, and the up-and-coming generation knew it. Stormé

DeLarverie later summarized:

Stonewall was just the flip side of the black revolt when Rosa Parks took a stand. Finally,

the kids down there took a stand. But it was peaceful. I mean, they said it was a riot; it

was more like a civil disobedience. Noses got broken, there were bruises and banged-up

knuckles and things like that, but no one was seriously injured. The police got the shock

of their lives when those queens came out of that bar and pulled off their wigs and went

after them. I knew sooner or later people were going to get the same attitude that I had.

They had just pushed once too often. (200)

The first night’s riot ended around four in the morning with four police officers injured and

thirteen arrests, but the next night both sides had resumed their presence in the streets. Allen

Ginsberg, renowned gay poet, exclaimed “Gay Power! Isn’t that great! The guys there were so

beautiful. They’ve lost that wounded look that fags all had ten years ago.”

News outlets covered it in waves of recognition. Immediate response in local papers like

The New York Times buried the story on page 33, stating that “…hundreds of youths

rampaged…” from a bar known for “homosexual clientele” the day after, and four days later

reduced it to police dispersing 500 demonstrators (“Four Policeman”; ”Hostile Crowd”). The

Daily News wrote on July 6th, a week after: “Homo Nest Raided, Queen Bees Are Stinging Mad”
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(Kaiser 201). The first gay-authored account was in an article in Screw, a heterosexual

pornographic tabloid. The column – written by Lige Clarke and his lover Jack Nichols read:

The revolution in Sheridan Square must step beyond its present boundaries. The

homosexual revolution is only a part of a larger revolution sweeping through all segments

of society. We hope that ‘Gay Power’ will not become a call for separation, but for sexual

integration … It is time to push the homosexual revolution to its logical conclusion. We

must crush tyranny wherever it exists and join forces with those who would assist in the

utter destruction of the puritanical, repressive, anti-sexual Establishment. (Kaiser 202)

The piece got around, and a popular heterosexual bar Electric Circus hosted a multi-sexual party

on July 6th which was a resounding success – the first of its kind.

The flurry of activism that followed is difficult to detail. Stormé DeLarverie was one

potential hero and instigator of the Stonewall Rebellion, but two other presences were Marsha P.

Johnson and Sylvia Rivera, black and Puerto-Rican drag queens, respectively. They both

founded Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR) to aid impoverished youth on the

street, particularly transgender people of color (Giffney 252). Both were also active co-founders

of the Gay Liberation Front (GFL) – founded by Michael Brown, a young, radical after he

seceded from the Mattachine Society to reclaim “gay” in a democratic group rather than a

monarchic one (“Gay Liberation Front”). On November 2nd, 1969, the Eastern Regional

Conference of Homophile Organizations convened in Philadelphia and made two radical

decisions: to abandon the Annual Reminder in favor of Pride marches on the anniversary of the

Stonewall riots, and to “contact Homophile organizations throughout the country and suggest

that they hold parallel demonstrations on that day…we propose a nationwide show of support”

(Teal 322). The Gay Liberation Front served as an amalgamation for individual homophile
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groups to rally behind and identify with, rather than only local groups. Through the efforts of

many members of the Eastern Regional Conference of Homophile Organizations – but

particularly Brenda Howard who is known as “Mother of Pride” for the work organizing the first

festivities and coining the word – new “Pride Marches” took place in New York, Chicago, and

Los Angeles in 1970, and expanded to Atlanta, Detroit, Miami, Ann Arbor, Buffalo, and

Washington, D.C. the next year, and Berlin, London, and Paris the next (Belonsky; Armstrong

742).

The gay liberation movement obtained an unstoppable momentum through Stonewall.

The Gay Liberation Front, founded as a result of Stonewall, acted as a conduit for nationwide

political involvement that planted the seeds for change in generations to come. In 2015, the

Stonewall Inn and the surrounding area was classified as a historical landmark – historical in

itself as it is the first queer landmark in the city (Rosenberg). As of 2015, it is not in the New

York City Police Department’s patrol guide to verify that I. D.’s match genitalia, but instead to

use any preferred names or preferred pronouns of anyone they interact with (United States).

Global, annual Pride parades still happen during what is now Pride month. Stonewall was the

first and only place that could have the energy to storm the streets for four days and grab,

captivate, and shape national attention. While there are still obvious gender and sexual

orientation issues today, Stonewall launched a generation of queer people into a life of

(unfortunately necessary) political involvement which allows for the momentum of all those

before them to be compounded into meaningful results.

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Work Cited

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Them.” The Wall Street Journal, July 17, 1968.

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1969." Journalism History, vol. 41, no. 1, Spring2015, p. 11. EBSCOhost,

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Belonsky, Andrew. “The Gay Pride Issue.” Queerty, 2007. Accessed Nov 16 2017.

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Carter, David. Stonewall: The Riots That Sparked the Gay Revolution. New York: St.

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Press, 1955.

Executive Order 10450. 3 C.F.R 936 (1949-1953).

“Four Policemen Hurt In ‘Village’ Raid.” New York Times, 29 June 1969, p. L33.
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"Gay Liberation Front" The New York Public Library

web-static.nypl.org/exhibitions/1969/liberation.html. Accessed 16 Nov 2017.

Giffney, Noreen. Queering the Non/Human. Ashgate Publishing, 2012. Retrieved July 9,

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Eisenhower, and the Power and Politics of Myth’ Journal of Lesbian Studies, vol.

13, no. 4, 2009, pp. 415-430. DOI: 10.1080/10894160903048155. Accessed 10

December 2017

Leyland, Winston. Gay Sunshine Interview, Volume 2. Gay Sunshine Press, 1982. Print.

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Accessed 10 December 2017

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Press, 2007.
 Bangert 18

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