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Running head: THE INFLUENCE OF SPACE CONSTRAINTS 1

The Influence of Space Constraints on Implicit Egotism

Sophie Hirsch

Catawba College

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Psychology 3560, Social Psychology

February 8th, 2019


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Abstract

In order to examine the effect of room for expansiveness, in contrast to contractiveness, on

self-referencing and implicit egotism, that is, self-focus, participants wrote either positively or

negatively about themselves, or not at all, and then provided information about their name,

their preferences, family, hierarchy, and mood, while they were either in a large or small

room (8.04 m² or 1.88 m²). We found that men were more likely to engage in self-enhancing

behavior, especially when in smaller spaces. While sex and room size had an effect on name-

liking, neither showed an effect in name-letter matching. Our results make us believe that men

think more positive when they have the feeling of power, which may be diminished when

they are in smaller spaces.


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The Influence of Expansive Rooms on Implicit Egotism

“What’s in a name? That which we call a rose. By any other name would smell as

sweet” (Shakespeare, 1594).

Maybe Romeo and Juliet would have taken a different ending if the two families

would have had names that are more alike, such as Montague and Martinez or Capulet and

Clarke. Numerous researchers have found a link between the own name and the things we like

and dislike (Coulter & Grewal, 2014; Pelham, Carvallo & Jones, 2005). “What’s in a name?”

(Shakespeare, 1594) and how does a name dictate our daily choices. Why does Christina get

her daily caramel macchiato from Koco Java and recently decided to become a

communication major at Columbus State? Our investigation aimed to analyze the immediate

environmental factors that influence this name liking and under which circumstances it is

strongest.

Name-letter liking is a function of implicit egotism. The term “implicit egotism” refers

the idea that individuals have a positive association about themselves and therefore,

subconsciously, transfers this affects to other objects (Boyd & Robinson, 2015; Jones,

Pelham, Carvallo & Mirrenberg, 2004). Consequently, the things we like often reflect our

names. One example of implicit egotism is the name-letter effect (Pelham & Carvallo, 2015).

The name letter effect is the tendency to prefer the letters in one’s name more than other

letters and therefore to prefer things that sound similar (Anseel, 2008; Hoorens, 2014;

Knewtson & Sias, 2010). For example, Sophie majors in Psychology and Exercise Science in

Salisbury. This phenomenon is shown to be valid cross-culturally (Hooren, Nuttin, Herman &

Pavakanun, 1990; Nuttin, 1985).

Pelham, Carvallo, DeHart, and Jones (2003) hypothesized that implicit egotism,

specifically seen by name-letter matching, is a robust phenomenon and dictates daily life

choices, such as where we live. They assessed the likelihood of people living in cities that

were similar to their names and on streets that resembled their names. Seven studies were
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completed in which Pelham et al. (2003) looked at common European names and the link

between their geographical residency. They found that people were 41% more likely to live in

a city that mirrored their surname and that throughout all 50 States people tended to live on

streets that resembled their name. For example, Mr. Johnson would be more likely to live on

Johnson drive than any other road. Geographical designators such as “hill” and “park,” lands

strips such as “Lane,” and names of deceased presidents such as “Washington” were

examined. The results were identical providing evidence for name letter matching. Pelham et

al. (2003) thus argued that implicit egotism is a phenomenon that exists outside of the

conditions in a lab and which can influence simple and unconscious, but important, life

decisions, such as where someone will live.

It is notable that name-letter liking is a cross cultural phenomenon, and is present not

only in Western cultures (Falk, Heine, Takemura, Zhandg, Hsu, 2015; Hoorens et al., 1990).

Name-letter liking and matching are malleable and may be shaped by environmental cues,

such as geographical location or people we associate with, or by our emotional state of mind.

This means that we chose certain things in our life, such as the cities we move to or the

friends we like, that are linked to our own name. Brownlow, Attea, Makransky and Lopez

(2007) found that we choose to possess these because they have a connection to our own

name. I addition, we like things that are similar to us, therefore, we like people with similar

names. Simonsohn (2011) showed that people that apply for a job and have a similar name to

the employer have a better chance of getting chosen. In fact, he found that a job offer is 64

times more likely if the applicant shares the first three letters of the last name. Self-thought is

closely linked to implicit egotism and therefore to name-letter matching. Verplanken, Friborg,

Wang, Trafimov and Woolf (2007) claimed that negative self-thinking is a predictor of

implicit egotism, and that we engage more in name letter matching. In other words, that self-

thought may be a priming mechanism for the use of implicit egotism.


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We wanted to explore how embodied cognition, such as the connections between our

physical actions and are psychological state of mind, is linked to name-letter matching.

Embodied cognition suggests that the mind and body work together, that are thoughts may

prime our actions or vice-versa (Häfner, 2013; Nair, Sagar, Sollers, Consedine & Broadbent,

2015). An example of this that may be seen on media of this would be politicians walk

together while discussing political matters, which means they are more likely to agree.

Osypiuk, Thompson, and Wayne (2018) argue that dynamic and static body postures in

practices such as Tai Chi or Qigong can improve mood, as well as mental health. Thus, if we

have more space, or claim more space, we may feel more confident and powerful because we

are able to spread out more.

Tiba and Menea (2018) investigated embodied cognition and its effect on stress,

finding that if our body poses more powerful or does actions that seem confident, our thought

will adapt and Pateropoulos (2018) found that mind body awareness (embodied cognition)

techniques help clinical patients that suffer from burnout. Subsequently they implied that

embodied stimulation concepts may be a treatment method for people with psychological

disorders. Similarly, Nair, Sagar, Sollers et al. (2015) reported that if we sit upright we have

higher self-esteem, are more aroused, have a better mood and less fear, and that we have a

higher pulse pressure before, during and after stressful situations. Nair et al. (2015) therefore

suggest that sitting upright can be considered a behavioral strategy to build resilience to

stress.

Cuddy, Wilmuth and Yap (2015) investigated how power posing before stressful

situations affects performance and nonverbal characteristics by looking at the space

participants claimed before an interview and their performance during it. The results indicated

that participants in the high-power posing condition with more space had greater chance of

being hired. Finally, Cuddy et al. (2015) indicated that there was no relationship between the

claim for room in the pose of the participants during the speech and the original power posing
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condition. They argued that power posing is a predictor for performance in stressful events,

and exerting more power before a stressful event leads to more confidence. Furthermore,

Cuddy et al. (2015) claimed that by having more nonverbal presence, as in being more

enthusiastic and having more eye contact, one will be more likely to succeed in a situation.

Cuddy et al. (2015) argued in favor of and against the claim of space and performance saying

that expanding into space may or may not cause psychological changes, however, that

expanding into space will create a feeling of power.

A possible link between embodied cognition and implicit egotism may be ego

depletion. Ego depletion is defined as the lack of conscious willpower that will inhibit

decision making (Balafoutas, Kerschbamer, Oexl, 2018; Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven,

& Tice, 1998; Huang & Wei, 2018; Wimmer, Stirk & Hancook, 2017). Ego depletion can

affect us in many ways. For example, if we are more ego depleted, which includes depleted

cognitive ability and low blood glucose, we eat more, are more prejudiced, and we make more

negative choices. Thus, it is possible that the degree of ego depletion affects our embodied

cognitions. In addition, this links to the name-letter effect, as the more unconscious we are

when we make our decisions, the more likely we are to choose things, such as food or names

for people, that sound more like our own name.

Baumeister et al. (1998) investigated how our actions and our willingness to engage in

these activities are affected by ego depletion, such as by resisting temptation, choices, and

decision making. Experiment 1 measured self-regulation. Students were observed while they

were eating (or not eating) radish or chocolate and after they performed problem-solving task,

followed by a self-evaluation. Participants in the radish eating condition had difficulty

resisting the chocolate, were more tired, and had to force themselves to finish the task. In

another experiment, participants in either an emotion-regulation and a control group and

filmed during a ten-minute movie and completed a word task. Participants who suppressed

emotions did worse in the word task, but there was no difference in ego depletion. Baumeister
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et al. (1998) argued that internal resources (such as choice and motivation) influence the

decisions we make and therefore, Baumeister et al. (1998) connected their findings to the self-

regulation theory as people with low control gave into their desires.

In sum, research suggests that both ego depletion and embodied cognition are valid

predictors of implicit egotism, which may be shown by name letter matching. In order to

explore this possible link between embodied cognition and implicit egotism, we propose ego

depletion as a mediating link between these two. In our study, we investigated how a possible

manipulation of the level of ego depletion, by changing the room size and priming self-

thoughts, affected implicit egotism. The purpose of this study is to investigate if larger room

size will affect unconscious decision making and if priming participants to think positively,

negatively or neutral about themselves will change how they engage in name letter matching.

In addition, our study aimed to look further into this link between our actions and choices

according to whether our ego is depleted. We hypothesized that participants that ego depleted

participants were more likely to engage in name letter matching. Therefore, we believe that

participants that are prompted to think negatively and that are in a smaller room and therefore

have limited expansiveness will be most likely to engage in activities of implicit egotism,

such as name letter matching.

Method

Overview and Design

Men and women participants, assigned to either a large or small room, wrote either

positively, negatively, or not at all about themselves. Sex was included in the design because

of men being generally more powerful than women, for example in a job hierarchy.

Participants completed filler tasks and completed a self-reflection prompt, name-letter

matching measures, and name liking. These manipulations resulted in a 2 x 2 x 3 (Sex x

Environmental Cue x Self-Prompt) completely-between subject design.

Participants
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Women (n = 57) and men (n = 39) over 18 years old participated. All were

undergraduate day students who volunteered or who received course credit.

Space and Self-Reference Manipulation

Space manipulation. Participants completed the task in either a small (1.88 m²) or

large (8.04 m²) room. The rooms were set up identically, with one desk on the wall and a

chair. In order to prevent confound errors, desk and chair used in each room were the same

model. When participants entered the assigned room, they found the candy jar on the right

side of the desk, the bell next to it and the research ticket as well as consent form ready on the

table.

Self-reference manipulation. Participants either thought positively or negatively

about their “important but stable aspects of who they are” and then wrote about their talents

(if they were in the positive condition) or about aspects that need improvement (in the

negative condition) or they did not complete this task at all. This task was done to prime them

into feeling either positive, negative or neutral about themselves before going into the

experiment.

Dependent Measures

Estimates and judgments. This task was completed as a filler task and to make it

salient to the participants if they were in a bigger or smaller room. Participants made

judgments of temperature of the room, wattage of the light, size of the room, weight of the

candy in a jar and age of the experimenter.

Personal traits. Personal occupational interest survey was a filler task to disguise the

purpose of the experiment. Participants completed a short survey known as the Holland

Occupational Code Test or RIASEC. It measures preferences about work habits (Realistic

(things), Investigative (ideas), Artistic, Social and Enterprising, and Conventional) The

RIASEC was used as a filler task to prevent the participant from understanding the actual
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measures we were taking. As the RIASEC is linked to the working world, participants may

believe that job search is a problem they start to encounter in college.

Self-referencing. The dependent measure of self-referencing contained a free write

task, implicit egotism and name-liking measures, demographic measures and self-report. The

free-write followed the procedure of Brownlow et al. (2007) where participants wrote either

about positive aspects about themselves or negative aspects they want to improve, or did not

write at all. We predicted that those who would engage in positive self-referencing would be

less ego depleted, as their thoughts about themselves would be more positive, and therefore

engage less in name-letter matching.

For implicit egotism and name-liking measures students provided their names and

information about their lives and likings. We followed Pelham et al. (2002) to find evidence

for name-letter matching. Participants provided their name (and the name the go by), their

father’s and mother’s first and middle name, as well as their mother’s maiden name, the name

of their high school, their most recent hometown (with the dates they have lived there) and the

streets they have lived on. Participants also provided information about their favorite

band/artist, television show, song, colors, numbers, food, movie, sports to watch and play,

place as well as family pet names, hobbies, their best friend’s name and their boy/girlfriend’s

name. Subsequently, students were asked to think about their future- name for their children

(female and male), places they would want to live in and their desired occupations.

“Help yourself.” Participants found a bowl filled with different kinds of candy

(Starburst, Jolly Rancher, Hershey Kisses, Rollo’s, and Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups) which

were individually wrapped on the table in the room they were brought to. The weight of the

jar was taken before and after the participants were brought to and left the room. In the

directions, the participants were told to take as much candy as they would like.

Coding Procedure
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We calculated scores for first, middle and last name. This means that every time an

answer matched the first letter of someone name (first, middle or last) the participant received

a point. For example, if a participant’s name was Erica, and their favorite band/artist was

Eminem, the participant received one point – these points were accumulated. Subsequently,

the accumulated points the participants were divided by the number of letters in the name-

this was done for the first, middle and last name. For instance, if someone with the first name

John scored three points (his favorite band was the Jonas Brothers, his favorite food are jelly

beans and his favorite place Jacksonville, Florida), these three points would be divided by

four and he would have a final score of 1.

Procedure

After the participants were assigned to their group and filled out their consent form,

they were individually placed into soundproof rooms which contained a full pre-weighed

candy jar. Participants were told that they would complete various opinion measures, writing

and recall tasks as they would encounter in school. In addition, participants were told they

were welcome to have as much candy as they wanted. Subsequently, they were given the

direction for the first task which included estimating room size, wattage of the light and

experimenter age, as well as checking of statements that they agreed with, such as “I like to

work on cars.” Once this was completed, participants rang the ball and received a package

with the dependent measures which may or may not have included the free write. The

participants in the positive or negative writing condition, completed their writing task and

rang the bell and we would check on them. The package for the control group did not contain

the free write and therefore we did not check on them until they finished their package. All

participant filled out their packages and rang the bell once they had this completed. We

debriefed the participants, thanked them for coming and once they had left, we weighed the

candy left and refilled the jar for the next participant.

Results
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Effect of Sex and Room Size on Name Liking

In order to examine the effect of sex and room size on how much participants liked

their first name, a 2 x 2 (Sex x Room Size) ANOVA was conducted. Means and standard

deviations are found in Table 1. There was no significant main effect of sex and room size nor

an interaction effect, all Fs(1, 96) < 2.95, all MSEs = 1.69, ps ≥ .264.

To examine the effect of sex and room size on last name liking, we calculated a 2 x 2 (Sex x

Room Size) ANOVA. Means and standard deviations are found in Table 1. There was a

significant main effect of sex, F(1, 90) = 5.29, MSE = 2.74, p = .024, ηp2 = .05, with men (M

= 6.21, SD = 1.40) showing more last name liking than women (M = 5.40, SD = 1.84). In

addition, there was a significant interaction effect, F(1, 96) = 4.08, p = .046, , ηp2 = .04. A

post-hoc Tukey tests revealed that men in the smaller room (M = 6.56, SD = 0.98) liked their

last name more than women in the smaller room (M = 5.06, SD = 1.94), however, there was

no difference in last name liking of men and women in the larger room. In addition, there was

no main effect of room size, F(1, 96) < 1, p = .894.

Subsequently, to see how sex and room size influenced total name liking, an additional

2 x 2 (Sex x Room Size) ANOVA was produced. Means and standard deviations are found in

Table 1, and means and confidence intervals are displayed in Figure 1. There was no

significant main effect of room size, F(1, 92) < 1, nor sex, F(1, 92) = 2.83, both MSEs = 1.23,

both ps ≥ .096. There was a significant interaction effect, F(1, 96) = 5.92, p = .017, ηp2 = .06,

and post-hoc Tukey tests revealed that men in the smaller room (M = 6.39, SD = 0.84) scored

higher on total name liking than women in the smaller room (M = 5.44, SD = 1.14), however,

there was no significant difference in between men and women in the larger room.

The influence of sex and room size on how much participants liked their birthday

numbers was seen through a 2 x 2 (Sex x Room Size) ANOVA. There was no significant

main effect of sex, F(1, 96) < 1, nor an interaction effect of sex and room size, F(1, 96) =

2.95, both MSEs = 2.15, ps ≥ .597, but was a significant main effect of room size, F(1, 96) =
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4.71, p = .033, ηp2 = .05, where participants in the small room (M = 1.71, SD = 1.05) showed

less liking than participants in the large room (M = 2.39, SD = 1.77).

Effect of Sex and Room Size on Letter Liking

In order to check for the effect of sex and room size on liking of the first name initial,

a 2 x 2 (Sex x Room Size) ANOVA was conducted. Means and standard deviations are found

in Table 1. There was no significant main effect of room size, F(1, 96) = 1.66, nor sex, F(1,

96) < 1, both MSEs = 0.15, both ps ≥ .200. There was a significant interaction effect, F(1,

96) = 4.91, p = .029, η2 = .05. A post-hoc Tukey test resulted in no meaningful significant

difference between the liking of the first name initial of men and women in either the larger or

smaller room. Nevertheless, men liked their first initial more in the smaller room (M = 0.60,

SD = 0.45) than in the larger room (M = 0.32, SD = 0.34), however, this comparison was not

significant.

A 2 x 2 (Sex x Room size) ANOVA was computed to examine the effect of sex and

room size on how much the initial in the last name was liked. Means and standard deviations

are found in Table 1. There was no significant main effect of sex or room size, not an

interaction effect, all Fs(1, 96) < 2.64, all MSEs = 0.89, all ps ≥ .108.

Subsequently, for the effect of sex and room size on liking of first and last name

initials, a 2 x 2 (Sex x Room Size) ANOVA was conducted. Means and standard deviations

are found in Table 1. As in the previous ANOVA there was no significant main effect of sex

or room size, nor an interaction effect, all Fs(1, 96) < 2.66, all MSEs = 0.04, all ps ≥ .106.

Effect of Prompt and Room Size on Matching

To examine the effect of prompt and room size on the total first name uncontrollable

exact matches, a 2 x 3 (Sex x Prompt) ANOVA was conducted. Means and standard

deviations are found in Table 2. There was no significant main effect of sex, F(1, 96) = 2.71,

nor prompt, nor an interaction effect, both Fs(2, 96) < 1, F(2, 96) < 1, all MSEs = 0.27, ps ≥

.104.
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A final 2 x 3 (Sex x Prompt) ANOVA was conducted to examine the effect of prompt

and room size on the first name controllable exact matches. Means and standard deviations

are found in Table 2. There was no significant main effect of sex, F(1, 96) = 2.84, nor prompt

or interaction effect, both Fs(2, 96) < 2.90, all MSEs = 0.80, ps ≥ .0.74.

Discussion

The results of this study indicated that men were more likely to engage in self-

enhancing behavior than women, especially in smaller spaces. In particular, men preferred

their last name over their first and last name together, and their first name. Men who were in

the smaller room preferred their full and last name to women in the larger room, or women in

either room. Therefore, we may hypothesize that when men were in smaller rooms were more

ego depleted and therefore engaged more in name-letter matching. In addition, we found that

both men and women preferred their birthday numbers when they were in a larger room. We

hypothesized that participants in the in the negative writing condition and in the smaller room

will be most likely to engage in activities of implicit egotism, such as name letter matching.

However, our results did not indicate any difference in levels of ego depletion in the type of

writing participants did, and should only some evidence for room size. We can only

hypothesize that ego depletion may have been a mediating link as we could not directly test

for it.

Pelham et al. (2003) argued that implicit egotism is a robust phenomenon that can

predict our daily behavior. They indicated that it is a predictor of our daily life decisions, such

as where we live. In our study, we found that implicit egotism and the tendency to base

decisions on our names to be more common in men than in women. Men, who were ego

depleted by being in a smaller room had the tendency to like their name more. Our findings

agree with those of Pelham et al. (2003) that show how we tend to base decisions on our last

name. However, we did not find a lot of support for implicit egotism in the first name of our

participants. One main difference in our study in contrast to Pelham et al. (2003) was that we
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used all names of college students, not only the most popular European descending names as

they did. Due to limited resources, out study was completed with undergraduate day students

at from college. Students are from different international origins. We could not limit our

research to only students with common names, such as Pelham et al. (2003) did. Our results

might have been more similar, if we would have only looked at the ten most common names

at the college we used or if we might have only used names with similar letters and sounds as

in the name of the city the experiment was held in or the college we might have found more

evidence for our hypothesis. In addition, Pelham et al. (2003) used the names of people who

were living and had bought or rented properties in the areas they used. Because our sample

was consisting of college students that in many cases were recruited for sports or art

performance or chose to go here for convenience our results may have varied. In contrast to

Pelham et al. (2003) we also looked at birthday numbers. We found evidence for implicit

egotism when participants were in larger room, as they had the tendency to like their birthday

numbers more. We did not find evidence for implicit egotism in the controllable and

uncontrollable matches the participants made.

Cuddy et al. (2015) claimed that the more space we claim, the better we perform in

stressful situations, such as a job interview. According to their findings, we hypothesized that

the more space people have, the less ego depleted would be and therefore the less they would

engage in name-letter matching. Therefore, in order to explore the effects of embodied

cognition on name-letter matching, we manipulated the room size the participants were in.

We only had two findings that matched our hypothesis, firstly, that men in the smaller room

liked their last name more than women in the smaller room and secondly, that men liked their

first and last names combined more than women did in the smaller room. Our results would

indicate that men tend to be more affected by room size and embodied cognition, perhaps

more ego depleted and therefore prefer their name over the name preference of women. In

contrast to Cuddy et al. (2015) who did not explore sex difference between their participants,
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we found a clear sex difference that space affects men more than women. Further research

may further look into this difference of name-liking between men and women.

Baumeister et al. (1998) indicated that if people are depleted of what they crave, such

as chocolate when they have nothing but radishes, they will be ego depleted and more likely

to engage in name-letter matching. In other words, the more ego depleted we are, the more we

tend to behave mindlessly. As mentioned before, we believe that our results suggest that men

are more likely to be ego depleted if they are in smaller spaces, while women were not

affected by room size. We also investigated how writing positively, negatively or not about

yourself influenced the level of implicit egotism. Due to Baumeister et al. (1998) we believed

that participants in the negative writing condition would experience most ego depletion and

would therefore engage in more name-letter matching. However, this was not the case and we

did not find any influence of our priming condition on our results.

Several challenges to the study served as potential sources of error. For one, because

the numbers of men and women were not equal, we could not do an analysis in which we

looked at sex and prime condition in one analysis, as there would not have been enough men

in some conditions for those analyses. In addition, there was more than one experimenter

working on collecting the data. One experimenter might have made a situation more

comfortable or more stressful. A stressful situation could have led to more ego depletion and

altering of the results. This experiment is also has somewhat lacking in external validity, as

participants were all selected from one school that often attracts students due to scholarship

packages. As mentioned earlier, a student in college may or may not be as likely to select the

place the college is in as subconsciously as the person who finished college. Because of the

colleges high number of athletes and students with scholarships, a lot of the participants may

have attended this college due to the benefits it provided and therefore not engage as much in

name-letter matching.
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Overall, these results indicate that men are more likely to engage in name-letter

matching than women and that they tend to engage more in it when they are held in smaller

spaces. Thus, sex may be the main contributor in implicit egotism, which should be

something one should consider in future research. Future studies may analyze if there is

indeed a significant effect in sex and ego depletion by looking at our writing conditions again

with more participants. In addition, it would be interesting to re-do this study outside of an

educational institution, to see if people that have the resources to choose where they want to

live and what they want to do would produce similar results, or if people that have completed

their undergraduate degree and moved on to the workforce would engage in more or less

name-letter matching. From our study, we suggest that in order to get men to like things, they

should be similar to their name. This may be useful in consumer behavior by making certain

products sound more like popular names. In addition, for someone who sells houses these

results may imply that they should sell houses in an area that could be related to a name –

such as Jacksonville.

In sum, the name we are given can affect our daily life choices to a certain extend.

“What’s in a name?” (Shakespeare, 1594). Maybe if Lord Montague and Lord Capulet would

have lived in smaller palaces and Romeo was called Cameron and Juliet was called Molly the

two families would have approved of their love more. However, if Lord Montague and Lord

Capulet would not have been the richest men in Verona and able to afford their palaces, the

whole play would have never been written.


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THE INFLUENCE OF SPACE CONSTRAINTS 21

Table 1.

Means and Standard Deviations for Name-Liking According to Sex and Room Size

Sex

Men Women

Room Size

Small Large Total Small Large Total

(n = 18) (n = 21) (n = 39) (n = 31) (n = 26) (n = 57)

___________________________________________________________

First Name Liking 6.39 5.62 5.97 5.84 6.00 5.91

(0.85) (1.50) (1.29) (1.24) (1.44) (1.33)

Last Name Liking 6.56a 5.90 6.21 5.06b 5.81 5.40

(0.98) (1.64) (1.40) (1.91) (1.70) (1.84)

Total Name Liking 6.39a 5.73 6.03 5.44b 5.90 5.65

(0.84) (1.28) (1.13) (1.14) (1.10) (1.13)

First Name Ratio 0.60 0.32 0.45 0.44 0.51 0.47

(0.45) (0.34) (0.42) (0.31) (0.43) (0.37)

Last Name Ratios 0.28 0.33 0.31 0.47 0.34 0.41

(0.27) (0.26) (0.26) (0.34) (0.27) (0.32)

Total Ratio 0.43 0.35 0.39 0.48 0.44 0.46

(0.20) (0.15) (0.17) (0.24) (0.21) (0.22)

________________________________________________________________________ __

Note. A higher number denotes greater likelihood to engage in the measure in question.

Means with different subscripts within each row differ at p < .05.
THE INFLUENCE OF SPACE CONSTRAINTS 22

Table 2.

Means and Standard Deviations for Name Matching According to Prompt and Room Size

Prompt

Positive Negative Control

Room Size

Small Large Total Small Large Total Small Large Total

(n = 16)(n = 16)(n = 32) (n = 16)(n = 16)(n = 32) (n = 17)(n = 15)(n = 32)

___________________________________________________________

First Name Matches 0.77 0.56 0.67 0.84 0.65 0.75 0.89 0.72 0.78

(Uncontrollable) (0.72) (0.57) (0.65) (0.33) (0.48) (0.41) (0.55) (0.39) (0.47)

First Name Matches 1.83 1.80 1.82 2.31 1.40 1.86 1.84 1.86 1.85

(Controllable) (0.83) (0.83) (0.83) (1.10) (0.89) (1.00) (0.88) (0.79) (0.84)

________________________________________________________________________ __

Note. A higher number denotes greater likelihood to engage in the measure in question.

Means with different subscripts within each row differ at p < .05.
Figure 1. The Means and Confidence Intervals of Room Size and Sex on Total Name Liking

Figure 1. The Influence of Room Size and Sex on Total Name Liking
8
7
6
Name Liking

5
4
3
2
1
0
Small Large
Room Size

Men Women

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